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 CONTENTS

Preface and Acknowledgments xix

Resources for the Study of Poverty and Inequality xxii
1. Introduction
David B. Grusky and Katherine R. Weisshaar 1
The Questions We Ask About Inequality
David B. Grusky and Szonja Szelényi 17
The Stories We Tell About Inequality

PART I: THE FUNCTIONS AND DYSFUNCTIONS

OF INEQUALITY

2. Kingsley Davis and Wilbert E. Moore 28

Some Principles of Stratification
3. Melvin M. Tumin 31
Some Principles of Stratification: A Critical Analysis
4. Claude S. Fischer, Michael Hout, Martín Sánchez Jankowski,
Samuel R. Lucas, Ann Swidler, and Kim Voss 39
Inequality by Design

PART II: INEQUALITY IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE

CROSS-SOCIETAL DIFFERENCES
5. David B. Grusky and Katherine R. Weisshaar 44
A Compressed History of Inequality
6. Gøsta Esping-Andersen and John Myles 52
The Welfare State and Redistribution
TRENDS IN ECONOMIC INEQUALITY
7. Anthony B. Atkinson, Thomas Piketty, and Emmanuel Saez 59
Top Incomes in the Long Run of History

vii
viii • Contents

8. Claudia Goldin and Lawrence F. Katz 73

The Race Between Education and Technology
9. Bruce Western and Jake Rosenfeld 80
Unions, Norms, and the Rise in U.S. Wage Inequality
10. Robert Frank 86
Why Is Income Inequality Growing?
11. Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson 91
Winner-Take-All Politics: Public Policy, Political Organization,
and the Precipitous Rise of Top Incomes in the United States
12. Thomas A. DiPrete, Gregory M. Eirich, and Matthew Pittinsky 104
Leapfrogs and the Surge in Executive Pay
13. Yujia Liu and David B. Grusky 113
The Winners of the Third Industrial Revolution

PART III: THE STRUCTURE OF INEQUALITY

MARXIAN THEORIES OF CLASS

14. Karl Marx 127
Alienation and Social Classes
Classes in Capitalism and Pre-Capitalism
Ideology and Class
15. Ralf Dahrendorf 143
Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society
16. Erik Olin Wright 149
A General Framework for the Analysis of Class Structure
17. Immanuel Wallerstein 162
Class Conflict in the Capitalist World Economy
WEBERIAN THEORIES OF CLASS
18. Max Weber 165
Class, Status, Party
Status Groups and Classes
Open and Closed Relationships
19. Anthony Giddens 183
The Class Structure of the Advanced Societies
20. Frank Parkin 193
Marxism and Class Theory: A Bourgeois Critique
 Contents • ix

21. Tak Wing Chan and John H. Goldthorpe 202

Is There a Status Order in Contemporary British Society?
DURKHEIMIAN THEORIES OF CLASS
22. Emile Durkheim 217
The Division of Labor in Society
23. Kim A. Weeden and David B. Grusky 222
The Changing Form of Inequality
CLASSIC GRADATIONALISM
24. Donald J. Treiman 233
Occupational Prestige in Comparative Perspective
25. John H. Goldthorpe and Keith Hope 237
Occupational Grading and Occupational Prestige
26. David L. Featherman and Robert M. Hauser 244
Prestige or Socioeconomic Scales in the Study of
Occupational Achievement?
27. Robert M. Hauser and John Robert Warren 246
Socioeconomic Indexes for Occupations: A Review,
Update, and Critique
THE NEW GRADATIONALISM?
28. Aage B. Sørensen 251
Foundations of a Rent-Based Class Analysis
29. Amartya K. Sen 260
From Income Inequality to Economic Inequality

PART IV: THE RULING CLASS, ELITES, AND THE UPPER CLASS

CLASSIC STATEMENTS
30. Gaetano Mosca 276
The Ruling Class
31. C. Wright Mills 282
The Power Elite
32. Anthony Giddens 292
Elites and Power
CONTEMPORARY STATEMENTS
33. G. William Domhoff 297
Who Rules America?
x • Contents

34. Alvin W. Gouldner 302

The Future of Intellectuals and the Rise of the New Class
35. David Brooks 310
Bobos in Paradise: The New Upper Class and How They Got There
36. Gil Eyal, Iván Szelényi, and Eleanor Townsley 316
Post-Communist Managerialism
37. Andrew G. Walder 322
China’s Evolving Oligarchy

PART V: POVERTY AND THE UNDERCLASS

THE EXPERIENCE OF POVERTY

38. Barbara Ehrenreich 330
Nickel and Dimed
39. Kathryn Edin, Timothy Nelson, and Joanna Miranda Reed 339
Low-Income Urban Fathers and the “Package Deal” of Family Life
POVERTY AND THE ECONOMY
40. William Julius Wilson 347
Being Poor, Black, and American
41. Sheldon Danziger, Koji Chavez, and Erin Cumberworth 357
Poverty and the Great Recession
THE EFFECTS OF POLITICS AND INSTITUTIONS
42. Lane Kenworthy 365
How Rich Countries Lift Up the Poor
43. Katherine S. Newman and Rourke L. O’Brien 369
Taxing the Poor: How Some States Make Poverty Worse
NEIGHBORHOODS AND SEGREGATION
44. Douglas S. Massey and Nancy A. Denton 376
American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making
of the Underclass
45. Robert Sampson 386
Legacies of Inequality
46. Stefanie DeLuca and James E. Rosenbaum 395
Does Changing Neighborhoods Change Lives?
47. Patrick Sharkey and Felix Elwert 403
The Legacy of Multigenerational Disadvantage
 Contents • xi

HOW IMPORTANT IS EARLY CHILDHOOD?

48. James J. Heckman 412
Skill Formation and the Economics of Investing in
Disadvantaged Children
49. Greg J. Duncan and Katherine Magnuson 417
The Long Reach of Early Childhood Poverty
50. Gary W. Evans, Jeanne Brooks-Gunn,
and Pamela Kato Klebanov 423
Stressing Out the Poor
INCARCERATION AND POVERTY
51. Bruce Western and Becky Pettit 431
Incarceration and Social Inequality

PART VI: WHO GETS AHEAD?

CLASS MOBILITY
52. David L. Featherman and Robert M. Hauser 443
A Refined Model of Occupational Mobility
53. Robert Erikson and John H. Goldthorpe 453
Trends in Class Mobility: The Post-War European Experience
54. Richard Breen 464
Social Mobility in Europe
55. Jan O. Jonsson, David B. Grusky, Matthew Di Carlo,
and Reinhard Pollak 480
It’s a Decent Bet That Our Children Will Be Professors Too
INCOME MOBILITY
56. Gary Solon 496
Intergenerational Income Mobility
57. John Ermisch, Markus Jäntti, Timothy Smeeding,
and James A. Wilson 501
Advantage in Comparative Perspective
CLASSIC MODELS OF STATUS ATTAINMENT
58. Peter M. Blau and Otis Dudley Duncan, with the
collaboration of Andrea Tyree 506
The Process of Stratification
59. Christopher Jencks, Marshall Smith, Henry Acland, Mary Jo Bane,
David Cohen, Herbert Gintis, Barbara Heyns, and Stephan Michelson 517
Inequality: A Reassessment of the Effect of Family and
Schooling in America
xii • Contents

EDUCATION AND REPRODUCTION

60. Richard Breen and John H. Goldthorpe 524
Explaining Educational Differentials
61. Sean F. Reardon 536
The Widening Academic Achievement Gap Between
the Rich and the Poor
62. Richard Breen, Ruud Luijkx, Walter Müller,
and Reinhard Pollak 551
Nonpersistent Inequality in Educational Attainment
63. Michelle Jackson 562
Determined to Succeed
64. Sigal Alon 569
Towards a Theory of Inequality in Higher Education
65. Florencia Torche 578
Does College Still Have Equalizing Effects?
66. Jennie E. Brand and Yu Xie 587
Who Benefits Most from College?
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL MODELS
67. William H. Sewell, Archibald O. Haller,
and Alejandro Portes 596
The Educational and Early Occupational Attainment Process
68. Jay MacLeod 608
Ain’t No Makin’ It: Leveled Aspirations in a
Low-Income Neighborhood
69. Stephen L. Morgan 621
A New Social Psychological Model of Educational Attainment
LABOR MARKETS
70. Michael J. Piore 629
The Dual Labor Market: Theory and Implications
71. Aage B. Sørensen and Arne L. Kalleberg 632
An Outline of a Theory of the Matching of Persons to Jobs
72. Arne L. Kalleberg 640
The Rise of Precarious Work
73. Jake Rosenfeld 645
Little Labor: How Union Decline Is Changing
the American Landscape
 Contents • xiii

SOCIAL CAPITAL, NETWORKS, AND ATTAINMENT

74. Mark S. Granovetter 653
The Strength of Weak Ties
75. Nan Lin 657
Social Networks and Status Attainment
76. Ronald S. Burt 659
Structural Holes
77. Roberto M. Fernandez and Isabel Fernandez-Mateo 663
Networks, Race, and Hiring
78. Paul DiMaggio and Filiz Garip 671
When Do Social Networks Increase Inequality?

PART VII: RACE AND ETHNICITY

CONSTRUCTING RACIAL CATEGORIES

79. Michael Omi and Howard Winant 682
Racial Formation in the United States
80. Aliya Saperstein and Andrew M. Penner 687
The Dynamics of Racial Fluidity and Inequality
CLASSIC MODES OF INCORPORATION
81. Edna Bonacich 696
A Theory of Ethnic Antagonism: The Split Labor Market
82. Alejandro Portes and Robert D. Manning 710
The Immigrant Enclave: Theory and Empirical Examples
83. Richard D. Alba and Victor Nee 721
Assimilation Theory for an Era of Unprecedented Diversity
NEW MODES OF INCORPORATION
84. Alejandro Portes and Min Zhou 729
The New Second Generation: Segmented Assimilation
and Its Variants
85. Tomás R. Jiménez 740
Why Replenishment Strengthens Racial and Ethnic Boundaries
DISCRIMINATION
86. Marianne Bertrand and Sendhil Mullainathan 747
Are Emily and Greg More Employable Than Lakisha and Jamal?
A Field Experiment on Labor Market Discrimination
xiv • Contents

87. Claude Steele 752

Stereotype Threat and African-American Student Achievement
88. Devah Pager 757
Marked: Race, Crime, and Finding Work in an
Era of Mass Incarceration
ARE RACIAL AND ETHNIC DISTINCTIONS DECLINING IN SIGNIFICANCE?
89. William Julius Wilson 765
The Declining Significance of Race: Blacks and
Changing American Institutions
The Declining Significance of Race: Revisited and Revised
90. Reanne Frank, Ilana Redstone Akresh, and Bo Lu 780
How Do Latino Immigrants Fit into the Racial Order?
91. Zhenchao Qian and Daniel T. Lichter 788
Are Recent Trends in Intermarriage Consistent with Assimilation Theory?

PART VIII: GENDER INEQUALITY

LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION

92. Arlie Russell Hochschild 803
The Time Bind: When Work Becomes Home and
Home Becomes Work
93. Lisa Belkin 807
The Opt-Out Revolution
94. Christine Percheski 811
Opting Out?
DISCRIMINATION
95. Claudia Goldin and Cecilia Rouse 820
Orchestrating Impartiality: The Impact of “Blind” Auditions
on Female Musicians
96. Shelley J. Correll, Stephen Benard, and In Paik 831
Getting a Job: Is There a Motherhood Penalty?
97. András Tilcsik 842
Do Openly Gay Men Experience Employment Discrimination?
98. Barbara F. Reskin 849
Rethinking Employment Discrimination and Its Remedies
99. Trond Petersen 858
Discrimination: Conscious or Nonconscious?
 Contents • xv

SEX SEGREGATION
100. William T. Bielby 865
The Structure and Process of Sex Segregation
101. Jerry A. Jacobs 876
Revolving Doors: Sex Segregation and Women’s Careers
102. Barbara F. Reskin 881
Labor Markets as Queues: A Structural Approach to
Changing Occupational Sex Composition
103. Elizabeth H. Gorman and Julie A. Kmec 890
Glass Ceilings in Corporate Law Firms
104. Maria Charles and David B. Grusky 902
Egalitarianism and Gender Inequality
GENDER GAP IN WAGES
105. Trond Petersen and Laurie A. Morgan 912
The Within Gender Wage Gap
106. Paula England 919
Devaluation and the Pay of Comparable Male
and Female Occupations
107. Tony Tam 924
Why Do Female Occupations Pay Less?
108. Francine Blau 929
The Sources of the Gender Pay Gap
HOW GENDER INTERSECTS
109. Margaret L. Andersen and Patricia Hill Collins 942
Why Race, Class, and Gender Matter
110. Emily Greenman and Yu Xie 943
Double Jeopardy
A STALLING OUT?
111. Paula England 955
The Gender Revolution: Uneven and Stalled
112. David Cotter, Joan M. Hermsen, and Reeve Vanneman 965
The Anti-Feminist Backlash and Recent Trends
in Gender Attitudes
113. Cecilia L. Ridgeway 973
The Persistence of Gender Inequality
xvi • Contents

PART IX: THE CONSEQUENCES OF INEQUALITY

LIFESTYLES
114. Pierre Bourdieu 982
Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste
115. Tak Wing Chan and John H. Goldthorpe 1004
The Social Stratification of Theater, Dance,
and Cinema Attendance
116. Annette Lareau 1013
Unequal Childhoods: Class, Race, and Family Life
117. Sean F. Reardon and Kendra Bischoff 1023
Income Inequality and Income Segregation
POLITICS AND ATTITUDES
118. Thomas Frank 1035
What’s the Matter with Kansas?
119. Michael Hout and Daniel Laurison 1037
The Realignment of U.S. Presidential Voting
HEALTH
120. Johannes Siegrist and Michael Marmot 1046
Health Inequalities and the Psychosocial Environment:
Two Scientific Challenges
121. Karen Lutfey and Jeremy Freese 1050
The Fundamentals of Fundamental Causality
122. Richard Miech, Fred Pampel, Jinyoung Kim,
and Richard G. Rogers 1056
Why Do Mortality Disparities Persist?

PART X: THE FUTURE OF INEQUALITY

INDUSTRIALISM AND POST-INDUSTRIALISM

123. Daniel Bell 1066
The Coming of Post-Industrial Society
124. Gøsta Esping-Andersen 1078
Social Foundations of Post-Industrial Economies
125. Michael Hout and Erin Cumberworth 1091
The Labor Force and the Great Recession
 Contents • xvii

POST-SOCIALISM
126. Victor Nee 1098
Post-Socialist Stratification
127. Gil Eyal, Iván Szelényi, and Eleanor Townsley 1104
Making Capitalism Without Capitalists
128. Andrew G. Walder 1110
Elite Opportunity in Transitions from State Socialism
POST-MODERNITY AND HIGH MODERNITY
129. John W. Meyer 1116
The Evolution of Modern Stratification Systems
130. Anthony Giddens 1125
Social Justice and Social Divisions
GLOBALIZATION AND INEQUALITY
131. Joseph E. Stiglitz 1132
Globalism’s Discontents
132. Glenn Firebaugh 1139
The New Geography of Global Income Inequality

About the Editors, 1151

Names Index, 1153
Subject Index, 1157
 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Not so long ago, the standard lament of the inequality scholar was that no matter how many books
on rising inequality were published, the public seemed neither to notice nor to care all that much.
But certainly no one is issuing that lament now. For the first time in years, there is ongoing public
discussion of income inequality and the legitimacy of taxing the rich, indeed the 2012 presidential
election was partly a mandate on inequality issues. The Occupy Wall Street movement, despite its
current dormancy, is the first explicitly anti-inequality movement in recent US history. We also have
a new term, the “one percent,” to denote the elite within the United States, a term with a valence that
is not as straightforwardly worshipful as the elite have perhaps come to expect. The study of poverty
and inequality is no longer a sleepy little enterprise confined to the halls of academia.
How did all of this happen? It is possible that we have finally crossed some inequality threshold
beyond which the public simply cannot help but take notice. The recent financial crisis also may have
served to call into question the long-standing presumption that the rich deserve their rewards because
they work hard or are especially talented. Although some commentators speculated that the downturn
would be severe enough to usher in anti-inequality reforms of the New Deal variety, so far there have
been no such labor market reforms, and there is no evidence of a decrease in income inequality. As of
early 2013, the recovery remained a largely jobless one, and poverty and long-term unemployment
remained high.
These developments have generated as much interest within academia as outside it. Because the
field of stratification is recasting itself so quickly, we had no choice but to make this revision of Social
Stratification an especially substantial one, perhaps the most thoroughgoing revision ever. The classics
from the third edition have been retained in almost all cases, but many of the contemporary pieces
had become dated and had to be replaced. Of the 132 selections in the fourth edition, more than 40
percent (i.e., 57) are new.
This rapid change in the field has been driven by the erosion of old methodological and disciplinary
barriers and the rise of a more open and competitive social science landscape. We discuss below the
three most important developments of the last several decades.
The study of inequality has become deeply multidisciplinary. For better or worse, there is no longer
a consensual, interdisciplinary division of labor in which economists study the total output of goods
and sociologists study how goods and resources are unequally distributed. Although such a simple
division never existed even in the past, clearly economists have turned to the study of poverty and
inequality, once the special province of sociologists, with unprecedented vigor. Likewise, psychologists
and political scientists are making key contributions to the field, contributions that sociologists ignore
at their peril. We do not serve our students well by producing head-in-the-sand anthologies that ignore
the fact that contributions from political science, psychology, and economics now routinely enter into
sociological discourse.

xix
xx • Preface and Acknowledgments

The survey-based study is no longer so dominant. The standard survey instrument has come to be
appreciated as just one useful approach to studying poverty and inequality, and other approaches, espe-
cially qualitative and experimental ones, have clearly become as prominent. The rise of mixed-method
studies is also very striking. In many cases experiments and qualitative studies have attracted much
attention and become widely celebrated, and not just among a narrow academic audience.
The structure of social inequality is changing in rapid, complicated, and sometimes mystifying ways.
Although some types of inequality are under attack and appear to be weakening (e.g., suppression of
civil liberties for gays), we are also seeing unprecedented increases in income inequality, wealth in-
equality, and a deepening spatial divide between rich and poor. The fields of race and gender inequality
likewise reveal a tension between scholars who emphasize the rise of formally egalitarian practices and
those who stress the persistence of discrimination and segregation or the emergence of anti-egalitarian
backlashes that may undo gains of the past. Even as these backlashes play out, the relentless march of
egalitarian sensibilities exposes and delegitimates “new” inequalities that, not so long ago, were taken
for granted, rarely discussed, or barely seen (e.g., inequalities based on disability). We have included
many new contributions that address this constellation of trends and ask whether they allow for any
unified understanding of the forces making for equality and inequality.
As the foregoing discussion suggests, the research literature has become so large and complex that
the task of reducing it to manageable form poses many difficulties, not the least of which is simply
defining defensible boundaries for a field that at times seems indistinguishable from social science
at large. What types of commitments do we bring to the task of imposing order on such confusion?
Perhaps most obviously, we seek to represent the diversity of research traditions on offer, while at the
same time giving precedence to those traditions that have so far borne the greatest fruit. As is often the
case, the pool of disciplinary knowledge has developed in uneven and ramshackle fashion, so much
so that any attempt to cover all subjects equally would grossly misrepresent the strengths and weak-
nesses of contemporary stratification research. This sensitivity to disciplinary fashion reveals itself, for
example, in our decision to include many selections that address issues of race, ethnicity, and gender.
These subfields rose to a special prominence in the 1970s and continue to be popular even after forty
years of intensive and productive research. If the concepts of class, status, and power formed the holy
trinity of postwar stratification theorizing, then the partly overlapping concepts of class, race, and
gender play analogous roles now.
We have sought, secondarily, to give precedence to contemporary research, while also appreciating
that there is value in exposing students not just to the standard classics, but also to near-classics that
were written well after the foundational contributions of Karl Marx or Max Weber. The latter body of
work is often ignored by editors of anthologies, because it cannot be stamped with an exclusively Marx-
ian or Weberian imprimatur. Because we have often selected readings that best anticipate or motivate
current research fields and interests, the novice reader might be left with the impression that the disci-
pline is more straight-line cumulative than it truly is, an impression that should naturally be resisted.
The final, and most difficult, task faced by editors of anthologies is to chart an optimal course
between the Scylla of overly aggressive excerpting and the Charybdis of excessive editorial timidity. By
the usual standards of anthologies, we have charted a very average course, as our objective was to elim-
inate all inessential material while still preserving the integrity of the contributions. We have excised
many clarifying and qualifying footnotes, almost all decorative theorizing and literature reviews, and
much analysis that was not crucial in advancing the argument. Understandably, some of our readers
and contributors would no doubt oppose all excerpting, yet the high cost of implementing such a
radical stance would be a substantial reduction in the number of readings that could be reproduced.
We apologize to our authors for being unable to present the selections in their entirety and encourage
our readers to consult the original and full versions of our excerpted pieces.
 Preface and Acknowledgments • xxi

In some cases we have asked the authors themselves to provide trimmed versions of articles that
were originally published elsewhere, an approach that can yield more cohesive pieces when the ex-
cerpting would otherwise have to be very heavy. We have included many such new essays in this
edition. Although these pieces are crafted to be stand-alone contributions, we nonetheless encourage
our readers to consult the original and full versions for a more complete presentation of the research.
The editing rules adopted throughout this anthology were in most cases conventional. For exam-
ple, brackets were used to mark off a passage that was inserted for the purpose of clarifying meaning,
whereas ellipses were used whenever a passage appearing in the original contribution was excised
altogether. The latter convention was violated, however, if the excised text was a footnote, a minor
reference to a table or passage (e.g., “see table 1”), or otherwise inconsequential. When necessary, tables
and footnotes were renumbered without so indicating in the text, and all articles that were cited in
excised passages were likewise omitted from the list of references at the end of each chapter.
The spelling, grammar, and stylistic conventions of the original contributions were otherwise pre-
served. In this respect, the reader should be forewarned that some of the terms appearing in the original
contributions would now be regarded as inappropriate or offensive, whereas others have passed out
of common usage and will possibly be unfamiliar. Although a strong argument could be made for
eliminating all language that is no longer acceptable, this type of sanitizing would not only exceed
usual editorial license but would also generate a final text that contained inconsistent and possibly
confusing temporal cues.
Among the various functions that an anthology performs, one of the more obvious is to define
and celebrate what a field has achieved, and in so doing to pay tribute to those who have made such
achievement possible. We are grateful to the many dozens of scholars who allowed their work to be
reproduced for this anthology or who agreed to write one of the many commissioned essays. This
book provides a well-deserved occasion to recognize the many successes of a field that is perhaps better
known for its contentiousness and controversy.
We follow convention and close by acknowledging the village that it took to write and publish
what has come to be hopefully (lovingly) termed “the brick.” Early in the process we sought to carry
out a formal market analysis, and the anonymous reviewers who agreed to assist in this task provided
unusually constructive criticism. In selecting the new contributions, we also relied on our own trusted
advisors, including Michelle Jackson, Kim Weeden, Michael Hout, and Tim Smeeding. Over the
course of a yearlong production process, we relied extensively on the excellent Westview staff, espe-
cially Priscilla McGeehon, Cathleen Tetro, Brooke Smith, Annie Lenth, and Cisca Schreefel. Finally,
we must thank our Westview Press senior editor, Leanne Silverman, for bearing with us so patiently,
for choreographing the entire process so expertly, and for such excellent advice on . . . everything.
David B. Grusky and Katherine R. Weisshaar
Stanford, California, 2013
 RESOURCES FOR THE STUDY
OF POVERTY AND INEQUALITY

In addition to the three-volume series of readers—one of which you hold in your hands—we offer
multiple resources to further support your interest in and study of poverty and inequality:

The Three-Volume Series

An advanced reader: The original book in our three-part series, Social Stratification, combines a full
roster of classic readings with the most advanced scholarship on poverty and inequality. Now fully
revised and updated, the fourth edition of Social Stratification remains the industry standard, the
most complete introduction available in the field.
An introductory reader: The Inequality Reader is intended for those requiring a more streamlined,
less technical introduction to the field. This volume draws broadly from classic theoretical and
conceptual pieces, qualitative and ethnographic studies, and quantitative analyses of the sources
of poverty and inequality.
A compilation of the classics: Published in 2006, Classic Readings in Race, Class, and Gender is a yet
slimmer volume of essential readings in poverty and inequality, readings that define the concep-
tual and empirical foundations of the field. This book, which represents the classical core alone,
may be supplemented with contemporary articles that are tailored to particular topics or interests.

Online Sources
Online Course: A new online course, offered via OpenEdX, draws on readings in Social Stratification
and features dozens of leading scholars introducing the key research that has transformed the field.
Website: Our website, www.inequality.com, provides recent data, news, and research on poverty and
inequality.
Facebook: The latest updates on poverty and inequality issues are available at our Facebook page (go
to The Stanford Center on Poverty and Inequality).
Twitter: For alerts on poverty and inequality news, please follow us (@CenterPovIneq).

xxii
 Grusky and Weisshaar—The Questions We Ask About Inequality • 1

Introduction

1 • David B. Grusky and Katherine R. Weisshaar

The Questions We Ask About Inequality

The dispassionate observer of the last half century of poverty and inequality research might easily
characterize the field as one of the great success stories of modern social science. The breakthroughs
are many and include (1) building a sophisticated infrastructure for monitoring key trends in poverty,
segregation, income inequality, racial and gender inequality, and other labor market outcomes; (2)
resolving long-standing debates about how much discrimination there is, whether residential segrega-
tion matters, how much social mobility there is, and whether social classes are disappearing; and (3)
making substantial headway in understanding the deeper causes of poverty, mobility, and many types
of inequality. If poverty and inequality are still very much with us, it is not because they are any longer
“puzzles” or enigmas driven by forces we cannot fathom. It instead is because we have collectively
decided not to undertake the well-known institutional reforms necessary to reduce them.
Although we have come quite far, our optimistic stance has to be tempered with some appreciation
of the field’s equally visible shortcomings. The most prominent failures have occurred when scholars
have turned to the idiographic task of understanding the dynamics of change. The spectacular takeoff
in income inequality, one of the most consequential developments of our time, was largely unpre-
dicted. The resilience of school segregation was something of a surprise to most social scientists. The
sudden “stalling out” of long-standing declines in gender inequality remains poorly understood. The
equally sudden evaporation of opposition to gay marriage and other types of gay rights was unimag-
inable just five years ago. The lightning-fast rise and fall of one of the first anti-inequality movements
in contemporary US history (the Occupy Wall Street movement) is likewise a puzzle. Although the
field has by this accounting performed less impressively in understanding the dynamics of change, we
must concede that this is hardly a distinctive feature of the poverty and inequality field itself. Across all
fields of social science, the idiographic task has never fully yielded to science, an obvious implication
of having but one world and one case to explain.
This chapter introduces the types of questions that have been and continue to be taken on in the
field of poverty and inequality. We consider questions pertaining to the lawlike behavior of frequently
repeated events (i.e., “nomothetic” phenomena) as well as those pertaining to the way in which singu-
lar entities, such as the US stratification system, are evolving (i.e., “idiographic” phenomena). Because
the often-complicated answers to these questions are laid out in the readings themselves, it would be
unwise to attempt here an encyclopedic introduction to all that is known in the sprawling poverty and
inequality field. Rather, our objective is to discuss the types of questions that have been taken on, with
a special emphasis on understanding how those questions have changed and evolved.

Original article prepared for this fourth edition of Social Stratification: Class, Race, and Gender in Sociological
Perspective, edited by David B. Grusky. Copyright © 2014 Westview Press.
2 • Introduction

The second half of this introductory chapter shifts the focus from the questions that we ask to the
stories that we tell. That is, whereas our purpose here is to provide a roadmap to the book and the
types of questions that our contributors have taken on, the second half introduces readers to the main
narratives about the trajectory of inequality that show up throughout the chapters of this book.

Basic Concepts
Before introducing the ten main lines of inquiry that form the intellectual backbone of the poverty
and inequality field, we discuss some of the basic concepts used to describe the amount and structure
of inequality, its genesis and persistence, and its effects on social behavior. The key components of
stratification systems are (1) the institutional processes that define certain types of goods as valuable
and desirable; (2) the rules of allocation that distribute these goods across various jobs or occupations
in the division of labor (e.g., doctor, farmer, “housewife”); and (3) the mobility mechanisms that link
individuals to jobs, thereby generating unequal control over valued resources. It follows that inequality
is produced by two types of matching processes: the social roles in society are first matched to “reward
packages” of unequal value, and individual members of society are then allocated to the positions so
defined and rewarded.1 In all societies, there is a constant flux of occupational incumbents as new-
comers enter the labor force and replace dying, retiring, or out-migrating workers, yet the positions
themselves and the reward packages attached to them typically change only gradually. As Schumpeter
(1953) puts it, the occupational structure can be seen as “a hotel . . . which is always occupied, but
always by different persons” (171).
What types of rewards do these two matching processes distribute? It is increasingly fashionable
to recognize that inequality is “multidimensional,” that income is accordingly only one of many im-
portant resources, and that income redistribution in and of itself would not eliminate inequality (e.g.,
Sen, Chapter 29). In taking a multidimensionalist approach, one might usefully distinguish among
the eight types of assets listed in Table 1.1, each understood as valuable in its own right rather than as a
mere investment item.2 These assets may of course serve investment as well as consumption functions.
For example, most economists regard schooling as an investment that generates future streams of
income, and some sociologists likewise regard social networks as forms of capital that can be parlayed
into educational credentials, income, and other valued goods.3 Although most of the assets listed in
Table 1.1 are clearly convertible in this fashion, the individuals involved do not necessarily regard them
as investments. In fact, many valuable assets can be secured at birth or through childhood socialization
(e.g., the “good manners” of the aristocracy), and they are therefore acquired without the beneficiaries
explicitly weighing the costs of acquisition against the benefits of future returns.4
The implicit claim underlying Table 1.1 is that the listed assets exhaust all consumption goods and
as such constitute the raw materials of stratification systems. The stratification field has developed a
vocabulary that describes how these raw materials are distributed among the population. The main
parameters of interest are (1) the overall amount of inequality, (2) the extent to which individuals are
locked permanently into certain positions (i.e., rigidity), (3) the extent to which ascriptive traits fixed
at birth are used for purposes of allocation, and (4) the degree to which the various dimensions of
inequality cohere (or are “crystallized”).
The overall amount of inequality in any given resource (e.g., income) may be defined as its dis-
persion or concentration among the individuals in the population. Although many scholars seek to
characterize the overall level of societal inequality with a single parameter, such attempts will obviously
be compromised insofar as some types of rewards are distributed more equally than others. This com-
plexity clearly arises in the case of contemporary inequality regimes. The recent diffusion of “citizen-
ship rights,” for example, implies that civil goods are now widely dispersed among all citizens, whereas
economic and political goods continue to be controlled by a comparatively small elite.
Another random document with
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you also shall die and rise to life again.’ ” The Hare went to the Men,
and said, “Like as I die and do not rise to life again, so you shall also
die, and not rise to life again.” When he returned, the Moon asked
him, “What hast thou said?” “I have told them, ‘Like as I die and do
not rise to life again, so you shall also die and not rise to life again.’ ”
“What,” said the Moon, “hast thou said that?” And she took a stick
and beat the Hare on his mouth, which was slit by the blow. The
Hare fled, and is still fleeing. 1 [104]

[Contents]

33. A THIRD VERSION OF THE SAME FABLE.

(From an original Manuscript in English, by Mr. John Priestley, in Sir G. Grey’s
Library.)

The Moon, on one occasion, sent the Hare to the earth to inform
Men that as she (the Moon) died away and rose again, so mankind
should die and rise again. Instead, however, of delivering this
message as given, the Hare, either out of forgetfulness or malice,
told mankind that as the Moon rose and died away, so Man should
die and rise no more. The Hare, having returned to the Moon, was
questioned as to the message delivered, and the Moon, having
heard the true state of the case, became so enraged with him that
she took up a hatchet to split his head; falling short, however, of that,
the hatchet fell upon the upper lip of the Hare, and cut it severely.
Hence it is that we see the “Hare-lip.” The Hare, being duly incensed
at having received such treatment, raised his claws, and scratched
the Moon’s face; and the dark parts which we now see on the
surface of the Moon are the scars which she received on that
occasion. [105]

[Contents]

34. A FOURTH VERSION OF THE SAME FABLE.

(From Sir James E. Alexander’s “Expedition of Discovery into the Interior of
Africa,” vol. i. p. 169.)

The Moon, they say, wished to send a message to Men, and the
Hare said that he would take it. “Run, then,” said the Moon, “and tell
Men that as I die and am renewed, so shall they also be renewed.”
But the Hare deceived Men, and said, “As I die and perish, so shall
you also.” 2 [106]

[Contents]

35. A ZULU VERSION OF THE LEGEND OF THE

“ORIGIN OF DEATH.”
(From Manuscript, “Zulu Legends,” No. 214 of Sir G. Grey’s Library, vol. i. part i. p.
107.)

God (Unknlunkuln) arose from beneath (the seat of the spiritual

world, according to the Zulu idea), and created in the beginning 3
men, animals, and all things. He then sent for the Chameleon, and
said, “Go, Chameleon, and tell Men that they shall not die.” The
Chameleon went, but it walked slowly, and loitered on the way,
eating of a shrub called Bukwebezane.

When it had been away some time, God sent the Salamander after
it, ordering him to make haste and tell Men that they should die. The
Salamander went on his way with this message, outran the
Chameleon, and, arriving first where the Men were, told them that
they must die. [107]

1 “We are now angry with the Hare,” say the old Namaqua, “because he brought
such a bad message, and therefore we dislike to eat his flesh.”—Knudsen. ↑
2 Old Namaquas will not therefore touch Hare’s flesh; but the young men may
partake of it; that is, before the ceremony of making them men is performed,
which merely consists in slaughtering and eating an ox or a couple of sheep.—
Alexander. ↑
3 Ohlangeni. Vide Colenso’s “Zulu-English Dictionary,” p. 179. ↑

[Contents]
VII.
 HEITSI EIBIP AND OTHER LEGENDS.

[Contents]

36. HEITSI EIBIP.

(From a German original Manuscript in Sir G. Grey’s Library, H. C. Knudsen’s
“Notes on the Hottentots,” p. 7.)

Heitsi Eibip, or Kabip, was a great and celebrated sorcerer among

the Namaqua. He could tell secret things, and prophesy what was to
happen afterwards.

Once he was travelling with a great number of people, and an enemy

pursued them. On arriving at some water he said, “My grandfather’s
father, open thyself that I may pass through, and close thyself
afterwards.” So it took place as he had said, and they went safely
through. Then their enemies tried to pass through the opening also,
but when they were in the midst of it, it closed again upon them, and
they perished. 1 [108]

Heitsi Kabip died several times, and came to life again. When the
Hottentots pass one of his graves they throw a stone on it for good
luck. 2

Heitsi Eibip could take many different forms. Sometimes he

appeared handsome, very handsome, or his hair grew long down to
his shoulders; at other times it was again short. [109]
[Contents]

37. THE VICTORY OF HEITSI EIBIP.

(From a German original Manuscript in Sir G. Grey’s Library, H. C. Knudsen’s
“Notes on the Hottentots,” p. 7.)

At first they were two. One had made a large hole in the ground, and
sat by it, and told passers-by to throw a stone at his forehead. The
stone, however, rebounded and killed the person who had thrown it,
so that he fell into the hole. At last Heitsi Eibip was told that in this
manner many people died. So he arose and went to the man, who
challenged Heitsi Eibip to throw (a stone) at him. The latter, however,
declined, for he was too prudent; but he drew the man’s attention to
something on one side, and while he turned round to look at it, Heitsi
Eibip hit him behind the ear, so that he died and fell into his own
hole. After that there was peace, and people lived happily. 3 [110]

[Contents]

38. ANOTHER VERSION OF THE SAME LEGEND.

(The original, in the Hottentot language, is in Sir G. Grey’s Library, G. Krönlein’s
Manuscript, p. 36.)

All men who came near to that hole were, it is said, pushed down
into it by the ǂGã ǂgorip 4 (the pusher into the hole), as he knew well
where it lay. Whilst he was thus employed, there came the Heitsi
Eibip, called also Heigeip, and saw how the ǂGã ǂgorip treated the
people.
Then these two began to hunt each other round the hole, saying—

“Push the Heigeip down!”

“Push the ǂGã ǂgorip down!”
“Push the Heigeip down!”
“Push the ǂGã ǂgorip down!”

With these words they hunted each other round for some time; but at
last the Heigeip was pushed [111]down. Then he said to the hole,
“Support me a little,” and it did. Thus, being supported, he came out;
and they hunted each other again with the same words:—

“Push the Heigeip down!”

“Push the ǂGã ǂgorip down!”

A second time the Heigeip was pushed down, and he spoke the
same words: “Support me a little,” and thus got out again.

Once more these two hunted after each other, till at last the ǂGã
ǂgorip was pushed down, and he came not up again. Since that day
men breathed freely and had rest from their enemy, because he was
vanquished. [112]

[Contents]

39. THE RAISIN-EATER.

(The original, in the Hottentot language, is in Sir G. Grey’s Library, G. Krönlein’s
Manuscript, pp. 34, 35.)

It is said that when Heitsi Eibip was travelling about with his family,
they came to a valley in which the raisin-tree was ripe, and he was
there attacked by a severe illness. Then his young (second) wife
said, “This brave one is taken ill on account of these raisins; death is
here at the place.” The old man (Heitsi Eibip), however, told his son
ǃUrisip 5 (the whitish one), “I shall not live, I feel it; thou must,
therefore, cover me when I am dead with soft stones.” And he spoke
further, “This is the thing which I order you to do:—‘Of the raisin-
trees of this valley ye shall not eat. For if ye eat of them I shall infect
you, and ye will surely die in a similar way.’ ”

His young wife said, “He is taken ill on account of the raisins of this
valley. Let us bury him quickly, and let us go.” [113]

So he died there, and was covered flatly with soft stones according
as he had commanded. Then they went away from him.

When they had moved to another place, and were unpacking there,
they heard always from the side whence they came a noise as of
people eating raisins and singing. In this manner the eating and
singing ran:—

“I, father of ǃUrisip,

Father of this unclean one,
I, who had to eat these raisins, and died,
And dying live.”

The young wife perceived that the noise came from the side where
the old man’s grave was, and said, “ǃUrisip! Go and look!” Then the
son went to the old man’s grave, where he saw traces which he
recognised to be his father’s footmarks, and returned home. Then
the young wife said, “It is he alone; therefore act thus:—

“Do so to the man who ate raisins on the windward side,

Take care of the wind that thou creepest upon him from the leeward;
Then intercept him on his way to the grave, [114]
And when thou hast caught him, do not let him go.”

He did accordingly, and they came between the grave and Heitsi
Eibip who, when he saw this, jumped down from the raisin-trees, and
ran quickly, but was caught at the grave. Then he said:

“Let me go! For I am a man who has been dead that I may not infect
you!” But the young wife said, “Keep hold of the rogue!” So they
brought him home, and from that day he was fresh and hale. [115]

[Contents]

40. ORIGIN OF THE DIFFERENCE IN MODES OF

LIFE BETWEEN HOTTENTOTS AND BUSHMEN.
(From a German original Manuscript in Sir G. Grey’s Library, H. C. Knudsen’s
“Notes on the Hottentots,” pp. 7, 8.)

In the beginning there were two. One was blind, the other was
always hunting. This hunter found at last a hole in the earth, from
which game proceeded, and killed the young. The blind man, feeling
and smelling them, said, “They are not game, but cattle.”

The blind man afterwards recovered his sight, and going with the
hunter to this hole, saw that they were cows with their calves. He
then quickly built a kraal (fence made of thorns) round them, and
anointed himself, just as Hottentots (in their native state) are still
wont to do.

When the other, who now with great trouble had to seek his game,
came and saw this, he wanted to anoint himself also. “Look here!”
said the other, “you must throw the ointment into the fire, and
afterwards use it.” He followed this advice, and the flames [116]flaring
up into his face, burnt him most miserably; so that he was glad to
make his escape. The other, however, called to him: “Here, take the
kirri (a knobstick), and run to the hills, to hunt there for honey.”

Hence sprung the race of Bushmen. [117]

1 Knudsen, who heard this legend from the Hottentot Petrus Friedrik, was
afterwards informed that Heitsi Eibip [108]was not the person meant in this tale.
It looks very much like the end of our 27th Fable, of the Woman who outwitted the
Elephants. ↑
2 Sir James E. Alexander, in his “Expedition of Discovery into the Interior of
Africa,” vol. i. p. 166, speaking of the people at Warm Bath, or Nisbett Bath,
says:—“These Namaquas thought that they came from the East. In the country
there is occasionally found (besides the common graves covered with a heap of
stones) large heaps of stones, on which had been thrown a few bushes; and if the
Namaquas are asked what these are, they say that Heije Eibib, their Great Father,
is below the heap; they do not know what he is like, or what he does; they only
imagine that he also came from the East, and had plenty of sheep and goats; and
when they add a stone or branch to the heap, they mutter, ‘Give us plenty of
cattle.’ ” ↑
3 Sir James Alexander, in his “Expedition of Discovery into the Interior of Africa,”
vol. ii. p. 250, states:—“On the 3rd of August the waggon went on to Aneip, or
Wet Foot, and I went out of the way with Jan Buys, and two or three men, to see a
hole, which was supposed to be inhabited by Heije Eibib, and was the wonder of
the country.” ↑
4 The ǂ is the palatal click, described in Note to Fable 24, p. 55; and indicates the
nasal pronunciation of a syllable. ↑
5 The ǃ is the cerebral click described in Note to Fable 27, p. 62. ↑

[Contents]
VIII.
 HOUSEHOLD TALES.

[Contents]

41. THE LITTLE WISE WOMAN.

(The original, in the Hottentot language, is in Sir G. Grey’s Library, G. Krönlein’s
Manuscript, p. 53.)

A girl, it is said, went to seek for onions. As she arrived at the place
where they grew, she met with some men, one of whom was blind
(i.e., half-blind, having only one eye). As she dug (for the onions) the
men helped her, digging also. When her sack was full, they said to
her, “Go, tell the other girls, that many of you may come.” So she
went home and told her companions, and early the next morning
they started. But a little girl followed them. The other girls said, “Let
the little girl go back.” But her elder sister protested against this,
saying, “She runs by herself, you need not put her into your awa-
skin.”

So they went all together, and having reached the onion-ground,

began to dig. Now the little girl saw [118]traces of feet, and said to the
one who had guided them thither, “Wonderful! whence so many
traces? Were you not alone here?” The other replied, “I walked
about and looked out; therefore they must of course be many.” The
child, however, did not believe that if the other girl had been alone
the traces could be many, and felt uneasy; for she was a wise little
woman. From time to time she rose (from her work) and peeped
about, and once, while doing this, found by chance an ant-eater’s
hole. Still further spying about, she perceived some men, but they
did not see her. She then returned and continued digging with the
other girls, without, however, saying anything. But in the midst of
their work she always rose and looked about her. So the others
asked her, “Why do you always spy about you, and leave off
digging? What a girl!” But she continued her work in silence. When
she rose from it again, she saw the men approaching. As they drew
near the One-eyed blew through a reed pipe the following air:—

“To-day there shall blood flow, blood flow, blood flow!”

The little girl understood what was blown on the reed. She said to
the elder ones, whilst they were dancing, “Do you also understand
the tune that is blown on the reed?” But they only said, “What a
[119]child she is!” So she mixed in the dance with the others; but
managed while so doing to tie her sister’s caross-cloak to her own,
and in this manner they danced on, till it became very noisy, and
then they found an opportunity to slip away.

On their way out the little sister asked, “Do you understand the reed
—I mean what is blown on it?” She answered, “I do not understand
it.” Then the little girl explained to her that the tune on the reed said,
“To-day blood shall flow!” When they walked along, the little girl let
her elder sister go first, and herself followed, walking backwards, and
carefully stepping in her sister’s traces, so that they thus left only one
set of footmarks, and these going in a contrary direction. In this
manner they arrived at the ant-eater’s hole.

But the men killed all those girls who had remained dancing with
them. When the eldest of those who had escaped heard their
wailing, she said, “Alas, my sisters!” But the younger one answered
her, “Do you think you would have lived if you had remained there?”

Now “One-eye” was the first to miss the sisters, and said to the other
men, “Where may the two handsome girls be who danced with me?”
The others replied, “He lies. He has seen with his eye” (satirically
[120]meaning he had seen wrongly). But “One-eye” insisted that “two
girls were truly missing.” Then they went to find their spoor, but the
traces had been rendered indistinct enough to puzzle them.

When the men arrived at the ant-eater’s hole, they could not see that
the footmarks went further, so they spied into the hole, but saw
nothing. Then “One-eye” looked also, and he saw the girls, and
cried, “There they sit.” The others now looked again, but still saw
nothing; for the girls had covered themselves with cobwebs.

One of the men then took an assegai, and piercing through the
upper part of the hole, hit the heel of the larger girl. But the little wise
woman took hold of the assegai, and wiped off the blood. The elder
sister was about to cry, but the little one warned her not.

When “One-eye” spied again, the little girl made big eyes at him. He
said, “There she sits.” The others looked too, but as they could see
nothing they said (satirically), “He has only seen with his eye.”

At last the men got thirsty, and said to “One-eye,” “Stay you here,
and let us go to drink, and when we have returned you may go also.”

When “One-eye” was left alone there, the little girl said (conjuring
him): [121]

“You dirty son of your father,

Are you there? Are you alone not thirsty?
Oh, you dirty child of your father!
Dirty child of your father!”

“I am indeed thirsty,” said “One-eye,” and went away.

Then the two girls came out of the hole, and the younger one took
her elder sister on her back, and walked on. As they were going over
the bare, treeless plain, the men saw them, and said, “There they
are, far off,” and ran after them.

When they came near, the two girls turned themselves into thorn
trees, called “Wait-a-bit,” and the beads which they wore became
gum on the trees. The men then ate of the gum and fell asleep.
Whilst they slept, the girls smeared gum over the men’s eyes and
went away, leaving them lying in the sun.

The girls were already near their kraal, when “One-eye” awoke, and
said:

“Oh, the disgrace! fie on thee!

Our eyes are smeared over; fie on thee, my brother!”

Then they removed the gum from their eyes, and hunted after the
girls; but the latter reached home in safety, and told their parents
what had happened.

Then all lamented greatly, but they remained quietly at home, and
did not search for the other girls. [122]

[Contents]

42. THE UNREASONABLE CHILD TO WHOM THE

DOG GAVE ITS DESERTS;

OR, A RECEIPT FOR PUTTING ANY ONE TO

SLEEP.
(The original, in the o Tyi-hereró or Dámara language, is in Sir G. Grey’s Library, J.
Rath’s Manuscript, pp. 39, 43.)

There was a little girl who had an eïngi (pronounced a-inghi, some
kind of fruit). She said to her Mother, “Mother, why is it that you do
not say, ‘My first-born, give me the eïngi?’ Do I refuse it?”

Her Mother said, “My first-born, give me the eïngi.” She gave it to her
and went away, and her Mother ate the eïngi.

When the child came back, she said, “Mother, give me my eïngi?”
but her Mother answered, “I have eaten the eïngi!”

The child said, “Mother, how is it that you have eaten my eïngi, which
I plucked from our tree?” The Mother then (to appease her) gave her
a needle.

The little girl went away and found her Father sewing thongs with
thorns; so she said, “Father, how is it that you sew with thorns? Why
do not you say, [123]‘My first-born, give me your needle?’ Do I
refuse?” So her Father said, “My first-born, give me your needle.”
She gave it to him and went away for a while. Her Father
commenced sewing, but the needle broke; when, therefore, the child
came back and said, “Father, give me my needle,” he answered,
“The needle is broken;” but she complained about it, saying, “Father,
how is it that you break my needle, which I got from Mother, who ate
my eïngi, which I had plucked from our tree?” Her Father then gave
her an axe.

Going farther on she met the lads who were in charge of the cattle.
They were busy taking out honey, and in order to get at it they were
obliged to cut down the trees with stones. She addressed them: “Our
sons, how is it that you use stones in order to get at the honey? Why
do not you say, ‘Our first-born, give us the axe?’ Do I refuse, or what
do I?” They said, “Our first-born, give us the axe.” So she gave it
them, and went away for some time. The axe broke entirely. When
she came back she asked, “Where is the axe? Please give it me.”
They answered, “The axe is broken.” She then said, “How is it that
you break my axe, which I had received from Father who had broken
my needle, which I got from Mother who had eaten my eïngi, which I
[124]had plucked from our tree?” But they gave her some honey (to
comfort her).

She went her way again, and met a little old woman, eating insects,
to whom she said, “Little old woman, how is it that you eat insects?
Why don’t you say, ‘My first-born, give me honey?’ Do I refuse or
not?” Then the little old woman asked, “My first-born, give me
honey.” She gave it her and went away; but presently returning, said,
“Little old woman, let me have my honey!” Now the old woman had
managed to eat it all during her absence, so she answered, “Oh! I
have eaten the honey!” So the child complained, saying, “How is it
that you eat my honey, which I received from the lads of our cattle,
from our children who had broken my axe, which had been given me
by Father who had broken my needle, which was a present from my
Mother who had eaten up my eïngi, that I had plucked from our
tree?”

The little old woman gave her food, and she went away. This time
she came to the pheasants, who scratched the ground; and she
said, “Pheasants! how is it that you scratch the ground? Why do not
you say, ‘First-born, give us food?’ Do I refuse, or what do I?” They
said, “First-born, give.” So she gave to them, and went away. When
she came [125]back and demanded her food again, they said, “We
have eaten the food.” She asked, “How is it that you eat my food,
which I had received from a little old woman who had eaten up my
honey, that I had got from the lads of our cattle who had broken my
axe, which had been given me by my Father who had broken my
needle, which was a present from my Mother who had eaten my
eïngi, which I had plucked from our tree?” The pheasants, flying up,
pulled out each one a feather and threw them down to the little girl.

She then, walking along, met the children who watched the sheep.
They were plucking out hairs from the sheep-skins. So she asked
them, “How is it that you pull at these skins? Why do not you say,
‘First-born, give us the feathers?’ Do I refuse, or what do I?” They
said, “First-born, give us the feathers.” She gave them and went
away, but all the feathers broke. When she returned and said, “Give
me my feathers,” they answered, “The feathers are broken.” Then
she complained, “Do you break my feathers which I received from
the pheasants who had eaten my food, which had been given me by
a little old woman?” They gave her some milk.

She went again on her way, and found their own [126]handsome dog
gnawing bones. She said, “Our dog, how is it that you gnaw these
bones?” The dog answered, “Give me milk.” She gave it him, and he
drank it all. Then she said to the dog, “Give me back my milk.” He
said, “I drank it.” She then repeated the same words which she had
spoken so often before; but the dog ran away, and when she
pursued him, he scampered up a tree. She climbed up after him, but
the dog jumped down again on the other side. She wanted to do the
same, but could not. Then she said, “Our dog, please help me
down.” He answered, “Why did you pursue me?” and ran away
leaving her up the tree.

“That is enough,” say the Damara. [127]

[Contents]

LINGUISTIC PUBLICATIONS
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MAORI MEMENTOS:
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[128]

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