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 Europe had followed with an attentive eye the
[1847 a.d.] events we have just related. Peoples were
preoccupied with them, courts saw in them a
source of serious anxiety. All, taking the Vienna congress as their
point of view, desired a federative, neutral, and peaceable
Switzerland. From this point of view the cause of the Sonderbund
seemed to them to have justice on its side. But everywhere, owing to
diversified interests, the language differed. “A fine country and a
good people,” said King Louis Philippe, “but it is in a bad way. Let us
keep from interfering. To hinder others so doing is to render them a
great service.” Guizot nevertheless proposed to occupy himself in
Swiss affairs in a conference to be held at Paris or in London, but he
was unsuccessful. Once Austrian troops on the one hand, French on
the other, drew near Switzerland, but they were speedily recalled to
their cantonments. Metternich would willingly have taken the lead,
had he not known that France could not leave Austria to interfere
alone. Thenceforth, of the two powers, one contented itself with
secretly aiding the Sonderbund by relays of arms and money, the
other with lavishing encouragements on the seven cantons through
its ambassador.
Prussia hesitated, recommending Neuchâtel prudence. Czar
Nicholas could not understand an intervention unless the powers
had sixty thousand men behind them. Great Britain would not
interfere at all. Under the ministry of Lord Palmerston, a young
statesman named Peel, son of the illustrious minister of that name,
joined the Bear Club at Bern where radicals met. At Rome, the
French ambassador, Rossi, an ancient deputy of the Geneva diet,
was charged to solicit Pius IX to recall the Jesuits from Lucerne. It
was thought both in London and Paris that the best means of
restoring peace to Switzerland was to take from the radicals their
principal grievance and their flag. The holy father contented himself
with letting the Swiss know that he would remain passive in the strife
(passive se habere decrevit).
Switzerland, under these circumstances, was persuaded that the
moment had come frankly to declare to Europe her intention of being
sole interpreter of her Pact of Alliance; to have done with the
questions that agitated her; and to constitute herself on the basis of
an enlarged and equitable democracy, which would soon see her the
first on the road towards which all European peoples were
proceeding. She knew the states which lavished advice on her to be
torn by a revolutionary spirit and incapable of uniting against her in a
common resolution. It was under the influence of this thought that
Ochsenbein opened the confederation diet on the 5th of July, 1847.
Although only the son of a hotel keeper, without instruction in the
classics, but gifted with prompt and pleasing intelligence, he
presented himself unembarrassed before an assembly wherein the
heads of the two parties dividing Switzerland were sitting, and at
which the majority of ministers from foreign powers assisted.
Frankness characterised his discourse. Foreseeing a European
crisis—“Our modern world,” said he, “rests on worm-eaten columns,
on institutions that have for support only the powers of habit and
interests, a construction that the slightest storm will make a ruin.
Well, this storm approaches; the colossus is quite aware of it. He
sleeps a dangerous sleep.” Descending from these heights to
questions of the moment, the president of the diet proclaimed the
right of the majority, whom Switzerland had always recognised.
When this majority had been declared, he courteously invited all the
cantons to join with it. Callame, a Neuchâtel deputy, exposed in
language firm and untouched by passion the gravity of events that
had given place to a separate alliance, and demanded that they
should leave those who had concluded it the time to convince
themselves that it was no longer necessary.
In reality, the vote of the majority meant a declaration of war. The
diet adjourned so as to give the parties time either to unite or to
finish their preparations for hostilities. It reassembled on the 18th of
October. Two delegates, envoys of peace, were sent from each of
the Sonderbund cantons, but they met with scant welcome: one-half
wanted war.

Colonel Dufour is Made Commander of the Army

 On the 29th of October the deputies from the seven cantons left
Bern, and on the 4th of November it was decided that the decree
ordering the dissolution of their alliance should be executed by arms.
The diet put on foot fifty thousand men, and entrusted the command,
with the rank of general, to Colonel Dufour, of Geneva. No name in
the army was more respected, none had more weight. Dufour did not
belong to either side. In sympathy he was conservative, but was
none the less a man of progress. He had been in the wars and
published writings on military science, fruits of a long and wide
experience. No chief knew as he did the canton militia, over whose
manœuvres he had for a number of years presided in the camp at
Thun, as chief instructor of the engineering corps. To these warlike
qualities he united the virtues of a man of peace. He was occupied in
the elaboration, on a plan he had conceived, of the fine map of
Switzerland which bears his name, when he was called to quit the
pursuits of the student for the field of battle. He comprehended the
danger to his country. He clearly perceived his duty, and he thought
only of accomplishing it.
In accepting the first command he made what he considered
necessary stipulations, demanding a sufficient number of troops and
absolute power. All this he obtained, though not without some
resistance. He was given 100,000 men and 260 field pieces. This
army he distributed into seven divisions. In the choice of superior
officers, he exacted that he alone should judge of their capacity
without any regard to political opinion; this was the way both to get
excellent officers and to prepare for what he considered to be his
duty—the quieting of hatreds after the struggle. In a short time there
was no longer question of politics in the army. Addressing once his
heads of divisions, “I shall never depart,” he said, “from the laws of
moderation and humanity. A stranger to political agitation and faithful
to my military duties, I shall try to establish order and discipline in the
federal troops, to make public and private property respected, to
protect the Catholic religion in her ministers, her temples, and her
religious establishments—in a word, to do everything to soften the
inevitable evils of war. If violence be used, let it not come from us.
After fighting, spare the vanquished; however strong one may be,
relieve the despair of the enemy: then we can congratulate ourselves
after the fight on never having forgotten that it was between
confederates.”
These instructions being made known, the general resolved to
trust nothing to chance, and to make no offensive movement unless
sure of the superiority of his forces; this he recognised as the surest
way towards a speedy ending with the least bloodshed. Soon the
confidence he inspired began to show itself. The city of Bâle, long
undecided, sent him excellent artillery. Neuchâtel and Appenzell
alone continued to take no part in the war. The promptitude with
which the army got under arms, well ordered, well clothed, and well
equipped, astonished foreigners. The redivision of troops was
necessitated by the situation. The country occupied by the
Sonderbund formed three distinct masses—Fribourg, the original
cantons, and Valais. Dufour proposed to attack them separately, and
to begin with Fribourg.

Preparations of the Sonderbund

The powers held exaggerated ideas of the Sonderbund forces. It

could hardly put on foot more than thirty thousand regular troops.
The Landsturm, it is true, meant a more considerable number of
men, but not having received sufficient organisation could not be
compared to the excellent reserves of the large cantons, and did not
give the help expected of them. Far from one another, the separatist
states could only with difficulty lend one another aid. The original
cantons tried nevertheless to keep their ways open by means of
boldness in offensive actions. Even before the diet began its
campaign, the men of Uri seized the St. Gotthard passes (November
3rd); threw themselves across the Levantina, surprised three
thousand Ticinese encamped at Airolo, and drove them as far as the
Moesa bridge. But arrived at this point, they found themselves face
to face with Grisons and Ticino militia, superior to them in number,
who stopped their progress. The expedition had no other result than
that of holding back two thousand excellent soldiers from the places
where decisive blows were to be struck. Another attempt, made from
Lucerne, to penetrate into Catholic Aargau and to free Fribourg, by
means of a diversion, had no better success.

The Capitulations of Fribourg and Lucerne End the Sonderbund

Without taking much account of these movements, Dufour

occupied himself only in concentrating his forces so as to surround
the Sonderbund states, on all their accessible frontiers. His
provisions were assured, his hospital organised. Immediately upon
the rupture being announced, Colonel Ochsenbein, who presided
over the diet, left office to put himself entirely at the disposition of the
general-in-chief. The general placed him at the head of the Bernese
reserves, which composed his seventh division and which he
assimilated with the active troops. He stationed them first on the
Lucerne frontier, and when he arranged to draw near Fribourg, he
called Ochsenbein to advance towards that capital, in order to make
the enemy think he would attack from the eastern side. However,
twenty thousand men and fifty-four artillery pieces, under colonels
Rilliet, Burkhard, and Donatz, advanced from the north and west by
different routes, and kept their movements secret that they might
arrive on the same day at the gate of Fribourg. On the 13th the town
was surrounded. An experienced leader, Colonel Maillardoz, had
raised defences all round, and they had prepared to attack these
exterior forts when the Fribourg government, recognising the
impossibility of resistance, gave up the town, dismissed the troops,
and renounced the Sonderbund. The taking of Fribourg would not
have cost the federal army a single man if through a mistake a
Vaudois troop had not rushed under fire from the Bertigny redoubt,
which resulted in seven killed and a large number wounded.
As soon as Fribourg had capitulated the general confided to
Colonel Rilliet the care of occupying the military cantonments and
watching the entrance of Valais. He himself hastened to Aarau, to
prepare for the investment of Lucerne. Two rivers, the Emme and the
Reuss, protected this town. The bridges on these rivers had been
broken or fortified. The ground on which it was foreseen that the
most serious engagements would be delivered was the labyrinth
which stretches from the Reuss to the Lake of Zug; bristling with
wooded hills, where passage had been stopped by barricades and
mines had been laid in the defiles. It was necessary to attack these
strong positions, because they served as a link between Schwyz and
Lucerne, and success on this point was decisive, whilst elsewhere it
was not so. The leader whom the five cantons had put in charge of
their militia, Ulrich de Salis-Soglio, understood this, and went to
these places. The forces he could dispose of were some twenty
thousand regulars and a similar body of the Landsturm. Salis had
learned warfare in fighting Napoleon. A sincere Protestant, he had
nevertheless devoted himself to a cause which had his political
sympathies, but of which he despaired.
A resolution being taken to force his entrenchments, Dufour set
five divisions of his army on the march from the various points they
occupied, giving them Lucerne as object. Ochsenbein’s reserves
went down the Emme valley, overcoming a lively resistance. The
Burkhard and Donatz divisions approached the Emme and the
Reuss between the bridges of Wolhusen and Gislikon, at the same
time that colonels Ziegler and Gmur at the head of some odd
thousands of men attacked Salis in his intrenched camps. Ziegler
mastered the Gislikon bridge and the Honau defiles. Gmur, after
having received on his march the submission of Zug, scaled the
heights of Meyers Kappel. Everything made for success. Victory was
hotly disputed, but the Schwyzers were in the end thrown back
towards Immensee, whence they fell back on Art and Goldau.
Troops from the other cantons turned to Lucerne. The separation of
Schwyz with its allies was accomplished. On every hand the federal
troops marched simultaneously on that capital. The gates were
opened to them by a convention, and on the 24th of November
Dufour made his entry. On the following days the Waldstätte and the
Valais made their submission. Twenty-five days after the decree of
execution the task of the army was complete—the Sonderbund no
longer existed.d
The diet now debated the draft constitution
[1848-1874 a.d.] drawn up by Kern of Thurgau and Druey of
Vaud, which in the summer of 1848 was
accepted by fifteen and a half cantons, the minority consisting of the
three forest cantons, Valais, Zug, Ticino, and Appenzell (Tuner
Rhodes), and it was proclaimed on September 12th.
From 1848 onwards the cantons continually revised their
constitutions, always in a democratic sense, though after the
Sonderbund War Schwyz and Zug abolished their Landsgemeinde.
The chief point was the introduction of the referendum, by which
laws made by the cantonal legislature may (facultative referendum)
or must (obligatory referendum) be submitted to the people for their
approval; and this has obtained such general acceptance that
Fribourg alone does not possess the referendum in either of its two
forms, Ticino having accepted it in its optional form in 1883. It was
therefore only natural that attempts should be made to revise the
federal constitution of 1848 in a democratic and centralising sense,
for it had been provided that the federal assembly, on its own
initiative or on the written request of fifty thousand Swiss electors,
could submit the question of revision to a popular vote. In 1866 the
restriction of certain rights to Christians only was swept away; but
the attempt at final revision in 1872 was defeated by a small majority,
owing to the efforts of the anti-centralising party. Finally, however,
another draft was better liked, and on April 19th, 1874, the new
constitution was accepted by the people. This constitution is that
now in force, and is simply an improved edition of that of 1848. The
federal tribunal (now of nine members only) was fixed (by federal
law) at Lausanne, and its jurisdiction enlarged, especially in
constitutional disputes between cantons and the federal authorities,
though jurisdiction in administrative matters (e.g., educational,
religious, election, commercial) is given to the federal council—a
division of functions which is very anomalous, and does not work
well.
A system of free elementary education was set up, and many
regulations were made on ecclesiastical matters. A man settling in
another canton was, after a residence of three months, only, given all
cantonal and communal rights, save a share in the common property
(an arrangement which as far as possible kept up the old principle
that the “commune” is the true unit out of which cantons and the
confederation are built), and the
membership of the “commune” carries with
it cantonal and federal rights. The
referendum was introduced in its
“facultative” form—i.e., all federal laws must
be submitted to popular vote on the
demand of thirty thousand Swiss electors or
of eight cantons. If the revision of the
federal constitution is demanded by one of
the two houses of the federal assembly or
by fifty thousand Swiss citizens, the
question of revision must be submitted to a
popular vote, as also the draft of the revised
constitution—these provisions, contained
already in the constitution of 1848, forming
a species of “obligatory referendum.” It was
supposed that this plan would lead to
radical and sweeping changes, but as a
matter of fact there have been (1874-1886)
about one hundred and seven federal laws
and resolutions passed by the assembly, of
which nineteen were by the referendum
submitted to popular vote, thirteen being
rejected, while six only were accepted—the
rest becoming law, as no referendum was
demanded. There has been a very steady A Swiss Finial
opposition to all schemes aiming at
increased centralisation. By the
constitutions of 1848 and 1874 Switzerland has ceased to be a mere
union of independent states joined by a treaty, and has become a
single state with a well-organized central government.
This new constitution inclined rather to the Act
[1874-1887 a.d.] of Mediation than to the system which prevailed
before 1798. A status of “Swiss citizenship” was
set up, closely joined to cantonal citizenship: a man settling in a
canton not being his birthplace got cantonal citizenship after two
years, but was excluded from all local rights in the “commune” where
he might reside. A federal or central government was set up, to
which the cantons gave up a certain part of their sovereign rights,
retaining the rest. The federal legislature (or assembly) was made up
of two houses—the council of states (Stände Rat), composed of two
deputies from each canton, whether small or great (forty-four in all),
and the national council (National Rat), made up of deputies (now
145 in number) elected for three years, in the proportion of one for
every twenty thousand souls or fraction over ten thousand, the
electors being all Swiss citizens. The federal council or executive
(Bundesrat) consisted of seven members elected by the federal
assembly; they are jointly responsible for all business, though for the
sake of convenience there are various departments, and their
chairman is called the president of the confederation. The federal
judiciary (Bundesgericht) is made up of eleven members elected by
the federal assembly for three years; its jurisdiction is chiefly
confined to civil cases, in which the confederation is a party (if a
canton, the federal council may refer the case to the federal tribunal),
but takes in also great political crimes—all constitutional questions,
however, being reserved for the federal assembly. A federal
university and a polytechnic school were to be founded; the latter
only has as yet been set up (1887) and is fixed at Zurich. All military
capitulations were forbidden in the future. Every canton must treat
Swiss citizens who belong to one of the Christian confessions like
their own citizens, for the right of free settlement is given to all such,
though they acquired no rights in the “commune.” All Christians were
guaranteed the exercise of their religion, but the Jesuits and similar
religious orders were not to be received in any canton. German,
French, and Italian were recognised as national languages.
The constitution as a whole marked a great step forward; though
very many rights were still reserved to the cantons, yet there was a
fully organised central government. Almost the first act of the federal
assembly was to exercise the power given them of determining the
home of the federal authorities, and on November 28th, 1848, Bern
was chosen, though Zurich still ranks as the first canton in the
confederation. By this early settlement of disputes Switzerland was
protected from the general revolutionary movement of 1848.
 The federal constitution of 1848 set up a permanent federal
executive, legislature, and tribunal, each and all quite distinct from
and independent of any cantonal government. This system was a
modified revival of the state of things that had prevailed from 1798 to
1803, and was an imitation of the political changes that had taken
place in the cantonal constitutions after 1830. Both were victories of
the centralist or radical party, and it was therefore but natural that
this party should be called upon to undertake the federal government
under the new constitution, a supremacy that it has kept ever since.
To the centralists the council of states (two members from each
canton, however large or small) has always been a stumbling-block,
and they have mockingly nicknamed it “the fifth wheel of the coach.”
In the other house of the federal legislature, the national council (one
member per twenty thousand, or fraction of over ten thousand of the
entire population), the radicals have always since its creation in 1848
had a majority. Hence, in the congress formed by both houses sitting
together, the radicals have had it all their own way. This is
particularly important as regards the election of the seven members
of the federal executive which is made by such a congress. Now the
federal executive (federal council) is in no sense a cabinet—i.e., a
committee of the party in the majority in the legislature for the time
being. In the Swiss federal constitution the cabinet has no place at
all. Each member of the federal executive is elected by a separate
ballot, and holds office for the fixed term of three years, during which
he cannot be turned out of office, while as yet but a single instance
has occurred of the rejection of a federal councillor who offered
himself for re-election.
Further, none of the members of the federal executive can hold a
seat in either house of the federal legislature, though they may
appear and speak (but not vote) in either, while the federal council as
such has not necessarily any common policy, and never expresses
its views on the general situation (though it does as regards
particular legislative and administrative measures) in anything
resembling the “speech from the throne” in England. Thus it seems
clear that the federal executive was intended by the federal
constitution of 1848 (and in this respect that of 1874 made no
change) to be a standing committee of the legislature as a whole, but
not of a single party in the legislature, or a “cabinet,” even though it
had the majority. Yet this rule of a single political party is just what
has taken place. Between 1848 and the end of 1899, thirty-six
federal councillors were elected (twenty-three from German-
speaking, eleven from French-speaking, and two from Italian-
speaking Switzerland, the canton of Vaud heading the list with
seven). Now of these thirty-six two only were not radicals, viz. M.
Ceresole (1870-75) of Vaud, who was a Protestant liberal-
conservative, and Herr Zemp (elected in 1891), a Romanist
conservative; yet the conservative minority is a large one, while the
Romanists form about two-fifths of the population of Switzerland.
But, despite this predominance of a single party in the federal
council, no true cabinet system has come into existence in
Switzerland, as members of the council do not resign even when
their personal policy is condemned by a popular vote, so that the
resignation of Herr Welti (a member of the federal council from 1866
to 1891), in consequence of the rejection by the people of his railway
policy, caused the greatest amazement and consternation in
Switzerland.
The chief political parties in the federal
[1891-1900 a.d.] legislature are the right, or conservatives
(whether Romanists or Protestants), the centre
(now often called “liberals,” but rather answering to the whigs of
English political language), the left (or radicals), and the extreme left
(or the socialists). In the council of states there is always a federalist
majority, since in this house the smaller cantons are on an equality
with the greater ones, each indifferently having two members. But in
the national council (147 elected members) there has always been a
radical majority over all other parties, the numbers of the various
parties after the triennial elections of 1899 being roughly as follows:
radicals, 86; socialists, 9; Centre, 19; and the Right, 33. The
socialists long worked under the wing of the radicals, but now in
every canton (save Geneva) the two parties have quarrelled, the
socialist vote having largely increased. In the country the anti-radical
opposition is made up of the conservatives, who are strongest in the
Romanist, and especially the forest cantons, and of the “federalists”
of French-speaking Switzerland. There is no doubt that the people
are really anti-radical, though occasionally led away by the
experiments made recently in the domain of state socialism: they
elect, indeed, a radical majority, but very frequently reject the bills
laid before them by their elected representatives.
From 1885 onwards Switzerland had some troubles with foreign
powers owing to her defence of the right of asylum for fugitive
German socialists, despite the threats of Prince Bismarck, who
maintained a secret police in Switzerland, one member of which,
Wohlgemuth, was expelled in 1889, to the prince’s huge but useless
indignation. From about 1890, as the above troubles within and
without gradually subsided, the agitation in the country against the
centralising policy of the radicals became more and more strongly
marked. By the united exertions of all the opposition parties, and
against the steady resistance of the radicals, an amendment was
introduced in 1891 into the federal constitution, by which fifty
thousand Swiss citizens can by the “initiative” compel the federal
legislature and executive to take into consideration some point in the
federal constitution which, in the opinion of the petitioners, requires
reform, and to prepare a bill dealing with it which must be submitted
to a popular vote. Great hopes and fears were entertained at the
time as to the working of this new institution, but both have been
falsified, for the initiative has as yet only succeeded in inserting (in
1893) in the federal constitution a provision by which the Jewish
method of killing animals is forbidden. On the other hand, it has
failed (in 1894) to secure the adoption of a socialist scheme by which
the state was bound to provide work for every able-bodied man in
the country, and (also in 1894) to carry a proposal to give to the
cantons a bonus of two francs per head of the population out of the
rapidly growing returns of the customs duties.
The great rise in the productiveness of these duties has tempted
the Swiss people of late years to embark on a course of state
socialism, which may be also described as a series of measures
tending to give more and more power to the central federal
government at the expense of the cantons. So, in 1890, the principle
of compulsory universal insurance against sickness and accidents
was accepted by a popular vote, in 1891 likewise that of a state or
federal bank, and in 1898 that of the unification of the cantonal laws,
civil and criminal, into a set of federal codes. In each case the
federal government and legislature were charged with the
preparation of laws carrying out in detail these general principles.
But in 1897 their proposals as to a federal bank were rejected by the
people, while at the beginning of 1900 the suspicion felt as to the
insurance proposals elaborated by the federal authorities was so
keen that a popular demand for a popular vote was signed by
115,000 Swiss citizens, the legal minimum being only 30,000: they
were rejected (20th of May, 1900) on a popular vote by a two to one
majority. The preparation of the federal codes has progressed
quietly, drafts being framed by experts and then submitted for
criticism to special commissions and public opinion. But this method,
though the true one to secure the evolving of order out of chaos,
takes time.
By a popular vote in 1887 the federal authorities were given a
monopoly of alcohol, but a proposal to deal similarly with tobacco
has been very ill received (though such a monopoly would
undoubtedly produce a large amount), and would pretty certainly be
refused by the people if a popular vote were ever taken upon it. In
1895 the people declined to sanction a state monopoly of matches,
even though the unhealthy nature of the work was strongly urged,
and have also resolutely refused on several occasions to accept any
projects for the centralising of the various branches of military
administration, etc. Among other reforms which have recently been
much discussed in Switzerland are the introduction of the obligatory
referendum (which hitherto has applied only to amendments to the
federal constitution) and the initiative (now limited to piecemeal
revision of the federal constitution) to all federal laws, etc., and the
making large federal money grants to the primary schools (managed
by the several cantons). The former scheme is an attempt to restrain
important centralising measures from being presented as laws (and
as such exempt from the compulsory referendum), and not as
amendments to the federal constitution, while the proposed school
grant is part of the radical policy of buying support for unpopular
measures by lavish federal subventions, which it is hoped will
outweigh the dislike of the cantons to divest themselves of any
remaining fragments of their sovereignty.e
 BRIEF REFERENCE-LIST OF AUTHORITIES BY
CHAPTERS

[The letter a is reserved for Editorial Matter.]

Transcriber’s Note: Chapters I-IV are not in this volume.

Chapter I. Switzerland to the Founding of the

Confederation (earliest times to 1291 a.d.)

b Strabo, Geographica.
c John Wilson, History of Switzerland (in the “Cabinet
Cyclopædia”).
d Ferdinand Keller, Pfahlbauten.
e Frederic Troyon, Habitations lacustres.
f Victor Gross, Les Proto-helvétes.
g Elisée Reclus, The Lacustrian Cities of Switzerland (in
Smithsonian Report for 1861).
h G. O. Montelius, De Chronologie der Pfahlbauten in
Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien. Vol. XXX.
i John Lubbock, Prehistoric Times.
j T. Studer, Pfahlfan Bevölkering in Zeit für Ethr. Verband, 1885.
k Rudolf Virchow, in letter prefixed to V. Gross, Les Proto-
helvétes.
l Robert Munro, The Lake Dwellings of Europe.
 m A. Vieusseux, The History of Switzerland.
n Michael Stettler, Annales.
o Johann von Müller, Geschichte der Schweizerischen
Eidgenossenschaft.
p Alexandre Daguet, Histoire de la Confédération Suisse.

Chapter II. The Rise of The Swiss Confederation (1288-1402

a.d.)

c E. A. Freeman, The Historical Geography of Europe.

d A. Rilliet, Les Origines de la Confédération Suisse.
e J. Dierauer, Geschichte der Schweizerischen
Eidgenossenschaft.
f W. A. B. Coolidge, History of Switzerland in Encyclopædia
Britannica.
g K. Dändliker, Histoire du Peuple Suisse.
k J. Von Müller, Geschichte der Schweizerischen
Eidgenossenschaft.
lG. Meyer von Knonau, Die Sage von der Befreiung der
Waldstätte, in Sweizer Oeffentliche Vorträge.
m A. Huber, Die Waldstätte, Uri, Sweiz, Unterwalden, etc.
n R. von Radegg, Capella Eremitana.
o John of Winterthur, Chronikon Vitodurani in W. Oechsli’s
Anfänge der Schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft.
p W. Oechsli, Quellenbuch zur Schweizer Geschichte.
q A. Vieusseux, The History of Switzerland.
r J. Wilson, History of Switzerland.
 s J. Vulliemin, Histoire de la Confédération Suisse.

Chapter III. The Confederation at the Height of its Power

(1402-1516 a.d.)

b W. A. B. Coolidge, Switzerland, in Encyclopædia Britannica.

c A. Vieusseux, The History of Switzerland.
d Vulliemin, Histoire de la Confédération Suisse.
e A. Dauget, Histoire de la Confédération Suisse.
f A. Morin, Précis de l’Histoire.
g Wilson.
h P. Verri, Storia di Milano.
i F. Guicciardin, Historia di Milano.

Chapter IV. The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries

b A. Vieusseux, The History of Switzerland.

c J. K. L. Gieseler, Compendium of Ecclesiastical History.
d J. Wilson, History of Switzerland.
e J. Strickler, Grundniss der Schweizer-Geschichte.
f Maguenot, Abrége de l’Histoire de la Suisse.
g Daguet, Histoire de la Confédération.

Chapter V. The Eighteenth Century

b Johann Heinrich Daniel Zschokke, Des Schweizerlandes

Geschichte.
c J. Wilson, History of Switzerland.
 d A. Vieusseux, The History of Switzerland.
e K. Dändliker, History of Switzerland.
f A. Daguet, Histoire de la Confédération.
g R. Weiss, Coup d’œil sur les relations politiques entre la
république Française et le corps Helvétique (1793).
h R. Weiss, Réveillez-vous, Suisses, le danger approche.
i W. Coxe, A History of the House of Austria.

Chapter VI. Switzerland Since 1798

b J. Wilson, History of Switzerland.

c W. Müller, Politische Geschichte der Neuersten Zeit.
d Vulliemin, Histoire de la Confédération Suisse.
e W. A. B. Coolidge, article on Switzerland in Encyclopædia
Britannica.
 A GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SWISS
HISTORY

BASED ON THE WORKS QUOTED, CITED, OR

CONSULTED IN THE PREPARATION OF THE
PRESENT WORK; WITH CRITICAL AND
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES

Adams, F. O., and C. D. Cunningham, The Swiss Confederation,

London, 1889.—Ah, J. J. von, Die Bundesbriefe der ältern
Eidgenossen, Einsiedeln, 1891.—Alt, F. N. de, Histoire de la Suisse,
Fribourg, 1750-1755, 10 vols.
François Joseph Nicholas, baron of Alt, the son of an ancient
patrician family of Fribourg, Switzerland, was born in 1689, and died
in 1771. His history, which was admirably planned, would have
greater value for the general student if much of the extraneous
matter and all the violent Catholic partisanship were eliminated.
Amtliche Sammlung der Akten aus der Zeit der Helvetischen
Republik, 2 vols., translated by J. Strickler, Bern, 1886-1890, 4 vols.
—Amtliche Sammlung der ältern eidgenössischen Abschiede
1245-1798, 1839-1856, 8 vols. Reports of the old Federal diets,
containing an enormous amount of historical matter.—Anshelm,
Berner-Chronik, Bern, 1825-1833, 6 vols.—Arx, J. von, Geschichte
von St. Gallen, St. Gallen, 1810, 2 vols.—Aubigné, T. A. d’, Histoire
Universelle 1550-1601, Geneva, 1626, 3 vols.
Théodore Agrippa d’Aubigné, one of the most notable characters
of the sixteenth century, was born at St. Maury, near Pons, February
8th, 1550, of an old and noble family which had embraced the
religion of the Calvinists. The young d’Aubigné neglected none of the
educational opportunities afforded him by his father, and at the age
of six was already able to read Latin, Greek and Hebrew. At thirteen
he escaped from the restraints of his tutor to take part in the siege of
Orléans. After his father’s death he won reputation as a warrior
under the prince of Condé, and later entered the service of the king
of Navarre. In the wars of Henry IV for the recovery of his kingdom,
d’Aubigné further distinguished himself; but he was finally obliged by
the enmity of the queen-mother to retire from the court. During his
exile he composed the history of his time, a work remarkable for its
fearless frankness. The first two volumes were printed without
opposition; but the third was condemned on account of its merciless
criticisms. D’Aubigné, however, caused it to be printed, thereby
incurring the burning of all three volumes; the confiscation of all his
goods, and the savage persecution of his later years, until his death
at Geneva, April 29, 1630.

Bachtold, J., and F. Vetter, Bibliotek älterer Schriftwerke der

deutschen Schweiz, Frauenfeld, 1882-1884, 5 vols.—Baker, T. G.,
The Model Republic, London, 1895.—Baebler, J. J., Die alten
eidgenössischen Bunde, St. Gall., 1848.—Baumgartner, G. J., Die
Schweiz in ihren Kämpfen und Umgestaltungen, 1830-1850, Zurich,
1853-66, 4 vols.; Erlebnisse auf dem Felde der Politik,
Schaffhausen, 1844; Geschichte Spaniens zur Zeit der französichen
Revolution, Berlin, 1861; Geschichte des Schweiz Freistaats und
Kantons St. Gallen, Zurich, 1868, 2 vols.—Berchtold, J., Histoire du
canton de Fribourg, Fribourg, 1841-1845.—Berthold, de Constance,
continuator of the Chronicon de sex ætatibus mundi.—Blochmann,
C. J., Heinrich Pestalozzi, Leipsic, 1846.—Bloesch, E., Rapport sur
les affaires communales Berne, 1851.—Blumer, J. J., Staats- und
Rechtsgeschriften der Schweiz. Demokratien, St. Gallen, 1850-59, 3
vols.; Handbuch des schweiz. Bundesstaatsrechts, Schaffhausen,
1877-87, 13 vols.—Bluntschli, J. K., Geschichte des schweiz.
Bundesrechts, Stuttgart, 1875, 2 vols.; Staats- und Rechtsgeschichte
der Stadt und Landschaft Zurich, Zurich, 1838, 2 vols.—Bohmer, J.
F., Regesta Karolorum, Frankfort, 1833.—Bonivard, F., Les
Chroniques de la Genève, Geneva, 1831, 2 vols.
François Bonivard, to whom we owe the vivid pictures of the
agitations which marked the beginning of the sixteenth century, was