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Detailed contents
Foreword xiii
James N. Rosenau
Introduction 1
Steve Smith, Amelia Hadfield, and Tim Dunne
The contemporary relevance of foreign policy 2
Foreign policy theory: disciplinary groundings 4
Organization of the third edition 7
Glossary 495
Endnotes 505
Bibliography 512
Subject Index 551
Foreword
JAMES N. ROSENAU
Skill revolution expands people’s enlarges the multiplies quantity constrains policy
horizons on a capacity of and enhances making through
global scale; government quality of links increased capacity
sensitizes them agencies to think among states; of individuals to
to the relevance ‘out of the box’, solidifies their know when, where,
of distant events; seize opportunities, alliances and and how to engage
facilitates a and analyse enmities in collective action
reversion to local challenges
concerns
Authority crises redirect loyalties; weaken ability of enlarge the facilitate the
encourage both governments competence of capacity of publics
individuals to and other some IGOs and to press and/
replace traditional organizations NGOs; encourage or paralyse their
criteria of to frame and diplomatic governments, the
legitimacy with implement policies wariness in WTO, and other
performance negotiations organizations
criteria
Bifurcation of adds to role facilitates generates empowers
global structures conflicts, divides formation of institutional transnational
loyalties, and new spheres of arrangements for advocacy groups
foments tensions authority and cooperation on and special
among individuals; consolidation of major global issues interests to pursue
orients people existing spheres in such as trade, influence through
towards local the multicentric human rights, the diverse channels
spheres of world environment, etc.
authority
Organizational facilitates multiple increases capacity renders the global contributes to
explosion identities, of opposition stage ever more the pluralism
subgroupism, groups to form and transnational and and dispersion
and affiliation press for altered dense with non- of authority;
with transnational policies; divides governmental heightens the
networks publics from their actors probability of
elites authority crises
Mobility upheaval stimulates enlarges the size heightens need increases
imaginations and and relevance for international movement across
provides more of subcultures, cooperation to borders that
extensive contacts diasporas, and control the flow lessens capacity
with foreign ethnic conflicts of drugs, money, of governments to
cultures; heightens as people seek immigrants, and control national
salience of the new opportunities terrorists boundaries
outsider abroad
Foreword xv
More important than its vast scope, however, this formulation is not easily subjected to
analysis. One not only needs to be familiar with the dynamics whereby states interact with
each other, but the internal processes whereby foreign policies are formed also need to be
probed. To ignore these processes by classifying them as ‘domestic’, and thus as outside
the analyst’s concerns, would be to omit central features of the behaviour one wants to
investigate. Students of domestic phenomena may be able to hold foreign inputs constant,
but the same cannot be said about the phenomena that culminate in foreign policies. In-
evitably the student of a country’s foreign policy must also be concerned with its internal
affairs. Put differently, he or she must be a student of sociology and psychology as well as
political science, economics, and history. No less important, they should have some knowl-
edge of the problems inherent in comparative enquiry. The methodologies of the field are
as salient as are the substantive problems that countries face in linking themselves to the
international system.
In short, foreign policy phenomena are inordinately complex. They encompass inputs that
can give rise to a variety of outputs, with a slight variation in one of the inputs having sizeable
consequences for the outputs they foster. Thus the causal processes are not easily traced.
They can be highly elusive when their variation spans, as it usually does, a wide range of inputs
that may vary from time1 to time2. Nor can the complexities be assumed away. They are too
central to the dynamics of foreign policy to ignore or bypass. One has no choice but to allow
for them and trace their consequences across diverse situations. Such a procedure facilitates
cogent analysis even as it risks drawing a less than complete picture.
The main characteristics of foreign policy—and the requirements they impose on analysts
of the subject—are fully observable in the ensuing chapters. Their authors demonstrate a keen
sensitivity to the problems of the field and the rewards for analysing them. They understand
the need for theory as well as empirical analysis of how any country conducts itself in the
xvi Foreword
international community. More than that, this understanding includes a grasp of how the
analysis must be varied to accommodate different approaches to the field.
In order to cope with the enormous variety of phenomena that may be relevant to the
study of foreign policy one has to select some of them as important and dismiss others as
trivial in so far as one’s enquiry is concerned. This process of selection is what being theo-
retical means. More accurately, the selected phenomena have to be examined in relation to
each other, as interactive, and the theoretician needs to grasp the dynamics of the interactive
processes as well as the domestic variables of the country of concern. Constructing incisive
theoretical perspectives is not easy, however. The process of explicating causal dynamics can
be very frustrating as well as very complicated. It is fairly easy to have a general sense of the
phenomena that underlie the foreign policy behaviour of interest, but it is quite another thing
to transform one’s general understanding into concrete, testable, and relevant hypotheses.
Put differently, specifying the dependent variables—the outcomes of a foreign policy input—is
readily conceived, but identifying and operationalizing the independent variables that foster
alterations in the dependent variable serves to challenge one’s grasp of the field. Everything
can seem relevant as an independent variable, but the analyst has to be selective and focus
on those dynamics that account for most of the variance conceived to be relevant to the
analysis. There is no need to account for 100 per cent of the variance, as some of it may be
due to chance factors that cannot readily be anticipated, but even accounting for, say, 90 per
cent can be difficult. Not only do analysts need to calculate the relative importance of the
different factors, but they also have to have some idea of how they interact with each other.
Consider, for example, the distinction between large and small countries. To differentiate
between the two, one has to have some sense of how a country’s size affects its conduct in
the international arena. Are small countries more aggressive abroad because of their limita-
tions? Do their foreign policies avoid confrontation because of an imbalance between the
resources at their disposal and those of the adversaries they contemplate taking on abroad?
Are their decision-making processes, in effect, paralysed by the relative size of their potential
adversaries? Such questions are not easily answered at first glance. And they become even
more difficult if one has to assess the amount of the variance involved.
However, many analysts have not been deterred by the problems encountered in estimat-
ing variances. They know that such estimates are essentially arbitrary, as few have a perspec-
tive founded on clear-cut notions of the range within which the causal potency of a variable is
specified. Nor are matters helped by stressing the relevance of a finding—‘other things being
equal’. Usually other things are not equal, so that clustering them together as if they were
equal can be misleading.
How, then, to proceed? If the available conceptual equipment cannot generate reliable hy-
potheses, and if a ceteris paribus (i.e. all things being equal) context has limited utility, how does
the analyst confront the task of framing and probing meaningful insights? The answer lies in
maintaining a focus on the potential rather than the pitfalls of comparative analysis. Even if the
underpinnings of a country’s foreign policy are ambiguous, one can nonetheless proceed to
examine what appear to be the main sources of the ambiguity, noting throughout the factors
that may undermine the analysis. To focus on the obstacles to an enquiry is to ensure that the
enquiry will fall short of what can be gleaned from the empirical materials at hand.
The best technique for moving ahead is that of specifying what independent variables
seem especially relevant to the phenomena to be explained even as one acknowledges that
Foreword xvii
the sum of the variance they account for may fall short of 100 per cent. Such an acknowledge-
ment is not so much a statement of fact as it is a noting of the limits that confine the analysis.
Furthermore, even if only 80 per cent or 90 per cent of the variance is accounted for, such
findings are likely to be valuable despite the fact that they fall short of a full explanation. The
goal is not to account for all the variability, but to explain enough of it to enlarge our under-
standing of the key dynamics at work in the examined situation. Foreign policy phenomena
are too complex to aspire to a full accounting of all the dynamics at work in a situation. It is
enough to compare them carefully and draw conclusions about the central tendencies they
depict. A close reading of the ensuing chapters demonstrates that proceeding in this way can
yield deep and important insights into the diverse ways societies interact with their external
environments.
While most of the relevant independent variables are amply assessed throughout the for-
eign policy literature, two are less widely cited and thus can usefully be elaborated here. One
involves what I call the skill revolution and the other is the organizational explosion. Each ac-
counts for a sufficient proportion of the variance to warrant amplification and together they
significantly shape the conduct of any country’s foreign policy.
of those who have long been hemmed in by the realities of life on or below the poverty line,
the freeing up of their imaginative capacities is among the most powerful forces at work in
the world today.
****
Integrating the skill revolution, the organizational explosion, and the political consequences
of the social media revolution into the analysis of the dynamics that shape foreign policy is
not an easy task. Not to do so, however, would be to greatly distort the analysis. Clearly, what
countries do abroad is highly dependent on the skills and attitudes shared among their popu-
lations at home. Taken together, the three variables account for a great deal of the variance
from one country to another and from one point in time to another.
customer Book title Stage Supplier date
oUP Foreign Policy First Proof thomson digital 18 april 2016
20 How toand
Australia useglobal
this book
climate change
Matt Mcdonald
This book is enriched with a range of features designed to help you support and
reinforce
Chapter contents your learning. This guided tour shows you how to use your textbook fully and
Introduction 394
get the most out of your foreign policy study.
Global climate change and the UNFCCC regime 395
Australia and the dilemmas of climate action 399
Australia and the global climate regime 401
Conclusion 408
Reader’s guide
Reader’s guides
this chapter analyses australia’s approach to global climate change, particularly
its engagement with the climate change regime. this case study highlights two key
Each chapter opens with a reader’s guide to set the
points. the first is that australia’s changing approach to international negotiations on
climate change reflects a complex combination of domestic political considerations,
scene for upcoming themes and issues to be discussed
the ideology and foreign policy orientation of governments, and the state of inter- and indicate the scope of coverage within each chapter
national negotiations. While at times australia’s position seems to reflect domestic
customer
political constraints, at other times the australian government’s position seems to
Book title Stage
topic.
Supplier Date
Book Title OUP
Stage Supplier
be strongly influenced by the state of international cooperation. the second point
Foreign Policy First Proof
Date 18 april 2016
thomson Digital
is that australia’s changing approach to climate change cooperation illustrates the
Foreign Policy First Proof Thomson Digital
profound challenges for the climate change regime generally. In particular, the aus- 20 April 2016
tralian example suggests challenges for the climate change regime associated with
different and changing sets of state interests, complex ethical questions, the power
and institutionalized nature of existing political and economic arrangements, and
Chap TER
the varying drivers and effects of climate change in different 13 DuTiEs bEyonD boRDERs
places. 257
Boxes
box 13.5 obama on the syrian civil war
Introduction 497book, boxes provide you with
GlossAry Throughout the
Over the past two years, what began as a series of peaceful protests against the repressive regime of
Global climate change Bashar
hasal-Assad
emerged has turned
as oneintoofathe
brutal civil significant
most war. Over 100,000 people have
challenges been killed.
in world practitioners’
poli- Millions have perspectives, additional information, and
fled the country.
tics today. While uncertainty still Insurrounds
that time, America has worked
the specific with allies to provide
manifestations humanitarian
and time frame support,
of to
terfactual is to engage are not assumed
help the or
moderate opposition, taken as
and to given.
shape Constructivists
a political settlement. But I have
effects, climate change has the potential to directly threaten or displace millions of people en- practical
resisted calls for military illustrations of the theory described in the
action, because we cannot resolve someone else’s civil war through force, particularly after a decade of
and underminedogenize
bsence of the causal the livelihoods theofprocess
millions more, of interest
and posesand identity
a long-term formation.
threat to the sustain- main body of the text.
war in Iraq and Afghanistan.
would the outcome ability of life on the planet.
And thatWhile
is why,this
after is significant
careful enough,
deliberation, climate
I determined that change also constitutes
it is in the national security interests of the
a fundamental Energy
challenge dependence:
for the core institutions a situation
and practices in
of which
world the
politics. energy
the uncer-
United States to respond to the Assad regime’s use of chemical weapons through a targeted military strike.
? If the answer could
tainty associated needs
with ofeffects
Thethe a given
purpose of this actor
of strike
climate
would (usually
change a state)
undermines
be to deter Assad can
the
from using no longer
impetus
chemical tobe
for a genuinely
weapons, degrade his regime’s
d also test for theglobal
im- response, while varying degreesand toof contribution to global climate change—and
metability to use them,
indigenously make
through clear to the world
national that we will
energy not tolerate
sources. Thisvul- 2013).
their use (Obama
nerability to it—render attribution of responsibilities particularly difficult. and perhaps more
obliges the actor to depend upon the import of energy
of behaviour or phra- products from other exporters.
if Syria ever gets to a post-conflict phase, it will have an entire country to rebuild. But just
self from an unpleasant because the international community refused to use force does not mean that it did nothing.
Energy security: the combination of demand and
Glossary terms
Syria has been the recipient of one of the largest relief efforts, ever. and while humanitarian-
supply pressures
ism cannot linking
save a country, it canexporters and importers, both Key terms appear in bold throughout the text to alert
be a life-saver.
ory claiming that struc- of whom ultimately have the same goal, namely to
wer states can possess, ensure access to, transport of, and a market for energy you to each new concept. These terms are defined in a
Conclusion
resources required for the long-term and stable devel- glossary 21/04/16at theAM end of the book, which will prove very
mpetition.
1-Smith-Chap20.indd 394 11:50
opment of national
this discussion of the ideapower. helpful
of a duty to aid highlights how states are seemingly when
torn in two dif- you come to exam revision.
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its national interest.
First proof
based not only does anarchy
digital 18 april 2016
on
drivetrust
statesand an alignment
towards this conclusion, ofsomotivations.
too do most of the powerful bureaucracies in the for-
entral plank of interna- eign policy process and most publics. Governments and societies are not inherently heartless.
s that liberal democra- Episodic news: a term
rather, when forced to choose between interestsused to describe and ethics, news they media
generally choose interests if
ow democracies. Some reports
the ethicalthat
choice are framed
imposes a real incost
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Yet, a distinguishing feature of modern global politics is a thickening of international soci-
hat democratic states and without broader context. A news report detailing
ety. although it might be far-fetched to posit the existence of an international
Key pointsof US troops during the 2003 Iraq War, but
Key points
community,
the
thereprogress
now exist rules, norms, and principles that bind states and societies together produc-
providing
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environment and difficult to(e.g.
is fluidconsequently, there
manage. the arejusti-
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policy makers should be that
Athowever
the end of each chapter, the most important
ourages aggression by alert tonot
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and those imply the interests of states and people. While there is no expectation
described aspolicy
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● Foreign is not self-executing; the implementation phasethatis critical
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(of both the this canand
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state). it can
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lead to
● a growing sense
implementation canofbehypocrisy—where
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seem to Yet,deliver
it too can nothing but disappoint-
entail major decisions
emands, refusal to make ment and thatempty
may turn promises.
out to have Yet, the very
strategic existence
implications. of hypocrisy
potentially, therefore, suggests that there
implementation is asare new
Ethics: concerns
political—and theasvalues
therefore ethical—aof actors,
dimension including
as any other aspectwhat of foreign policy.
ne’s minimum needs,
kinds of actions are right or wrong, what is a good life
d analysis, see John
and Further
how to readinglive it, what our obligations and respon-
ld Economy (Ithaca, NY:
sibilities are to others, and the application of moral
George, A. and Simons, W.E. (eds) (1994), The Limits of Coercive Diplomacy, 2nd edn (Boulder, CO:
rules and ethical principles to concrete problems and
Westview).
: a new round of situations.
the best discussion of how force and diplomacy are often combined, if not always to good effect.
● the prominence
emergence ofofnew
realism andtechnologies,
media the onset of the Cold War
including helped
social to has
media, establish the prevalence
transformed the way of
that
How to use this book
national security concerns
public audiences engage intoforeign
both academics andand
policy debate policy makers.
discussion.
● debates about grand strategy are explicitly related to competing conceptions of national security.
Questions
Questions
Questions
1. Should ordinary people be involved in the conduct of foreign policy?
A set of carefully devised questions help you to assess
1.
2. What
Why isdoes Wolfers mean
the american when he
experience sowrites that national
important security ispublic
to understanding an ambiguous symbol?
diplomacy today?
3. how
2. is public
doesdiplomacy simply
realist theory a euphemism
contribute to the for propaganda?
primacy of national security? your understanding and critically reflect on core
4. how
3. is international broadcasting
do the three a viable
S’s of realism accountinstrument of public
for the primacy of diplomacy?
national security? themes and issues.
5. What is the
4. newrelationship
about ‘new’between
public diplomacy?
the theory of realism and the field of security studies?
6. during
5. Do youthe
think thatWar,
Cold public
howdiplomacy canconceive
did scholars bring about change
of the in north
relationship Korea? nuclear weapons and
between
7. national
How does security?
public diplomacy contribute to power?
6.
8. What is the meaning
Does technology makeof public
national security? more effective?
diplomacy
7. how does a focus on the concept of human security change your understanding of national
security?
Further
8. reading
What is the best grand strategy for the USa to achieve national security?
Cull, N.J (2009a), ‘Public Diplomacy Before Gullion: Evolution of a Phrase’, in N. Snow and P. Taylor
(eds), Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy (New York: Routledge).
Further
Further reading
this chapterreading
sets out a brief history of the term ‘public diplomacy’ from patchy beginnings through to
the modern
Brown, coinage
M., Cote, O., of the phrase.S.E., and Miller, S. (eds), (2000), America’s Strategic Choices,
Lynn-Jones,
revised
Cull, edn (Cambridge,
N.J. (2009b), MA: MIT Lessons
‘Public Diplomacy:
To take your learning further, each section ends with a
Press). from its Past’, CPD Perspectives.
an informative
a typology surveydiplomacy’s
of public of the competing americanbased
main functions grandonstrategies for the
case studies reading list that will help you locate the key academic
post-Cold
from the past.War period.
Gray, C. (1999),
K.R.‘Clausewitz
(2010), ‘U.S.Rules,
PublicOK? The FutureNeglected
is the Past—with GPS’, Review of International
Fitzpatrick,
Studies, 25: 161–182.
Diplomacy’s Domestic Mandate’,
literature
CPD
examines the domestic dimensions of public diplomacy, drawing in particular on the american
in the field.
Perspectives.
The Online Resource Centre that accompanies this book provides both students and
lecturers with ready-to-use teaching and learning materials, designed to maximize the
learning experience.
www.oxfordtextbooks.co.uk/orc/smith_foreign3e/
FOR STUDENTS
Flashcard glossary
A series of interactive flashcards containing key
terms and concepts has been provided to allow
you to check your understanding of terminology,
and to aid exam revision.
Guided tour of the Online Resource Centre xxiii
Timeline
The Online Resource Centre includes a timeline
so that you can find out about the different
periods in the evolution of foreign policy
analysis.
Web links
A selection of annotated web links makes it easy
to research those topics that are of particular
interest to you.
FOR LECTURERS
Teaching foreign policy cases
Steve Lamy introduces the case method of
teaching, an active teaching and learning
strategy which encourages critical analysis,
evaluation, and problem-solving.
Case studies
Additional case studies, including The Artic Race
and Britain and Iraq, are provided to supplement
the material in the book itself.
PowerPoint® slides
The fully customizable PowerPoint® slides are
available to download, offering a useful resource
to instructors preparing lectures and handouts.
Acknowledgements
All three editors are teachers of foreign policy. Steve Smith first taught foreign policy analysis
in the mid-1980s while a young lecturer at the University of East Anglia. Tim Dunne, who was
in Steve’s class in 1987–1988, taught comparative foreign policy at the University of Exeter,
and currently teaches and writes about decision making in relation to intervention at the
School of Political Science and International Studies at the University of Queensland. Amelia
Hadfield first taught foreign policy analysis at the University of Kent, Canterbury, and contin-
ues to research and teach FPA at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel.
The aim of the first edition was to gather into a single text the waterfront of themes that
ought to feature on a foreign policy course. The second and third editions continue that
same goal, with new and revised chapters written by first-rate scholars and instructors whose
ability to communicate their ideas via the research-led teaching of foreign policy analysis is
clearly revealed in the pages that follow. The book is nothing if not genuinely international;
the editorial team and the talented line-up of contributors drawn from the corners of the
globe.
During the long journey to publication, we could not have wished for better and more
supportive commissioning editors than Kirsty Reade and subsequently Sarah Iles at OUP.
Through various editions, we have been fortunate to draw on the support of several research
assistants: Dusan Radivojevic and Nika Jurcova helped with the second edition, and Michal
Gloznek and Constance Duncombe provided excellent support throughout the process of
putting together a new third edition.
We set out to assemble a book that could serve as an ideal resource for bringing courses on
foreign policy to life. If readers and instructors use it to debate and contest the great foreign
policy issues of our day, then the book will have made its mark. If readers and instructors do
this and draw on the major theories and concepts informing the study of foreign policy, then
we will have achieved more than we could have reasonably expected.
We are all three indebted to the work of Jim Rosenau in different ways. He graciously wrote
the Foreword to the first edition. When we first came up with the idea of asking Jim, we
thought it was a long shot. Within minutes of sending the invitation, we had an enthusiastic
reply that suggested all kinds of possible ways of opening Foreign Policy: Theories, Actors,
Cases. Such energy and creativity has marked out Jim’s contribution to a field which, more
than any other writer and thinker, he has shaped and defined.
As we were finishing the editing of the second edition, word came through that Jim Rosenau
had passed away (he died on 9 September 2011, aged 86, after suffering a stroke). Jim was
one of the most significant scholars working in foreign policy, and was one of the subject’s
founding fathers. His influence on foreign policy analysis was not only through his published
works, but also through the personal encouragement he gave to generations of students and
scholars. Jim only gave up teaching at George Washington University in 2009, and still started
each class by asking students to read out headlines from the New York Times and then asking
them ‘What is this an instance of?’, and how it related to ideas they had covered in the course.
His daughter, Margaret, said in one obituary that ‘he was in love with teaching and in love
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and encourage. Since Colonel Philip Windham, Keith’s father, had
also fought under Marlborough, Keith had on one occasion asked
the old soldier some questions about the great Duke’s battles, and
found Preston very ready to hold forth on them, and in particular on
that bloody fight of Malplaquet, where he had commanded the
Cameronian regiment. And Keith remembered suddenly that the
Scottish friend of his father’s after whom he himself was named had
met his death at Malplaquet, and spoke to the old soldier about that
misty John Keith of whom he knew so little.
“Aye,” said the General, a Perthshire man himself, “I wondered
that ye should bear a Scots name in front of an English, Captain
Windham. I suppose yon Keith will have been in a Scottish regiment,
but I don’t mind of him. ’Tis thirty-six years syne, ye ken—a lang
time, more than your hale lifetime, young man.”
So John Keith, who had fallen on a Flanders battlefield nearly
forty years before, became more misty than ever. But Captain
Windham’s pre-natal connection with a Scot of Malplaquet had
interested old Preston in him, and he announced an intention of
reporting on the zeal and vigilance which the officer of the Royals
had displayed in the defence of the Castle.
From his chair the old General beckoned to that officer now, and
sent his servant out of hearing.
“Captain Windham, a word in your ear!” And, as Keith stooped,
he said gleefully, “’Tis a good word, if ever there was one. I’ve every
reason to believe that Edinburgh will be free of these Highland pests
the morn!”
Keith gave an exclamation. “They are evacuating the city, sir?”
The veteran chuckled. “They intend marching for England,
whence I pray not a man of ’em will return alive. The news has just
come in by a sure hand, but I had jaloused it already. In a day or two
ye’ll not see a plaid between Greyfriars and the Nor’ Loch!”
There was a bitter wind sweeping across the Beauly Firth, and
Inverness on the farther shore lay shivering under a leaden sky. The
Kessock ferryman had to tug at his oars, although he carried but one
passenger, a gaunt, broad-shouldered young man, fully armed, who
sat looking across at the little town with rather harassed blue eyes.
Four months—four months and a week over—for to-day was the
seventh of March—since, full of hope and determination, the Prince’s
army had set out on the road to England. Of what avail those hopes?
England had not risen for the Stuarts, had not stirred. And yet, just
when it seemed that, if the invaders had put their fortunes to the
touch and pushed on, they might have gained a kingdom, they found
themselves turning their backs on their goal and trailing home again
over the Border. Little more than forty days had been spent on the
other side, and, save for the rear-guard action near Penrith, the
sword had not left its sheath there. The invasion had been a failure.
Yet, in spite of weariness and heartburnings, the little army had at
least recrossed Esk in safety—except those of it so mistakenly left to
garrison Carlisle—and many were not sorry to be back on Scottish
soil. But to have retreated once more after beating Hawley at Falkirk
in January, even though the bad weather had hindered pursuit and
prevented a more decisive victory, to have left Stirling, after failing to
take it, in such haste and disorder that the withdrawal had been
more like a rout, what name best befitted that strategy? For gradually
all the Lowlands had been occupied in their rear, and there was a
slow tide setting northwards after them which one day might be slow
no longer.
The Prince, maddened at the decision to withdraw north, which
was against his every instinct, had been told that the daily desertions
were so great as to leave no choice, that the only course was to
master the forts in the north, keep together a force until the spring,
and then increase it to fighting strength. But had the desertions been
so extensive? It was hard to judge, yet, from his own experience,
Ardroy would not have said so. Still, there were other difficulties,
other divisions; there was the preponderating influence of the Irish
favourites, who always had the Prince’s ear because they always fell
in with his opinions; there was the growing ill-feeling between him
and his able but hot-tempered general-in-chief, so acute that Ewen
had with his own ears heard Charles Edward charge Lord George
Murray behind his back with treachery. Yet Lochiel had been for
withdrawal, and whatever Lochiel did was right in Ewen’s eyes. He
was wondering to-day whether the Chief were still of the same
opinion; he had not seen him for over a fortnight.
The ferryman’s voice broke in on his passenger’s reflections. “’Tis
all much changed in Inverness now, sir, and for the better.” Evidently,
like most of the inhabitants, he was Jacobite at heart. “To think that
only two weeks agone I ferried Lord Loudoun and the Lord President
and the Chief of Macleod over in this very boat, and all their troops
crossing helter-skelter too, to get away from the Prince. . . . You’ll be
yourself, perhaps, from chasing after Lord Loudoun yonder?” he
added tentatively.
“Yes,” answered Ewen, his eyes still fixed on Inverness, “I am
from Lord Cromarty’s force.”
The reason why the Earl of Loudoun, commanding the district for
the Government, had evacuated Inverness without a battle, was
really due to the somewhat ludicrous failure of his attempt to seize
the person of the Prince when, in mid-February, the latter was the
guest of Lady Mackintosh at Moy Hall. Conceiving the idea of
surprising him there, the Earl had set out secretly at night with a
force of fifteen hundred men for that purpose. But timely warning
having been sent from Inverness, the Prince slipped out of Moy Hall,
and the whole of Lord Loudoun’s force was thrown into confusion,
and a part of it into headlong flight, by the ruse of Donald Fraser, the
Moy blacksmith, and four of Lady Mackintosh’s Highland servants,
who, by firing off their pieces in the dark and calling to imaginary
regiments to come up, re-enacted the comedy of High Bridge on an
even more piquant scale. Not only was the Earl obliged to return
ignominiously to Inverness, but the desertions from his Highland
companies consequent upon this affair were so great that he thought
it better to await Cumberland’s advance among the Whig clans of
Ross and Cromarty, to which he and his force accordingly retired;
and Prince Charles’s army had entered Inverness without a blow.
The water lapped the sides of the ferryboat impatiently. The sky
looked full of snow, and nearly as dark as on the day of Falkirk, while
the wind was even colder than Ewen remembered it as they had
plodded over Shap Fell in the December retreat from England. In
Cæsar’s time, as he used to read in his boyhood, armies went into
winter quarters. But all their marching and fighting had been done in
the severest season of the year, in autumn and winter; and who
knew what awaited them in the not less cruel rigours of a Highland
spring? For Cumberland, he knew, had been at Aberdeen since the
end of February.
Ewen frowned, and his thoughts went back to the somewhat
comic warfare from which he had just been recalled. For when Lord
Cromarty had been sent with a Jacobite force over the Moray Firth
after Lord Loudoun, the latter, retreating farther north into
Sutherland, established himself at Dornoch on the other side of the
deep-winding firth of that name, which Cromarty, having no boats,
could not cross. But directly Cromarty attempted to go round by the
head of the firth Lord Loudoun sent his men across by ferry to Tain,
on the Ross-shire side, once more; and when Lord Cromarty
returned to Ross, Lord Loudoun recalled his followers to Dornoch.
And thus a vexatious and absurd game of catch as catch can had
been going on, and might go on for ever unless the Prince could
send another detachment to hold Tain. No, Ewen was not sorry that
Lochiel had recalled him.
He pulled his bonnet with the draggled eagle’s feathers and the
soiled cockade farther down on his brows, and wrapped his plaid
round him, for they were now in the icy middle of the firth. The
ferryman babbled on, telling him for the most part things he knew
already; how, for instance, when the Prince had had the castle here
blown up after its surrender, an unfortunate French engineer had
been blown up with it. It was useless to ask the man what he really
wanted to know, how Miss Alison Grant did over there in Inverness,
Alison on whom he had not set eyes since Hector and he had said
farewell to her last All Hallows in Edinburgh. It was a question
whether they three would ever meet again, for Hector had been one
of the officers left behind as part of the ill-fated garrison of Carlisle,
and since the thirtieth of December he had been a prisoner in
English hands. How Alison was bearing this ill news Ewen could only
guess; it was all the heavier for her too, because her father was in
France, having been despatched thither on a mission by the Prince
directly after Falkirk.
Ewen knew that Alison and his aunt had come to Inverness in the
hopes of seeing him, immediately on the news of the town’s
surrender to the Highland army on February 18, but as it was before
their arrival that Ewen himself had been sent off with Lord Cromarty’s
composite force, the meeting had not taken place. Miss Cameron, as
a letter had since told him, had thought it best on that to return to
Ardroy, but, feeling sure that sooner or later Ewen’s duties would
bring him to Inverness, she had left Alison there in the care of Lady
Ogilvy, whose husband, with his regiment, was on the other side of
the Spey. And now Lochiel had recalled Ewen—but only to
accompany him on another enterprise. Of his approaching return
Ewen had told Alison in a letter which he had despatched yesterday
by Lachlan, but he had not told her how brief his stay would be, nor
had he broached the project which was in his own mind—the
determination which had been growing there since the retreat
northward.
But, as he thought of what that was, the harassed look went out
of his eyes, and he became deafer than ever to the ferryman’s
chatter.
The morning was very cold, and when he took Alison to the
French brig a little snow was falling; the gang-plank was slippery too
with rime. He carried her bodily over it, and down to the cabin which
she would share with Jean Wishart.
There under the low beams Alison’s courage broke at last.
Clinging to him convulsively she said, in a voice that was not hers,
that he must come with her; that she could not go without him—she
could not! He must come too, and then he would be safe . . .
Ewen turned even paler than she. “My darling, my heart’s darling,
you don’t mean that!”
Alison swayed; her eyes closed. Alarmed, he put her on a seat
against the bulkhead, and, kneeling by her, began to chafe her
hands. Soon they clenched in his, and she opened her eyes, dark
pools of sorrow, and said firmly through colourless lips, “No, no, I did
not mean it! I know that you cannot come. Will you . . . can you
forget what I said, Ewen?”
“It is forgotten. It was not you who spoke,” he answered, trying to
keep his own voice steady as he knelt there, holding her hands very
tightly. There was a trampling sound on deck; how long had they for
all the thousand, thousand things that remained to say? There was
no time to say even one. He bent his head and pressed his lips
passionately upon the hands he held. Anguish though it was to lose
her, it was better that she should go. For since he had urged her to
marry him that he might take her back to Ardroy he saw with different
eyes. The future looked blacker than he had realised; away in Ross
he had not known of the desperate want of money, even of food, the
gradually thinning ranks. He knew of these now, and saw even
Cumberland’s delay at Aberdeen in a sinister light, as if the
Hanoverian commander knew that the fates were working on his
side and that there was no need for haste. . . .
Above him Alison’s voice said suddenly, “Ewen . . . Ewen, why do
you not say, ‘Stay then in Scotland with me—do not go to France
yourself!’?”
He was startled; had she read his thoughts? “Why, my darling,”
he answered as readily as he could, “because your father needs you
so sorely.”
Her voice sank still lower. “There is another reason, too—do not
deny it! You think that I am safer away!”
And Ewen did not answer.
“And you gave me this ring—the Prince’s ring—not only as a
wedding gift, but because you feared that one day . . . soon . . . it
might be taken from you!”
After a pause he said, “Partly, perhaps.”
“Then . . . I cannot leave you, even for my father,” said Alison,
and sprang up. “I must stay in Scotland, beside you. I am your wife.
Take me back to the quay, Ewen—tell Mrs. Wishart . . .”
But Ewen, on his feet too, caught her in his arms. “No, darling,
no! Think of your father, whom you may never see again. And, love
of my heart”—he tried to make his voice light—“you cannot come
besieging Fort William with me! When we have beaten Cumberland,
as we beat Cope and Hawley, I will come to France and fetch you
home to Ardroy.”
“When we have beaten Cumberland.” Alison looked up into her
husband’s eyes with a most insistent question in her own. But he did
not answer the question, though he knew very well what it was, for
he said gently, “How can one see into the future, darling? One can
only . . . do one’s duty.”
Even as he uttered that rigorous word there came a knock at the
cabin door, and a gruff French voice announced that they would be
casting off in another minute or two, and that if Monsieur wished to
land he must be quick.
So the sword slid down between them. Ewen’s grasp tightened.
“Alison, white love, rose of my heart, we are one for ever now!
You will know, I think, what befalls me.”
Her face was hidden on his breast, so close that he could not
even kiss it. “Darling, darling, let me go . . .” he whispered. But it was
rather a question, he felt, whether he could ever unloose his own
clasp and cast his heart from him. And men were running about
shouting overhead; the hawser was coming inboard . . .
Suddenly Alison lifted her face, and it was almost transfigured.
“Yes, I shall know . . . for I think you will come back to me, God
keeping you.” She took her arms from his shoulders; he bent to her
lips for the kiss that first turned his heart to water and then ran
through it like wine, loosed his hold of her, and walked straight out of
the cabin without another word or look. With the same unchecked
movement he crossed the gang-plank from the deck, as if he could
not trust himself to remain the moment or so longer that it would take
the sailors to cast off the second hawser.
But on the quay he turned, wishing they would be quick, and
make it impossible for him to leap on board again, though the plank
was now withdrawn, and be carried off with Alison. And at last, after
an eternity which was all too short, the end of the rope splashed into
the water. More sails went up; the distance began to widen. Alison
was going from him.
He stood there motionless, long after the brig had left the shore,
watching her move to the waters of the firth. The sparse snowflakes
whirled relentlessly against him, but they melted as soon as they
came to rest, as brief in their stay as his two days’ happiness.