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CHAPTER 6
COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN INFANCY
CONTENTS
Learning Objectives 107
Key Terms and Concepts 108
Chapter Outline/Lecture Notes 108
I. Piaget’s Approach to Cognitive Development 108
II. Information-Processing Approaches to Cognitive Development 110
III. The Roots of Language 112
Lecture Suggestions and Discussion Topics 115
Class Activities, Demonstrations, and Exercises 118
Out-of-Class Assignments and Projects 119
Supplemental Reading List 119
Multimedia Ideas/Video Resources 120
Handouts 122
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
After reading Chapter 6, students will be able to answer these questions:
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KEY TERMS AND CONCEPTS
scheme (p. 145) language (p. 158)
assimilation (p. 146) babbling (p. 159)
accommodation (p. 146) holophrases (p. 161)
sensorimotor stage (of cognitive telegraphic speech (p. 162)
development) (p. 146) underextension (p. 162)
goal-directed behavior (p. 148) overextension (p. 162)
object permanence (p. 148) referential style (p. 162)
mental representation (p. 149) expressive style (p. 162)
deferred imitation (p. 149) learning theory approach (p. 162)
information-processing approaches (p. 151) nativist approach (p. 163)
memory (p. 153) universal grammar (p. 163)
infantile amnesia (p. 154) language-acquisition device (LAD) (p. 163)
developmental quotient (p. 156) infant-directed speech (p. 164)
Bayley Scales of Infant Development (p. 156)
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C. The Sensorimotor Period: Six Substages of Cognitive Development
1. The sensorimotor stage (birth until 2) is comprised of six substages.
2. Substage 1: Simple Reflexes
a) First month
b) Various reflexes determine the infant’s interaction with the world.
3. Substage 2: First Habits and Primary Circular Reactions
a) 1–4 months
b) Coordination of actions
c) Primary circular reactions are the infant’s repeating of interesting or
enjoyable actions on his or her body.
d) A circular reaction permits the construction of cognitive schemes through
the repetition of a motor event.
4. Substage 3: Secondary Circular Reactions
a) 4–8 months
b) Begins to act on world (e.g., shakes a rattle)
c) Secondary circular reactions are repeated actions meant to bring about a
desirable consequence on the outside world.
d) Vocalization increases and imitation begins.
5. Substage 4: Coordination of Secondary Circular Reactions
a) 8–12 months
b) Employs goal-directed behavior where several schemes are combined and
coordinated to generate a single act to solve a problem.
c) Can anticipate upcoming event
d) Development of object permanence, the realization that people and objects
exist even when they cannot be seen.
6. Substage 5: Tertiary Circular Reactions
a) 12–18 months
b) Tertiary circular reactions are the deliberate variation of actions to bring
desirable consequences.
7. Substage 6: Beginnings of Thought
a) 18–24 months
b) Capacity for mental representation, an internal image of a past event or
object, or symbolic thought
(1) Permits child to understand causality
(2) Child gains ability to pretend and deferred imitation, in which a
person who is no longer present is imitated later after children have
witnessed such scenes.
D. Appraising Piaget: Support and Challenges
1. Most developmentalists agree that Piaget’s descriptions of how cognitive
development proceeds during infancy are accurate.
2. Piaget was a master observer and studies show that children do learn about the world
by acting on objects in their environment.
3. However, specific aspects of Piaget’s theory have been criticized.
a) Some developmentalists question the stage concept, thinking development is
more continuous.
b) Developmental researcher Robert Siegler suggests that cognitive
development proceeds not in stages, but in “waves,” ebbing and flowing of
cognitive approaches that children use.
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4. Piaget’s notion that development is grounded in activity ignores the importance of
infants’ sensory and perceptual abilities.
5. Recent work shows object permanence may occur as early as 3½ months.
6. Imitation may occur earlier than Piaget suggested.
7. Some development is universal, and some appears to be subject to cultural
variations.
8. Piaget’s influence has been enormous, and he remains a towering influence and
pioneer in the field of child development.
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b) Research suggests that memory during infancy is dependent upon the
hippocampus and that at a later age involves additional structures of the
brain.
c) Early research supported the notion of infantile amnesia, the lack of
memory for experiences that occurred prior to three years of age.
(1) Although memories are stored from early infancy, they cannot be
easily retrieved.
(2) Early memories are susceptible to interference from later events.
(3) Recall of memories is sensitive to environmental context.
(4) The question of how well memories formed during infancy are
retained in adulthood remains not fully answered, but research
suggests that it is possible for memories to remain intact from a very
young age, if subsequent information does not interfere with them.
(5) Infants have memory capabilities from their earliest days, although
the accuracy of infant memories is a matter of debate.
3. The Cognitive Neuroscience of Memory
a) Studies of the neurological basis of memory that come from advances in
brain scan technology, as well as studies of adults with brain damage,
suggest that there are two separate systems involved with long-term memory.
(1) Explicit memory is memory that is conscious and can be recalled
intentionally.
(2) Implicit memory is memory that is recalled unconsciously, and
consists mainly of motor skills, habits, and activities that can be
remembered without conscious cognitive effort.
D. Individual Differences in Intelligence: Is One Infant Smarter Than Another?
1. What Is Infant Intelligence?
a) Infant intelligence, like adult intelligence, is difficult to define.
b) Traditional measures of infant intelligence, such as Gesell’s developmental
quotient and the Bayley Scales of Infant Development, focus on average
behavior observed at particular ages in large numbers of children.
2. Developmental Scales
a) Arnold Gesell formulated the developmental quotient (DQ), an overall
developmental score that relates to performance in four domains and is the
earliest measure of infant development based on hundreds of babies.
b) It compared their performance at different ages to learn what behaviors were
common to a certain age.
(1) Motor skills
(2) Language use
(3) Adaptive behavior
(4) Personal-social behavior
c) Bayley Scales of Infant Development are a measure that evaluates an
infant’s development from 2 to 42 months.
(1) Mental scale
(a) Senses
(b) Perception
(c) Memory
(d) Learning
(e) Problem solving
(f) Language
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(2) Motor scale
(a) Gross-motor skills
(b) Fine-motor skills
d) These normative scales are useful in identifying infants who are significantly
ahead or behind their peers.
(1) Infants who are behind their peers need immediate special attention.
(2) Tests might be administered if a parent or physician believes that an
infant is suffering from developmental delays and to assess the
significance of such delays so that early intervention programs can
be put into place if needed.
e) They are not good at predicting future behavior.
3. Information-Processing Approaches to Individual Differences in Intelligence
a) Contemporary approaches to infant intelligence, information-processing
approaches, suggest that the speed with which infants process information
correlates most strongly with later intelligence as measured by IQ tests
administered during adulthood.
(1) Visual-recognition memory is a measure of memory and recognition
of a stimulus that has been previously seen.
(2) Cross-modal transference is the ability to identify a stimulus that
has previously only been experienced through one sense using
another sense.
b) These measures correlate moderately well with later measures of intelligence
based in IQ scores, but the correlation is only moderate in strength.
4. Assessing Information-Processing Approaches
a) Information-processing approaches to assessing intelligence rely on
variations in the speed and quality with which infants process information.
b) Information-processing approaches to the study of cognitive development
seek to learn how individuals receive, organize, store, and retrieve
information.
(1) Such approaches differ from Piaget’s by considering quantitative
changes in children’s abilities to process information.
E. From Research to Practice: Do Educational Media for Infants Enhance Their Cognitive
Development?: Taking the Einstein Out of Baby Einstein
1. What would Piaget have said about such educational tools for this age group?
2. Is this another example of a digital divide between parents who can afford such tools
and those who cannot?
3. Is Baby Einstein an example of good advertising? Research does not offer any proof
that this type of educational tool does anything to increase a child’s intelligence.
a) Patricia Kuhl offers that infants do not learn language from rote repetition,
such as that on a recording.
b) Infants need to hear the human voice and the way sounds resonate to acquire
the sensitivity to the sounds of their own native language.
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b) Several formal characteristics of a language must be mastered as linguistic
competence develops.
(1) Phonology: basic units of sound in a language
(2) Morphemes: smallest language unit conveying meaning
(3) Semantics: rules for the meanings of words and sentences
c) Linguistic comprehension is the understanding of speech.
d) Linguistic production is the use of language to communicate.
e) Comprehension precedes production.
2. Early Sounds and Communication
a) Infants show prelinguistic communication through sounds, facial
expressions, gestures, imitations, and other non-linguistic means.
(1) Babbling is when infants make speech-like but meaningless sounds
at about 2–3 months continuing to about 1 year.
(a) Babbling is a universal phenomenon.
(b) Even deaf infants exposed to sign language babble with their
hands.
(c) Babbling begins with easy sounds (ee) and proceeds to more
complex sounds (bee).
(d) By age 6 months, babbling differs according to the language
to which the infant is exposed.
(e) Infants communicate with their parents through babbling.
3. First Words
a) First words are generally spoken between 10–14 months.
b) First words are typically holophrases, one-word utterances that depend on
the particular context in which they are used to determine meaning.
c) By 15 months, the average child has a vocabulary of 10 words.
d) A vocabulary spurt occurs between 16 and 24 months when a child’s
vocabulary increases from 50 to 400 words.
e) Two-word phrases begin to emerge approximately 8 to 12 months after the
first word is spoken.
(1) Important because it not only provides labels for things, but
indicates the relations between them
4. First Sentences
a) By 18 months, infants are linking words in sentences using telegraphic
speech where words not critical to the message are left out.
b) Underextension, using words too restrictively, is common.
c) Overextension, using words too broadly, is very common.
d) A referential style is when language is used primarily to label objects.
e) An expressive style is when language is used primarily to express feelings
and needs.
B. The Origins of Language Development
1. Linguists are divided on how to explain the origins of language.
2. Learning Theory Approaches: Language as a Learned Skill
a) According to the learning theory approach, language acquisition follows
the basic laws of reinforcement and conditioning.
3. Nativist Approaches: Language as an Innate Skill
a) The nativist approach, championed by the linguist Noam Chomsky, argues
that there is a genetically determined mechanism that directs the
development of language.
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(1) The learning theory approach to language acquisition assumes that
adults and children use basic behavioral processes—such as
conditioning, reinforcement, and shaping—in language learning.
(2) A different approach proposed by Chomsky holds that humans are
genetically endowed with a language-acquisition device, which
permits them to detect and use the principles of universal grammar
that underlie all languages.
b) Chomsky suggests that all the world’s languages share a similar underlying
structure, called universal grammar.
c) In this view, the human brain is wired with a neural system called the
language-acquisition device (LAD), which permits the understanding of
language structure and provides a set of strategies and techniques for
learning particular characteristics of language.
4. The Interactionist Approaches
a) The interactionist perspective argues that language development is produced
through a combination of genetically determined predispositions and
environmental events.
C. From Research to Practice: Infants Learn from Adults, not Videos
1. Children learn vocabulary words best in an interactive setting where adults are
responding to the sounds the infant is making and when they initiate the learning.
D. Speaking to Children: The Language of Infant-Directed Speech
1. Infant-Directed Speech
a) Adult language is influenced by the children to whom it is addressed.
b) Infant-directed speech takes on characteristics, surprisingly invariant
across cultures, that makes it appealing to infants and probably encourage
language development.
c) Pitch of voice becomes higher
d) Intonation may be more varied or singsong
e) Frequent repetition of words
f) Restricted topics
g) Typically only used during first year
h) Infants seem more receptive to infant-directed speech than regular speech.
E. Developmental Diversity: Is Infant-Directed Speech Similar in All Cultures?
1. Infant-directed speech is used across a variety of cultures.
2. Use of infant-directed speech is related to the early appearance of words
F. Are You An Informed Consumer of Development?: What Can You Do to Promote Infants’
Cognitive Development?
1. There is no scientific evidence to support the effectiveness of programs to increase a
child’s intelligence.
2. Certain things can be done to promote cognitive development in infants.
a) Provide infants the opportunity to explore the world.
b) Be responsive to infants on both a verbal and a nonverbal level.
c) Read to your infants.
d) Keep in mind that you don’t have to be with an infant 24 hours a day.
e) Don’t push infants and don’t expect too much too soon.
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LECTURE SUGGESTIONS AND DISCUSSION TOPICS
Malnutrition, Poverty, and Intellectual Development. Whereas poverty and malnutrition are
pervasive in developing countries, it is surprising how many infants’ diets are significantly
inadequate in the United States. According to J. Larry Brown and Ernesto Pollitt, it is estimated
that over 12 million American children suffer the effects of inadequate diets. According to
Brown and Pollitt, whereas experts have known for a long time that inadequate protein and
vitamins affected intellectual development, newer research shows that adequate nutrition alone
cannot fully compensate for the lack of cognitive development. The following summarizes these
effects:
(Old Theory) from conception to age 2, the brain grows to 80 percent of its adult size.
Malnutrition during this crucial period can interfere with neural growth and result in
severe and long-lasting damage.
Thus, according to Brown and Pollitt, intervention needs to be addressed on multiple levels:
improved nutrition, education, job programs, and early childhood medical care.
Source:
Brown, J. L. & Pollitt, E. (1996, February). Malnutrition, poverty, and intellectual development.
Scientific American, 38–43.
The Language Acquisition Debate. Do we learn to talk by hearing others talk and imitating
them? Or are our brains “hardwired,” predisposing us to learn whatever language we hear
spoken? These questions reflect the hypotheses of the two major theories of how children acquire
language: the learning (nurture) perspective (Skinner, Bandura, and others) and the nativist
(nature) perspective (Chomsky).
The learning perspective stresses that language is acquired through imitation of adults (Bandura)
and through reinforcement of correct language usage (Skinner). Evidence for this perspective
comes from observations that children only learn the language they hear spoken around them.
Furthermore, research on deaf children and special cases (like Genie who was never spoken to or
allowed to speak) shows that without special training these children never learn to speak. In fact,
children even learn the “accent” of the region in which they live (e.g., southern, Bostonian, etc.),
which seems to support the idea that imitation plays a role in language acquisition. It is also
obvious that vocabulary increases with imitation and reinforcement. (Just think of how easily
children learn songs on TV or to repeat swear words!) Unfortunately, there is little evidence that
parents or other adults reinforce correct grammar. For example, when a young child says “Me
cookie” or “I ranned to the house,” parents know just what the child means and do not correct the
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grammar.
Thus, the learning perspective does not account for how children learn syntax, the structure and
rules of language. Nor does it explain why, the world over, children’s language acquisition
progresses in similar patterns from babbling to holophrases to telegraphic speech to over- and
under-generalizations.
The nativist perspective (Chomsky) hypothesizes that human brains have a language-acquisition
device (LAD) that allows children to develop an implicit theory of language and to understand the
meaning of what they hear. In addition, the nativist approach purports a “critical or sensitive
period” during which language must be learned (see Lenneberg and Sacks books in Supplemental
Reading List). Several lines of evidence support Chomsky’s views. First, despite years of trying
to teach chimpanzees to speak, it appears that only humans show the ability to acquire syntax
without formal training. Second, humans have special regions in the left hemisphere of the brain
which are necessary for language. Broca’s Area controls language production, and Wernicke’s
Area is responsible for interpreting language. If either of these is damaged, language is impaired.
Additionally, recovery from brain injury is less complete after puberty, supporting the sensitive
period hypothesis. Second languages are learned without an accent in most cases only before
puberty, which also supports the sensitive period hypothesis.
Several limitations of the nativist approach include the following: no universal grammar has been
found to exist; complete mastery of grammar continues throughout life, which argues against a
sensitive period; and finally, Chomsky’s theory does not account for how children learn to sustain
meaningful conversations or how cognitive ability is related to language acquisition.
The interactionist perspective replaces the learning/nativist debate with a view that combines
biology, cognition, and social experience; in other words, “a native capacity, a strong desire to
interact with others, and a rich linguistic and social environment combine to assist children in
discovering the functions and regularities of language.” (Berk, p. 357).
Sources:
Chomsky, N. (1959). A review of B. F. Skinner’s Verbal Behavior. Language, 35, 26–129.
Berk, L. (1994). Child development (3rd ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon.
Infantile Amnesia. Piaget told the story of his earliest memory—of being nearly kidnapped when
he was 2 years old. He could recall sitting in his carriage watching his nurse protect him from a
kidnapper. He recalled her getting scratched on the face. He even remembered the policeman
wearing a short coat and carrying a white stick chasing the kidnapper away. When Piaget was 15,
his old nurse wrote to his parents and confessed that she had made up the whole story. Thus, it
seems that early memories are tricky. In fact, most psychologists believe that early memories are
hazy or nonexistent before the age of 3.
This phenomenon is called infantile amnesia. Many people claim they can recall events from
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before 3, however, experts believe, like Piaget, that their “memories” are reconstructions based on
family photos, stories, dreams, and their imaginations. Why can’t we remember early events from
infancy when we obviously have memories for names, faces, and procedures from those times?
Freud believed that children do not recall early memories because these memories are traumatic as
children are repressing sexual and aggressive urges.
Another theory is that the area of the brain where events are stored, the hippocampus, is not well
developed in infancy. This theory is supported by studies of infants’ sleeping. Newborns spend
over 8 hours a day in REM sleep. This cycle is different than in adults—the sleep cycles occur in
50 to 60 minute periods and begin with REM sleep (rather than slow wave sleep, as in adults). By
the age of 2, infants spend only 3 hours a day in REM sleep. A leading theory of why infants
need so much REM sleep is that it stimulates nerve growth in the hippocampus. By the age of 2,
memories can begin to be integrated in meaningful ways (and thus be recalled).
Cognitive developmentalists further believe that since language is required to store and retrieve
memories, infants, with only emerging language skills, cannot yet form the conceptual categories,
or schemas, necessary to organize and retrieve memories. Finally, some developmental
psychologists believe that a sense of self is crucial for storing and recalling memories about one’s
experiences. Research indicates that a sense of self does not emerge until the second year of life.
Sources:
Winson, J. (1997). The meaning of dreams. Mysteries of the Mind [Special issue of Scientific
American], 58–67.
1. How would you explain to Karen the cognitive advance that was likely occurring in Lisa as
she began using “Mammia,” “Daddio,” “Meemia,” and “Deedio,” even though, initially, these
were one-word utterances?
Lisa is clearly moving from simple single word utterances to the holophrases where one-
word utterances stand for a whole phrase. Culture can certainly affect these first utterances. For
example, North American English-speaking infants usually utter nouns first; whereas Chinese
Mandarin-speaking infants use more verbs than nouns.
2. Do you think Lisa’s initial use of “Meemia” and “Daddio” could be considered telegraphic
speech? Why or Why not?
Telegraphic speech is defined as speech in which words not critical to the message are
left out. Although a little early in development, Lisa’s use of “Meemia” and “Daddio” are
examples of this.
3. How might Karen have gone about investigating Lisa’s meaning for words like “Mammia”
and “Deedio” before the baby began using two-word sentences?
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Perhaps if Karen had paid closer attention to what Lisa was doing and who she was with
when she said these words, Karen would have made the connection sooner.
4. Do you think infants ever utter nonsense words, or does each word have a concrete meaning
to the baby? Explain your responses in terms of what we know about infant language
acquisition.
As babies are attempting to one-word holophrases, their utterances may not sound like
words to others; however they are attempts. Babies also seem to enjoy the sound of their own
voices especially when a parent or caregiver is responding back.
5. How can a parent influence an infant’s language development? In what ways is the parent’s
influence limited?
Clearly talking directly with the infant has a tremendous influence on language
development. However, the child’s brain develops on its own unique time.
Bayley’s Scales of Infant Development. If you can get a copy of the current Bayley Scales of
Infant Development-II and one or two infants (preferably a young infant and an older infant), you
can show your class how infants’ intelligence is measured. Have the class take notes and write up
their reaction to the demonstration.
Sources:
Bayley, N. (1969). Manual for the Bayley Scales of Infant Development. New York, NY:
Psychological Corp.
Bayley, N. (1970). Development of mental abilities. In P. H. Mussen (Ed.), Manual of Child
Psychology (3rd ed., Vol. 1). New York, NY: Wiley.
Assimilation and Accommodation. Students often have a difficult time understanding Piaget’s
terms assimilation and accommodation. To help them gain an understanding of these terms,
divide your class into groups and have them think of examples of assimilation and
accommodation in an infant’s development. Then have the groups make a list of examples of
these concepts at work in their own adult lives. Use Handout 6–2 for this exercise. Have
representatives from each group present their examples to the whole class. You can list their
examples on the board or on an overhead.
My Virtual Child. Have students break into small groups and discuss the following questions:
Describe and give examples of changes in your child’s exploratory or problem solving behavior
from 8 through 18 months and categorize them according to Piagetian and information processing
theories. Note that 8 months is included, so you'll need to use the time line to look back at 8
months for examples.
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Analyze your baby’s temperament in more detail at 18 months than you did at 8 months. How
would you describe your baby in terms of the five aspects of temperament utilized by the Virtual
Child program (activity, sociability, emotionality, aggressiveness vs. cooperativeness, and self-
control)? Has “child’s name” temperament been stable over the first 18 months? A blurb
defining and providing examples of the five aspects of temperament is provided at 12 months, but
you should seek out further explanations of temperament from your textbook. Explain how the
concept of goodness of fit (also discussed in the blurb on infant temperament) applies to your
interactions with your child.
Were you surprised by anything in the developmental assessment at 19 months? That is, does
your perception of your child’s physical, cognitive, language and social development differ from
that of the developmental examiner? Give specific examples. If you were not surprised, write
instead about some aspects of your child’s development that need the most work.
2. Analyze your baby’s temperament in more detail at 19 months than you did at 8 months. How
would you describe your baby in terms of the five aspects of temperament utilized by the Virtual
Child program (activity, sociability, emotionality, aggressiveness vs. cooperativeness, and self-
control)? Has your child’s temperament been stable over the first 18 months? A statement
defining and providing examples of the five aspects of temperament is provided at 12 months, but
you should seek out further explanations of temperament from your textbook. Explain how the
concept of goodness-of-fit applies to your interactions with your child.
3. Were you surprised by anything in the developmental assessment at 19 months? That is, does
your perception of your child’s physical, cognitive, language, and emotional development differ
from that of the developmental examiner? Give specific examples. If you were not surprised,
write instead about some aspects of your child’s behavior that need the most work.
Object Permanence. Using Handout 6–1, have students perform Piaget’s object permanence
exercises with two or more infants of varying ages. Students should share their findings with the
class.
Dixon, W. E. (2003). Twenty studies that revolutionized child psychology. Upper Saddle River,
NJ: Prentice Hall.
Eisenberger, N. I. & Lieberan, M. D. (2000). Why it hurts to be left out: The neurocognitive
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overlap between physical and social pain. Retrieved from
www.sydneysymposium.unsw.edu.au/ 2004/Papers/Outcast-Eisenberger.doc
Elkind, D. (1994). Ties that stress: The new family imbalance. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.
Fadiman, J., & Frager, R. (2002). Personality: Personal growth, 4th ed. New York, NY:
HarperCollins College Publishers.
Goleman, D. (2003). Destructive emotions: How can we overcome them? New York, NY:
Bantam Dell.
Hall, G. C. N. & Barongan, C. (2002). Multicultural psychology. Upper Saddle River, NJ:
Pearson Education, Inc.
Healy, J. M. (1994). Your child’s growing mind: A practical guide to brain development and
learning from birth to adolescence. New York, NY: Bantam Doubleday.
Heim, C., & Nemeroff, C. B. (2001). The role of childhood trauma in the neurobiology of mood
and anxiety disorders: Preclinical and clinical studies. Biological Psychiatry, 49, 1023–
1039.
Huizink, A. (2004). Prenatal stress and risk for psychopathology: Specific effects or induction of
general susceptibility? Psychological Bulletin, 130(1), 115–142.
Kaufman, G. (1992). Shame: The power of caring, 3rd ed. Rochester, VT: Schenkman Books, Inc.
Kilbourne, J. (1999). Deadly persuasion: Why women and girls must fight the addictive power of
advertising. New York, NY: The Free Press.
Lucas, L. R., Celen, Z., Tamashiro, K. L. K., Blanchard, R. J., Blanchard, D. C., Markham, C.,
Sakai, R. R., & McEwen, B. S. (2004). Repeated exposure to social stress has long-term
effects on indirect markers of dopaminergic activity in brain regions associated with
motivated behavior. Neuroscience, 124(2), 449–458.
Matsumoto, D. & Juang, L. (2004). Culture and psychology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Thomas
Learning.
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Baby Einstein African Animals (4 minutes)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qWtlzSFNrr0&NR=1
Out of the Mouths of Babes: The Acquisition of Language (Filmmakers Library, 28 minutes)
A video on how language develops.
Symbol Formation and the Acquisition of Language (Worlds of Children Series, University of
Nebraska, 30 minutes)
A video that explores how humans learn to use a symbolic system, such as language, to
communicate.
Handout 6-1
Use this handout for an exercise on object permanence.
Handout 6-2
This handout can be used as an exercise to distinguish the terms assimilation and accommodation.
Handout 6-3
Use this handout as a Reflective Journal Exercise.
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HANDOUT 6–1
Observe two or more infants (6 months to 2 years). In a familiar setting for the infant, give the infant one
of his or her favorite toys. Record the infant’s reactions.
3. With the infant watching, hide the toy under a cloth and then move the toy to another place that the
infant can see.
4 With the infant watching, hide the toy under a cloth. Move the toy to another hiding place, and then
move the toy once again to a third hiding place. All hiding places should be in the view of the
infant.
3. With the infant watching, hide the toy under a cloth and then move the toy to another place that the
infant can see.
4. With the infant watching, hide the toy under a cloth. Move the toy to another hiding place, and then
move the toy once again to a third hiding place. All hiding places should be in view of the infant.
On the back of this sheet, compare your findings with Piaget’s theory of object permanence.
123
Copyright © 2016, 2012, 2010 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
HANDOUT 6–2
List several ways an infant (birth–2 yrs.) displays the use of assimilation.
124
Copyright © 2016, 2012, 2010 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
HANDOUT 6–3
If possible, ask your parents to help you write about your cognitive development during the first 2 years.
(If they are not available, you can write about your own children or interview a parent of an infant.) You
can use the following questions to help you reflect.
What is your earliest memory? How old were you? What were your first words? Was there a game you
particularly liked to play, such as peek-a-boo or patty cake? What were your favorite books? How did
your parents try to stimulate your intellectual growth? Was more than one language spoken at home? If
so, which did you prefer to use?
125
Copyright © 2016, 2012, 2010 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
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Claude looked at the table and then back at the man.
Larkins was twirling his hat on one of his hands, and his face was
still immobile.
“What if I can’t raise that amount, and then, what does a man of your
present standing want with a thousand dollars?”
“What does a porcupine want with his quills?” flashed the young
sport’s visitor. “He uses them, that’s what. I can use a thousand
dollars.”
Lamont thought of his own account in bank.
It would not do to give that man a check for the amount, for
identification might be followed with unpleasant recollections.
Suddenly he thought of the five thousand he had lately received from
Lamont, senior.
A part of it was still in his pocket.
Biting his lips Claude produced the roll of bills and slowly counted
out the required amount.
“There, don’t come again,” he said, looking up at Larkins, whose
hand reached out for the money. “But hold on. What assurance have
I that you won’t sell me out yet?”
“My word.”
“If it’s no better than your face I’m afraid it’s not worth a great deal.”
“That’s all right. I’m no seraph. Neither was Mother Flintstone, who
died that night—you know how,” and with this shaft Rosy Larkins
opened the door.
As he stepped into the hall his face was for a moment turned from
Claude, and that moment the young man whipped a revolver from
the table drawer.
As he started up there was a musical click, but the next instant the
bare hand of Larkins covered him.
“Don’t be a fool,” he said. “The secret wouldn’t die with me, Mr.
Lamont.”
The leveled weapon dropped and Claude went back again.
“Aha, good-by. Thanks for the chink. It saves Rosy Larkins from the
river,” and the man with the squeaky voice was gone.
He went from the scene of the interview almost straight to Mulberry
Street; he entered police headquarters and made his way to the
superintendent’s private office, where he handed the roll of money to
a young man.
“Lock it up,” said he. “We’ll talk about it later. I’m rather tired of this
beard,” and Carter immediately stood revealed.
CHAPTER XXXI.
IN MOTHER FLINTSTONE’S DEN AGAIN.
Margie Marne came out of the hospital shortly after her terrible
experience in the house guarded by Nora.
Her escape had bordered on the miraculous, and the girl was glad to
get back to the humble home she occupied.
Her first thought was of the woman who had been her jaileress and
she wondered if Nora herself had escaped the flames.
Having a fair acquaintance with Billy, the street Arab, she sought out
the boy, and fortunately found him.
Billy had heard of Nora’s suicide, and he at once posted Margie.
“By the way,” said the little fellow, “I’ve made a find.”
“You? What have you discovered, Billy?”
“Something that I am going to show to Mr. Carter just as soon as I
find him.”
“It may amount to nothing.”
“But you don’t know where I found it,” cried the boy.
“Tell me.”
Billy came closer, and dropped his voice to a whisper as he laid his
hand upon the girl’s arm.
“I found it in Mother Flintstone’s den,” said he. “Look here, Margie.”
He produced a flat package, which looked like it had been stored
away for years, but the moment the girl’s eyes alighted on it she
uttered a little scream.
“It’s the will, Billy!” she exclaimed.
“What had Mother Flintstone to will away, I’d like to know?” said the
boy.
“More than you think. Let me see the packet.”
Billy laid it on the table, and watched Margie closely.
The girl seemed to be afraid to touch the package, but at last she
picked it up.
Opening the envelope, which looked nearly ready to fall to pieces,
she drew forth a paper and opened it.
The first line startled her.
“What is it?” asked the boy.
Margie said nothing, but her eyes dilated.
“It’s a will, you said, Margie?”
“It’s more than that, Billy. It’s the true story of Mother Flintstone’s
life.”
“Then it is important, sure enough.”
Margie read on, her face changing color, and at last she reached the
end of the page.
“Mother Flintstone left behind her an important document,” she
remarked.
“That’s what the dark-faced man was looking for when he sounded
the walls.”
“No doubt of that.”
“P’r’aps that’s why they killed her.”
“They, Billy? Do you think more than one hand was at work that
night?”
“I do, Miss Margie,” cried the boy, confidently. “There are two hands
in this mystery. Mr. Carter will trip them up in time, see if he don’t.”
“Yes, Billy, there is more than a will,” and Margie held the package
up before the street boy. “As I’ve told you, it is also the story of
Mother Flintstone’s life. Where did you find it, boy?”
“Under the hearth.”
“The place was not examined by the dark-faced man?”
“Exactly! He looked every place else. I found it there safe from him
and the rats. Keep it, Margie. No, hide it from that man. He’ll have it
or your life if he knows you have it.”
Margie placed the packet in her bosom, and looked gratefully at the
street boy.
“I’ll see that you’re paid for this find,” said she.
“I don’t want a penny. I only want ter get ahead of George Richmond
and his chum, Claude Lamont, the young sport. They’re into the
biggest game of their lives, but we’ll balk ’em all the same, Margie.”
The girl expressed the hope that it would turn out thus, and in a short
time she was in another part of the city.
She wanted to avoid the man into whose hands she had fallen at the
Trocadero. She was now confident that this personage was Claude
Lamont himself, and she had seen enough of his villainy.
Margie Marne carried the precious package home, where she hid it
carefully, believing that no human eye could find it, and was
satisfied.
Night was coming on, and she quitted her humble lodgings, with her
hood pulled over her face so as to hide it.
She had a visit to make, and soon she reached the room occupied
by Carter.
Her raps were not answered, and she looked disappointed.
When she again reached the street the lamps had been lit, and the
girl looked all about her.
Thinking of the package she started home, but on a corner not far
from Carter’s rooms a hand fell upon her arm.
Margie started, and uttered a little cry. She looked around at the
same time and into the face of a man, who leered at her with a half-
vicious look.
“Don’t fly so fast, my bird,” laughed the fellow. “I don’t intend to soil
your plumage. You’re Miss Margie Marne, aren’t you?”
“What if I am?”
“Then you’re the very person I want to see.”
“But I don’t want to see any one.”
“I suppose not. That’s the way with some girls. I’m Caddy.”
“Who’s Caddy?” demanded Margie.
“I’m the ‘mixer’ at the Trocadero.”
The mention of that name sent a chill through the girl’s nerves, and
she fell back.
“Don’t mention that horrid place!” she exclaimed.
“I know you had a rather unpleasant experience there, but, you see,
it wasn’t my fault. I can tell you something that may give you a
chance to get even.”
“Speak quick, if you can. What is it?”
“Let’s drop in here,” and the little man pointed toward a decent-
looking restaurant.
Eager to learn something more about the man who had decoyed her
to the Trocadero, Margie went with the fellow, and he guided her to a
little table in the darkest corner of the place.
“Why don’t you bleed him?” were the first words when they had
seated themselves.
“Is that your suggestion? Do you want to make a blackmailer out of
me?” exclaimed the girl.
“No; it wouldn’t be blackmail in this case,” explained Caddy. “It would
simply be getting pay for the indignity.”
“I’ll get even with him some other way,” said Margie. “You know him,
do you?”
“Why, of course. Ha, ha, nobody comes to the Trocadero whom I
don’t catch on to. Beat Caddy out of the game, if you can! You don’t
want to make him pay the fiddler, then?”
“Not in the manner you’ve suggested.”
“You’re a fool!” cried the little man. “See here, I’ll help you all I can.
I’ll go halves with you, and you won’t have to take any risk. He’ll
milk.”
“But I’m not in that business.”
Caddy at once changed color.
His round face became positively hideous.
He leaned across the table like a thoroughbred villain and his teeth
seemed to snap together.
“If you don’t bleed him you’ll get into the net again,” he suddenly
cried.
“Which means, I suppose, that you’ll help get me there?”
“I didn’t say I would, but I won’t help keep you out.”
Margie flushed.
“You miserable wretch, keep your distance!” she exclaimed, and
would have left the table but for the clutch of the little man’s hand.
“When you can’t cajole you threaten. It won’t pay, sir.”
“I’ll see that it does pay!” laughed the mixer of the Trocadero,
unabashed. “I know my business. Sit down.”
Margie was thrust back into her chair, and the fellow leered at her
again.
“If you don’t want to milk the young sport himself, bleed the old man.
He’s a bird with golden plumage.”
“What’s his name?”
“Gad, don’t you know? It’s Perry Lamont. Lives on one of the
avenues and has mints of wealth at his command. He’s a pigeon
worth plucking, girl.”
“No, let others do that.”
“Where did you get your scruples, I’d like to know?” sneered Caddy.
“You’re one in ten thousand. Why, you can feather your nest in fine
shape——”
Margie broke loose from the fellow’s grasp and fell back.
He arose at the same time and came around the table.
“Don’t touch me, serpent!” cried the girl. “You can’t use me in any of
your schemes. I try to be honest.”
“You do, eh? Oh, you’ll get over it in time. Get a few more years on
you and you’ll be as tough——”
“Here, what’s that? That’s an honest girl, sir,” put in a man eating
quietly at another table. “Don’t touch her, you little sinner, or I’ll break
your neck.”
The speaker arose and came forward, gazed at by Caddy with
feelings of fear, while Margie thanked him mutely for his interference.
“I don’t know you, miss, but I’ve seen this man,” continued the
stranger, who was tall and broad-shouldered. “I guess it’s not the first
time for him. Get out.”
He pushed Caddy down the aisle with his large hand, and the little
drink mixer went without much urging.
“I’ll see you later!” he flashed at Margie.
“No threats!” cried the other man. “Get out, I say, and the sooner the
better.”
Then the tall man turned to Margie and said:
“Pardon me, but I thought I heard him call you Margie. It cannot be
Miss Margie Marne whom I address?”
“That’s my full name, sir,” said the girl, dropping her eyes.
“My name is McDonald—Jerry McDonald. I own a little business
property in this city. The man who just left is a little rascal. I suppose
he decoyed you hither?”
Margie told the story of her coming to the place, and McDonald said:
“He’s revengeful, and you will do well to look after him. If you ever
need my assistance in any way don’t hesitate to command it,” and
he handed the girl his card.
In another moment the still astonished girl was alone.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
THE COST OF A SECRET.