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Copyright 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. WCN 02-200-203
TENTH
EDITION
WESTERN CIVILIZATION
VOLUME I: TO 1715
Jackson J. Spielvogel
The Pennsylvania State University
Australia • Brazil • Mexico • Singapore • United Kingdom • United States
Western Civilization, Tenth Edition, © 2018, 2015, 2012 Cengage Learning
Volume I: To 1715
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ABOUT THE AUTHOR
J A C K S O N J . S P I E LV O G E L is associate professor emeritus of history at The Pennsylvania
State University. He received his Ph.D. from The Ohio State University, where he specialized in
Reformation history under Harold J. Grimm. His articles and reviews have appeared in such journals
as Moreana, Journal of General Education, Catholic Historical Review, Archiv f ür Reformationsgeschichte,
and American Historical Review. He has also contributed chapters or articles to The Social History of
the Reformation, The Holy Roman Empire: A Dictionary Handbook, the Simon Wiesenthal Center Annual of
Holocaust Studies, and Utopian Studies. His work has been supported by fellowships from the Fulbright
Foundation and the Foundation for Reformation Research. At Penn State, he helped inaugurate the
Western civilization courses as well as a popular course on Nazi Germany. His book Hitler and Nazi
Germany was published in 1987 (seventh edition, 2014). He is the coauthor (with William Duiker) of
World History, first published in 1998 (eighth edition, 2016), and The Essential World History (eighth
edition, 2017). Professor Spielvogel has won five major university-wide teaching awards. In 1988–1989,
he held the Penn State Teaching Fellowship, the university’s most prestigious teaching award. He
won the Dean Arthur Ray Warnock Award for Outstanding Faculty Member in 1996 and the Schreyer
Honors College Excellence in Teaching Award in 2000.
TO DIANE,
WHOSE LOVE AND SUPPORT MADE IT ALL POSSIBLE
J.J.S.
BRIEF CONTENTS
Documents xvii
9 THE RECOVERY AND GROWTH OF EUROPEAN
Maps xxi SOCIETY IN THE HIGH MIDDLE AGES 239
Features xxiii
Preface xxv 10 THE RISE OF KINGDOMS AND THE GROWTH
OF CHURCH POWER 267
Acknowledgments xxxi
Introduction to Students of Western Civilization xxxv 11 THE LATER MIDDLE AGES: CRISIS AND
DISINTEGRATION IN THE FOURTEENTH
CENTURY 299
1 THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST: THE FIRST 12 RECOVERY AND REBIRTH: THE AGE OF THE
CIVILIZATIONS 1 RENAISSANCE 331
2 THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST: PEOPLES AND 13 REFORMATION AND RELIGIOUS WARFARE
F
FARE
EMPIRES 32 IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 365
3 THE CIVILIZATION OF THE GREEKS 53 14 EUROPE AND THE WORLD: NEW ENCOUNTERS,
1500–1800 399
4 THE HELLENISTIC WORLD 87
15 STATE BUILDING AND THE SEARCH FOR ORDER
5 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC 110 IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 432
6 THE ROMAN EMPIRE 143

16 TOWARD
WARD A NEW HEAVEN AND A NEW EARTH:
W
THE SCIENTIFIC REVOLUTION AND THE
7 LATE ANTIQUITY AND THE EMERGENCE OF THE
EMERGENCE OF MODERN SCIENCE 472
MEDIEVAL WORLD 175
Glossary G-1
8 EUROPEAN CIVILIZATION IN THE EARLY MIDDLE
AGES, 750–1000 209 Index I-1
vii
CONTENTS
Documents xvii The Spiritual Dimensions of Israel 35

Maps xxi The Social Structure of the Hebrews 37
Features xxiii The Neighbors of the Israelites 39
Preface xxv
The Assyrian Empire 40
Acknowledgments xxxi Organization of the Empire 40
Introduction to Students of Western Civilization xxxv The Assyrian Military Machine 41
Assyrian Society 42
1 CIVILIZATIONS
Assyrian Culture 42
THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST: THE FIRST
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS
1 The Governing of Empires: Two Approaches 43
The First Humans 2 The Neo-Babylonian Empire 45
The Emergence of Homo sapiens 2
The Hunter-Gatherers of the Old Stone Age 3 The Persian Empire 45
The Neolithic Revolution (ca. 10,000–4000 b.c.e.) 3 Cyrus the Great 46
Expanding the Empire 47
The Emergence of Civilization 5 Governing the Empire 48
Why Did Early Civilizations Develop? 6 The Great King 49
Civilization in Mesopotamia 6 Persian Religion 49
The City-States of Ancient Mesopotamia 7 Chapter Summary • Chapter timeline •
Empires in Ancient Mesopotamia 8 Chapter review • Key termS •
SuggeStionS for further reading •
The Code of Hammurabi 10 NOTES 51
The Culture of Mesopotamia 10
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES
The Stele in the Ancient World 11
Egyptian Civilization: “The Gift of the Nile” 14 3 GREEKS

THE CIVILIZATION OF THE
53
The Impact of Geography 14
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS Early Greece 54
The Great Flood: Two Versions 16 Minoan Crete 54
The Old and Middle Kingdoms 17 The First Greek State: Mycenae 55
Society and Economy in Ancient Egypt 19
The Culture of Egypt 19 The Greeks in a Dark Age (ca. 1100–750 B.C.E.) 57
Disorder and a New Order: The New Kingdom 22 Homer and Homeric Greece 57
Daily Life in Ancient Egypt 24 Homer’s Enduring Importance 58
IMAGES OF EVERYDAY LIFE The World of the Greek City-States
The Egyptian Diet 27
(ca. 750–500 B.C.E.) 59
On the Fringes of Civilization 28 The Polis 59
The Impact of the Indo-Europeans 28 Greek Expansion and the Growth of Trade 60
The Hittite Empire 29 Tyranny in the Greek Polis 61
Chapter Summary • Chapter timeline • Sparta 62
Chapter review • Key termS • SuggeStionS Athens 64
for further reading • noteS 29 Greek Culture in the Archaic Age 65
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES
The Influence of the East on the Greeks 66
2 AND
THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST: PEOPLES
EMPIRES 32 The High Point of Greek Civilization:
Classical Greece 67
The Hebrews: “The Children of Israel” 33 The Challenge of Persia 67
Was There a United Kingdom of Israel? 33 FILM & HISTORY
The Kingdoms of Israel and Judah 33 300 (2007) 69
ix
The Growth of an Athenian Empire 69
The Great Peloponnesian War (431–404 b.c.e.) 71 5 THE ROMAN REPUBLIC
The Emergence of Rome 111
110
The Decline of the Greek States
(404–338 b.c.e.) 73 Geography of the Italian Peninsula 111
The Greeks 111
Culture and Society of Classical Greece 74
Who Were the Etruscans? 111
The Writing of History 74
Early Rome 112
Greek Drama 74
The Arts: The Classical Ideal 76 The Roman Republic (ca. 509–264 B.C.E.) 114
The Greek Love of Wisdom 78 The Roman State 114
Greek Religion 79 The Roman Conquest of Italy 117
Life in Classical Athens 81
IMAGES OF EVERYDAY LIFE
The Roman Conquest of the Mediterranean
Activities of Athenian Women 82 (264–133 B.C.E.) 118
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS The Struggle with Carthage 118
Women in Athens and Sparta 83 GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES
Roman and Chinese Roads 119
Chapter Summary • Chapter timeline •
Chapter review • Key termS • The Eastern Mediterranean 121
SuggeStionS for further reading • The Nature of Roman Imperialism 121
NOTES 84 Evolution of the Roman Army 122
Society and Culture in the Roman Republic 124
4 THE HELLENISTIC WORLD 87 Roman Religion 124

Education: The Importance of Rhetoric 126
Macedonia and the Conquests of Alexander 88 The Growth of Slavery 126
Philip and the Conquest of Greece 88 The Roman Family 127
Alexander the Great 88 FILM & HISTORY
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS Spartacus (1960) 127
Demosthenes and Isocrates Address Philip The Evolution of Roman Law 128
of Macedonia 89 The Development of Literature 129
FILM & HISTORY Roman Art 130
Alexander (2004) 92 Values and Attitudes 130
The World of the Hellenistic Kingdoms 94 The Decline and Fall of the Roman Republic
Hellenistic Monarchies 94 (133–31 B.C.E.) 130
The Threat from the Celts 96 Background: Social, Economic, and Political
Political and Military Institutions 96 Problems 131
Hellenistic Cities 97 The Reforms of Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus 131
Economic Trends in the Hellenistic World 98 Marius and the New Roman Army 132
Hellenistic Society 99 The Role of Sulla 132
New Opportunities for Women 99 The Death of the Republic 132
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS
The Role of Slavery 101
The End of the Republic: Three Views 135
The Transformation of Education 102
Literature in the Late Republic 137
Culture in the Hellenistic World 102 Chapter Summary • Chapter timeline •
New Directions in Literature 102 Chapter review • Key termS •
Hellenistic Art 102 SuggeStionS for further reading •
NOTES 140
A Golden Age of Science and Medicine 103
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES
6
The Influence of the Greeks on India 104
THE ROMAN EMPIRE 143
Philosophy: New Schools of Thought 105
Religion in the Hellenistic World 106 The Age of Augustus (31 . . .–14 . .) 144
BCE CE
The New Order 144
Mystery Religions 106
The Army 145
The Jews in the Hellenistic World 107
Roman Provinces and Frontiers 146
Augustan Society 147
Chapter review • Key termS •
SuggeStionS for further reading • A Golden Age of Latin Literature 147
NOTES 108 Significance of the Augustan Age 148
x ■ Contents
The Early Empire (14–180) 148 The Frankish Kingdom 184
The Julio-Claudians (14–68) 148 Anglo-Saxon England 185
The Flavians (69–96) 150 The Society of the Germanic Kingdoms 185
The Five “Good Emperors” (96–180) 150
Development of the Christian Church 187
The Roman Empire at Its Height: Frontiers and
The Church Fathers 187
Provinces 151
The Power of the Pope 188
Prosperity in the Early Empire 154
Church and State 189
Roman Culture and Society in the Early Empire 156 Pope Gregory the Great 190
The Silver Age of Latin Literature 156 The Monks and Their Missions 190
Art in the Early Empire 156 Christian Intellectual Life in the Germanic Kingdoms 195
Imperial Rome 156
The Gladiatorial Shows 158
The Byzantine Empire 196
The Reign of Justinian (527–565) 197
FILM & HISTORY
Gladiator (2000) 158 From Eastern Roman to Byzantine Empire 200
Disaster in Southern Italy 159 The Rise of Islam 203
The Art of Medicine 159 Muhammad 203
Slaves and Their Masters 160 The Teachings of Islam 204
The Upper-Class Roman Family 161 The Spread of Islam 204
Children in the Roman World 162
Chapter review • Key termS • SuggeStionS
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES for further reading • noteS 206
Women in the Roman and Han Empires 163
Transformation of the Roman World: Crises in the

Third Century 164
Political and Military Woes 164 8 IN
EUROPEAN CIVILIZATION
THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES,
Economic and Social Problems 164 750–1000 209
Transformation of the Roman World: The Rise
Europeans and the Environment 210
of Christianity 165
Farming 210
The Religious World of the Roman Empire 165
The Climate 210
The Jewish Background 166
The Origins of Christianity 166 The World of the Carolingians 210
The Growth of Christianity 169 Charlemagne and the Carolingian
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS Empire (768–814) 210
Roman Authorities and a Christian The Carolingian Intellectual Renewal 214
on Christianity 170 Life in the Carolingian World 215
Chapter review • Key termS • Disintegration of the Carolingian Empire 219
SuggeStionS for further reading • Invasions of the Ninth and Tenth Centuries 220
NOTES 172
The Emerging World of Lords and Vassals 223
Vassalage 223
7 LATE
Fief-Holding 224
ANTIQUITY AND THE
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES
EMERGENCE OF THE MEDIEVAL Lords, Vassals, and Samurai in Europe and
WORLD 175 Japan 225
New Political Configurations in the Tenth
The Late Roman Empire 176 Century 226
The Reforms of Diocletian and The Manorial System 227
Constantine 176
The Empire’s New Religion 178 The Zenith of Byzantine Civilization 228
The End of the Western Empire 179 The Macedonian Dynasty 229
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS Women in Byzantium 230
Two Views of the Huns 180
The Slavic Peoples of Central and Eastern
The Germanic Kingdoms 182 Europe 231
The Ostrogothic Kingdom of Italy 183 Western Slavs 231
The Visigothic Kingdom of Spain 184 Southern Slavs 231
Contents ■ xi
Eastern Slavs 232 Impact of the Mongol Empire 277
Women in the Slavic World 232 The Development of Russia 277
The Expansion of Islam 233 The Recovery and Reform of the Catholic
The Abbasid Dynasty 233 Church 278
Islamic Civilization 234 The Problems of Decline 278
Chapter Summary • Chapter timeline • The Cluniac Reform Movement 279
Chapter review • Key termS • Reform of the Papacy 279
NOTES 236 Christianity and Medieval Civilization 281
Growth of the Papal Monarchy 281
New Religious Orders and Spiritual Ideals 281
9 THE RECOVERY AND GROWTH OF

EUROPEAN SOCIETY IN THE HIGH
FILM & HISTORY
Vision 282
MIDDLE AGES 239 Popular Religion in the High Middle Ages 283
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES
Land and People in the High Middle Ages 240 Medieval Monasteries in West and East 284
The New Agriculture 240 Voices of Protest and Intolerance 286
The Life of the Peasantry 242
The Crusades 289
The Aristocracy of the High Middle Ages 243
Background to the Crusades 289
The New World of Trade and Cities 247 The Early Crusades 290
The Revival of Trade 247 OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS The Siege of Jerusalem: Christian and Muslim
Two Views of Trade and Merchants 249 Perspectives 293
The Growth of Cities 249 The Crusades of the Thirteenth Century 294
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES What Were the Effects of the Crusades? 295
Medieval Cities in the West and East 253 Chapter Summary • Chapter timeline •
Industry in Medieval Cities 254 Chapter review • Key termS •
The Intellectual and Artistic World of the High NOTES 295
Middle Ages 255
The Rise of Universities 255
A Revival of Classical Antiquity 257
The Development of Scholasticism 258
11 CRISIS
THE LATER MIDDLE AGES:
AND DISINTEGRATION
The Revival of Roman Law 259 IN THE FOURTEENTH
Literature in the High Middle Ages 260 CENTURY 299
Romanesque Architecture: “A White Mantle
of Churches” 262 A Time of Troubles: Black Death and Social
The Gothic Cathedral 263 Crisis 300
Chapter Summary • Chapter timeline • Famine and Population 300
Chapter review • Key termS • The Black Death: From Asia to Europe 300
SuggeStionS for further reading • The Black Death in Europe 300
NOTES 264 OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS
Causes of the Black Death: Contemporary
Views 301
10 AND
THE RISE OF KINGDOMS
THE GROWTH OF
Economic Dislocation and Social Upheaval 305
CHURCH POWER 267 War and Political Instability 307

Causes of the Hundred Years’ War 307
The Emergence and Growth of European Kingdoms, Conduct and Course of the War 308
1000–1300 268 FILM & HISTORY
England in the High Middle Ages 268 Joan of Arc (1948) and The Messenger:
FILM & HISTORY The Story of Joan of Arc (1999) 311
The Lion in Winter (1968) 270 Political Instability 311
The Growth of the French Kingdom 270 The Growth of England’s Political
Christian Reconquest: The Spanish Kingdoms 273 Institutions 313
The Lands of the Holy Roman Empire: Germany The Problems of the French Kings 314
and Italy 274 The German Monarchy 314
New Kingdoms in Northern and Eastern Europe 276 The States of Italy 315
xii ■ Contents
The Decline of the Church 317 The European State in the Renaissance 356
Boniface VIII and the Conflict with the State 317 The Growth of the French Monarchy 356
The Papacy at Avignon (1305–1377) 318 England: Civil War and a New Monarchy 356
The Great Schism 319 The Unification of Spain 357
New Thoughts on Church and State and the Rise The Holy Roman Empire: The Success of the
of Conciliarism 319 Habsburgs 358
Popular Religion in an Age of Adversity 320 The Struggle for Strong Monarchy in Eastern Europe 359
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES The Ottoman Turks and the End of the Byzantine
Religious Imagery in the Medieval World 321 Empire 359
Changes in Theology 322
The Church in the Renaissance 361
The Cultural World of the Fourteenth Century 322 The Problems of Heresy and Reform 361
The Development of Vernacular Literature 322 The Renaissance Papacy 361
A New Art: Giotto 324 Chapter Summary • Chapter timeline •
Chapter review • Key termS •
Society in an Age of Adversity 324 SuggeStionS for further reading •
Changes in Urban Life 325 NOTES 362
New Directions in Medicine 326
Inventions and New Patterns 327
Chapter review • Key termS • 13 WARFARE
REFORMATION AND RELIGIOUS
IN THE SIXTEENTH
SuggeStionS for further reading • CENTURY 365
NOTES 328
Prelude to Reformation 366
Christian or Northern Renaissance Humanism 366
12 RECOVERY AND REBIRTH: THE AGE

OF THE RENAISSANCE 331
Church and Religion on the Eve of the Reformation 368
Martin Luther and the Reformation in Germany 369

Meaning and Characteristics of the Italian The Early Luther 369
Renaissance 332 FILM & HISTORY
Luther (2003) 372
The Making of Renaissance Society 332 The Rise of Lutheranism 372
Economic Recovery 332 Organizing the Church 373
Social Changes in the Renaissance 334 Germany and the Reformation: Religion and Politics 374
The Family in Renaissance Italy 336
The Spread of the Protestant Reformation 377
Family and Marriage in Renaissance Italy 337 Lutheranism in Scandinavia 377
The Zwinglian Reformation 377
The Italian States in the Renaissance 338 OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS
The Five Major States 338 A Reformation Debate: Conflict at Marburg 379
Independent City-States 340 The Radical Reformation: The Anabaptists 379
Warfare in Italy 340 The Reformation in England 380
The Birth of Modern Diplomacy 342 John Calvin and Calvinism 382
Machiavelli and the New Statecraft 342
The Social Impact of the Protestant Reformation 383
The Intellectual Renaissance in Italy 343 The Family 383
Italian Renaissance Humanism 343 Education in the Reformation 385
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS Religious Practices and Popular Culture 386
The Renaissance Prince: The Views of Machiavelli
and Erasmus 344 The Catholic Reformation 386
Education in the Renaissance 346 Catholic Reformation or Counter-Reformation? 386
Humanism and History 348 The Society of Jesus 387
The Impact of Printing 349 A Revived Papacy 389
The Council of Trent 389
The Artistic Renaissance 349
Art in the Early Renaissance 349 Politics and the Wars of Religion in the Sixteenth
The Artistic High Renaissance 352 Century 390
The Artist and Social Status 353 The French Wars of Religion (1562–1598) 390
The Northern Artistic Renaissance 354 Philip II and Militant Catholicism 392
Music in the Renaissance 355 Revolt of the Netherlands 393
Contents ■ xiii
The England of Elizabeth 394 The Thirty Years’ War 435
FILM & HISTORY Was There a Military Revolution? 438
Elizabeth (1998) 396 Rebellions 439
Chapter review • Key termS • The Practice of Absolutism: Western Europe 440
SuggeStionS for further reading • Absolute Monarchy in France 440
NOTES 396 The Reign of Louis XIV (1643–1715) 441
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES
Sun Kings, West and East 442
14 ENCOUNTERS,
EUROPE AND THE WORLD: NEW
1500–1800 399
The Decline of Spain 447
Absolutism in Central, Eastern, and Northern

On the Brink of a New World 400 Europe 448
The Motives for Expansion 400 The German States 448
The Means for Expansion 402 Italy: From Spanish to Austrian Rule 449
Russia: From Fledgling Principality to Major Power 450
New Horizons: The Portuguese and Spanish
The Great Northern States 453
Empires 403
The Ottoman Empire 453
The Development of a Portuguese Maritime
Empire 403 The Limits of Absolutism 455
IMAGES OF EVERYDAY LIFE Limited Monarchy and Republics 455
Spices and World Trade 405 The Weakness of the Polish Monarchy 455
Voyages to the New World 406 The Golden Age of the Dutch Republic 456
The Spanish Empire in the New World 407 IMAGES OF EVERYDAY LIFE
Disease in the New World 410 Dutch Domesticity 457
New Rivals on the World Stage 412 England and the Emergence of Constitutional
Monarchy 458
Africa: The Slave Trade 412
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS
The West in Southeast Asia 415 Oliver Cromwell: Three Perspectives 460
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES
West Meets East: An Exchange of Royal Letters 417 The Flourishing of European Culture 464
The French and British in India 418 The Changing Faces of Art 464
China 419 A Wondrous Age of Theater 466
Japan 420 Chapter Summary • Chapter timeline •
The Americas 421 Chapter review • Key termS •
The Impact of European Expansion 423 NOTES 469
The Conquered 423
FILM & HISTORY
The Mission 424
The Conquerors 425 16 ATOWARD A NEW HEAVEN AND
NEW EARTH: THE SCIENTIFIC
REVOLUTION AND THE EMERGENCE
Toward a World Economy 427
OF MODERN SCIENCE 472
Economic Conditions in the Sixteenth Century 427
The Growth of Commercial Capitalism 427 Background to the Scientific Revolution 473
Mercantilism 428 Ancient Authors and Renaissance Artists 473
Overseas Trade and Colonies: Movement Toward Technological Innovations and Mathematics 473
Globalization 428
Renaissance Magic 474
Chapter review • Key termS • Toward a New Heaven: A Revolution in Astronomy 474
SuggeStionS for further reading • Copernicus 475
NOTES 429 Brahe 477
Kepler 477
Galileo 478
15
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS
STATE BUILDING AND THE SEARCH A New Heaven? Faith Versus Reason 481
FOR ORDER IN THE SEVENTEENTH Newton 482
CENTURY 432
Advances in Medicine and Chemistry 484
Social Crises, War, and Rebellions 433 Paracelsus 484
The Witchcraft Craze 433 Vesalius 485
xiv ■ Contents
William Harvey 485 The Scientific Method 490
Chemistry 486 The Spread of Scientific Knowledge 491
Women in the Origins of Modern Science 486 The Science of Collecting 492
Margaret Cavendish 486 Science and Religion 493
Maria Merian 487
Maria Winkelmann 487 Chapter review • Key termS •
Debates on the Nature of Women 488 SuggeStionS for further reading •
NOTES 496
Toward a New Earth: Descartes, Rationalism, and a New
View of Humankind 488
The Scientific Method and the Spread of Scientific Glossary G-1
Knowledge 490 Index I-1
Contents ■ xv
DOCUMENTS
THE BATTLE OF MARATHON 69

CHAPTER 1 (Herodotus, The Persian Wars)
THE CODE OF HAMMURABI 12 ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY: THE FUNERAL ORATION
(The Code of Hammurabi)
OF PERICLES 71
A SUMERIAN SCHOOLBOY 15 (Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War
War)
(Essay for Schoolboys)
DISASTER IN SICILY 73
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS: THE GREAT FLOOD: (Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War
War)
TWO VERSIONS 16 SOPHOCLES: “THE MIRACLE OF MAN” 76
(Epic of Gilgamesh and Genesis 6:11–15, 17–19; 7:24; 8:3, (Sophocles, Antigone)
13–21)
THE POLITICS OF ARISTOTLE 80
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE NILE RIVER AND THE (Aristotle, Politics)
PHARAOH 17
(Hymn to the Nile and Hymn to the Pharaoh) OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS: WOMEN IN ATHENS
AND SPARTA 83
AKHENATEN’S HYMN TO ATEN 24 (Xenophon, Oeconomicus; Xenophon, Constitution of the
(Hymn to Aten) Spartans; Aristotle, Politics; and Plutarch, Lycurgus)
RESPECT FOR WOMEN 25
(Any, Advice to a Young Man Concerning Women) CHAPTER 4
A FATHER’S ADVICE 26 OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS: DEMOSTHENES AND
(“The Instruction of Ptah-hotep”)
ISOCRATES ADDRESS PHILIP OF MACEDONIA 89
(Demosthenes, The Third Philippic and Isocrates,
CHAPTER 2 Address to Philip)
THE COVENANT AND THE LAW: THE BOOK ALEXANDER MEETS AN INDIAN KING 92
OF EXODUS 36 (Arrian, The Campaigns of Alexander
Alexander)
(Exodus 19:1–8) THE CHARACTER OF ALEXANDER 93
THE HEBREW PROPHETS: MICAH, ISAIAH, (Arrian, The Anabasis of Alexander
Alexander)
AND AMOS 38 RELATIONS BETWEEN GREEKS AND
(Micah 6:9–16; Isaiah 10:1–6; and Amos 3:1–2) NON-GREEKS 98
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS: THE GOVERNING (Letter to Zenon and Letter to Dionysios)
OF EMPIRES: TWO APPROACHES 43 A NEW AUTONOMY FOR WOMEN? 100
(King Sennacherib Describes His Siege of Jerusalem 701 (Letter from Isias to Hephaistion, 168 b.c.e. and Letter from
b.c.e.; King Ashurbanipal (669–627 b.c.e.) Describes His Ktesikles to King Ptolemy, 220 b.c.e.)
Treatment of Conquered Babylon; The Cyrus Cylinder)
TREATMENT OF SLAVES IN THE EGYPTIAN
THE CODE OF ASSURA 44 GOLD MINES 101
(The Code of Assura) (Diodorus of Sicily, Library of History)
THE CUSTOMS OF THE PERSIANS 46 THE STOIC IDEAL OF HARMONY WITH
(Herodotus, The Persian Wars) GOD 106
THE FALL OF BABYLON 48 (Cleanthes, Hymn to Zeus)
(Herodotus, The Persian Wars)
CHAPTER 5
CHAPTER 3 THE TWELVE TABLES 116
HOMER’S IDEAL OF EXCELLENCE 58 (Selections from the Twelve Tables)
(Homer, Iliad) CINCINNATUS SAVES ROME: A ROMAN MORALITY
THE TEACHING OF TYRANNY 62 TALE 118
(Herodotus, The Persian Wars) (Livy, The Early History of Rome)
THE LYCURGAN REFORMS 63 THE DESTRUCTION OF CARTHAGE 122
(Plutarch, Lycurgus) (Appian, Roman History)
xvii
THE VESTAL VIRGINS 125 AN ANGLO-SAXON ABBESS: HILDA OF
(Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities) WHITBY 196
CATO THE ELDER ON WOMEN 128 (Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People)
(Livy, The History of Rome) A BYZANTINE EMPEROR GIVES MILITARY
HOW TO WIN AN ELECTION 133 ADVICE 202
(Quintus Tullius Cicero, How to Win an Election) (Maurice, Strategikon)
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS: THE END OF THE
REPUBLIC: THREE VIEWS 135
(Sallust, The War with Catiline; Caesar, The Civil Wars; CHAPTER 8
and Cicero, Letter to Atticus) THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF CHARLEMAGNE 211
THE ASSASSINATION OF JULIUS CAESAR 137 (Einhard, Life of Charlemagne)
(Plutarch, Life of Caesar
Caesar) ADVICE FROM A CAROLINGIAN MOTHER 216
(Dhuoda, Handbook for William)
MEDICAL PRACTICES IN THE EARLY MIDDLE
CHAPTER 6 AGES 218
THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF AUGUSTUS 145 (The Anglo-Saxon Herbal; The Leechbook of Bald;
(Augustus, Res Gestae) and The Peri-Didaxeon)
OVID AND THE ART OF LOVE 149 THE VIKINGS INVADE ENGLAND 222
(Ovid, The Art of Love) ((Anglo-Saxon Chronicle)
THE FATE OF CREMONA IN THE YEAR OF THE GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES: LORDS, VASSALS,
FOUR EMPERORS 150 AND SAMURAI IN EUROPE AND JAPAN 225
(Tacitus, The Histories) (Bishop Fulbert of Chartres and The Way of
THE ERUPTION OF MOUNT VESUVIUS 160 the Samurai)
(Pliny, Letter to Cornelius Tacitus) THE MANORIAL COURT 229
THE ROMAN FEAR OF SLAVES 161 (Description of a Manor House)
(Tacitus, The Annals of Imperial Rome) A WESTERN VIEW OF THE BYZANTINE
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES: WOMEN IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE 230
AND HAN EMPIRES 163 (Liudprand of Cremona, Antapodosis)
(Gaius Musonius Rufus, “That Women Too Should Study A MUSLIM’S DESCRIPTION OF THE RUS 233
Philosophy” and Ban Zhao, Admonitions for Women) (Ibn Fadlan, Description of the Rus)
CHRISTIAN IDEALS: THE SERMON ON THE
MOUNT 167
(The Gospel According to Matthew) CHAPTER 9
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS: ROMAN AUTHORITIES THE ELIMINATION OF MEDIEVAL FORESTS 241
AND A CHRISTIAN ON CHRISTIANITY 170–171 (Suger’s Search for Wooden Beams)
(An Exchange Between Pliny and Trajan) WOMEN IN MEDIEVAL THOUGHT 245
(Gratian, Decretum)
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS: TWO VIEWS OF TRADE
CHAPTER 7 AND MERCHANTS 249
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS: TWO VIEWS OF THE (Reginald of Durham, Life of Saint Godric and Ibn Khaldun,
HUNS 180 Prolegomena)
(Ammianus Marcellinus, The Later Roman Empire and A COMMUNAL REVOLT 251
Priscus, “An Account of the Court of Attila the Hun”) (The Autobiography of Guibert, Abbot of
GERMANIC CUSTOMARY LAW: THE ORDEAL 186 Nogent-sous-Coucy)
(Gregory of Tours, An Ordeal of Hot Water, ca. 580) POLLUTION IN A MEDIEVAL CITY 254
THE CONFESSIONS OF AUGUSTINE 188 (The King’s Command to Boutham)
(Augustine, Confessions) UNIVERSITY STUDENTS AND VIOLENCE
POPE LEO MEETS ATTILA THE HUN 189 AT OXFORD 258
(a contemporary account) (A Student Riot at Oxford)
THE LIFE OF SAINT ANTHONY 191 THE DIALECTICAL METHOD OF THOMAS
(Athanasius, The Life of Saint Anthony) AQUINAS 260
IRISH MONASTICISM AND THE (Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica)
PENITENTIAL 193 GOLIARDIC POETRY: THE ARCHPOET 261
(The Penitential of Cummean) (The Archpoet, The Confession of Golias)
xviii ■ Documents
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS: THE RENAISSANCE
CHAPTER 10
PRINCE: THE VIEWS OF MACHIAVELLI AND
MAGNA CARTA 271 ERASMUS 344
(Magna Carta) (Machiavelli, The Prince, 1513 and Erasmus, Education of a
THE DEEDS OF EMPEROR FREDERICK II 275 Christian Prince, 1516)
(Salimbene de Adam, Chronicle) PETRARCH: MOUNTAIN CLIMBING AND THE SEARCH
THE “GREGORIAN REVOLUTION”: PAPAL FOR SPIRITUAL CONTENTMENT 345
CLAIMS 280 (Petrarch, The Ascent of Mount Ventoux)
(The Dictates of the Pope) PICO DELLA MIRANDOLA AND THE DIGNITY
A MIRACULOUS POWER OF THE SACRAMENTS 285 OF MAN 347
(Caesar of Heisterbach and Stephen of Bourbon) (Pico della Mirandola, Oration on the Dignity of Man)
TREATMENT OF THE JEWS 288 A WOMAN’S DEFENSE OF LEARNING 348
(Canon 68; An Accusation of the Ritual Murder (Laura Cereta, Defense of the Liberal Instruction of Women)
of a Christian Child by Jews; and The Regulations of THE GENIUS OF MICHELANGELO 355
Avignon, 1243) (Giorgio Vasari, Lives of the Artists)
POPE URBAN II PROCLAIMS A CRUSADE 291
(Pope Urban II)
CHAPTER 13
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS: THE SIEGE OF JERUSALEM:
ERASMUS: IN PRAISE OF FOLLY 368
CHRISTIAN AND MUSLIM PERSPECTIVES 293 (Erasmus, The Praise of Folly)
(Fulcher of Chartres, Chronicle of the First Crusade and
Account of Ibn al-Athir) LUTHER AND THE NINETY-FIVE THESES 371
(Martin Luther, Selections from the Ninety-Five Theses)
CHAPTER 11 LUTHER AND THE “ROBBING AND MURDERING
HORDES OF PEASANTS” 374
OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS: CAUSES OF THE BLACK (Martin Luther, Against the Robbing and Murdering Hordes
DEATH: CONTEMPORARY VIEWS 301 of Peasants)
(Giovanni Boccaccio, Decameron; On Earthquakes as the
Cause of Plague; and Herman Gigas on Well Poisoning) OPPOSING VIEWPOINTS: A REFORMATION DEBATE:
CONFLICT AT MARBURG 379
THE CREMATION OF THE STRASBOURG JEWS 304 (The Marburg Colloquy, 1529)
( Jacob von Konigshofen, “The Cremation of the Strasbourg
Jews”) CALVIN’S RULES FOR THE CHURCH IN GENEVA 384
(Plan for the Elders and Consistory and Rules for the
A REVOLT OF FRENCH PEASANTS 307 Church in Geneva)
( Jean Froissart, Chronicles)
A PROTESTANT WOMAN 385
A FEMINIST HEROINE: CHRISTINE DE PIZAN (A Letter to the Whole Citizenship of the City
ON JOAN OF ARC 312 of Strasbourg from Katharine Zell)
(Christine de Pizan, The Poem of Joan of Arc, July 31, 1429)
LOYOLA AND OBEDIENCE TO “OUR HOLY MOTHER,
THE HUNDRED YEARS’ WAR 313 THE HIERARCHICAL CHURCH” 388
(contemporary accounts) (Ignatius of Loyola, “Rules for Thinking with the Church”)
BONIFACE VIII’S DEFENSE OF PAPAL QUEEN ELIZABETH I: “I HAVE THE HEART
SUPREMACY 318 OF A KING” 395
(Pope Boniface VIII, Unam Sanctam) (Queen Elizabeth I, Speech to the Troops at Tilbury)
DANTE’S VISION OF HELL 323
(Dante, “Inferno,” Divine Comedy)
A LIBERATED WOMAN IN THE FOURTEENTH CHAPTER 14
CENTURY 326 MARCO POLO’S TRAVELS 401
(The Testimony of Grazida Lizier) (Marco Polo, “Description of the Great City of Kinsay”)
COLUMBUS LANDS IN THE NEW WORLD 407
CHAPTER 12 (Letter to Raphael Sanchez, Treasurer to the King and
A RENAISSANCE BANQUET 333 Queen of Spain)
(A Sixteenth-Century Banquet) THE SPANISH CONQUISTADOR: CORTÉS AND THE
MARRIAGE NEGOTIATIONS 338 CONQUEST OF MEXICO 409
(Alessandra Strozzi to Her Son Filippo in Naples) (Cortés’s Description of Tenochtitlán)
THE LETTERS OF ISABELLA D’ESTE 341 LAS CASAS AND THE SPANISH TREATMENT OF THE
(Letter to the Imperial Envoy and Letter to Her Husband, AMERICAN NATIVES 411
Who Had Ordered Her to Send the Boy to Venice) (Bartolomé de Las Casas, The Tears of the Indians)
Documents ■ xix
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time. So I shall turn away from the thunders of the political battle
upon which every American hangs intent, and repress the ardor that
at this time rises in every American heart—for there are issues that
strike deeper than any political theory has reached, and conditions of
which partisanry has taken, and can take, but little account. Let me,
therefore, with studied plainness, and with such precision as is
possible—in a spirit of fraternity that is broader than party limitations,
and deeper than political motive—discuss with you certain problems
upon the wise and prompt solution of which depends the glory and
prosperity of the South.
But why—for let us make our way slowly—why “the South.” In an
indivisible union—in a republic against the integrity of which sword
shall never be drawn or mortal hand uplifted, and in which the rich
blood gathering at the common heart is sent throbbing into every
part of the body politic—why is one section held separated from the
rest in alien consideration? We can understand why this should be
so in a city that has a community of local interests; or in a State still
clothed in that sovereignty of which the debates of peace and the
storm of war has not stripped her. But why should a number of
States, stretching from Richmond to Galveston, bound together by
no local interests, held in no autonomy, be thus combined and drawn
to a common center? That man would be absurd who declaimed in
Buffalo against the wrongs of the Middle States, or who demanded in
Chicago a convention for the West to consider the needs of that
section. If then it be provincialism that holds the South together, let
us outgrow it; if it be sectionalism, let us root it out of our hearts; but
if it be something deeper than these and essential to our system, let
us declare it with frankness, consider it with respect, defend it with
firmness, and in dignity abide its consequence. What is it that holds
the southern States—though true in thought and deed to the Union—
so closely bound in sympathy to-day? For a century these States
championed a governmental theory—but that, having triumphed in
every forum, fell at last by the sword. They maintained an institution
—but that, having been administered in the fullest wisdom of man,
fell at last in the higher wisdom of God. They fought a war—but the
prejudices of that war have died, its sympathies have broadened,
and its memories are already the priceless treasure of the republic
that is cemented forever with its blood. They looked out together
upon the ashes of their homes and the desolation of their fields—but
out of pitiful resource they have fashioned their homes anew, and
plenty rides on the springing harvests. In all the past there is nothing
to draw them into essential or lasting alliance—nothing in all that
heroic record that cannot be rendered unfearing from provincial
hands into the keeping of American history.
But the future holds a problem, in solving which the South must
stand alone; in dealing with which, she must come closer together
than ambition or despair have driven her, and on the outcome of
which her very existence depends. This problem is to carry within
her body politic two separate races, and nearly equal in numbers.
She must carry these races in peace—for discord means ruin. She
must carry them separately—for assimilation means debasement.
She must carry them in equal justice—for to this she is pledged in
honor and in gratitude. She must carry them even unto the end, for
in human probability she will never be quit of either.
This burden no other people bears to-day—on none hath it ever
rested. Without precedent or companionship, the South must bear
this problem, the awful responsibility of which should win the
sympathy of all human kind, and the protecting watchfulness of God
—alone, even unto the end. Set by this problem apart from all other
peoples of the earth, and her unique position emphasized rather
than relieved, as I shall show hereafter, by her material conditions, it
is not only fit but it is essential that she should hold her brotherhood
unimpaired, quicken her sympathies, and in the light or in the
shadows of this surpassing problem work out her own salvation in
the fear of God—but of God alone.
What shall the South do to be saved? Through what paths shall
she reach the end? Through what travail, or what splendors, shall
she give to the Union this section, its wealth garnered, its resources
utilized, and its rehabilitation complete—and restore to the world this
problem solved in such justice as the finite mind can measure, or
finite hands administer?
In dealing with this I shall dwell on two points.
First, the duty of the South in its relation to the race problem.
Second, the duty of the South in relation to its no less unique and
important industrial problem.
I approach this discussion with a sense of consecration. I beg your
patient and cordial sympathy. And I invoke the Almighty God, that
having showered on this people His fullest riches has put their hands
to this task, that He will draw near unto us, as He drew near to
troubled Israel, and lead us in the ways of honor and uprightness,
even through a pillar of cloud by day, and a pillar of fire by night.
What of the negro? This of him. I want no better friend than the
black boy who was raised by my side, and who is now trudging
patiently with downcast eyes and shambling figure through his lowly
way in life. I want no sweeter music than the crooning of my old
“mammy,” now dead and gone to rest, as I heard it when she held
me in her loving arms, and bending her old black face above me
stole the cares from my brain, and led me smiling into sleep. I want
no truer soul than that which moved the trusty slave, who for four
years while my father fought with the armies that barred his freedom,
slept every night at my mother’s chamber door, holding her and her
children as safe as if her husband stood guard, and ready to lay
down his humble life on her threshold. History has no parallel to the
faith kept by the negro in the South during the war. Often five
hundred negroes to a single white man, and yet through these dusky
throngs the women and children walked in safety, and the
unprotected homes rested in peace. Unmarshaled, the black
battalions moved patiently to the fields in the morning to feed the
armies their idleness would have starved, and at night gathered
anxiously at the big house to “hear the news from marster,” though
conscious that his victory made their chains enduring. Everywhere
humble and kindly; the bodyguard of the helpless; the rough
companion of the little ones; the observant friend; the silent sentry in
his lowly cabin; the shrewd counselor. And when the dead came
home, a mourner at the open grave. A thousand torches would have
disbanded every Southern army, but not one was lighted. When the
master going to a war in which slavery was involved said to his
slave, “I leave my home and loved ones in your charge,” the
tenderness between man and master stood disclosed. And when the
slave held that charge sacred through storm and temptation, he gave
new meaning to faith and loyalty. I rejoice that when freedom came
to him after years of waiting, it was all the sweeter because the black
hands from which the shackles fell were stainless of a single crime
against the helpless ones confided to his care.
From this root, imbedded in a century of kind and constant
companionship, has sprung some foliage. As no race had ever lived
in such unresisting bondage, none was ever hurried with such
swiftness through freedom into power. Into hands still trembling from
the blow that broke the shackles, was thrust the ballot. In less than
twelve months from the day he walked down the furrow a slave, the
negro dictated in legislative halls from which Davis and Calhoun had
gone forth, the policy of twelve commonwealths. When his late
master protested against his misrule, the federal drum-beat rolled
around his strong-holds, and from a hedge of federal bayonets he
grinned in good-natured insolence. From the proven incapacity of
that day has he far advanced? Simple, credulous, impulsive—easily
led and too often easily bought, is he a safer, more intelligent citizen
now than then? Is this mass of votes, loosed from old restraints,
inviting alliance or awaiting opportunity, less menacing than when its
purpose was plain and its way direct?
My countrymen, right here the South must make a decision on
which very much depends. Many wise men hold that the white vote
of the South should divide, the color line be beaten down, and the
southern States ranged on economic or moral questions as interest
or belief demands. I am compelled to dissent from this view. The
worst thing in my opinion that could happen is that the white people
of the South should stand in opposing factions, with the vast mass of
ignorant or purchasable negro votes between. Consider such a
status. If the negroes were skillfully led,—and leaders would not be
lacking,—it would give them the balance of power—a thing not to be
considered. If their vote was not compacted, it would invite the
debauching bid of factions, and drift surely to that which was the
most corrupt and cunning. With the shiftless habit and irresolution of
slavery days still possessing him, the negro voter will not in this
generation, adrift from war issues, become a steadfast partisan
through conscience or conviction. In every community there are
colored men who redeem their race from this reproach, and who
vote under reason. Perhaps in time the bulk of this race may thus
adjust itself. But, through what long and monstrous periods of
political debauchery this status would be reached, no tongue can tell.
The clear and unmistakable domination of the white race,
dominating not through violence, not through party alliance, but
through the integrity of its own vote and the largeness of its
sympathy and justice through which it shall compel the support of the
better classes of the colored race,—that is the hope and assurance
of the South. Otherwise, the negro would be bandied from one
faction to another. His credulity would be played upon, his cupidity
tempted, his impulses misdirected, his passions inflamed. He would
be forever in alliance with that faction which was most desperate and
unscrupulous. Such a state would be worse than reconstruction, for
then intelligence was banded, and its speedy triumph assured. But
with intelligence and property divided—bidding and overbidding for
place and patronage—irritation increasing with each conflict—the
bitterness and desperation seizing every heart—political debauchery
deepening, as each faction staked its all in the miserable game—
there would be no end to this, until our suffrage was hopelessly
sullied, our people forever divided, and our most sacred rights
surrendered.
One thing further should be said in perfect frankness. Up to this
point we have dealt with ignorance and corruption—but beyond this
point a deeper issue confronts us. Ignorance may struggle to
enlightenment, out of corruption may come the incorruptible. God
speed the day when,—every true man will work and pray for its
coming,—the negro must be led to know and through sympathy to
confess that his interests and the interests of the people of the South
are identical. The men who, from afar off, view this subject through
the cold eye of speculation or see it distorted through partisan
glasses, insist that, directly or indirectly, the negro race shall be in
control of the affairs of the South. We have no fears of this; already
we are attaching to us the best elements of that race, and as we
proceed our alliance will broaden; external pressure but irritates and
impedes. Those who would put the negro race in supremacy would
work against infallible decree, for the white race can never submit to
its domination, because the white race is the superior race. But the
supremacy of the white race of the South must be maintained
forever, and the domination of the negro race resisted at all points
and at all hazards—because the white race is the superior race. This
is the declaration of no new truth. It has abided forever in the marrow
of our bones, and shall run forever with the blood that feeds Anglo-
Saxon hearts.
In political compliance the South has evaded the truth, and men
have drifted from their convictions. But we cannot escape this issue.
It faces us wherever we turn. It is an issue that has been, and will be.
The races and tribes of earth are of Divine origin. Behind the laws of
man and the decrees of war, stands the law of God. What God hath
separated let no man join together. The Indian, the Malay, the Negro,
the Caucasian, these types stand as markers of God’s will. Let not
man tinker with the work of the Almighty. Unity of civilization, no
more than unity of faith, will never be witnessed on earth. No race
has risen, or will rise, above its ordained place. Here is the pivotal
fact of this great matter—two races are made equal in law, and in
political rights, between whom the caste of race has set an
impassable gulf. This gulf is bridged by a statute, and the races are
urged to cross thereon. This cannot be. The fiat of the Almighty has
gone forth, and in eighteen centuries of history it is written. We would
escape this issue if we could. From the depths of its soul the South
invokes from heaven “peace on earth, and good will to man.” She
would not, if she could, cast this race back into the condition from
which it was righteously raised. She would not deny its smallest or
abridge its fullest privilege. Not to lift this burden forever from her
people, would she do the least of these things. She must walk
through the valley of the shadow, for God has so ordained. But he
has ordained that she shall walk in that integrity of race, that created
in His wisdom has been perpetuated in His strength. Standing in the
presence of this multitude, sobered with the responsibility of the
message I deliver to the young men of the South, I declare that the
truth above all others to be worn unsullied and sacred in your hearts,
to be surrendered to no force, sold for no price, compromised in no
necessity, but cherished and defended as the covenant of your
prosperity, and the pledge of peace to your children, is that the white
race must dominate forever in the South, because it is the white
race, and superior to that race by which its supremacy is threatened.
It is a race issue. Let us come to this point, and stand here. Here
the air is pure and the light is clear, and here honor and peace abide.
Juggling and evasion deceives not a man. Compromise and
subservience has carried not a point. There is not a white man North
or South who does not feel it stir in the gray matter of his brain and
throb in his heart. Not a negro who does not feel its power. It is not a
sectional issue. It speaks in Ohio, and in Georgia. It speaks
wherever the Anglo-Saxon touches an alien race. It has just spoken
in universally approved legislation in excluding the Chinaman from
our gates, not for his ignorance, vice or corruption, but because he
sought to establish an inferior race in a republic fashioned in the
wisdom and defended by the blood of a homogeneous people.
The Anglo-Saxon blood has dominated always and everywhere. It
fed Alfred when he wrote the charter of English liberty; it gathered
about Hampden as he stood beneath the oak; it thundered in
Cromwell’s veins as he fought his king; it humbled Napoleon at
Waterloo; it has touched the desert and jungle with undying glory; it
carried the drumbeat of England around the world and spread on
every continent the gospel of liberty and of God: it established this
republic, carved it from the wilderness, conquered it from the
Indians, wrested it from England, and at last, stilling its own tumult,
consecrated it forever as the home of the Anglo-Saxon, and the
theater of his transcending achievement. Never one foot of it can be
surrendered while that blood lives in American veins, and feeds
American hearts, to the domination of an alien and inferior race.
And yet that is just what is proposed. Not in twenty years have we
seen a day so pregnant with fate to this section as the sixth of next
November. If President Cleveland is then defeated, which God
forbid, I believe these States will be led through sorrows compared
to which the woes of reconstruction will be as the fading dews of
morning to the roaring flood. To dominate these States through the
colored vote, with such aid as federal patronage may debauch or
federal power deter, and thus through its chosen instruments
perpetuate its rule, is in my opinion the settled purpose of the
Republican party. I am appalled when I measure the passion in
which this negro problem is judged by the leaders of the party.
Fifteen years ago Vice-President Wilson said—and I honor his
memory as that of a courageous man: “We shall not have finished
with the South until we force its people to change their thought, and
think as we think.” I repeat these words, for I heard them when a
boy, and they fell on my ears as the knell of my people’s rights—“to
change their thought, and make them think as we think.” Not enough
to have conquered our armies—to have decimated our ranks, to
have desolated our fields and reduced us to poverty, to have struck
the ballot from our hands and enfranchised our slaves—to have held
us prostrate under bayonets while the insolent mocked and thieves
plundered—but their very souls must be rifled of their faiths, their
sacred traditions cudgeled from memory, and their immortal minds
beaten into subjection until thought had lost its integrity, and we were
forced “to think as they think.” And just now General Sherman has
said, and I honor him as a soldier:
“The negro must be allowed to vote, and his vote must be counted;
otherwise, so sure as there is a God in heaven, you will have another
war, more cruel than the last, when the torch and dagger will take the
place of the muskets of well-ordered battalions. Should the negro strike
that blow, in seeming justice, there will be millions to assist them.”
And this General took Johnston’s sword in surrender! He looked

upon the thin and ragged battalions in gray, that for four years had
held his teeming and heroic legions at bay. Facing them, he read
their courage in their depleted ranks, and gave them a soldier’s
parole. When he found it in his heart to taunt these heroes with this
threat, why—careless as he was twenty years ago with fire, he is
even more careless now with his words. If we could hope that this
problem would be settled within our lives I would appeal from neither
madness nor unmanliness. But when I know that, strive as I may, I
must at last render this awful heritage into the untried hands of my
son, already dearer to me than my life, and that he must in turn
bequeath it unsolved to his children, I cry out against the inhumanity
that deepens its difficulties with this incendiary threat, and beclouds
its real issue with inflaming passion.
This problem is not only enduring, but it is widening. The exclusion
of the Chinese is the first step in the revolution that shall save liberty
and law and religion to this land, and in peace and order, not
enforced on the gallows or at the bayonet’s end, but proceeding from
the heart of an harmonious people, shall secure in the enjoyment of
these rights, and the control of this republic, the homogeneous
people that established and has maintained it. The next step will be
taken when some brave statesman, looking Demagogy in the face,
shall move to call to the stranger at our gates, “Who comes here?”
admitting every man who seeks a home, or honors our institutions,
and whose habit and blood will run with the native current; but
excluding all who seek to plant anarchy or to establish alien men or
measures on our soil; and will then demand that the standard of our
citizenship be lifted and the right of acquiring our suffrage be
abridged. When that day comes, and God speed its coming, the
position of the South will be fully understood, and everywhere
approved. Until then, let us—giving the negro every right, civil and
political, measured in that fullness the strong should always accord
the weak—holding him in closer friendship and sympathy than he is
held by those who would crucify us for his sake—realizing that on his
prosperity ours depends—let us resolve that never by external
pressure, or internal division, shall he establish domination, directly
or indirectly, over that race that everywhere has maintained its
supremacy. Let this resolution be cast on the lines of equity and
justice. Let it be the pledge of honest, safe and impartial
administration, and we shall command the support of the colored
race itself, more dependent than any other on the bounty and
protection of government. Let us be wise and patient, and we shall
secure through its acquiescence what otherwise we should win
through conflict, and hold in insecurity.
All this is no unkindness to the negro—but rather that he may be
led in equal rights and in peace to his uttermost good. Not in
sectionalism—for my heart beats true to the Union, to the glory of
which your life and heart is pledged. Not in disregard of the world’s
opinion—for to render back this problem in the world’s approval is
the sum of my ambition, and the height of human achievement. Not
in reactionary spirit—but rather to make clear that new and grander
way up which the South is marching to higher destiny, and on which I
would not halt her for all the spoils that have been gathered unto
parties since Catiline conspired, and Cæsar fought. Not in passion,
my countrymen, but in reason—not in narrowness, but in breadth—
that we may solve this problem in calmness and in truth, and lifting
its shadows let perpetual sunshine pour down on two races, walking
together in peace and contentment. Then shall this problem have
proved our blessing, and the race that threatened our ruin work our
salvation as it fills our fields with the best peasantry the world has
ever seen. Then the South—putting behind her all the achievements
of her past—and in war and in peace they beggar eulogy—may
stand upright among the nations and challenge the judgment of man
and the approval of God, in having worked out in their sympathy, and
in His guidance, this last and surpassing miracle of human
government.
What of the South’s industrial problem? When we remember that
amazement followed the payment by thirty-seven million Frenchmen
of a billion dollars indemnity to Germany, that the five million whites
of the South rendered to the torch and sword three billions of
property—that thirty million dollars a year, or six hundred million
dollars in twenty years, has been given willingly of our poverty as
pensions for Northern soldiers, the wonder is that we are here at all.
There is a figure with which history has dealt lightly, but that,
standing pathetic and heroic in the genesis of our new growth, has
interested me greatly—our soldier-farmer of ’65. What chance had
he for the future as he wandered amid his empty barns, his stock,
labor, and implements gone—gathered up the fragments of his
wreck—urging kindly his borrowed mule—paying sixty per cent. for
all that he bought, and buying all on credit—his crop mortgaged
before it was planted—his children in want, his neighborhood in
chaos—working under new conditions and retrieving every error by a
costly year—plodding all day down the furrow, hopeless and adrift,
save when at night he went back to his broken home, where his wife,
cheerful even then, renewed his courage, while she ministered to
him in loving tenderness. Who would have thought as during those
lonely and terrible days he walked behind the plow, locking the
sunshine in the glory of his harvest, and spreading the showers and
the verdure of his field—no friend near save nature that smiled at his
earnest touch, and God that sent him the message of good cheer
through the passing breeze and the whispering leaves—that he
would in twenty years, having carried these burdens uncomplaining,
make a crop of $800,000,000. Yet this he has done, and from his
bounty the South has rebuilded her cities, and recouped her losses.
While we exult in his splendid achievement, let us take account of
his standing.
Whence this enormous growth? For ten years the world has been
at peace. The pioneer has now replaced the soldier. Commerce has
whitened new seas, and the merchant has occupied new areas.
Steam has made of the earth a chess-board, on which men play for
markets. Our western wheat-grower competes in London with the
Russian and the East Indian. The Ohio wool grower watches the
Australian shepherd, and the bleat of the now historic sheep of
Vermont is answered from the steppes of Asia. The herds that
emerge from the dust of your amazing prairies might hear in their
pauses the hoof-beats of antipodean herds marching to meet them.
Under Holland’s dykes, the cheese and butter makers fight American
dairies. The hen cackles around the world. California challenges
vine-clad France. The dark continent is disclosed through meshes of
light. There is competition everywhere. The husbandman, driven
from his market, balances price against starvation, and undercuts his
rival. This conflict often runs to panic, and profit vanishes. The Iowa
farmer burning his corn for fuel is not an unusual type.
Amid this universal conflict, where stands the South? While the
producer of everything we eat or wear, in every land, is fighting
through glutted markets for bare existence, what of the southern
farmer? In his industrial as in his political problem he is set apart—
not in doubt, but in assured independence. Cotton makes him king.
Not the fleeces that Jason sought can rival the richness of this plant,
as it unfurls its banners in our fields. It is gold from the instant it puts
forth its tiny shoot. The shower that whispers to it is heard around
the world. The trespass of a worm on its green leaf means more to
England than the advance of the Russians on her Asiatic outposts.
When its fibre, current in every bank, is marketed, it renders back to
the South $350,000,000 every year. Its seed will yield $60,000,000
worth of oil to the press and $40,000,000 in food for soil and beast,
making the stupendous total of $450,000,000 annual income from
this crop. And now, under the Tompkins patent, from its stalk—news
paper is to be made at two cents per pound. Edward Atkinson once
said: “If New England could grow the cotton plant, without lint, it
would make her richest crop; if she held monopoly of cotton lint and
seed she would control the commerce of the world.”
But is our monopoly, threatened from Egypt, India and Brazil, sure
and permanent? Let the record answer. In ’72 the American supply
of cotton was 3,241,000 bales,—foreign supply 3,036,000. We led
our rivals by less than 200,000 bales. This year the American supply
is 8,000,000 bales—from foreign sources, 2,100,000, expressed in
bales of four hundred pounds each. In spite of new areas elsewhere,
of fuller experience, of better transportation, and unlimited money
spent in experiment, the supply of foreign cotton has decreased
since ’72 nearly 1,000,000 bales, while that of the South has
increased nearly 5,000,000. Further than this: Since 1872,
population in Europe has increased 13 per cent., and cotton
consumption in Europe has increased 50 per cent. Still further: Since
1880 cotton consumption in Europe has increased 28 per cent., wool
only 4 per cent., and flax has decreased 11 per cent. As for new
areas, the uttermost missionary woos the heathen with a cotton shirt
in one hand and the Bible in the other, and no savage I believe has
ever been converted to one, without adopting the other. To
summarize: Our American fibre has increased its product nearly
three-fold, while it has seen the product of its rival decrease one-
third. It has enlarged its dominion in the old centers of population,
supplanting flax and wool, and it peeps from the satchel of every
business and religious evangelist that trots the globe. In three years
the American crop has increased 1,400,000 bales, and yet there is
less cotton in the world to-day than at any time for twenty years. The
dominion of our king is established; this princely revenue assured,
not for a year, but for all time. It is the heritage that God gave us
when he arched our skies, established our mountains, girt us about
with the ocean, tempered the sunshine, and measured the rain—
ours and our children’s forever.
Not alone in cotton, but in iron, does the South excel. The Hon. Mr.
Norton, who honors this platform with his presence, once said to me:
“An Englishman of the highest character predicted that the Atlantic
will be whitened within our lives with sails carrying American iron and
coal to England.” When he made that prediction the English miners
were exhausting the coal in long tunnels above which the ocean
thundered. Having ores and coal stored in exhaustless quantity, in
such richness, and in such adjustment, that iron can be made and
manufacturing done cheaper than elsewhere on this continent, is to
now command, and at last control, the world’s market for iron. The
South now sells iron, through Pittsburg, in New York. She has driven
Scotch iron first from the interior, and finally from American ports.
Within our lives she will cross the Atlantic, and fulfill the
Englishman’s prophecy. In 1880 the South made 212,000 tons of
iron. In 1887, 845,000 tons. She is now actually building, or has
finished this year, furnaces that will produce more than her entire
product of last year. Birmingham alone will produce more iron in
1889 than the entire South produced in 1887. Our coal supply is
exhaustless, Texas alone having 6000 square miles. In marble and
granite we have no rivals, as to quantity or quality. In lumber our
riches are even vaster. More than fifty per cent. of our entire area is
in forests, making the South the best timbered region of the world.
We have enough merchantable yellow pine to bring, in money,
$2,500,000,000—a sum the vastness of which can only be
understood when I say it nearly equaled the assessed value of the
entire South, including cities, forests, farms, mines, factories and
personal property of every description whatsoever. Back of this our
forests of hard woods, and measureless swamps of cypress and
gum. Think of it. In cotton a monopoly. In iron and coal establishing
swift mastery. In granite and marble developing equal advantage and
resource. In yellow pine and hard woods the world’s treasury. Surely
the basis of the South’s wealth and power is laid by the hand of the
Almighty God, and its prosperity has been established by divine law
which work in eternal justice and not by taxes levied on its neighbors
through human statutes. Paying tribute for fifty years that under
artificial conditions other sections might reach a prosperity
impossible under natural laws, it has grown apace—and its growth
shall endure if its people are ruled by two maxims, that reach deeper
than legislative enactment, and the operation of which cannot be
limited by artificial restraint, and but little hastened by artificial
stimulus.
First. No one crop will make a people prosperous. If cotton held its
monopoly under conditions that made other crops impossible—or
under allurements that made other crops exceptional—its dominion
would be despotism.
Whenever the greed for a money crop unbalances the wisdom of
husbandry, the money crop is a curse. When it stimulates the
general economy of the farm, it is the profiting of farming. In an
unprosperous strip of Carolina, when asked the cause of their
poverty, the people say, “Tobacco—for it is our only crop.” In
Lancaster, Pa., the richest American county by the census, when
asked the cause of their prosperity, they say, “Tobacco—for it is the
golden crown of a diversified agriculture.” The soil that produces
cotton invites the grains and grasses, the orchard and the vine.
Clover, corn, cotton, wheat, and barley thrive in the same inclosure;
the peach, the apple, the apricot, and the Siberian crab in the same
orchard. Herds and flocks graze ten months every year in the
meadows over which winter is but a passing breath, and in which
spring and autumn meet in summer’s heart. Sugar-cane and oats,
rice and potatoes, are extremes that come together under our skies.
To raise cotton and send its princely revenues to the west for
supplies, and to the east for usury, would be misfortune if soil and
climate forced such a curse. When both invite independence, to
remain in slavery is a crime. To mortgage our farms in Boston for
money with which to buy meat and bread from western cribs and
smokehouses, is folly unspeakable. I rejoice that Texas is less open
to this charge than others of the cotton States. With her eighty million
bushels of grain, and her sixteen million head of stock, she is rapidly
learning that diversified agriculture means prosperity. Indeed, the
South is rapidly learning the same lesson; and learned through years
of debt and dependence it will never be forgotten. The best thing
Georgia has done in twenty years was to raise her oat crop in one
season from two million to nine million bushels, without losing a bale
of her cotton. It is more for the South that she has increased her crop
of corn—that best of grains, of which Samuel J. Tilden said, “It will be
the staple food of the future, and men will be stronger and better
when that day comes”—by forty-three million bushels this year, than
to have won a pivotal battle in the late war. In this one item she
keeps at home this year a sum equal to the entire cotton crop of my
State that last year went to the west.
This is the road to prosperity. It is the way to manliness and
sturdiness of character. When every farmer in the South shall eat
bread from his own fields and meat from his own pastures, and
disturbed by no creditor, and enslaved by no debt, shall sit amid his
teeming gardens, and orchards, and vineyards, and dairies, and
barnyards, pitching his crops in his own wisdom, and growing them
in independence, making cotton his clean surplus, and selling it in
his own time, and in his chosen market, and not at a master’s
bidding—getting his pay in cash and not in a receipted mortgage that
discharges his debt, but does not restore his freedom—then shall be
breaking the fullness of our day. Great is King Cotton! But to lie at his
feet while the usurer and grain-raiser bind us in subjection, is to
invite the contempt of man and the reproach of God. But to stand up
before him and amid the crops and smokehouses wrest from him the
magna charta of our independence, and to establish in his name an
ample and diversified agriculture, that shall honor him while it
enriches us—this is to carry us as far in the way of happiness and
independence as the farmer, working in the fullest wisdom, and in
the richest field, can carry any people.
But agriculture alone—no matter how rich or varied its resources—
cannot establish or maintain a people’s prosperity. There is a lesson
in this that Texas may learn with profit. No commonwealth ever came
to greatness by producing raw material. Less can this be possible in
the future than in the past. The Comstock lode is the richest spot on
earth. And yet the miners, gasping for breath fifteen hundred feet
below the earth’s surface, get bare existence out of the splendor
they dig from the earth. It goes to carry the commerce and uphold
the industry of distant lands, of which the men who produce it get but
dim report. Hardly more is the South profited when, stripping the
harvest of her cotton fields, or striking her teeming hills, or leveling
her superb forests, she sends the raw material to augment the
wealth and power of distant communities.
Texas produces a million and a half bales of cotton, which yield
her $60,000,000. That cotton, woven into common goods, would add
$75,000,000 to Texas’s income from this crop, and employ 220,000
operatives, who would spend within her borders more than
$30,000,000 in wages. Massachusetts manufactures 575,000 bales
of cotton, for which she pays $31,000,000, and sells for
$72,000,000, adding a value nearly equal to Texas’s gross revenue
from cotton, and yet Texas has a clean advantage for manufacturing
this cotton of one per cent a pound over Massachusetts. The little
village of Grand Rapids began manufacturing furniture simply
because it was set in a timber district. It is now a great city and sells
$10,000,000 worth of furniture every year, in making which 125,000
men are employed, and a population of 40,000 people supported.
The best pine districts of the world are in eastern Texas. With less
competition and wider markets than Grand Rapids has, will she ship
her forests at prices that barely support the wood-chopper and
sawyer, to be returned in the making of which great cities are built or
maintained? When her farmers and herdsmen draw from her cities
$126,000,000 as the price of their annual produce, shall this
enormous wealth be scattered through distant shops and factories,
leaving in the hands of Texas no more than the sustenance, support,
and the narrow brokerage between buyer and seller? As one-crop
farming cannot support the country, neither can a resource of
commercial exchange support a city. Texas wants immigrants—she
needs them—for if every human being in Texas were placed at equi-
distant points through the State no Texan could hear the sound of a
human voice in your broad areas.
So how can you best attract immigration? By furnishing work for
the artisan and mechanic if you meet the demand of your population
for cheaper and essential manufactured articles. One-half million
workers would be needed for this, and with their families would
double the population of your State. In these mechanics and their
dependents farmers would find a market for not only their staple
crops but for the truck that they now despise to raise or sell, but is at
least the cream of the farm. Worcester county, Mass., takes
$720,000,000 of our material and turns out $87,000,000 of products
every year, paying $20,000,000 in wages. The most prosperous
section of this world is that known as the Middle States of this
republic. With agriculture and manufacturers in the balance, and
their shops and factories set amid rich and ample acres, the result is
such deep and diffuse prosperity as no other section can show.
Suppose those States had a monopoly of cotton and coal so
disposed as to command the world’s markets and the treasury of the
world’s timber, I suppose the mind is staggered in contemplating the
majesty of the wealth and power they would attain. What have they
that the South lacks?—and to her these things were added, and
climate, ampler acres and rich soil. It is a curious fact that three-
fourths of the population and manufacturing wealth of this country is
comprised in a narrow strip between Iowa and Massachusetts,
comprising less than one-sixth of our territory, and that this strip is
distant from the source of raw materials on which its growth is
based, of hard climate and in a large part of sterile soil. Much of this
forced and unnatural development is due to slavery, which for a
century fenced enterprise and capital out of the South. Mr. Thomas,
who in the Lehigh Valley owned a furnace in 1845 that set that
pattern for iron-making in America, had at that time bought mines
and forest where Birmingham now stands. Slavery forced him away.
He settled in Pennsylvania. I have wondered what would have
happened if that one man had opened his iron mines in Alabama
and set his furnaces there at that time. I know what is going to
happen since he has been forced to come to Birmingham and put up
two furnaces nearly forty years after his survey.
Another cause that has prospered New England and the Middle
States while the South languished, is the system of tariff taxes levied
on the unmixed agriculture of these States for the protection of
industries to our neighbors to the North, a system on which the Hon.
Roger Q. Mills—that lion of the tribe of Judah—has at last laid his
mighty paw and under the indignant touch of which it trembles to its
center. That system is to be revised and its duties reduced, as we all
agree it should be, though I should say in perfect frankness I do not
agree with Mr. Mills in it. Let us hope this will be done with care and
industrious patience. Whether it stands or falls, the South has
entered the industrial list to partake of his bounty if it stands, and if it
falls to rely on the favor with which nature has endowed her, and
from this immutable advantage to fill her own markets and then have
a talk with the world at large.
With amazing rapidity she has moved away from the one-crop
idea that was once her curse. In 1880 she was esteemed
prosperous. Since that time she has added 393,000,000 bushels to
her grain crops, and 182,000,000 head to her live stock. This has not
lost one bale of her cotton crop, which, on the contrary, has
increased nearly 200,000 bales. With equal swiftness has she
moved away from the folly of shipping out her ore at $2 a ton and
buying it back in implements from $20 to $100 per ton; her cotton at
10 cents a pound and buying it back in cloth at 20 to 80 cents per
pound; her timber at $8 per thousand and buying it back in furniture
at ten to twenty times as much. In the past eight years $250,000,000
have been invested in new shops and factories in her States;
225,000 artisans are now working that eight years ago were idle or
worked elsewhere, and these added $227,000,000 to the value of
her raw material—more than half the value of her cotton. Add to this
the value of her increased grain crops and stock, and in the past
eight years she has grown in her fields or created in her shops
manufactures more than the value of her cotton crop. The incoming
tide has begun to rise. Every train brings manufacturers from the
East and West seeking to establish themselves or their sons near
the raw material and in this growing market. Let the fullness of the
tide roll in.
It will not exhaust our materials, nor shall we glut our markets.
When the growing demand of our southern market, feeding on its
own growth, is met, we shall find new markets for the South. Under
our new condition many indirect laws of commerce shall be
straightened. We buy from Brazil $50,000,000 worth of goods, and
sell her $8,500,000. England buys only $29,000,000, and sells her
$35,000,000. Of $65,000,000 in cotton goods bought by Central and
South America, over $50,000,000 went to England. Of $331,000,000
sent abroad by the southern half of our hemisphere, England
secures over half, although we buy from that section nearly twice as
much as England. Our neighbors to the south need nearly every
article we make; we need nearly everything they produce. Less than
2,500 miles of road must be built to bind by rail the two American
continents. When this is done, and even before, we shall find
exhaustless markets to the South. Texas shall command, as she
stands in the van of this new movement, its richest rewards.
The South, under the rapid diversification of crops and
diversification of industries, is thrilling with new life. As this new
prosperity comes to us, it will bring no sweeter thought to me, and to
you, my countrymen, I am sure, than that it adds not only to the
comfort and happiness of our neighbors, but that it makes broader
the glory and deeper the majesty, and more enduring the strength, of
the Union which reigns supreme in our hearts. In this republic of ours
is lodged the hope of free government on earth. Here God has
rested the ark of his covenant with the sons of men. Let us—once
estranged and thereby closer bound,—let us soar above all
provincial pride and find our deeper inspirations in gathering the
fullest sheaves into the harvest and standing the staunchest and
most devoted of its sons as it lights the path and makes clear the
way through which all the people of this earth shall come in God’s
appointed time.
A few words for the young men of Texas. I am glad that I can
speak to them at all. Men, especially young men, look back for their
inspiration to what is best in their traditions. Thermopylæ cast
Spartan sentiments in heroic mould and sustained Spartan arms for
more than a century. Thermopylæ had survivors to tell the story of its
defeat. The Alamo had none. Though voiceless it shall speak from
its dumb walls. Liberty cried out to Texas, as God called from the
clouds unto Moses. Bowie and Fanning, though dead still live. Their
voices rang above the din of Goliad and the glory of San Jacinto,
and they marched with the Texas veterans who rejoiced at the birth
of Texas independence. It is the spirit of the Alamo that moved
above the Texas soldiers as they charged like demigods through a
thousand battle-fields, and it is the spirit of the Alamo that whispers
from their graves held in every State of the Union, ennobling their
dust, their soil, that was crimsoned with their blood.
In this spirit of this inspiration and in the thrill of the amazing
growth that surrounds you, my young friends, it will be strange if the
young men of Texas do not carry the lone star into the heart of the
struggle. The South needs her sons to-day more than when she
summoned them to the forum to maintain her political supremacy,
more than when the bugle called them to the field to defend issues
put to the arbitrament of the sword. Her old body is instinct with
appeal calling on us to come and give her fuller independence than
she has ever sought in field or forum. It is ours to show that as she
prospered with slaves she shall prosper still more with freemen; ours
to see that from the lists she entered in poverty she shall emerge in
prosperity; ours to carry the transcending traditions of the old South
from which none of us can in honor or in reverence depart, unstained
and unbroken into the new. Shall we fail? Shall the blood of the old
South—the best strain that ever uplifted human endeavor—that ran
like water at duty’s call and never stained where it touched—shall
this blood that pours into our veins through a century luminous with
achievement, for the first time falter and be driven back from
irresolute heat, when the old South, that left us a better heritage in
manliness and courage than in broad and rich acres, calls us to
settle problems? A soldier lay wounded on a hard-fought field, the
roar of the battle had died away, and he rested in the deadly stillness
of its aftermath. Not a sound was heard as he lay there, sorely
smitten and speechless, but the shriek of wounded and the sigh of
the dying soul, as it escaped from the tumult of earth into the
unspeakable peace of the stars. Off over the field flickered the
lanterns of the surgeons with the litter bearers, searching that they
might take away those whose lives could be saved and leave in
sorrow those who were doomed to die with pleading eyes through

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6 THE ROMAN EMPIRE 143

Documents xvii The Spiritual Dimensions of Israel 35

Egyptian Civilization: “The Gift of the Nile” 14 3 GREEKS

Society and Culture in the Roman Republic 124

4 THE HELLENISTIC WORLD 87 Roman Religion 124

Transformation of the Roman World: Crises in the

9 THE RECOVERY AND GROWTH OF

CHURCH POWER 267 War and Political Instability 307

12 RECOVERY AND REBIRTH: THE AGE

Martin Luther and the Reformation in Germany 369

Absolutism in Central, Eastern, and Northern

THE BATTLE OF MARATHON 69

And this General took Johnston’s sword in surrender! He looked

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