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Detailed contents

Foreword xiii
James N. Rosenau

How to use this book xx

Guided tour of the Online Resource Centre xxii
Acknowledgements xxiv
Notes on contributors xxvi

Introduction 1
Steve Smith, Amelia Hadfield, and Tim Dunne
The contemporary relevance of foreign policy 2
Foreign policy theory: disciplinary groundings 4
Organization of the third edition 7

SECTION 1 Foreign policy analysis: Theoretical and historical perspectives

1 The history and evolution of foreign policy analysis 13

Valerie M. Hudson
Introduction: three paradigmatic works 13
Classic FPA scholarship (1954–1993) 17
The psychological and societal milieux of foreign policy decision making 23
FPA self-reflection in the late 1970s and 1980s 27
Conclusion: contemporary FPA’s research agenda 30
2 Realism and foreign policy 35
William C. Wohlforth
Introduction 35
What is realism? 36
The development of realist theories 37
Realist analysis of foreign policy 42
Using realism in analysing foreign policy 47
Conclusion: hedgehogs, foxes, and analysing foreign policy 50
3 Liberalism and foreign policy 54
Michael W. Doyle
Introduction 54
Liberalism 55
Liberal foreign relations 56
Mitigating trade-offs 69
Conclusion 76
viii Detailed contents

4 Constructivism and foreign policy 79

Trine Flockhart
Introduction 79
What is constructivism? 81
Applied constructivism 82
The essence of constructivism 83
Constructivism meets foreign policy 90
Conclusion 93
5 Discourse analysis, post-structuralism, and foreign policy 95
Lene Hansen
Introduction 95
Post-structuralism 97
Studying foreign policy discourses 102
Conclusion—the scope, strengths, and weaknesses of discourse analysis 107

SECTION 2 Analysing foreign policy: Actors, context, and goals

6 Actors, structures, and foreign policy analysis 113

Walter Carlsnaes
Introduction 113
Historical background 115
The role of actors and structures in ‘process’ approaches to FP 116
The role of actors and structures in ‘policy’ approaches to FP 118
Conclusion 124
7 Foreign policy decision making: Rational, psychological,
and neurological models 130
Janice Gross Stein
Introduction 130
Commonsensical understandings of rationality 131
Psychological models: the ‘cognitive revolution’ 132
Neuroscience, emotion, and computation 139
Conclusion 143
8 Implementation and behaviour 147
Elisabetta Brighi and Christopher Hill
Introduction 147
When actors meet their environment—theoretical issues 148
The practical importance of context 157
The instruments of foreign policy 161
Conclusion 166
 Detailed contents ix

9 Public diplomacy 168

Caitlin Byrne
Introduction 168
The origins and evolution of public diplomacy 170
Defining the new public diplomacy 172
Theorizing public diplomacy 176
Public diplomacy in action 179
Public diplomacy 2.0 182
Conclusion 183
10 The role of media and public opinion 186
Piers Robinson
Introduction 186
Public opinion and foreign policy 188
Media and foreign policy 190
Procedural versus substantive criticism and influence 196
Media, public opinion, and theoretical frames 198
New developments: organized persuasive communication
and the ‘war on terror’ 202
Conclusion 204
11 The primacy of national security 206
Brian C. Schmidt
Introduction 206
Realism and national security 209
Security studies and national security 212
National security and American grand strategy 215
Conclusion 219
12 Economic statecraft 222
Michael Mastanduno
Introduction 222
Economic statecraft: instruments and objectives 224
Economic sanctions: not always successful, but still useful 227
Economic incentives: an under-appreciated instrument of statecraft? 235
Economic interdependence: source of political harmony or conflict? 238
Conclusion 239
13 Duties beyond borders 242
Michael Barnett
Introduction 242
Duties beyond borders 243
Theories of foreign policy and duties beyond borders 245
x Detailed contents

Are foreign policies becoming kinder and gentler? 248

The tragedy of Rwanda 250
Libya: case of interests or responsibilities? 255
Conclusion 257

SECTION 3 Foreign policy case studies

14 The Cuban Missile Crisis 263

Graham Allison
Introduction 263
Operation Anadyr 264
Why missiles in: four hypotheses 267
Why American blockade 271
Why Soviet withdrawal of missiles from Cuba 275
Epilogue: three conceptual frameworks for analysing foreign policy 280
15 Canada and antipersonnel landmines: The case for human
security as a foreign policy priority 291
Lloyd Axworthy
Introduction 291
The context 295
The process 301
Establishing a legacy, planning for the future 307
16 Neoconservatism and the domestic sources of American
foreign policy: The role of ideas in Operation Iraqi Freedom 315
Yuen Foong Khong
Introduction 315
Neoconservatism as a domestic source of American foreign policy 317
The four tenets of neoconservative foreign policy thought 320
Neoconservatives and the slaying of the Iraqi monster 323
Neoconservatism in the context of other factors 327
Conclusion 329
17 China and the Tian’anmen Crisis of June 1989 334
Rosemary Foot
The external consequences of China’s open-door policy 335
The human rights issue before Tian’anmen 337
The Tian’anmen crackdown 338
Immediate foreign policy consequences 345
China’s foreign policy response to sanctions 347
The deepening of China’s involvement with human rights 349
China’s emergence as a significant global actor 350
Conclusion 351
 Detailed contents xi

18 India and the World Trade Organization 356

Amrita Narlikar
Introduction 356
From the margins of the GATT to the core of the WTO 358
The political economy of rising influence 362
Institution-specific explanations: learning to negotiate successfully 364
Negotiating culture: an explanatory variable 370
The burden of rising power 372
Conclusion 373
19 Rising Brazil and South America 376
Arlene B. Tickner
Introduction 376
Brazilian diplomacy: methods and mechanisms 378
Three keys to Brazil’s rise 381
Why South America? 384
Power without leadership 387
Conclusion 390
20 Australia and global climate change 394
Matt McDonald
Introduction 394
Global climate change and the UNFCCC 395
Australia and the dilemmas of climate action 399
Australia and the global climate regime 401
Conclusion 408
21 Israeli–Egyptian (in)security: The Yom Kippur War 411
Gareth Stansfield
Introduction 412
The legacies of the Six-Day War of 1967 415
Foreign policy thematics 424
Conclusion 427
22 What kind of power? European Union enlargement and beyond 431
Lisbeth Aggestam
Introduction 432
EU foreign policy 434
The Big Bang enlargement 436
Beyond enlargement: EU foreign policy in the neighbourhood 443
Conclusion: transformative power or political dwarf? 447
23 Energy and foreign policy: EU–Russia energy dynamics 451
Amelia Hadfield
Introduction 451
The role of energy in foreign policy 455
xii Detailed contents

Energy in post-Cold War reform 457

Pre-crisis 460
Security of supply crisis 465
Foreign policy perspectives 468
Conclusion 472
24 The failure of diplomacy and protection in Syria 476
Karin Aggestam and Tim Dunne
Introduction 476
From popular uprising to civil war 477
Meddling, mediating, muddling through 481
Great power cooperation and conflict 487
Conclusion 491

Glossary 495
Endnotes 505
Bibliography 512
Subject Index 551
Foreword
JAMES N. ROSENAU

My contribution to the analysis of foreign policy began on a blackboard. I was prompted to

clarify for students what variables were central to probing the dynamics of foreign policy. The
result was an eight-column matrix that listed the relative importance of five key variables in
eight types of countries (Rosenau 1966). That matrix still informs my teaching and research. It
also implicitly underlies more than a few of the chapters in this volume. Needless to say, I am
honoured that this volume takes note of my contribution to the field.
I called the eight-column matrix and the description of it a ‘pre-theory of foreign policy’. It
provoked sufficient interest among colleagues around the country to convene a series of con-
ferences that explored various facets of the pre-theory, which in turn led to the publication of
a collection of essays prepared for the conferences (Rosenau 1974). This collaboration among
some twenty scholars who had developed a keen interest in comparing foreign policies gave
rise to the founding of the Inter-University Comparative Foreign Policy (ICFP) project. The
members of ICFP remained in continual contact for some six years, thus demonstrating that
like-minded colleagues can pool their resources and sustain collaboration across some ten
universities during a period of diminishing support for comparative and quantitative research.
The matrix was impelled by the milieu of the field at that time. It was a period in which com-
parison was very much in vogue and it seemed to me that foreign policy phenomena were as
subject to comparative analysis as any other political process. Indeed, I still find it remarkable
that no previous analyst had undertaken a comparative enquiry of when, how, and why differ-
ent countries undertook to link themselves to the international system in the ways that they did.
In retrospect, it seems clear that the original pre-theory sparked wide interest not only
because it stressed the need for comparative analysis, but for several other reasons that also
underlay the enthusiasm for the ICFP. First, the pre-theory offered a means for analysing the
conduct of foreign policy in previous years as well as anticipating future developments in a
country’s external behaviour. Second, as stressed below, it provided a means for bringing for-
eign and domestic policy together under the same analytical umbrella. Third, it highlighted
the virtues of case studies as a basis for comparing, analysing, and interpreting foreign policy
phenomena. All of these central characteristics of the field are fully represented in the chap-
ters that comprise this volume.
Much progress has occurred in the field since the founding of the ICFP. The very fact that it is
now comfortably regarded as a ‘field’ is in itself indicative of how securely it has been established.
This is not to say, however, that the field is easily mastered. On the contrary, several of its key as-
pects pose difficult analytical problems. If politics is conceived as processes of trying to control the
actions and attitudes of other actors in the more remote environment, a formulation I have always
considered sound and worthy of applying to empirical materials (Rosenau 1963), it follows that
analysis must focus on a wide range of phenomena—from individuals and their orientations to the
groups and institutions that form the bases of societies, economies, and polities. Put succinctly,
little of human behaviour falls outside the scope of the analysis of foreign policy phenomena.
xiv Foreword

Some possible sources of fragmegration at four levels of aggregation

Levels of MICRO MACRO MACRO–MACRO MICRO–MACRO

aggregation ➞
Sources of
fragmegration

Skill revolution expands people’s enlarges the multiplies quantity constrains policy
horizons on a capacity of and enhances making through
global scale; government quality of links increased capacity
sensitizes them agencies to think among states; of individuals to
to the relevance ‘out of the box’, solidifies their know when, where,
of distant events; seize opportunities, alliances and and how to engage
facilitates a and analyse enmities in collective action
reversion to local challenges
concerns
Authority crises redirect loyalties; weaken ability of enlarge the facilitate the
encourage both governments competence of capacity of publics
individuals to and other some IGOs and to press and/
replace traditional organizations NGOs; encourage or paralyse their
criteria of to frame and diplomatic governments, the
legitimacy with implement policies wariness in WTO, and other
performance negotiations organizations
criteria
Bifurcation of adds to role facilitates generates empowers
global structures conflicts, divides formation of institutional transnational
loyalties, and new spheres of arrangements for advocacy groups
foments tensions authority and cooperation on and special
among individuals; consolidation of major global issues interests to pursue
orients people existing spheres in such as trade, influence through
towards local the multicentric human rights, the diverse channels
spheres of world environment, etc.
authority
Organizational facilitates multiple increases capacity renders the global contributes to
explosion identities, of opposition stage ever more the pluralism
subgroupism, groups to form and transnational and and dispersion
and affiliation press for altered dense with non- of authority;
with transnational policies; divides governmental heightens the
networks publics from their actors probability of
elites authority crises
Mobility upheaval stimulates enlarges the size heightens need increases
imaginations and and relevance for international movement across
provides more of subcultures, cooperation to borders that
extensive contacts diasporas, and control the flow lessens capacity
with foreign ethnic conflicts of drugs, money, of governments to
cultures; heightens as people seek immigrants, and control national
salience of the new opportunities terrorists boundaries
outsider abroad
 Foreword xv

Microelectronic enable like-minded empower accelerate constrain

technologies people to be in governments to diplomatic governments
touch with each mobilize support; processes; by enabling
other anywhere in render their secrets facilitate electronic opposition groups
the world vulnerable to surveillance and to mobilize more
spying intelligence work effectively
Weakening of undermines adds to the increases need lessens confidence
territoriality, states, national loyalties porosity of national for interstate in governments;
and sovereignty and increases boundaries and the cooperation on renders nationwide
distrust of difficulty of framing global issues; consensus difficult
governments and national policies lessens control to achieve and
other institutions over cascading maintain
events
Globalization swells ranks complicates intensifies trade increases efforts
of national of consumers; tasks of state and investment to protect
economies promotes uniform governments conflicts; generates local cultures
tastes; heightens vis-à-vis markets; incentives and industries;
concerns for jobs promotes business for building facilitates vigour of
alliances global financial protest movements
institutions

More important than its vast scope, however, this formulation is not easily subjected to
analysis. One not only needs to be familiar with the dynamics whereby states interact with
each other, but the internal processes whereby foreign policies are formed also need to be
probed. To ignore these processes by classifying them as ‘domestic’, and thus as outside
the analyst’s concerns, would be to omit central features of the behaviour one wants to
investigate. Students of domestic phenomena may be able to hold foreign inputs constant,
but the same cannot be said about the phenomena that culminate in foreign policies. In-
evitably the student of a country’s foreign policy must also be concerned with its internal
affairs. Put differently, he or she must be a student of sociology and psychology as well as
political science, economics, and history. No less important, they should have some knowl-
edge of the problems inherent in comparative enquiry. The methodologies of the field are
as salient as are the substantive problems that countries face in linking themselves to the
international system.
In short, foreign policy phenomena are inordinately complex. They encompass inputs that
can give rise to a variety of outputs, with a slight variation in one of the inputs having sizeable
consequences for the outputs they foster. Thus the causal processes are not easily traced.
They can be highly elusive when their variation spans, as it usually does, a wide range of inputs
that may vary from time1 to time2. Nor can the complexities be assumed away. They are too
central to the dynamics of foreign policy to ignore or bypass. One has no choice but to allow
for them and trace their consequences across diverse situations. Such a procedure facilitates
cogent analysis even as it risks drawing a less than complete picture.
The main characteristics of foreign policy—and the requirements they impose on analysts
of the subject—are fully observable in the ensuing chapters. Their authors demonstrate a keen
sensitivity to the problems of the field and the rewards for analysing them. They understand
the need for theory as well as empirical analysis of how any country conducts itself in the
xvi Foreword

international community. More than that, this understanding includes a grasp of how the
analysis must be varied to accommodate different approaches to the field.
In order to cope with the enormous variety of phenomena that may be relevant to the
study of foreign policy one has to select some of them as important and dismiss others as
trivial in so far as one’s enquiry is concerned. This process of selection is what being theo-
retical means. More accurately, the selected phenomena have to be examined in relation to
each other, as interactive, and the theoretician needs to grasp the dynamics of the interactive
processes as well as the domestic variables of the country of concern. Constructing incisive
theoretical perspectives is not easy, however. The process of explicating causal dynamics can
be very frustrating as well as very complicated. It is fairly easy to have a general sense of the
phenomena that underlie the foreign policy behaviour of interest, but it is quite another thing
to transform one’s general understanding into concrete, testable, and relevant hypotheses.
Put differently, specifying the dependent variables—the outcomes of a foreign policy input—is
readily conceived, but identifying and operationalizing the independent variables that foster
alterations in the dependent variable serves to challenge one’s grasp of the field. Everything
can seem relevant as an independent variable, but the analyst has to be selective and focus
on those dynamics that account for most of the variance conceived to be relevant to the
analysis. There is no need to account for 100 per cent of the variance, as some of it may be
due to chance factors that cannot readily be anticipated, but even accounting for, say, 90 per
cent can be difficult. Not only do analysts need to calculate the relative importance of the
different factors, but they also have to have some idea of how they interact with each other.
Consider, for example, the distinction between large and small countries. To differentiate
between the two, one has to have some sense of how a country’s size affects its conduct in
the international arena. Are small countries more aggressive abroad because of their limita-
tions? Do their foreign policies avoid confrontation because of an imbalance between the
resources at their disposal and those of the adversaries they contemplate taking on abroad?
Are their decision-making processes, in effect, paralysed by the relative size of their potential
adversaries? Such questions are not easily answered at first glance. And they become even
more difficult if one has to assess the amount of the variance involved.
However, many analysts have not been deterred by the problems encountered in estimat-
ing variances. They know that such estimates are essentially arbitrary, as few have a perspec-
tive founded on clear-cut notions of the range within which the causal potency of a variable is
specified. Nor are matters helped by stressing the relevance of a finding—‘other things being
equal’. Usually other things are not equal, so that clustering them together as if they were
equal can be misleading.
How, then, to proceed? If the available conceptual equipment cannot generate reliable hy-
potheses, and if a ceteris paribus (i.e. all things being equal) context has limited utility, how does
the analyst confront the task of framing and probing meaningful insights? The answer lies in
maintaining a focus on the potential rather than the pitfalls of comparative analysis. Even if the
underpinnings of a country’s foreign policy are ambiguous, one can nonetheless proceed to
examine what appear to be the main sources of the ambiguity, noting throughout the factors
that may undermine the analysis. To focus on the obstacles to an enquiry is to ensure that the
enquiry will fall short of what can be gleaned from the empirical materials at hand.
The best technique for moving ahead is that of specifying what independent variables
seem especially relevant to the phenomena to be explained even as one acknowledges that
 Foreword xvii

the sum of the variance they account for may fall short of 100 per cent. Such an acknowledge-
ment is not so much a statement of fact as it is a noting of the limits that confine the analysis.
Furthermore, even if only 80 per cent or 90 per cent of the variance is accounted for, such
findings are likely to be valuable despite the fact that they fall short of a full explanation. The
goal is not to account for all the variability, but to explain enough of it to enlarge our under-
standing of the key dynamics at work in the examined situation. Foreign policy phenomena
are too complex to aspire to a full accounting of all the dynamics at work in a situation. It is
enough to compare them carefully and draw conclusions about the central tendencies they
depict. A close reading of the ensuing chapters demonstrates that proceeding in this way can
yield deep and important insights into the diverse ways societies interact with their external
environments.
While most of the relevant independent variables are amply assessed throughout the for-
eign policy literature, two are less widely cited and thus can usefully be elaborated here. One
involves what I call the skill revolution and the other is the organizational explosion. Each ac-
counts for a sufficient proportion of the variance to warrant amplification and together they
significantly shape the conduct of any country’s foreign policy.

The skill revolution

Considerable evidence is available to demonstrate that people everywhere, in every country
and community throughout the world, are increasingly able to trace distant events through
a series of interactions back into their own homes or pocketbooks. The skill revolution is
understood to consist of three main dimensions: the analytical, the emotional, and the im-
aginative. The first of these involves an intellectual talent, an expanding ability to link the
course of events to the observer’s personal situation. Facilitated by the Internet and many
other technological innovations, people are ever more able to construct scenarios that depict
how situations in the arenas of world politics impact on their lives and well-being (Rosenau
2003: Chapter 10). The expansion of skills is presumed to occur through adding new scenarios
to those people employed in order to perceive and assess the situations of interest to them.
The emotional dimension of the skill revolution focuses on the way people feel about situ-
ations—to judge them as good or bad, welcoming or threatening—capacities that have also
expanded as a consequence of a world that is shrinking and impinging ever more closely on
their daily lives. The imaginative dimension depicts the capacity of people to envision alter-
native futures, lifestyles, and circumstances for themselves, their families, and their cherished
organizations.
The materials for wide-ranging imaginative musings are abundantly available in all parts
of the world. They include global television, soap operas, letters from relatives working as
maids in Hong Kong, cousins who find employment in Saudi Arabia, and children who marry
foreign spouses. The learning embedded in messages sent home is less directly experiential
for the recipients than are the encounters reported by their authors, but nevertheless it can
be a major contributor to the more worldly skills of those who do not travel. It may even
be that the letters and phone calls from relatives abroad can be as much a window on the
norms and practices of distant places as those offered on the television screen. These stimuli
are especially relevant for peoples in developing countries whose circumstances previously
limited contacts with other cultures and alternative lifestyles. Indeed, from the perspective
xviii Foreword

of those who have long been hemmed in by the realities of life on or below the poverty line,
the freeing up of their imaginative capacities is among the most powerful forces at work in
the world today.

The organizational explosion

Hardly less so than the population explosion, recent years have witnessed a veritable explo-
sion in the number of voluntary associations that have crowded onto the global stage. In all
parts of the world and at every level of community, people—ordinary folk as well as elites and
activists—are coming together to concert their efforts on behalf of shared needs and goals.
Exact statistics on the extent of this pattern do not exist (largely because so much of it occurs
at local levels and goes unreported), but few would argue with the propositions that the pace
at which new associations are formed and old ones enlarged is startling, so much so that to
call it an explosion is almost to understate the scale of growth. It has been calculated, for
example, that in 1979 Indonesia had only a single independent environmental organization,
whereas in 1999 there were more than 2000 linked to an environmental network based in
Jakarta (Bornstein 1999).

The social media explosion

Since the first edition of this book was published, we have, of course, witnessed the major
changes represented by the Arab Spring of 2011, which have further blurred the distinctions
between domestic and international politics, and further illustrate the interconnectedness
of all politics on the planet. This sees its most extreme example in the role of social media in
previously seemingly closed societies. The visions of Iranian protestors, or Syrian activists, or-
ganizing their protests by Twitter and Facebook show only too clearly that governments can
no longer control information flows. Such control was only ever partial, but the new social
media fundamentally breach the old walls of the state. In this sense, the rise of social media
represents a third revolution.

****

Integrating the skill revolution, the organizational explosion, and the political consequences
of the social media revolution into the analysis of the dynamics that shape foreign policy is
not an easy task. Not to do so, however, would be to greatly distort the analysis. Clearly, what
countries do abroad is highly dependent on the skills and attitudes shared among their popu-
lations at home. Taken together, the three variables account for a great deal of the variance
from one country to another and from one point in time to another.
 customer Book title Stage Supplier date
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20 How toand
Australia useglobal
this book
climate change
Matt Mcdonald

This book is enriched with a range of features designed to help you support and
reinforce
Chapter contents your learning. This guided tour shows you how to use your textbook fully and
Introduction 394
get the most out of your foreign policy study.
Global climate change and the UNFCCC regime 395
Australia and the dilemmas of climate action 399
Australia and the global climate regime 401
Conclusion 408

Reader’s guide
Reader’s guides
this chapter analyses australia’s approach to global climate change, particularly
its engagement with the climate change regime. this case study highlights two key
Each chapter opens with a reader’s guide to set the
points. the first is that australia’s changing approach to international negotiations on
climate change reflects a complex combination of domestic political considerations,
scene for upcoming themes and issues to be discussed
the ideology and foreign policy orientation of governments, and the state of inter- and indicate the scope of coverage within each chapter
national negotiations. While at times australia’s position seems to reflect domestic

customer
political constraints, at other times the australian government’s position seems to
Book title Stage
topic.
Supplier Date
Book Title OUP
Stage Supplier
be strongly influenced by the state of international cooperation. the second point
Foreign Policy First Proof
Date 18 april 2016
thomson Digital
is that australia’s changing approach to climate change cooperation illustrates the
Foreign Policy First Proof Thomson Digital
profound challenges for the climate change regime generally. In particular, the aus- 20 April 2016
tralian example suggests challenges for the climate change regime associated with
different and changing sets of state interests, complex ethical questions, the power
and institutionalized nature of existing political and economic arrangements, and
Chap TER
the varying drivers and effects of climate change in different 13 DuTiEs bEyonD boRDERs
places. 257

Boxes
box 13.5 obama on the syrian civil war
Introduction 497book, boxes provide you with
GlossAry Throughout the
Over the past two years, what began as a series of peaceful protests against the repressive regime of
Global climate change Bashar
hasal-Assad
emerged has turned
as oneintoofathe
brutal civil significant
most war. Over 100,000 people have
challenges been killed.
in world practitioners’
poli- Millions have perspectives, additional information, and
fled the country.
tics today. While uncertainty still Insurrounds
that time, America has worked
the specific with allies to provide
manifestations humanitarian
and time frame support,
of to
terfactual is to engage are not assumed
help the or
moderate opposition, taken as
and to given.
shape Constructivists
a political settlement. But I have
effects, climate change has the potential to directly threaten or displace millions of people en- practical
resisted calls for military illustrations of the theory described in the
action, because we cannot resolve someone else’s civil war through force, particularly after a decade of
and underminedogenize
bsence of the causal the livelihoods theofprocess
millions more, of interest
and posesand identity
a long-term formation.
threat to the sustain- main body of the text.
war in Iraq and Afghanistan.
would the outcome ability of life on the planet.
And thatWhile
is why,this
after is significant
careful enough,
deliberation, climate
I determined that change also constitutes
it is in the national security interests of the
a fundamental Energy
challenge dependence:
for the core institutions a situation
and practices in
of which
world the
politics. energy
the uncer-
United States to respond to the Assad regime’s use of chemical weapons through a targeted military strike.
? If the answer could
tainty associated needs
with ofeffects
Thethe a given
purpose of this actor
of strike
climate
would (usually
change a state)
undermines
be to deter Assad can
the
from using no longer
impetus
chemical tobe
for a genuinely
weapons, degrade his regime’s
d also test for theglobal
im- response, while varying degreesand toof contribution to global climate change—and
metability to use them,
indigenously make
through clear to the world
national that we will
energy not tolerate
sources. Thisvul- 2013).
their use (Obama
nerability to it—render attribution of responsibilities particularly difficult. and perhaps more
obliges the actor to depend upon the import of energy
of behaviour or phra- products from other exporters.
if Syria ever gets to a post-conflict phase, it will have an entire country to rebuild. But just
self from an unpleasant because the international community refused to use force does not mean that it did nothing.
Energy security: the combination of demand and
Glossary terms
Syria has been the recipient of one of the largest relief efforts, ever. and while humanitarian-
supply pressures
ism cannot linking
save a country, it canexporters and importers, both Key terms appear in bold throughout the text to alert
be a life-saver.
ory claiming that struc- of whom ultimately have the same goal, namely to
wer states can possess, ensure access to, transport of, and a market for energy you to each new concept. These terms are defined in a
Conclusion
resources required for the long-term and stable devel- glossary 21/04/16at theAM end of the book, which will prove very
mpetition.
1-Smith-Chap20.indd 394 11:50

opment of national
this discussion of the ideapower. helpful
of a duty to aid highlights how states are seemingly when
torn in two dif- you come to exam revision.
al realist theory thatCustomer ferent directions. there is thebook title
primacy of realpolitik and the expectation
stage
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supplier
fundamental
date

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Engagement:
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Foreign policy
development
foreign policy is to protect of relationships
its national interest.
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on
drivetrust
statesand an alignment
towards this conclusion, ofsomotivations.
too do most of the powerful bureaucracies in the for-
entral plank of interna- eign policy process and most publics. Governments and societies are not inherently heartless.
s that liberal democra- Episodic news: a term
rather, when forced to choose between interestsused to describe and ethics, news they media
generally choose interests if
ow democracies. Some reports
the ethicalthat
choice are framed
imposes a real incost
terms or Chapof immediate
sacrifice.
tErFor every libya
8 implEmEntationevents there is and
one orbEhaviour
more Syria. 167
Yet, a distinguishing feature of modern global politics is a thickening of international soci-
hat democratic states and without broader context. A news report detailing
ety. although it might be far-fetched to posit the existence of an international
Key pointsof US troops during the 2003 Iraq War, but
Key points
community,
the
thereprogress
now exist rules, norms, and principles that bind states and societies together produc-
providing
ing an no broader
● ‘internationalization’
the international contextualization
of ethics.
environment and difficult to(e.g.
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manage. the arejusti-
Foreign genuine expectations
policy makers should be that
Athowever
the end of each chapter, the most important
ourages aggression by alert tonot
fication andtherationale
states pursue constant
only their feedback it provides
self-interest
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community
ate if it undertakes cer- their initial objectives.
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described aspolicy
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concepts and
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● Foreign is not self-executing; the implementation phasethatis critical
theytowillsuccess.
eptable. become committed cosmopolitans, there is the expectation not use sovereignty
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the implementation phase may in principled
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Epistemology: epistemology addresses ‘how we
d of international new rounds
a righteous of policy
path, they aremaking.
also motivated to gain the status, legitimacy, and influence that
come
come●fromto know’
the those of
means whoincomply
foreignthepolicy
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the
can distort foreign policy.
and even transform Do
community’s
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original ends. and universal
seek ●to uncover
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the implementation law-governed
of foreign policy needs causal to beprocesses
highly flexible—it (posi-
is self-defeating to rely on one
tegy: a set of tactics tivism)?
the pull Or doalone,
we orinstead
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instrument and
onethe ask
push
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for long.makes such
internationalization
too meanpro-that foreign policy officials
recognize the extent to
● implementation which
takes placethey are expected
in several to broaden
different arenas the ethicallocal,
simultaneously—the purpose of their
the states for-
system,
ers, when one party’s cesses possible in the first place (interpretive modes of receiving
eign policy while also safeguarding
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thenational
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● a growing sense
implementation canofbehypocrisy—where
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seem to Yet,deliver
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emands, refusal to make ment and thatempty
may turn promises.
out to have Yet, the very
strategic existence
implications. of hypocrisy
potentially, therefore, suggests that there
implementation is asare new
Ethics: concerns
political—and theasvalues
therefore ethical—aof actors,
dimension including
as any other aspectwhat of foreign policy.
ne’s minimum needs,
kinds of actions are right or wrong, what is a good life
d analysis, see John
and Further
how to readinglive it, what our obligations and respon-
ld Economy (Ithaca, NY:
sibilities are to others, and the application of moral
George, A. and Simons, W.E. (eds) (1994), The Limits of Coercive Diplomacy, 2nd edn (Boulder, CO:
rules and ethical principles to concrete problems and
Westview).
: a new round of situations.
the best discussion of how force and diplomacy are often combined, if not always to good effect.

ched at the Doha 14-Smith-Chap13.indd 257

Haass, Richard N. (2013), Foreign Policy Begins at Home: The Case for Putting America’s House in
20/04/16 6:38 PM
 ● the practice and scholarship of public diplomacy continue to evolve in step with the proliferation
of global actors, the emergence and spread of new media technologies, and the rising expectations
Key points
of hyper-connected, globally mobile public audiences.
● national security isisan
Public diplomacy essentially
described contested
as soft power’sconcept—it meansPublic
key instrument. different things toactivities
diplomacy differentcan
people.
● contribute
the toofthe
three S’s affective (attractiveness)
realism—statism, andself-help—contribute
survival, and normative (legitimacy)
to soft power ofofglobal
the primacy actors.
national
security.
the theory of social constructivism finds an easy synergy with public diplomacy’s relational tendencies.
xxi
●

● the prominence
emergence ofofnew
realism andtechnologies,
media the onset of the Cold War
including helped
social to has
media, establish the prevalence
transformed the way of
that
How to use this book
national security concerns
public audiences engage intoforeign
both academics andand
policy debate policy makers.
discussion.
● debates about grand strategy are explicitly related to competing conceptions of national security.

Questions
Questions
Questions
1. Should ordinary people be involved in the conduct of foreign policy?
A set of carefully devised questions help you to assess
1.
2. What
Why isdoes Wolfers mean
the american when he
experience sowrites that national
important security ispublic
to understanding an ambiguous symbol?
diplomacy today?
3. how
2. is public
doesdiplomacy simply
realist theory a euphemism
contribute to the for propaganda?
primacy of national security? your understanding and critically reflect on core
4. how
3. is international broadcasting
do the three a viable
S’s of realism accountinstrument of public
for the primacy of diplomacy?
national security? themes and issues.
5. What is the
4. newrelationship
about ‘new’between
public diplomacy?
the theory of realism and the field of security studies?
6. during
5. Do youthe
think thatWar,
Cold public
howdiplomacy canconceive
did scholars bring about change
of the in north
relationship Korea? nuclear weapons and
between
7. national
How does security?
public diplomacy contribute to power?
6.
8. What is the meaning
Does technology makeof public
national security? more effective?
diplomacy
7. how does a focus on the concept of human security change your understanding of national
security?
Further
8. reading
What is the best grand strategy for the USa to achieve national security?
Cull, N.J (2009a), ‘Public Diplomacy Before Gullion: Evolution of a Phrase’, in N. Snow and P. Taylor
(eds), Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy (New York: Routledge).
Further
Further reading
this chapterreading
sets out a brief history of the term ‘public diplomacy’ from patchy beginnings through to
the modern
Brown, coinage
M., Cote, O., of the phrase.S.E., and Miller, S. (eds), (2000), America’s Strategic Choices,
Lynn-Jones,
revised
Cull, edn (Cambridge,
N.J. (2009b), MA: MIT Lessons
‘Public Diplomacy:
To take your learning further, each section ends with a
Press). from its Past’, CPD Perspectives.
an informative
a typology surveydiplomacy’s
of public of the competing americanbased
main functions grandonstrategies for the
case studies reading list that will help you locate the key academic
post-Cold
from the past.War period.
Gray, C. (1999),
K.R.‘Clausewitz
(2010), ‘U.S.Rules,
PublicOK? The FutureNeglected
is the Past—with GPS’, Review of International
Fitzpatrick,
Studies, 25: 161–182.
Diplomacy’s Domestic Mandate’,
literature
CPD
examines the domestic dimensions of public diplomacy, drawing in particular on the american
in the field.
Perspectives.

One of the UK’s

experience, but leading
holdingstrategists
relevance arguing for the
for a wider continuing relevance of realism.
context.
Posen,
Gregory,Barry R. (2014),
B. (2011), Restraint:
‘American A New
Public Foundation
Diplomacy: for US Characteristics,
Enduring Grand Strategy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell
Elusive Transformation’,
University
Hague JournalPress).
of Diplomacy, 6: 351–372.
a
anpowerful
excellentargument of defines
article that why thepublic
USa needs to abandon
diplomacy for theprimacy and century,
twenty-first adopt a highlights
grand strategy of
its systemic
restraint.
features, and identifies those features, which are unique to the american experience and evolution of
public diplomacy.

10-Smith-Chap09.indd 184 21/04/16 2:53 PM

12-Smith-Chap11.indd 220 20/04/16 5:46 PM

Guided tour of the Online Resource Centre

The Online Resource Centre that accompanies this book provides both students and
lecturers with ready-to-use teaching and learning materials, designed to maximize the
learning experience.

www.oxfordtextbooks.co.uk/orc/smith_foreign3e/

FOR STUDENTS
Flashcard glossary
A series of interactive flashcards containing key
terms and concepts has been provided to allow
you to check your understanding of terminology,
and to aid exam revision.
Guided tour of the Online Resource Centre xxiii

Timeline
The Online Resource Centre includes a timeline
so that you can find out about the different
periods in the evolution of foreign policy
analysis.

Web links
A selection of annotated web links makes it easy
to research those topics that are of particular
interest to you.

FOR LECTURERS
Teaching foreign policy cases
Steve Lamy introduces the case method of
teaching, an active teaching and learning
strategy which encourages critical analysis,
evaluation, and problem-solving.

Case studies
Additional case studies, including The Artic Race
and Britain and Iraq, are provided to supplement
the material in the book itself.

PowerPoint® slides
The fully customizable PowerPoint® slides are
available to download, offering a useful resource
to instructors preparing lectures and handouts.
Acknowledgements

All three editors are teachers of foreign policy. Steve Smith first taught foreign policy analysis
in the mid-1980s while a young lecturer at the University of East Anglia. Tim Dunne, who was
in Steve’s class in 1987–1988, taught comparative foreign policy at the University of Exeter,
and currently teaches and writes about decision making in relation to intervention at the
School of Political Science and International Studies at the University of Queensland. Amelia
Hadfield first taught foreign policy analysis at the University of Kent, Canterbury, and contin-
ues to research and teach FPA at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel.
The aim of the first edition was to gather into a single text the waterfront of themes that
ought to feature on a foreign policy course. The second and third editions continue that
same goal, with new and revised chapters written by first-rate scholars and instructors whose
ability to communicate their ideas via the research-led teaching of foreign policy analysis is
clearly revealed in the pages that follow. The book is nothing if not genuinely international;
the editorial team and the talented line-up of contributors drawn from the corners of the
globe.
During the long journey to publication, we could not have wished for better and more
supportive commissioning editors than Kirsty Reade and subsequently Sarah Iles at OUP.
Through various editions, we have been fortunate to draw on the support of several research
assistants: Dusan Radivojevic and Nika Jurcova helped with the second edition, and Michal
Gloznek and Constance Duncombe provided excellent support throughout the process of
putting together a new third edition.
We set out to assemble a book that could serve as an ideal resource for bringing courses on
foreign policy to life. If readers and instructors use it to debate and contest the great foreign
policy issues of our day, then the book will have made its mark. If readers and instructors do
this and draw on the major theories and concepts informing the study of foreign policy, then
we will have achieved more than we could have reasonably expected.
We are all three indebted to the work of Jim Rosenau in different ways. He graciously wrote
the Foreword to the first edition. When we first came up with the idea of asking Jim, we
thought it was a long shot. Within minutes of sending the invitation, we had an enthusiastic
reply that suggested all kinds of possible ways of opening Foreign Policy: Theories, Actors,
Cases. Such energy and creativity has marked out Jim’s contribution to a field which, more
than any other writer and thinker, he has shaped and defined.
As we were finishing the editing of the second edition, word came through that Jim ­Rosenau
had passed away (he died on 9 September 2011, aged 86, after suffering a stroke). Jim was
one of the most significant scholars working in foreign policy, and was one of the subject’s
founding fathers. His influence on foreign policy analysis was not only through his published
works, but also through the personal encouragement he gave to generations of students and
scholars. Jim only gave up teaching at George Washington University in 2009, and still started
each class by asking students to read out headlines from the New York Times and then asking
them ‘What is this an instance of?’, and how it related to ideas they had covered in the course.
His daughter, Margaret, said in one obituary that ‘he was in love with teaching and in love
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
cloth of gold. All the splendid chivalry of Castile were present; some,
representatives of ancient and illustrious houses who traced their
lineage back to the court of Roderick; others, whose patents of
nobility of more recent date had been won in long and honorable
warfare against the infidel. Among these were to be seen the white
turban and striped burnous of the Arab, who would have resented
the epithets of traitor and renegade, but who, actuated by inherited
prejudice or tribal jealousy, had not hesitated to draw his sword
against his brethren. Not less conspicuous than the nobles were the
prelates, in full canonicals, preceded by Cardinal Mendoza, Primate
of Spain, one of whose attendants bore the massive cross, still
preserved in the Cathedral of Toledo, soon to be raised, symbolizing
the triumph of Christian over Moorish superstition, on the loftiest
tower of the Alhambra. The heralds who preceded the royal escort
were dressed in tabards emblazoned with the arms of Castile and
Leon in silver, gold, and scarlet. In the centre of a brilliant group
came Isabella, attired in rich brocade and mounted upon a white
palfrey, whose housings of embroidered velvet swept the ground.
There, too, was Ferdinand, proud, stern, impassive; his stolid
features bearing no evidence of the exultation he must have felt, yet
willing to concede to his martial consort the larger portion of the
credit attaching to the crowning glory of the Christian cause. Around
the monarchs were assembled the princes of the blood, the great
dignitaries of the realm in their robes and bearing their insignia of
office, the haughty grandees, the female members of the Queen’s
household in splendid costumes and glittering jewels, the famous
warriors whose prowess had made their names familiar to every
nation in Europe,—sheathed in polished steel, with lance and
buckler, with pennon and heraldic device,—in all a picture worthily
representing the pomp and the magnificence, the pride and the
renown, of the Spanish monarchy. As the splendid procession swept
forward amidst the blare of trumpets, the strains of martial music, the
waving of banners, and the tumultuous applause of thousands, and
halted on an elevation near the Genil, a gate of the Alhambra swung
slowly open. From it issued a band of horsemen, whose appearance
and dress indicated that their origin and customs were foreign to the
continent of Europe. At their head rode a cavalier encased in armor
exquisitely damascened, and whose fair complexion and tawny
beard offered a striking contrast to the swarthy features of those who
formed his retinue. The latter were clothed in flowing robes of silk
woven in stripes of every hue, revealing, when moved by the
morning breeze, shining coats of mail and scimetars set with gems
and inlaid with gold.
The interview of the sovereigns was short and almost devoid of
ceremony. Obsequious to the last, Boabdil attempted to dismount
and kiss the hand of his conqueror, but the Spanish King, with
generous and unaffected courtesy, prevented this act of voluntary
abasement, insisted on his remaining mounted, and received the
kiss upon his sleeve. With a few words, which betrayed the
bitterness of his mortification and anguish, the Moslem prince
surrendered the keys of the city to Ferdinand. He gave them to
Isabella, and she, in turn, transferred these evidences of possession
and sovereignty to the Count of Tendilla, who had been appointed
Governor of Granada. The latter, with many nobles as escort and a
garrison of five thousand men, without delay entered and took
possession of the Alhambra, and raised upon the tower of Comares
the gold and silver cross of the Archiepiscopate of Toledo, the royal
ensign, and the consecrated standard of Santiago. The appearance
of the sacred emblem and the familiar banners upon the battlements
of the Moorish citadel aroused the wildest enthusiasm among the
spectators. The priests of the royal chapel chanted the Te Deum
Laudamus. Thousands of gray and battle-scarred veterans fell upon
their knees and wept for joy. The heralds, in all the magnificence of
their striking costumes, made proclamation, by sound of trumpet,
that the authority of the Moslems had forever vanished from the
Peninsula in the words, “Castilla! Castilla! Granada! Granada! por los
reyes Don Fernando y Doña Isabel?” The stately Castilian nobles, in
the glittering panoply of war, one after another, then came forward,
knelt before Isabella, and kissed her hand in homage for her newly
acquired dignity as Queen of Granada.
Followed by the principal Moorish officials, some of whom,
including the vizier, were secret renegades and in the pay of
Ferdinand, Boabdil retired to his dominions in the Alpujarras. Even
there he was not destined to remain long in tranquillity. Subjected to
ceaseless espionage, his every word and action were reported to
Hernando de Zafra, secretary of the Catholic monarchs. Despite his
apparent apathy, his presence was considered a menace to the
public peace, especially when the discontent arising from open
violations of the treaty began to be manifested. Emissaries were sent
to attempt the purchase of his estates and to suggest the probable
dangers of insurrection, as contrasted with the advantages of
voluntary exile. This failing of success, a bolder plan was resolved
upon. The false vizier, Ibn-Comixa, was induced to assume an
authority which he did not possess, to sell to the Spanish Crown the
possessions of the princes of the Moorish dynasty of Granada, and
to even stipulate, in detail, the time and manner of their departure
from Spain. The price this corrupt and treacherous agent received
for his services was never known. The rights of Boabdil and his
family thus were disposed of, without their consent, for the paltry
sum of twenty-one thousand doubloons of gold. When apprised by
his unblushing minister of the manner in which he had been
betrayed, he drew his sword, and Ibn-Comixa only saved his life by
instant flight. The unfortunate prince well knew who had suggested
the employment of this ignoble and perfidious artifice, and that it
would be dangerous, as well as useless, to attempt to repudiate a
measure which, dictated by cunning, would certainly be enforced by
violence. He therefore ratified the spurious contract, received in
exchange for his estates and all claims upon the crown nine millions
of maravedis; and, on the fourteenth of October, 1493, sailed with all
his household for Africa, where the Sultan of Fez had offered him an
asylum. Thirty-four years afterwards he fell in battle, fighting bravely
in the service of his benefactor against the savage mountaineers of
the Atlas. His body, never recovered, remained unburied in the
Desert, under a strange sky, far from the scene of his early triumphs,
his misfortunes, and his disgrace.
Thus ended the implacable contest waged by Christian and
Moslem so long and so desperately in the southwestern corner of
Europe. To the heroic queen of Ferdinand is to be attributed the
success of the last campaign of that portentous struggle. It was her
administrative ability that regulated the internal affairs of the
kingdom, suppressed lawlessness, established order, restored public
confidence, developed the resources and consolidated the strength
of a powerful and warlike nation. Her martial genius was ever with
the army, whether encouraging it by her presence on the march or
collecting and transporting supplies over mountain paths beset by
bold and cunning enemies; ever animating the living, ever aiding and
consoling the relatives of the dead. She was universally recognized
as the head and front of the crusade; every opinion was tacitly
subordinated to her judgment; her advice was sought in all important
undertakings; her cheerful personality brought courage and
enthusiasm to the disheartened camp; her masculine spirit did not
shrink from participation in the exposure of a reconnoissance or from
the certain and omnipresent dangers of the field of battle. In the
closing scenes of the eventful drama hers was the prominent figure.
On the day of the capitulation, she alone carried the sceptre and
wore the crown, tacitly belying the motto, “Tanto Monta,” which
admitted the equality of Aragon; it was her hand which bestowed the
keys of the city and the authority of governor on her hereditary
vassal, the Count of Tendilla; it was “Castile” that the heralds
proclaimed from the highest battlements of the palace; it was not
before the politic craft of Ferdinand that the haughty aristocracy of
the North bowed with profound and graceful obeisance in
acknowledgment of the sovereignty of a newly conquered realm, but
before the eminent talents, the earnest piety, the affable but majestic
and ever impressive dignity of Isabella the Catholic, Queen of Castile
and Granada.

END OF VOLUME II.

Transcriber’s Notes:

1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been corrected

silently.

2. Where hyphenation is in doubt, it has been retained as in the original.

3. Some hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words have

been retained as in the original.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF
THE MOORISH EMPIRE IN EUROPE, VOL. 2 (OF 3) ***

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