HEBREW TRANSLATIONS FROM MEDICAL TREATISES OF MONTPELLIER

Lola Ferre, Ph.D.

University of Granada
Koroth 1996

Numerous Hebrew medical manuscripts were written between the 13th and 15th centuries and
disseminated throughout the great libraries of the world. These manuscripts can be divided into
two types: original works and translations. My research focusses on those manuscripts that were
translated from Latin, as opposed to Arabic, and it is to these that I will refer in the course of this
paper.

These translations represent a meeting point between the Mediaeval Jew and the world around
him. We find the Hebrew language of the time contaminated by other languages. The Holy
language was being used for profane purposes, in the translation of philosophical and scientific
texts, most of them written by gentiles. In this sense, every translation is a window between the
Jewish and the exterior world. It is therefore impossible to focus solely on a text, for the text
itself pushes us towards new questions.

Jews living in Southern Europe in the 13th and 14th centuries generally did not read Arabic,
whilst Latin, which had come to substitute Arabic as the language of science, was the language of
the elite, and most Jews had no access to it. These factors meant that medical texts had to be
translated into Hebrew.

The particular historical conjuncture also aided the movement towards translation. During this
time we see the immigration of Andalusian Jews, who were fleeing from the Almohads and
settling in the northeast of the Iberian peninsula and the South of France. It was they who
organised the translations from Arabic into Hebrew.

Furthermore, Southern Europe was enjoying a period of demographic and economic expansion.
The growth of cities created a demand within both the Christian and Jewish communities for
more medical professionals (1). Christian universities monopolised medical education and
represented the intellectual force that stimulated professional activity. Logically, most of the
translations were done in areas around the prestigious universities, such as Montpellier and
Bologna.

This increase in the number of doctors did not happen haphazardly. The profession was licensed.
Aspiring doctors were examined by a board of physicians. Besides the empirical knowledge
gained through apprenticeships in the medical profession, those who hoped to become doctors
also had to demonstrate their theoretical knowledge. This raises the question of how they were
prepared for the examination. Christian medical students studied in the universities, whereas
access to Jews was denied or, at least, severely limited. Jewish students had to study at home
with a tutor, or using whatever books were available. Therefore many classic and contemporary
works were translated and a Hebrew library of the essential works for the study of medicine was
formed.

This library of medical works united the oldest traditions with the latest thinking of the time. In
the Christian society, within the framework of the university, new medical texts were generated
and this did not go unnoticed by the Jewish intellectuals. Jewish scholars sought to incorporate
the latest texts into their studies of medicine. I quote from an address from 1558: There lies
hidden in the libraries of the Jews a treasure of medical lore so great that it seems incapable of
being surpassed by the books of any other language (2). Joseph Shatzmiller said, with a certain
touch of humour, that the Mediaeval Hebrew library was probably richer in volumes than the
ones that exist today in Israel, where four universities teach medicine in Hebrew but use English
textbooks. (3).

In this paper, I will discuss the translators who focussed their efforts on the works of professors
from Montpellier. The greatest physicians of the time passed through this university and many of
their works were translated into Hebrew and Romance languages such as Catalan, French and
Castilian.
I
The University of Montpellier has historically been connected with the Jewish community. This
is not so unusual if we bear in mind that Christian science traces its origins to Greco-Muslim
science and philosophy. This historical connection would not have been possible without the
inestimable help from the Jews of Andalusian origin, expressed not only in the numerous
translations from Arabic into Latin, but also in the contributions of Jewish scholars (4).

Three of the translators we are concerned with studied at Montpellier: Abraham Abigdor, Leon
Joseph of Carcassonne and Yekutiel ben Solomon of Narbonne (5). However, the university
began closing its doors to non-Christians and distancing itself from the Judaic-Muslim
educational influence once the knowledge gained from these sources was capable of being
reproduced within the university setting. By 1390, Jews were prohibited from entering the
medical school at Montpellier, which reveals not only an exclusionary attitude on the part of the
Christians, but also the fact that there had been a Jewish presence throughout the 14th century.

The translators dealt with here are mainly from Provence, giving them a physical proximity to the
university. The exceptions to this are few: Tubiel ha-Rofe lived in Coimbra when he translated
the work In nomum Almansoris in 1389 (6). This translation stands out due to the fact that in
some manuscripts, terms and phrases appear in Arabic, meaning that the translation was
undertaken in an area of the Iberian peninsula still under Muslim influence (7). We have an
anonymous translation of De phlebomoia by Bernard de Gordon, done in Catalonia (8), and also
a version of Estori ha-Parhi of Recepta by Armengaud Blasii written in Barcelona. Apart from
these few examples, the translators as well as the authors moved within an area limited to the
South of France during the 14th century. Sometimes they were contemporaries of the physicians
they translated and sometimes they were separated by a generation.

In general, little is known about the lives of the translators. Of some, all we know are their
names and their translations. Sometimes, with luck, we know where they were born or the date
of the translation. Of other translators, more information has survived. We know for example
that the practice of medicine was closely linked to the art of translation. Most of the translators
were practising physicians and did not earn their living through translation.

Since the members of this group were firstly doctors and only secondly translators, some
questions arise. Why did they take up the task of translating and were they competent as
translators? In prologues written by our translators, they express their desire to make useful
scientific works available to their colleagues and talk of the need to provide Jewish medical
students with texts to study in Hebrew. With regard to their competence and professional ability,
the fact that they were experts in the subject matter they were translating certainly helped them in
their task. The major obstacle was language. Many translators were conscious of the fact that
they were taking on a job they were ill-prepared for. Joseph bar Judah ha-Sefardi wrote about his
translation of Regimen sanitatis by Arnau de Vilanova: Thus when I perceived its excellence and
utility I felt stimulated... and I translated it from the Christian language to the Hebrew language
- in spite of being conscious of my slight intelligence and my defective knowledge of both
languages - so that it should be beneficial to us, unfortunate Jews who live in exile in the land of
the Christians. (9). This occurred also amongst translators from Arabic, such as Samuel ben
Judah, the translator of commentaries by Averroes, who said: I have left many places blank and
free of one or more words and lines because of my limited knowledge and insufficient grasp of
the Arabic language in addition to its uncommon subject matter (10).

The translators were not only aware of their own limitations but also of the limitations of their
colleagues. Leon Joseph of Carcassone openly criticized the translations of Bernard de Gordon,
the Lilium medicinae translated by Jekutiel ben Salomon (11), and the anonymous translation of
Tractatus de Prognostic. He also attacked the translation of the Canon by Avicenna done by
Nathan ha-Me`ati. In 1394, Leon Joseph produced a second translation of Gerard de Solo's In
nomum almansoris which had previously been translated by Abraham Abigdor. Undoubtedly
this was done because the first translation proved unsatisfactory. He further revised his own
translation in 1402.

In the course of my work with various Hebrew versions, I have encountered paragraphs that are
virtually incomprehensible. In some cases this is caused by the lack of scientific terminology in
Hebrew and in others by the translator's own lack of knowledge of the Hebrew language.

These translators worked under pressures from different sources. In 1306, a decree was issued
expelling the Jews from France, which affected one of our translators, Estori ha-Parhi. Although
Jews were permitted to return in 1360, the expulsion illustrates a clear deterioration in relations
between the Jewish and Christian communities. We must also keep in mind the decree of 1390,
which prohibited Jews from entering the University of Montpellier. The difficulties of
participating in the academic development of Christian society are not only evident in the
prohibition of Jewish students, but also in the fact that it was forbidden for Christians to sell
books to Jews. Leon Joseph of Carcassone wrote: The learned men of Montpellier anathemise
and excommunicate anybody who should sell [books] to those who are not Christian (12).
Samuel ben Judah, the translator of the text of Averroes, wrote: I promised to correct the
translation of this science with the help of Christian philosophers, but was unable [to do so] on
account of the annoyances and persecutions which have overtaken us on the part of this nation
which exiles us (13).

The difficulties presented in the pursuit of knowledge went hand in hand with the growing fear of
science manifested by the religious leaders. In the eyes of the Jewish rationalists, all these
measures contributed to a general backward trend in the same sciences that they had been
instrumental in bringing to the Christian world. Many felt that their position had become
intellectually inferior to that of the Christians. The desire to recuperate a dignified place in the
sciences was a further incentive to the translators. Nathan ha-Me'ati, the most important of the
Italian translators, wrote: The contempt in which the learned Christians hold the Jews is because
the medical works of Solomon and their later writers have been lost. He wished to follow the
example of the Tibbonides who had drawn up the books from the marsh and the well of the
Arabic language! (14). The most powerful force that drove this group of translators was their
attraction to the prestigious professors of the university.
All these factors - external pressures, internal rejection by members of the Jewish community, an
admiration of the Christian university system - came together to cause two of the Jewish
translators to convert: Moses ben Samuel of Roquemaure and Leon Joseph of Carcassone.
Moses ben Samuel took the name of John of Avignon and moved to Seville where, in 1360, he
translated Lilium medicinae. Leon Joseph was probably expelled under the general decree of
expulsion of 1394. He was an active member of the community in Perpignan, not only as a
doctor, but also in community affairs. Leon Joseph ended up converting to Christianity at the end
of his life, taking the name Leonardus Benedicti (15).

During this period, conversions were not unusual. Richard Emery, in his study of the Jews of
Perpignan, has found that out of the 14 doctors who were practising medicine there between 1414
and 1416, 11 converted to Christianity. Emery poses the question: Were physicians more likely
to accept baptism than other Jews? He then responds Within the elite groups, it does seem
evident that physicians tended more towards conversion, and less to exile, than the others. This
tendency may be due to professional reasons. Conversion was perhaps the only way of escaping
the restrictions placed on Jews practising medicine. Half of those who converted achieved the
title of magister in medicina soon after converting (16). Amongst those who converted and
gained the title, we find Leon Joseph of Carcassone. Nevertheless, I am more inclined to think
that, due to the lateness of his conversion and the fundamental disagreements this translator
manifested with the way of thinking of many members of the Jewish community and his
admiration for the learned Christians, it was more likely to be a sincere conversion rather than
one motivated purely by professional interest.

In any case, the number of translators who converted to Christianity is quite low if we compare it
to the number cited by Emery. Neither their contact with a Christian university, nor their
knowledge of a profane science had the effect of turning the majority of the translators away from
their faith, as some religious leaders of the time had feared.

II

Until now, I have referred to some of the characteristics of this group of translators whose basic
unity is found in the translations of professors from the University of Montpellier. Rather than
looking at each translator individually, I would now like to address the question of "why
Montpellier?". What was it that attracted our translators to this university?

As one might imagine, those translators who wrote prologues to their translations generously
praised the authors of their chosen work. This shows us the admiration they felt, not only for the
individual author, but for the university, and even its teaching methodology. The strategies for
learning that characterise these texts come from classroom practice and are therefore products of
real learning situations. Aside from admiration of the teaching methods employed in these texts,
the translators valued above all the utility of the works. These works were directed towards
students and practitioners and were meant to function as practical, useful guides for their users.
The famous Italian physician, Elia di Sabbato da Fermo, contracted a scribe to make various
copies of treatises by Bernard de Gordon translated by Yekutiel ben Solomon of Narbonne (17).

Many of these texts were used by Jewish students in preparation for the exam to obtain their
licence (licentia curandi et practicandi). Starting in the middle of the 13th Century in the south
of France, this licence was required to practise medicine. Practising without a licence was risky
and there are documented accounts of men and women who were charged and tried for practising
without one (18). A medical student seeking to obtain a licence had to undergo questioning by a
board of doctors. A description exists of an examination that the son of one of our translators
and the translator, Solomon ben Abraham Abigdor himself, underwent: He stated, moreover,
many arguments and in support thereof adduced texts and glossaries out of books, institutes and
canons of the most learned doctors (19).

Among the branches of medicine cultivated at the university, we find the compendia called
Practica which dealt with illnesses and therapy and which covered the entire human body from
head to foot. Some commentaries, like those on Nomum almansoris by Razes, incorporate the
characteristics found in the Practica. This is the most popular genre among the translators. It is
a text that is half way between a teaching manual and a medical reference book. In this type of
book you can find maxims from established authorities as well as updating by subsequent authors
(20). Within the genre we have two commentaries on the work of Razes, translated into Hebrew
by Gerard de Solo and Johannes de Tournamire; the works which include the term practica in
their titles; the so-called Introduction to the Art of medicine by Johannes Jacobi, Arnau de
Vilanova and Bernard Alberti; the Thesaurum pauperum by Petrus Hispanus and finally, the
celebrated Lilium medicinae by Bernard de Gordon. The latter work, Lilium Medicinae, was
translated into Hebrew twice and 29 manuscripts of the translation by Jekutiel ben Solomon
survive. This makes it the most copied Hebrew manuscript by any author from Montpellier. If
we add the four manuscripts of the translation by Moses ben Samuel of Roquemaure it can be
seen that it was a widely disseminated work. It is important to point out that this work also exists
in mediaeval translations into French and Spanish, making it an extensively read and popular
book in its field.

The treatment and prevention of disease was practised in three ways: diet, pharmacology and
surgery. As regards diet, we have a translation of Regimen sanitatis ad Regem Aragonum by
Arnau de Vilanova. Since diets were prescribed individually and according to the needs of the
patient, this is not a work that responds to the criteria of usefulness that our translators used to
determine the value of a text. There were not a great number of manuscripts. Joseph bar Judah
wrote in his proglogue to the Hebrew version: I saw that this guide [to good health] was
excellent and beneficial for two reasons: on the one hand for the merit of the man who wrote it,
and on the other for the excellence of the man for whom it was written (21). Another translator of
this regimen, Israel ben Joseph Caslari, was conscious that each patient needed a diet designed
specifically for him, i.e. that the regimen dealt with here could not be applied universally. In
justifying his choice of this book to translate, given that Regimen sanitatis by Maimonides was
already in existence, Caslari cites the fact that Jews had to live in a Christian environment: I have
two reasons for doing [translating] so: the first is that this text is written taking into account the
nature of [this] country... The second is that this book was written according to the customs and
habits of the Christians, in whose land we live (22).

We also find translations of practical pharmacology, sometimes as independent guides to

prescriptions and sometimes as parts of other texts, such as the practica. Among the independent
works, the translations of Compendium aromaticorum by Saladin d'Escola, Digestiva et
purgantia attributed to Arnau de Vilanova and Recepta by Armengaud Blasii are important to
mention. The theoretical texts of pharmacology were not seen as of interest. Authors of this
type of text, whose other works were widely translated, had their treatises on theoretical
pharmacology largely ignored. For example, the Aphorismi de gradibus by Arnau de Vilanova
was not translated. De medicinarum gradibus by Bernard de Gordon was anonymously
translated and only one manuscript survives under the title Sefer ha-madregot.
As regards the third form of treatment, surgery, it is important to note that this did not play a
significant role in the medical school of Montpellier. Beginning in the mid 13th century, three
authors associated with Montpellier wrote surgical treatises (23) The first of these authors was
Guillaume de Congenis, whose work on surgery was translated into Hebrew in about 1168. Next
in chronological order, was Henri de Mondeville, the most important of the three, whose work
was translated into French, but has no Hebrew translation. Finally, there was Guy de Chaulilac
(b. 1368), who studied at Montpellier, but it is not known whether he ever taught there, or indeed
if he taught in any other university. There are Hebrew versions of his Chirugia magna and
Chirugia parva preserved in one and two manuscripts respectively. Based on the existence of
these few manuscripts, it appears that surgery was not that important in the curriculum of
Montpellier and consequently did not attract the attention of Hebrew translators.

The study of medicine was linked to other fields of study, in particular logic, which was
considered the basis of all sciences. One of our most prolific translators, Abraham Abigdor,
translated Summulae logicales by Petrus Hispanus, who had taught in Montpellier. He also
translated the commentary of Averrosess along with writings on logic by Aristotle, called
Organon. The rest of our translators limited themselves to medical works.

III

My interest is mainly in the field of language and it is here that I have discovered that the Hebrew
found in mediaeval medical texts is a different type of Hebrew, not only when compared with
classic Hebrew, but also with respect to the Hebrew used in the Iberian peninsula during what is
known as the Golden Age of Hebrew literature in Spain.

It is essential to bear in mind the precedents set by the impressive translations of scientific and
philosophical works towards the end of the Middle Ages. It is well known to scholars of
Mediaeval Hebrew that this period of Hispanic Hebrew literature produced a rebirth of Hebrew
which was motivated by the brilliant Muslim Andalusian culture. In spite of the proximity in
both time and space between the Hebrew renaissance and the translations we are concerned with
here, the differences between the two are notable. Taking into account that the physical and
temporal distances were not enough to justify the discrepancies we find in the language, the key
to them must lie in the final purpose of the writing.

The literary renaissance of Hebrew was characterised by the concept of sahut, or the purity and
beauty of the language (24). In contrast, we find the concept of to'elet, or utility, as the primary
guide to discourse in the medical texts. Instead of flowery phrases we find clarity. Whereas the
literati sought to demonstrate their high level of culture by using obscure biblical phrases, the
translator made use of semantic borrowing and loan words. Instead of the elegant and purified
poetic language, we find an unorthodox grammatical structure in the medical texts of very little
literary value. Nevertheless, they are the texts which students used in order to become physicians
and which physicians used as reference books in the practice of their profession, and herein lies
the importance for us.

Without a doubt, the main problem facing the translators was the lack of appropriate medical
terminology. To deal with this problem, they resorted to various means, one of which was to
simply borrow terms from Latin, Arabic or whatever language they were translating from.
Sometimes we find the Latin term transcribed next to the term in Hebrew. The Latin term was
more familiar to the target audience and placing it next to the Hebrew translation ensured the
comprehension of the Hebrew term. This shows us the interest the translators had in building up
Hebrew medical terminology. On other occasions they used paraphrasing to get their meaning
across in the absence of adequate Hebrew vocabulary. Rather than simply transcribing a Latin
term, the translator would write a phrase explaining the meaning of the term. (25)

We have made some reference to bad translations, but we should not ignore the many examples
of how the translators creatively used their linguistic knowledge to overcome these obstacles and
produce good translations.

The reason for working with translations instead of original works is essentially what these
translations tell us about language. The fact that the Hebrew translations were literal with respect
to their original versions means that by comparing the technical terminology used in Hebrew with
its corresponding terminology in Latin, we can construct a vocabulary of Hebrew terms that
allows us to better understand texts originally written in Hebrew.

Along with the original philosophical and scientific works, these translations form a treasure of
non-literary texts that were produced in the most important Hispanic, French, and Italian Jewish
communites and clearly show a second renaissance of the Hebrew language.

Up to now, I have shown some of the results of my research into the translations of the works by
the scholars of the medical school of Montpellier. In his exhaustive work on medieval Jewish
translators, Moritz Steinschneider previously established the basis for research into manuscripts.
The main contribution any researcher can make today is a revision of the number of copies of
manuscripts in existence of every work. The discovery of new sources of manuscripts and the
existence of new research centres and new technology allow us to consider more manuscripts
than those described by Steinschneider.(26) The fundamental importance of these discoveries lies
in the fact that this new information proves that the dissemination of medical texts was much
wider than first believed, and that they were used by, and were in demand from, a wider circle of
doctors and students than was originally thought. For example, we now know of more than
double the number of manuscripts of Lilium medicinae than that of which Steinschneider was
aware. New translations have also appeared. Tubiel ben Samuel=s translation of the commentary
In nonum Almansoris by Gerard de Solo and Joseph bar Judah ha-Sefardi=s translation of
Regimen sanitatis by Arnau de Vilanova were never mentioned by Steinschneider.

In recent research on well-known texts translated from Arabic, such as the Canon by Avicenna,
Aphorisms by Maimonides or the work of Galen, I see that the main advance or contribution is
essentially an updating of the translations with corrections of little significance.(27) However,
when we speak of the work of the professors from the medical school of Montpellier, the
situation is different. The knowledge of their work in Steinschneider=s time was inevitably
limited, as even today it is difficult to find modern critical editions of these works and there
exists controversy over their authenticity. Various titles attributed to Arnau de Vilanova are,
according to modern researchers, spurious.

Some titles provoke a certain amount of confusion. This is so in the case of Arnabdina, attributed
by Steinschneider to Arnau de Vilanova, but without an original Latin manuscript to document
the authorship. This work belongs to the genre of practica and there is a manuscript with a
prologue in which the author is cited to be Jean Jacme.(28)
The title Mabo ha-ne`arim (Introduction for young students), which Abraham Abigdor gave to a
translation of a work by Gerard de Solo, led Steinschneider to think that this was the Hebrew
version of Introductorium juvenum, even though he realised that it was a book on fevers.
Recently, after comparing the Latin and Hebrew versions, I discovered that Mabo ha-nearim was
a translation of Liber de febribus by Gerard de Solo.(29)

In Steinschneider=s time the importance of the Romance languages was not fully appreciated.
Some Hebrew versions were not translated directly from the Latin but rather from versions in
Romance languages that had been previously translated from Latin. This is the case of two of the
three Hebrew translations preserved of the Regimen sanitatis by Arnau de Vilanova and probably
Lilium medicinae in the Hebrew version by Moses ben Samuel of Roquemaure.(30)

In conclusion, all of the above points to the necessity of validating every text with a
corresponding Latin text, whether it be a first edition or a copy of a manuscript. Meticulous
comparison will not only accurately identify which text corresponds exactly to every Hebrew
version but, in my experience, it will also prove to be of great assistance in producing a critical
edition of a text.
 NOTES

1 On the proportions of Jewish and Christian physicians, see Emery, Richard W., AJewish
Physicians in Medieval Perpignan@ Michael XII. On the History of the Jews in the
Diaspora, 1991, pp.113-134

2 This address was entitled Oratio de variarum linguarum cognitione paranda. It was
written in Leipzig and the Latin text with a English translation was published by
Friedenwald. See Friedenwald, Harry, ANote on the Importance of the Hebrew Language
in Mediaeval Medicine", JQR, vol X, n.1, 1919.

3 See Shatzmiller, Joseph Jews, Medicine and Medieval Society, University of California
Press, 1994, p.55

4 Researches have maintained that the medical school was originally a Jewish medical
school. Other researchers have said that the school was not specifically Jewish but that
from it=s inception a great number of the professors were Jewish, and specifically from
families who had fled from Spain bringing with them a rich cache of Andalusian culture.
See Lehman, L. AMedecins Juifs en Provence et au Languedoc et l'Ecole de Médecine à
Montpellier@, Koroth vol.III, 9-10 (Heb.), pp.455-471; Friedenwald, Harry. AHistory of
the Jewish Physicians of Spain, Portugal and Southearstern France@, Medical Life, New
Serie, vol. 45, 1938, pp.673-74; Dulieu, Louis, La Médecine a Montpellier, Tome I: Le
Moyen Age, s.d., pp.112-3, who cited four Jewish professors: in the 13th Century,
Yedayah Bedersi, in the 14th Century Isaac ben Judah de Lattes, Abraham Abigdor and
his son Solomon. Joseph Shatzmiller, AEtudiants juifs à la faculté de médecine de
Montpellier, dernier quart du XIVe siècle@, The Frank Talmage Memorial Volume, vol
2, pp. 243-255, Jewish History 6, Haifa and Hannover, 1992, makes reference to three
Jews who, according to their own testimony studied at Montpellier: Isaac Todrosi,
Abraham Abigdor y Leon Joseph of Carcassone.

5 This was not mentioned by Shatzmiller (1992, cit. n.4) but Yekutiel attests to have
translated the work Affectus praeter naturam curande methodus by Bernard de Gordon in
the beth-iyyun of Montpellier. See the Moscow manuscript, Güenzburg 574, fol.183b.

6 This translation was not cited by Steinschneider. The information was found in the
prologue of manuscript of the Jewish Theological Seminary of New York, Mic 2779.
The manuscript is in poor condition.

7 This occurs in the manuscript of the Biliotheque Nationale of Paris n11128 and in the
Dresden Library 140 Ea. The work itself is a comentary on a text by Razes. It is possible
that the text was written in Arabic and the comentary by Gerard de Solo was translated to
Hebrew.

8 More precisely in Castellón de Ampurias in 1378. See the Bodleian Library=s manuscript
Mich 390, Neubauer 2127. This information could refer to a translation or a copy. It is
important to remember the translation of Lilium medicinae in Sevilla.

9 See García Ballester, Luis- Ferre, Lola- Feliú, Eduard, AJewish Aprecciation of
Fourteenth-Century Scholastic Medicine@, Osiris, second series, vol.6, 1990, 106-107.
10 See Berman, Lawrence V. ASamuel ben Judah of Marseilles, Fourteenth-Century
Philosopher and Translator@, Jewish Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 1967, p. 305, In
another translation, the same translator wrote: It is not impossible─rather it is possible,
nay, it is unavoidable─ that whoever examines my translation of the two parts of this
science will be perplexed about some passages on account of the badness of translation
wich is result of my limited grasp of the Arabic language. (p. 308). Berman confirms the
difficulties: Samuel keeps excedingly close to the Arabic making his translation very
difficult to understand. For this reason he was severely criticized, p.296.

11 Although the author is not named we can assume who he is by the Hebrew title Shoshan
ha-refu'ot. The other translation of this work work was titled Perah ha-refu'ot. The same
source also criticizes Nathan ha-Meati for his translation of the Canon by Avicenna.

12 See García Ballester, Luis- Ferre, Lola- Feliú, Eduard (Cit. n. 9), pp.112-113.

13 See Berman, L. (Cit. n.10), p.310

14 See Friedenwald, Harry, AUse of the Hebrew Language in Medical literature@, Bull.
Inst. Hist. Med., vol II, n.2, 1934, p.88. Friedenwald quoted and translated this text from
Steinsnchneider, M. Die hebraeischen Übersetzungen des Mittelalters und die Juden als
Dolmetscher, Berlin 1893, (Reimp. Graz 1956), pp.679-680.

15 See Shatzmiller, J. (1994, cit. n.3), p.30.

16 See Emery, R. (Cit. n.1), pp.120-121

17 This copy, made for the physician Elia son of Sabato Beer de Fermo is in the manuscript
n. 1185 of the Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris. The works in question are translations of
the following texts: Lilium medicinae (Shoshan ha-refu=ah); Regimen acutarum
aegretudinum (.,Hibbur be-hanahagah ha-.,hadot); Affectus praeter naturam curande
methodus... (Lua.,h ha-ta.,hbulah); Tractatus de Prognostic (=De crisis) (Ha-gebulim).

18 Such is the case of Abraham Bondavin, a Jew from Marseille at the end of the 14th
century who was tried for not having a licence to practice medicine. See Alteras, Isaac,
AJewish Physicians in Southern France during the 13th and 14th centuries@, JQR
vol.LXVIII, 1977-78, pp.209-223, 215.

19 See Shatzmiller (1994, cit. n.3) p.37.

20 See Crisciani, Chiara, AHistory, Novelty and Progress in Scholastic Medicine@, Osiris,
second series, vol.6, 1990, pp.118-139.

21 See García Ballester, Luis- Ferre, Lola- Feliú, Eduard (Cit. n. 9), pp.104-105.

22 See note 21.

23 Siraisi, Nancy 1990, Medieval and early Renaissance medicine. An introduction to

knowledge and practice, University of Chicago, 1990, pp. 153-186.
24 See Morag, Shelomo AHebrew in Medieval Spain: Aspects of Evolution and
Transmission@, MEAH, Sección hebreo 44, 1995, pp.3-21

25 See Ferre, Lola , ALa terminología médica en versiones hebreas de textos latinos@,
MEAH, Sección hebreo 40, 1991, pp.87-107.

26 I refer to the Institute of Microfilmed Manuscripts of the National and Universitary

Library de Jerusalem. The result of research in the field of medicine by some researchers
supports my position. See the articles by Benjamin Richler on the preserved copies of the
Hebrew versions of the Canon by Avicenna, AManuscripts of Avicena=s Canon in
Hebrew translation: a revised and up to date list@, Koroth, 8, 3-4, pp.145-168, 1982 and
the Aphorims by Maimonides, AManuscripts of Moses ben Maimon=s Pirke Moseh in
Hebrew@, Koroth, 9, 9-10, pp.253-264, 1986. See also the article by Tzvi Langermann
on the Moscow's medical manuscripts, ASome new medical manuscriptsfrom
Moscow@, Koroth, 10, pp.54-73, 1993-94.

27 Elinor Lieber wrote in her work on Galen in Hebrew: to the admirers of Steinschneider it
will perhaps come no surprise that every treatise they [the codices and manuscripts]
contained had already been described by him, although a few of the manuscripts were
hitherto unknown. See her article AGalen in Hebrew: the Transmission of Galen's Works
in the Mediaeval Islamic World@, Galen: Problems and Prospects. A collection of
Papers submitted at the 1979 Cambridge Conference, ed. Vivian Nutton, The Wellcome
Institute for the History of Medicine, 1981.

28 See the manuscript of München n127,2.

29 See Ferre, Lola ALa versión hebrea del tratado De Febribus de Gerard de Solo@, MEAH,
45, 1996, pp.149-183, with an edition of the Hebrew translation, according to four
manuscripts, and the transcription of one of the first edition from the latin text.

30 I want to stress that I have worked extensively with the Hebrew versions of Regimen
sanitatis although I cannot say the same for Lilium medicinae. The circumstances around
the translation lead me to believe that it was translated from Spanish.
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