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Anybody in science, if there are enough anybodies, can find the answer—
it’s an Easter-egg hunt. That isn’t the idea. The idea is: Can you ask the
question in such a way as to facilitate the answer?
—GERALD EDELMAN
PART III The Mind and the Body: Biological Approaches to Personality 256
Chapter 8 The Anatomy and Physiology of Personality 258
Chapter 9 The Inheritance of Personality: Behavioral Genetics and Evolutionary
Psychology 300
PART IV The Hidden World of the Mind: The Psychoanalytic Approach 348
Chapter 10 Basics of Psychoanalysis 350
Chapter 11 Psychoanalysis After Freud: Neo-Freudians, Object Relations, and Current
Research 390
PART VI What Personality Does: Learning, Thinking, Feeling, and Knowing 502
Chapter 14 Learning to Be a Person: Behaviorism and Social Learning Theories 504
Chapter 15 Personality Processes: Perception, Thought, Motivation, and Emotion 540
Chapter 16 The Self: What You Know About You 584
Chapter 17 Personality, Mental Health, and Physical Health 614
EPILOGUE 652
ix
CONTENTS
Preface xxiii
xi
xii Contents
Parapraxes 374
Forgetting 375
Slips 376
Anxiety and Defense 377
Psychoanalysis as a Therapy and as a Route Toward
Understanding 379
Psychoanalytic Theory: A Critique 381
Excessive Complexity 381
Case Study Method 381
Vague Definitions 382
Untestability 382
Sexism 383
Why Study Freud? 383
Wrapping It Up 386
Summary 386
Think About It 388
Suggested Reading 389
Epilogue 652
Which Approach Is Right? 653
What Have We Learned? 655
Research Methods Are Useful 656
Cross-Situational Consistency and Aggregation 657
The Biological Roots of Personality 658
The Unconscious Mind 659
Contents xxi
xxiii
xxiv Preface
privilege. The opinions in this book are professional, not personal. I think I have
some credentials and experience that license me (not legally!) to have opinions
about psychological issues. I do not have any special qualifications to weigh in on
politics or morality. Although I have strong opinions about those matters, too,
I have tried very hard to leave them out. For example, the debate over abortion
is considered in Chapter 13, in the context of a discussion of collectivist versus
individualist values. A student once told me that after reading that chapter she
couldn’t figure out what my own position was. Good.
When it comes to my views on professional matters, surely not every
instructor (or student) will agree with me on every point. But that’s fine. For ex-
ample, in Chapter 3 I express a rather negative opinion about the use of decep-
tion in psychological experiments. I suspect this is a minority position among
my colleagues, and perhaps students as well. The ethics of research and exper-
imentation, including this issue, could make for a lively lecture topic or class
discussion, focusing on the ways in which my own viewpoint is wrong. I express
opinions not in the hope of having the final word on the subject, but in an at-
tempt to stimulate the reader to decide whether he or she agrees with me and to
formulate opinions of his or her own. For reasons explained in Chapter 15, this
is an excellent way to learn material no matter what the subject.
2. Respect for Freud. It is oh-so-fashionable for modern psychologists to trash
Freud, all of his works, and even all of psychoanalytic thought. Too often,
textbook chapters could be titled “Why Freud Was Wrong.” I don’t do this. I
find Freudian theory to be a perplexing mixture of wise and even startling in-
sights, strange ideas, and old-fashioned 19th-century sexism. As you can see
in Chapters 10 and 11, I seek to emphasize the first of these elements and de-
emphasize (or ignore) the other two. I have had colleagues ask, How can you
teach Freudian theory? It’s so boring! To which I answer, Not if you teach it
right. (Most years, it’s my students’ favorite part of the course.) I have also had
colleagues ask, How can you teach Freudian theory? Freud was wrong about so
many things! To which I answer, Read Chapter 10. I fixed it.
By the way, orthodox Freudians (there are still a few around) aren’t espe-
cially grateful for what I’ve done here. They would much rather see a presenta-
tion that marches through the entire Freudian canon in chronological order, and
includes a detailed apotheosis of Civilization and Its Discontents and all of Freud’s
other major works. There are plenty of places to find presentations like that (my
favorite is Gay, 1988). You won’t find one here.
3. Historical perspective. I am surprised by how many textbooks neglect the his-
tory of psychology; in fact, that seems to be a growing trend. I appreciate the
urge to present all the latest findings, and, indeed, you will find many new and
exciting studies in this book. But that’s not enough. How can you understand
where you are going if you don’t know where you have been? That is one (just
one) of the reasons I try to give Freud his due. It is also why this book includes
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FOOTNOTES:
[1] Manuscripts of the whole work have, however, been
procured, and are now being published on the Continent, but not
in time to be available for this work. They will serve hereafter to
correct, perhaps, some of the doubtful points of the history on
which, from the scantiness of the material, I may have gone
astray.
[2] Geschichte der Chalifen, 3 vols., Mannheim, 1846–1851.
[3] Culturgeschichte des Orients unter den Chalifen, Wien,
1875.
[4] The date ordinarily given as that of the Prophet’s death is
the 12th Rabi I. See note p. 280, Life of Mahomet, vol. iv.
For the term ‘Companion,’ technically used to signify all who
had a personal acquaintance with the Prophet, see ibid. p. 564.
The era of the Hegira was established by Omar, five or six
years after the Prophet’s death. The first Moharram of the first
year of the Hegira corresponds with 19th April, a.d. 622. The real
hegira, or flight of Mahomet from Mecca, took place two months
later (June 20). See ibid. p. 145, and C. de Perceval, vol. iii. p. 17.
[5] Al Siddîck; ibid. vol. ii. 102, 220. He was also called ‘the
Sighing one,’ from his compassionate nature.
[6] Meaning a palm-trunk left for the beasts to come and rub
themselves upon; a metaphor for a person much resorted to for
counsel. Hobâb was the chief whom Mahomet employed to
reconnoitre the enemy at Bedr.
[7] The Arabian mode of swearing fealty. The chief held out his
hand, and the people one by one struck their hand flat upon it as
they passed.
[8] It will be remembered that the native population of Medîna
was divided into the Aus and Khazraj, and Sád belonged to the
latter. Enmity and fighting had long prevailed between them
before Mahomet’s arrival (Life of Mahomet, p. 119).
[9] The followers of Mahomet were divided into the Muhâjerîn,
or Refugees from Mecca and elsewhere; and the Ansâr or
Helpers, the citizens of Medîna (Ibid. p. 189).
[10] The tradition regarding Zobeir and Talha, perhaps arose
from their attempt at the Caliphate, and refusal to acknowledge
Aly, five and twenty years afterwards. As to Aly himself, the
traditions vary. By some he is said to have been among the first to
swear fealty to Abu Bekr. But the more general tradition is that he
did not do so till Fâtima, who had a grudge against Abu Bekr for
her father’s patrimony, died (Life of Mahomet, p. 516). There are
other tales, but they all bear the stamp of Abbasside fabrication;
such as of Omar threatening to burn Aly’s house over his head;
Zobeir rushing out with a sword, &c. We are even told that Abu
Sofiân taunted Aly and Abbâs with allowing an insignificant
branch of the Coreish to seize the Caliphate from them; likened
them to a hungry donkey tethered up, or to a tent-peg made only
to be beaten; and offered to help them with horse and foot, but
that Aly declined his offer. These stories are childish and
apocryphal. There is absolutely nothing in the antecedents of Aly,
or his subsequent history, to render it in the least probable that
during the first two Caliphates, he advanced any claim whatever,
or indeed was in a position to do so. It was not till the reign of
Othmân that any idea arose of a superior right in virtue of his
having been the cousin of Mahomet and husband of Fâtima.
It is said that as the people crowded to the hall, where Sád lay
sick, to salute Abu Bekr, one cried out: ‘Have a care lest ye
trample upon Sád, and kill him under foot.’ ‘The Lord kill him, as
he deserveth!’ was the response of the heated Omar. ‘Softly,
Omar!’ interposed Abu Bekr, ‘blandness and courtesy are better
than curses and sharp words.’ Indeed, throughout this chapter
Abu Bekr appears to great advantage.
[11] See Life of Mahomet, p. 500.
[12] Life of Mahomet, p. 498.
[13] Some others of the chief Companions, Aly, Zobeir, &c.,
appear also to have remained behind; but they may possibly not
have originally formed a part of Osâma’s army ordered to
reassemble.
[14] The chronology at this period is uncertain, and the dates
only approximate. On the Prophet’s death we plunge at once from
light into obscurity. For the next two or three years we are left in
doubt, not only as to the period, but even as to the sequence of
important events and great battles. In the narrative of this
expedition, we only know that the army started soon after Abu
Bekr’s accession, but not before the spirit of rebellion had begun
to declare itself, which last, according to one tradition, was within
ten days of the Prophet’s death.
The length of the expedition varies, according to different
traditions, from 40 days to 70.
[15] See Life of Mahomet, chapter 32.
[16] Ibid. chapter xxx. Amru hastened home through Bahrein
immediately on hearing of Mahomet’s death. Corra ibn Hobeira,
Chief of the Beni Amir, took him aside, after a hospitable
entertainment, and advised, as the only way to avoid revolt, that
the tithe upon the Bedouins should be foregone. Amru stormed at
him for this; and subsequently, on Corra being brought in a
prisoner, advised his execution as an apostate.
On reaching Medîna, Amru made known the disheartening
news to his friends, who crowded round him. Omar coming up, all
were silent, but he divined what the subject of their converse was:
‘I think,’ he said, ‘that ye were speaking of what we have to fear
from the Arab tribes?’ On their confessing, he made them swear
that they would not discourage the people by letting the matter
spread, and added: ‘Fear ye not this thing; verily I fear far more
what the Arabs will suffer from you, than what ye will suffer from
them. Verily if a company of the Coreish were to enter into a cave
alone, the Bedouins would follow you into the same. They are a
servile crew: wherefore, fear the Lord, and fear not them.’
[17] Or Abrac. For the Beni Abs and Dzobiân, see Life of
Mahomet, vol. i. pp. ccxxiv. et seq.
[18] The riding camels had all been sent away with Osâma’s
army, and the only ones now available were those used to irrigate
the fields and palmgroves. The stratagem, was curious. The
Bedouins blew out their empty water-skins (mussucks), and when
thus buoyant and full of air, they kicked them (as you would a
foot-ball) in front of the Moslem camels, which, affrighted at the
strange sight, took to flight.
[19] The centre and wings were commanded by three sons of
Mocarran, a citizen of Medîna. These distinguished themselves
on many occasions in the Persian campaign. One of them,
Nomân, was killed ten years after in the decisive action of
Nehâwend.
[20] For the royal Fifth, see Sura, viii. 41.
[21] There is a tradition that when Abu Bekr issued, sword in
hand, to go to Dzul Cassa, Aly caught hold of his bridle,
exclaiming: ‘O Caliph, I say to thee what the Prophet said to thee
on the day of Ohod: Put up thy sword again and expose us not to
lose thee, for, by the Lord! if we were to lose thee, the prop of
Islam were gone.’ Whereupon Abu Bekr returned and went not
forth.
But this probably refers to the expeditions shortly after sent
out in all directions from Dzul Cassa, as narrated below, and to
Abu Bekr’s return to Medîna at that time.
[22] The notion given by tradition is that these eleven columns
were despatched on their several expeditions all at once from
Dzul Cassa, in presence of Abu Bekr. This of course is possible,
but it is very improbable. The arrangements could hardly have
been so speedily cut and dry as that supposes. It is enough to
know that, sooner or later, about this time, or shortly after, these
eleven expeditions started. Some of the eleven, as given by
tradition, seem hardly to have been separate commands.
[23] Meaning, no doubt, that as governors they would have
been immediately subordinate to himself, exposed to much
drudgery, and liable to be called to account for their stewardship.
[24] For an account of this marvellous system of oral tradition,
see the Essay in the Life of Mahomet on the Sources for the
Biography. The halo surrounding the Prophet casts something of
its brightness on the lives also of his chief Companions, whose
biographies are given by tradition in considerable detail; and from
them we can gather something of the early history incidentally.
[25] So uncertain is the chronology of this period, that Ibn
Ishâc makes the campaigns in Yemâma, Bahrein, and Yemen to
be in the twelfth year of the Hegira; whereas the received, and
manifestly correct, account, as ‘gathered from the learned of
Syria,’ is that the operations against the apostate tribes
throughout Arabia were brought practically to an end in the 11th
year of the Hegira. Only one exception is mentioned (and that
somewhat obscurely) of a campaign against Rabia, who was
beaten by Khâlid. Amongst the spoils of the expedition is
mentioned the daughter of Rabia, who, as a slave-girl, fell to the
lot of Aly.
[26] Life of Mahomet, p. 427.
[27] Ibid. p. 409.
[28] We have met Thâbit before as a poet of renown and a
chief of influence, especially among the Beni Khazraj (Ibid. p.
449).
The strength of Khâlid’s column is nowhere mentioned, but,
adverting to the great number slain at Yemâma (although he was
reinforced meanwhile from Medîna), it could hardly have been
less than twelve or fifteen hundred, besides the 1,000 men
contributed, as we shall see immediately, by the Beni Tay.
[29] Had there been anything else in Toleiha’s teaching, there
is no reason why we should not have heard of it, as Toleiha, when
he returned to the faith, became a distinguished champion of
Islam. There may, however, have been a disinclination on his part
to dwell on this chapter of his life. Al Kindy, the Christian, speaks
in his Apology with greater respect of Moseilama’s sayings as
calculated to draw off the followers of Mahomet. But I see no
evidence of this. See the Apology of Al Kindy, p. 31 (Smith &
Elder, 1881).
[30] A name familiar to us in the Life of Mahomet, see p. 323,
&c.
[31] The Beni Jadîla and Beni Ghauth.
[32] Abu Bekr means ‘Father of the young camel,’ and they
called him by the nickname Ab ul Fasîl, ‘Father of the foal.’ Adî
answered, ‘He is not Ab ul Fasîl, but, if you like it, Ab ul Fahl,’
‘Father of the stallion,’ i.e. endowed with power and vigour.
In the Persian version of Tabari, the surname is by a mistake
given as Ab ul Fadhl, ‘the Father of Excellence,’ and is applied to
Khâlid.
[33] Okkâsha was a warrior of renown and leader of some
expeditions in the time of Mahomet.
[34] The sub-tribe of the Beni Ghatafân to which Oyeina
belonged.
[35] Kahânat, the term used for the gift possessed by the
heathen soothsayers. The sayings ascribed to Toleiha are childish
in the extreme. For example: ‘I command that ye make a
millstone with a handle, and the Lord shall cast it on whom he
pleaseth;’ and again, ‘By the pigeons and the doves, and the
hungry falcons, I swear that our kingdom shall in a few years
reach to Irâc and Syria.’
[36] For the barbarous execution of Omm Kirfa, see Life of
Mahomet, chapter xviii. The malcontents here gathered together
were from all the tribes against which Khâlid had now been
engaged in warlike operations—the Ghatafân, Suleim, Hawâzin,
Tay, and Asad.
[37] It was a vain excuse, but was founded on the principle
that no bloodshed, treachery, sin, or excess of any sort, before
conversion, cast any blot on the believer; but that apostasy,
however, repented of, left a stigma which could never wholly be
effaced. At first the Caliph would receive no aid whatever from
any tribe or individual who had apostatised; and, though when
levies came to be needed urgently, the ban was taken off, still to
the end no apostate chief was allowed a large command, or put
over more than a hundred men.
Among the Beni Suleim was Abu Shajra, son of the famous
elegiac poetess, Al Khansa. A martial piece which he composed
in reference to an engagement at this time contains the verse:—