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Contents vii
KAZAKHSTAN UZBEKISTAN
GEORGIA
THINKING COMPARATIVELY The EU and Levels of Analysis 395 Historical Development 429
AZERBAIJAN Regime and Political Institutions 431
CASES IN CONTEXT
ARMENIA Political Culture 432
United States 381 Caspian Sea TURKMENISTAN Political Economy 433
France 383
Japan 387
Tabriz CASE STUDIES 434
Iran 389 The State in France (Chapter 3) 434
Now Shahr
India 389 Mashhad
Authoritarian Persistence in Nineteenth-Century France
Tehran
(Chapter 7) 435
Kermanshah Qom Electing the French President: What Do Runoffs Do? (Chapter 10) 436
AFGHANISTAN
I R A N The French Revolution (Chapter 12) 437
IRAQ Esfahan
Birjand Religion and Secularism in France (Chapter 15) 438
Dezful
Yazd Globalization and Culture in France (Chapter 16) 439
Ahvaz
CHAPTER 9 Scott Morgenstern and Benito Nacif, Legislative Politics in Latin America 213
Hannah Pitkin, The Concept of Representation 214
Gary Cox and Matthew McCubbins, Legislative Leviathan: Party Government in the House 219
Morris Fiorina, Divided Government 221
Michael Mezey, Comparative Legislatures 222
CHAPTER 10 Juan Linz, The Perils of Presidentialism and The Virtues of Parliamentarism 242
Scott Mainwaring and Matthew Shugart, Juan Linz, Presidentialism, and Democracy: A Critical
Appraisal 243
Guillermo O'Donnell, Delegative Democracy 244
Kenneth Roberts, Neoliberalism and the Transformation of Populism in Latin America: the Peruvian
Case 245
Arend Lijphart, Consociational Democracy 247
CHAPTER 11 Robert Dahl, Who Governs? Democracy and Power in an American City 266
Maurice Duverger, Les Partis Politiques [Political Parties] 268
Giovanni Sartori, Parties and Party Systems: A Framework for Analysis 269
Anthony Downs, An Economic Theory of Democracy 271
Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups and The Rise
and Decline of Nations: Economic Growth, Stagflation, and Social Rigidities 273
CHAPTER 12 Mark Sageman, Understanding Terror Networks 289
Samuel Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies, and Ted Gurr, Why Men Rebel 292
Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China 294
Marc Lichbach, The Rebel’s Dilemma 296
John Foran, Taking Power: On the Origins of Third World Revolutions 298
CHAPTER 13 Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism 309
Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity 310
David Laitin, Nations, States, and Violence 319
Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict 320
CHAPTER 14 Joane Nagel, American Indian Ethnic Renewal: Red Power and the Resurgence of Identity and Culture 338
Manuel Castells, The Power of Identity 338
Donna Lee Van Cott, From Movements to Parties in Latin America 340
Mala Htun, Is Gender Like Ethnicity? The Political Representation of Identity Groups 342
Mona Lena Krook, Quotas for Women in Politics: Gender and Candidate Selection Reform Worldwide 344
CHAPTER 15 José Casanova, Public Religions in the Modern World 358
Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart, Sacred and Secular: Religion and Politics Worldwide 361
Anthony Gill, The Political Origins of Religious Liberty 362
Ahmet Kuru, Secularism and State Policies Toward Religion: The United States, France, and Turkey 364
Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man 365
Samuel Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order 366
Shmuel N. Eisenstadt. Multiple Modernities 366
CHAPTER 16 Garrett Hardin, The Tragedy of the Commons 386
Moisés Naím, The Five Wars of Globalization 388
Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics 392
Michael Doyle, Kant, Liberal Legacies, and Foreign Affairs 393
Alexander Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics 394
T he field of comparative politics is changing, not only in how it’s studied but
in how it’s taught. We set out to write this textbook because we saw the need
for a new approach—one that is truly comparative, that goes beyond a litany of
facts or abstract ideas. In the process, we had to rethink what a book for this
course should look like. We started with a central aim: to get students to think
like comparativists. Toward that end, we have integrated theories and methods
with a range of country case applications to address the big questions in com-
parative politics today.
Many undergraduates take a course in comparative politics because they are
broadly interested in world affairs. They want to understand issues such as democ-
racy and democratization, economic and social development, transnational social
movements, and the relationship between world religions and conflict around the
globe, just as we did as students (and still do!). This book focuses squarely on these
big issues and offers a framework for understanding through comparison.
Our job is to teach students how to think critically, how to analyze the world
around them. We want our students to do more than just memorize facts and theo-
ries. Ultimately, we want them to learn how to do comparative politics. This course
is successful if students can use the comparative method to seek out their own an-
swers. We are successful as e ducators if we give them the analytical skills to do so.
An Integrative Approach
linking economic development to democracy. Remember, what we mean by
“causal mechanism” is the process through which something produces something
Oneaccording
else, of the distinctive featurescanofagree
to a theory.18 Scholars thisthat
book twoisvariables—like
the way weeco- have integrated theories,
nomic development and democracy—are related without necessarily agreeing
methods, and cases. Rather than focusing on either country
about how they are linked, as discussed in chapter 2. As we have seen, classic
information or themes
CASE IN CONTEXT
Democracy’s Success in India:
What Can We Learn from a Deviant Case? PAGE 464
India is a major anomaly for modernization theories of develop- 2. What, if anything, does Indian democratization suggest
ment. In essence, the relationship between its political and eco- about the importance of individual actors, leadership,
nomic development has been the inverse of what modernization and institutional design?
theory would predict. India is the world’s second largest society 3. Can you think of a way to “save” modernization theory in
and its largest democracy—consider, therefore, the share that the face of the case of India?
Indian citizens hold in the world’s broader democratic popula-
tion. This anomaly has potentially serious implications and
makes the puzzle of Indian democratization all the more
intriguing.
For more on the case of democratization in India, see the
case study in Part VI, p. 464. As you read it, keep in mind the
following questions:
1. What, if anything, does Indian anti-colonial resistance
have to do with the country’s democratization?
464 India
CASE STUDY
06-Dickovick-Chap06.indd 133 Democracy’s Success in India: What Can We Learn 05/06/15 11:37 AM
How does modernization theory account decide that this anomaly disproves or re- economic development facilitates democ-
for low-income democracies such as futes modernization theory, and turn to ratization and democratic consolidation?
India? As discussed in chapter 6, modern- some other theory of democratization. Why would this be different? Because the
ization theory predicts that economic de- For example, we could turn to institu- theory would now say that it is unlikely that
velopment will lead to democratization tional theories of democratization as an India could successfully democratize with-
and democratic consolidation. Indeed, alternative. Perhaps something about the out first achieving a higher level of eco-
this relationship generally holds. More parliamentary form of government rather nomic development, but not that it is
often than not, increasing economic de- than presidential government contrib- impossible. A more flexible theory of mod-
velopment increases the probability that uted to India’s rather successful democ- ernization might be compatible with in-
any given society will have democratic racy (as is discussed in chapter 10); one cluding insights from other theories. For
politics. India, however, poses a major could consider the Indian case to test this example, perhaps modernization theory
anomaly for some versions of moderniza- hypothesis. For example, has the parlia- could be linked to institutional theories,
tion theory. Given that India’s population mentary system with its multiparty like the one on parliamentarism men-
is approximately one-seventh of the coalitions and governments that are ac- tioned previously. Maybe parliamentarism
world’s population, this anomaly is not countable to the legislature resulted in is particularly called for as a form of institu-
easily dismissed. more power-sharing and less “winner- tional design when the society in question
Why does India constitute an anomaly take-all” politics? Has it resulted in a prime has a relatively low level of economic de-
00-Dickovick-FM.indd 16 or “deviant case” for modernization ministerial “style” that is less centralized velopment. We are speculating here for the 12/06/15 7:05 pm
Preface xvii
are useful (or “functional”) for industrializing societies because they promote
social mobility, shared language, and common understandings.
An example of a constructivist theory is Liah Greenfeld’s argument that na-
tional identity is an imaginative response to contradictory public claims about a
group’s status.15 Greenfeld emphasizes social psychology, rather than economics,
00-Dickovick-FM.indd 17 in analyzing the processes through which national identity emerges and thrives 12/06/15 7:05 pm
xviii Preface
Why Did Zimbabwe Become and Remain Authoritarian? 167
A uthoritarian regimes come in many varieties, and they come from many
different origins. We have emphasized that there is no single thing called
“authoritarianism” that one theory can explain. Rather, authoritarian regimes have
KEY METHODOLOGICAL TOOL
Evidence and
distinct features and exhibit many different types of transitions (and nontransi-
Empirical Critiques
tions). Scholars have developed a number of explanatory models to account for
One reason that many theories con-
these. Some of the main general factors in most cases, though, include (1) histori- tinue to endure in different areas of
cal relationships between contending groups, (2) the strength and form of exist- comparative politics is that most of
ing institutions, (3) a country’s level of economic development, (4) political-cultural the major theories have some empiri-
traditions and tendencies, and (5) the strategic situations and choices of key cal support. This makes it challenging
actors. Of course, as we have seen in other chapters, it is not enough to merely to determine which theory is the
most accurate. In reality, most theo-
list such contributing factors; we must figure out how such factors interact ries will not be accurate under all
and which are most important. What do you think? And how could we test your circumstances, but rather each will
ideas empirically? explain some outcomes better than
As we noted at the outset of the chapter, modern-day Zimbabwe is an authori- others. So how do you avoid simply
tarian regime that is characterized by many of the features we have discussed. It is a making “laundry lists” (as noted ear-
lier) and saying, “Everything matters”?
“personalist” regime, the population of which is subject to many of the vagaries of au- In preparing to make theoretical
thoritarianism. It is characterized by repression, a lack of secure political rights, seem- arguments, it is of course important
ingly arbitrary rule, and so on. Not everywhere in Africa is like this, and Zimbabwe for any particular question to examine
itself has not always been like this, so our research question might be “Why is how the empirical evidence lines up
Zimbabwe authoritarian? Why did it become so, and why has it remained so?” with the theoretical predictions and
the specific hypotheses you might
We should expect theories of authoritarian rule to be able to account for an offer. One very useful tool can be
authoritarian regime like Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe. Looking at the various evidence that allows you to critique a
causal theories of authoritarianism we can consider how each might propose an particular argument.
explanation for the emergence and/or persistence of the regime. In the section on In aiming to build arguments,
“Causes and Effects” in this chapter, we have looked at several such theories. We there is one very important miscon-
ception: that the only valuable type
list them in Table 7.1, along with what the theory might explain is the cause of
such as and
Poverty the use of and
Inequality deviant cases and the
Poorer citizens seek economic security
allow authoritarian rule.
most-similar-systems (MSS)
Mugabe appeals to some poorer citizens design. We
as populist.
Rh
Cherbourg lemagne united significant portions of West-
ine
square kilometers
ern Europe in the eighth and ninth centuries,
predictable: Jacques ChiracLewon Havre 82 percent
Rouen
left. As importantly, the runoff ensured
Head of State: In Chile in
François Hollande1970, the Marxist
(president, 2012–present) Salvador
presenting himself asAl- heir to the Roman
Brest LUX. Head of Government: Manuel Valls (prime minister, 2014–present) Empire, many have considered France the
of the vote in the runoff, and Le Pen won
Paris
that the individual elected president
Capital:
ulti- lende Paris
was confirmed president byof European
central carrier Con-civilization.
Geographically, France extends from
less than 18 percent. Chirac thus took nearly mately
Nancy received more than 50 percent of gress
Year of Independence: Franceafter
was neverreceiving less
formally colonized. Many date than
the consolidation of the French state to the era
37 percent
the English Channel in the north to the
Mediterranean in the south. The Pyrenees
Orléans Strasbourg divide it from Spain (and the tiny mountain
all of the vote that
Nantes had gone
Tours
to all other Se
the votes in a presidential election. That is, of the vote;
of Louis XIV (1643–1715) and the birth of
modern France to the three years later,
French Revolution country ofa Andorra)
militaryin the southwest, and
of 1789.
ine it shares its eastern border with Belgium,
candidates in the first round and won the the president ends up with a clear mandate
Dijon Year of Current coup
1958 to overthrow the elected president
Luxembourg, Germany, Switzerland, and
Constitution: Italy. In addition to its mountainous areas
presidency
Bay of overwhelmingly, F R and
A N Le C E Pen of over half of French AUS.voters electing him
Languages:
resulted
French
in nearly two decades of brutal
(both the Pyrenees and the Alps as well as
Biscay the smaller Jura and Massif Central), it has
barely increased his tally at all despite the or her. SWITZERLAND
This contrasts with the American
GDP per Capita:
dictatorship. And in Africa,good
$42,503 (estimate, 2013)
presidential
farmland, being most famous for the
production of grapes and cereals. French
Human Development 20th (very high human development)
elimination of all other candidates. Turnout Lyon model, for example, in which it is relativelyIndex Ranking (2014): elections can result in agriculture votinghas along historically excelled in the
production of wine, cheese, and other items
Saint-Etienne Sources: CIA World Factbook; World Bank World Development Indicators; United Nations Human
considered by international consumers to
also increased in the second round, despite common for presidents to win the presi-
Bordeaux
Development Report 2014.
ethnic lines in the first round, but broader
be luxurious.
Grenoble ITALY Today’s France is interesting to scholars of comparative
the fact that Chirac’s win was near-certain, dency with less than 50 percent of the coalition building across ethnicreasons.
politics for numerous linesFirst,to
while some people
Rhône
CASE STUDY
The French Revolution CHAPTER 12, PAGE 285
The French Revolution took place amid status of the nobility, however, was American Revolution), faced major fiscal
major structural problems in eighteenth- weakened by the ongoing efforts of the difficulties (Doyle 2003). Indeed, by the
century French society (Furet 1995; centralizing, absolutist crown. As the late eighteenth century it was nearly
Doyle 2003). In this period France, like monarchy and its state grew stronger, bankrupt. Meanwhile, periodic problems
much of early modern Europe, remained the nobility felt increasingly marginal- in food distribution and rural poverty en-
an “estate society,” divided into three ized. At the same time, the French sured that much of France’s rural popula-
groups: a nobility with special privileges, absolutist state, largely through its in- tion felt discontent. Finally, the spread of
the clergy, and commoners. The social volvement in foreign wars (especially the the Enlightenment and of nationalism
than 150 instructors of comparative politics to see which they considered most
crucial for inclusion. The cases are Brazil, China, France, Germany, India,
Iran, Japan, Mexico, Nigeria, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United
States. This selection offers broad coverage of every major world region, dem-
ocratic and authoritarian polities, every major religious tradition, highly vary-
ing levels of economic and social development, and quite different institutional
designs.
For each country, we first provide a “profile”: an introduction with a table of
key features, a map, and pie charts of demographics; a timeline and historical
overview; and brief descriptions of political institutions, political culture, and
political economy.
Following each profile is a set of case studies (five or six for each country)
that we reference in the thematic chapters as described earlier (via the “Case in
Context” boxes).
The case sets end with research prompts to help students get started as
comparativists.
Flexibility in Instruction:
Ways of Using This Text
The chapters are arranged in a logical order yet written in such a way that
instructors might easily rearrange them to custom-fit a course. Some in-
structors, for example, may wish to pair chapter 3 (on the state) with chapter
13 (on nationalism and national identity). Others might wish to assign
chapter 15 (on religion and ideology) alongside chapters 6 and 7 (on demo-
cratic and authoritarian regimes). We have written the book with the f lexi-
bility to facilitate such pairings. Indeed, while we strongly suggest beginning
with chapters 1 and 2, students will be able to follow the text even without
reading them first.
Similarly, the book’s structure supports a range of options for using the coun-
try materials. Some instructors may wish to teach selected country materials at
or near the beginning of a course. Some may wish to make reference to country
materials as the course proceeds, assigning students to read them as they are
clearly and visibly “called out” in the text. One approach could require all stu-
dents in a course to familiarize themselves with only a subset of the countries
detailed here, rather than all twelve. Another might require each student to
select three or four countries, following rules or categories of countries as laid
out by the instructor.
The book also works with or without supplemental materials chosen by the
instructor. The “Insights” boxes throughout the text provide indications of excel-
lent options for further readings. Many other choice readings are noted in the
“References and Further Reading” section at the back of the text, organized by
chapter. A companion book of classic and contemporary readings is available
(see Packaging Options, p. xxii). In short, instructors can use this text alone or
link it seamlessly to other readings.
Summary of Features
We have built a number of useful features into the text, some of which we have
already mentioned:
• “Case in Context” boxes tie in to the narrative of the main chapters,
pointing students to full case studies in the book’s final part.
• “Insights” boxes illustrate causal theories by describing the work of key
authors in the field, making this work accessible to introductory students.
• “Thinking Comparatively” sections at the end of every chapter (after
chapter 1) model the application of theories and the testing of hypotheses.
Each “Thinking Comparatively” section includes a “Key Methodological
Tools” feature, which introduces key skills and strategies for doing compar-
ative political analysis and reinforces lessons learned in the first two chapters.
• “Thinking It Through” questions close every chapter. These help students
test their ability to apply comparative politics theories to cases.
• Every section of case studies offers a series of “Research Prompts” that
can be used to develop comparative projects and papers, applying what
students have learned as they start to do comparative analysis.
• Every chapter ends with a “Chapter Summary,” enabling students and
instructors to review the main points at a glance.
• At the back of the text, we include “References and Further Reading” by
chapter that students can use to dig deeper into the issues raised or as they
begin their own research.
• A running glossary in the margin of the text highlights the meaning of
key terms as they appear and serves as a quick study reference.
Supplements
Oxford University Press offers instructors and students a comprehensive ancil-
lary package for qualified adopters of Comparative Politics: Integrating Theories,
Methods, and Cases.
and Web resources. The Test Item File includes more than eight hundred
test questions selected and approved by the authors, including multiple-
choice, short-answer, and essay questions.
• Computerized Test Bank—Using the test authoring and management tool
Diploma, the computerized test bank that accompanies this text is designed
for both novice and advanced users. Diploma enables instructors to create
and edit questions, create randomized quizzes and tests with an easy-to-use
drag-and-drop tool, publish quizzes and tests to online courses, and print
quizzes and tests for paper-based assessments.
• PowerPoint-Based Slides—Each chapter’s slide set includes a succinct
chapter outline and incorporates relevant chapter graphics.
• CNN Videos—Offering recent clips on timely topics, this collection
includes fifteen films tied to the chapter topics. Each clip is approximately
5–10 minutes, providing a great way to launch your lectures.
Course Cartridges
For qualified adopters, OUP will supply the teaching resources in a course car-
tridges designed to work with your preferred Online Learning Platform. Please
contact your Oxford University Press sales representative at (800) 280-0280.
E-Book
This text is also available as a CourseSmart eBook (978-0-19-027102-2) at www
.coursesmart.com. CourseSmart’s eTextbooks can be read on any browser-enabled
computer or mobile device and come with the ability to transfer individual chapters
or the entire book offline. Furthermore, CourseSmart was the first to introduce free
eTextbook apps for the Android and Apple devices for an even better reading
experience.
Companion Website
Comparative Politics is also accompanied by an extensive companion website at
www.oup.com/us/dickovick. This open-access website includes a number of
learning tools to help students study and review key concepts presented in the
text. For each chapter, you will find learning objectives, key-concept summaries,
quizzes, essay questions, web activities, and web links.
Packaging Options
Adopters of Comparative Politics: Integrating Theories, Methods, and Cases can pack-
age ANY Oxford University Press book with the text for a 20% savings off the
total package price. See our many trade and scholarly offerings at www.oup.com,
then contact your OUP sales representative at (800) 280-0280 to request a pack-
age ISBN. In addition, the following items can be packaged with the text for free:
• Oxford Pocket World Atlas, Sixth Edition—This full-color atlas is a
handy reference for political science students. Please use package ISBN
978-0-19-046231-4.
• Very Short Introduction Series—These very brief texts offer succinct intro-
ductions to a variety of topics. Titles include Nationalism, Citizenship, Global
Economic History, Fascism, and Democracy, to name just a few.
• The Student Research and Writing Guide for Political Science—This brief
guide provides students with the information and tools necessary to conduct
research and write a research paper. The guide explains how to get started
writing a research paper, describes the parts of a research paper, and presents
the citation formats found in academic writing. Please use package ISBN
978-0-19-046160-7 to order.
Acknowledgments
We are very grateful to a number of individuals who have been helpful to us as
we worked on this project. At Washington and Lee University, we thank our
respective provosts, deans, and department chairs who have supported our
work. This includes June Aprille, Bob Strong, Daniel Wubah, Larry Peppers,
Rob Straughan, Hank Dobin, Suzanne Keen, Mark Rush, Lucas Morel, David
Novack, and Krzysztof Jasiewicz. We are very grateful to the many friends and
colleagues, both at Washington and Lee and elsewhere, who read and com-
mented on chapters or country profiles, including Francoise Fregnac-Clave,
Rachel Beatty Riedl, Tim Lubin, Dan Kramer, Christian Jennings, Robin
Leblanc, Ayşe Zarakol, Rich Bidlack, David Bello, Ken White, and Alessandra
Del Conte Dickovick. We also thank Hardin Marion for his excellent close
reading of the first edition and the comments he generously shared with us. We
have many other colleagues and friends who have given us intellectual and
moral support for which we are grateful. Numerous students have been extraor-
dinarily helpful as well. We are particularly grateful to Miranda Galvin and Ali
Greenberg. Other students to whom we wish to express our appreciation in-
clude, but are not limited to, Samara Francisco, Morten Wendelbo, Maya Reimi
Wendelbo, Linnea Bond, Natasha Lerner, Amy Dawson, Justine Griffin-
Churchill, David Razum, John Twomey, Grant Russell, Lauren Howard, and
Kate LeMasters. We are also thankful to students in numerous iterations of
Politics 105 (Global Politics), many of whom offered insightful questions on a
“prototype” of this text (in early years) and on the first edition (more recently),
as well as students who read the book in Eastwood’s International Comparative
Sociology course. We owe thanks to Washington and Lee for support for the
work of some of the students mentioned previously through the Summer Re-
search Scholar Program, and our own work through the Lenfest Sabbatical
Grant, and the Glenn Grant, Lenfest Grant, and Hess Scholars programs for
summer research.
Our families have been characteristically supportive and gracious throughout
the several years that we worked on this project. Their collective patience has
been extraordinary. We owe eternal gratitude to our spouses, María Emilia Nava
and Alessandra Del Conte Dickovick. We are also grateful to (and for) our won-
derful children: Gabriela Eastwood, Carolina Dickovick, Gabriela Dickovick,
Samuel Eastwood, and Alexander Eastwood. We owe much gratitude to our
parents and extended families as well, of course.
We are grateful as well to the fine editorial staff at Oxford University Press.
We particularly appreciate the excellent ideas and efforts of Jennifer Carpenter,
Lauren Mine, and Thom Holmes. All of them improved this text substantially
with their insights and hard work over several years. We have also benefited from
the work of Jane Lee, Barbara Mathieu, David Bradley, Maegan Sherlock, and
Brianna Provenzano, among others.
We owe gratitude as well to those who developed our passion for (and under-
standing of) comparative politics. With the standard caveat that any errors of
fact or interpretation in this text are solely our own, we want to thank first our
earliest teachers of comparative politics. Above, all, we wish to thank Kent Eaton
and Liah Greenfeld. We also owe great thanks to Jeffrey Herbst, Deborah
Yashar, Chuck Lindholm, Scott Palmer, John Stone, and Evan Lieberman, as
well as Nancy Bermeo, Atul Kohli, Lynn White, and Claudio Véliz, among
others.
Finally, we thank the external evaluators of this edition, who gave generously
of their time and expertise:
We also thank the many reviewers of the first edition, whose insights helped
shape the book:
In one year he had come a long way from the ex-embalmer who had
studied a book of newspaper clippings on a Washington farm and
brooded about an old man in a hospital. Though Paul was never to
refer again to the victim of Cave’s driving, I was quite sure that he
expected, sooner or later, it would return to haunt us all.
“He’ll be here Sunday, Hudson. Why don’t we all three have dinner
together that night and celebrate.”
“And he’ll be pleased to know I’ve got us a Center. Not much of one
but good enough for a start.”
“Not really.” Butler laughed happily. “He thinks we’re just taking a
house for ourselves to study the local culture. Later, after we get
going, he can find out.”
“Jessup is going to bring in the literature. We’ll say it’s our library. All
printed in Arabic, too. The Dallas Center thinks of everything.”
“Oh yes. That’s where the main university is now. Biggest one in the
world. I didn’t go there myself. Marks weren’t good enough, but
Jessup did. He’ll tell you all about it. Quite a crew they turn out: best
in the business but then they get the cream of the crop to begin
with.”
“Tell me, are the Residents still in charge of the Centers or do they
share the administration with the therapists?”
“In the old days there used to be the Resident and his staff and then
a clinic attached where....”
“You really are behind the times.” Butler looked at me as though I’d
betrayed a firsthand knowledge of earth’s creation. “All Residents
and their staffs, including the Communicators like myself, get the
same training; part of it is in mental therapy. Others who show
particular aptitude for it are assigned clinical work just as I do
communication work in foreign countries. People who get to be
Residents are usually teachers and administrators. Sometimes a
Communicator gets a Residency in his old age as a reward for the
highest services.” He then explained to me the official, somewhat
Byzantine structure of the Cavites. There were many new tides,
indicating a swollen organization under the direction of a Counsel of
Residents which, in turn, was responsible for the election from
among their number of a unique Chief Resident whose reign lasted
for the remainder of his lifetime.
With relief, I sat down on the bench beside Osiris. Butler joined me.
“Dallas of course is the main Residency,” he said.
“You got a lot of reading to do,” said Butler sharply. “Looks like
you’ve forgotten your text: 'And, if they persist in superstition, strike
them, for one idolator is like a spoiled apple in the barrel,
contaminating the others.’” Butler’s voice, as he quoted, was round
and booming, rich in vowel-sounds while his protruding eyes gazed
without blinking into the invisible radiance of truth which hovered,
apparently, above a diseased hibiscus bush.
“Seems funny you should since it’s just about the most famous of the
texts.” But, though my ignorance continued to startle Butler, I could
see that he was beginning to attribute it to senility rather than to
laxity or potential idolatry.
“I was a close follower in the first few years,” I said, currying favor.
“But I’ve been out of touch since and I suppose that, after Cave’s
death, there was a whole mass of new doctrine with which I am
unfamiliar, to my regret.”
This had its calculated effect. Butler looked at me with some awe.
“Golly!” he said. “It doesn’t really seem possible, does it? Of course
there’re still a few people around who were alive in those days but I
don’t know of anybody who actually saw Cave. You did tell me you
saw him?”
“Once only.”
“No, he was only about five feet eight inches, a little shorter than I....”
“Still show them! They’re the main part of our weekly Get-togethers.
Each Residency has a complete library of Cave’s telecasts, one
hundred eight including the last. Each week, a different one is shown
by the Resident’s staff and the Resident himself, or someone
assigned by him, discusses the message.”
“Hold up? We learn more from them each year. You should see all
the books and lectures on Cavesword ... several hundred important
ones which we have to read as part of our communication duties,
though they’re not for the laymen. We discourage nonprofessionals
from going into such problems, much too complicated for the
untrained mind.”
“I should think so. Tell me, is there any more trouble with the
idolators?”
Butler shook his head. “Just about none. They were licked when the
parochial schools were shut down. That took care of Catholicism. Of
course there were some bad times. I guess you know all about
them.”
“True, and if that discourages him he’s not likely to remain too long in
error. As I’ve told you, though, we have our ways of making people
see the truth.”
“Exactly.”
I looked at Osiris in the green shade. His diorite face smiled secretly
back at me. “Did you have much trouble in the Latin countries?”
“Less than you might think. The ignorant were the big problem
because, since they didn’t know English, we weren’t able to use the
telecasts. Fortunately, we had some able Residents and after a little
showmanship, a few miracles (or what they took to be miracles) they
came around, especially when many of their ex-priests told them
about Cavesword. Nearly all of the older Residents in the
Mediterranean countries were once Catholic priests.”
“Renegades?”
“They saw the truth; not without some indoctrination, I suspect.
We’ve had to adapt a good many of our procedural methods to fit
local customs. The old Christmas has become Cavesday and what
was Easter is now Irisday.”
“Iris Mortimer?”
“Why, yes. She died six years ago. She was the last of the original
five.”
“Ah, yes, the five: Paul Himmell, Iris Mortimer, Ivan Stokharin,
Clarissa Lessing and....”
“And Edward Hastings. We still use his introduction even though it’s
been largely obsoleted by later tests. His dialogues will of course be
the basis for that final book of Cave which our best scholars have
been at work on for over twenty years.”
“Some very exciting things have come to light,” said Butler. “Certain
historians at the Dallas Center feel that there is some proof that she
was Cave’s sister.”
I was startled by this. “How could that be? Wasn’t she from Detroit?
and wasn’t he from Seattle? and didn’t they meet for the first time in
southern California at the beginning of his mission?”
“I see you know more Cavite history than you pretend,” said Butler
amiably. “That of course has been the traditional point of view. Yet as
her influence increased in the world (in Italy, you know, one sees her
picture nearly as often as Cave’s) our historians became suspicious.
It was all perfectly simple, really: if she could exert nearly the same
power as Cave himself then she must, in some way, be related to
him. I suppose you know about the Miami business. No? Well, their
Resident, some years ago, openly promulgated the theory that Cave
and Iris Mortimer were man and wife. A great many people believed
him and though the Chief Resident at Dallas issued a statement
denying the truth of all this, Miami continued in error and it took our
indoctrination team several years to get the situation back to normal.
But the whole business did get everyone to thinking and, with the
concurrence of Dallas himself, investigations have been made. I
don’t know many of the details but my colleague probably will. He
keeps track of that kind of thing.”
“If she is proven to be Cave’s sister will she have equal rank with
him?”
“Right until the end. She traveled all over the world with Cavesword
and, when she grew too old to travel, she took over the Residency of
New York City which she held until she died. As a matter of fact, I
have a picture of her which I always carry. It was taken in the last
years.” He pulled out a steel-mesh wallet in which, protected by
cellophane, was a photograph of Iris: the first I had seen in many
many years. My hand shook as I held the picture up to the light.
For a split second I felt her presence, saw in the saddened face,
framed by white hair, my summer love which had never been except
in my own dreaming where I was whole and loved this creature
whose luminous eyes had not altered with age, their expression the
same as that night beside the western sea ... but then my fingers
froze; the wallet fell to the ground; I fainted into what I supposed with
my last vestiges of consciousness to be death, to be nothing.
3
I awakened in my own bed with my old friend Doctor Hussein beside
me. He looked much concerned while, at the foot of the bed, stood
Butler, very solemn and still. I resolved not to die with him in the
room.
“You must not strain yourself, Mr. Hudson,” said the doctor: a touch
of sun, a few days in bed, plenty of liquids, a pill or two, and I was
left alone with a buzzer beside my bed which would summon the
houseboy if I should have a coherent moment before taking a last
turn for the worse. The next time, I think, will be the final one and
though I detest the thought, these little rehearsals over the last few
years, the brief strokes, the sudden flooding of parts of the brain with
the blood of capillaries in preparation for that last arterial deluge,
have got me used to the idea. My only complaint is that odd things
are done to my memory by these strokes which, light as they have
been, tend to alter parts of the brain, those parts which hold the
secrets of the past. I have found this week, while convalescing from
Tuesday’s collapse, that most of my childhood has been washed
clean out of my memory. I knew of course that I was born on the
banks of the Hudson but I cannot for the life of me recall what
schools I attended; yet my memories from my college days on seem
unimpaired though I have had to reread this memoir attentively to
resume my train of thought, to refresh a dying memory. It is strange
indeed to have lost some twenty years as though they’d never been
and, worse still, to be unable to find out about oneself in any case,
since the will of others has effectively abolished one. I do not exist to
the world and very soon (how soon I wonder?), I shall not exist even
to myself, only this record a fragile proof that I once lived.
I’m able to sit up in bed (actually I can get around as well or as badly
as before but it tires me too much to walk so I remain abed). Sunday
is here at last and from the excited bustle in the air which I feel rather
than hear, Butler’s colleague must have arrived. I am not ready for
him yet and I have hung a “Do Not Disturb” sign on the door,
composed emphatically in four languages. It should keep them out
for a few days.
Yet I have a trick or two up my sleeve and the game’s not yet over.
Should the new arrival prove to be the one I have so long awaited, I
shall know how to act: I have planned for this day. My adversary will
find me armed.
The first summer was my last on the Hudson, at peace. Iris wrote me
regularly from the Florida keys: short, brisk letters completely
impersonal and devoted largely to what “he” was doing and saying. It
seems that “he” was enchanted by the strangeness of the keys, yet
was anxious to begin traveling again. With some difficulty, I gathered
between the lines, Iris had restrained him from starting out on a
world tour: “He says he wants to see Saigon and Samarkand and so
forth soon because he likes the names. I don’t see how he can get
away yet, though maybe in the fall after his tour. They say now he
can make his talks on film all at once which will mean of course he
won’t have to go through anything like last winter again.” There
followed more news, an inquiry into my health (in those days I was
confident I should die early of a liver ailment: my liver of course now
seems the one firm organ in my body; in any case, I enjoyed my
hypochondria) and a reference to the various things I was writing for
the instruction of converts and detractors both. I pushed the letter
away and looked out across the river.
I was alone, awaiting Clarissa for tea. I had actually prepared tea
since she never drank alcohol and I myself was a light drinker at best
... a non-drinker that summer when my liver rested (so powerful is
imagination) like a brazen cannonball against the cage of bones.
I sat on my porch which overlooked the lawn and the water; unlike
the other houses on that river, mine had the railroad behind it instead
of in front of it, an agreeable state of affairs; I don’t mind the sound of
trains though the sight of them on their squalid tracks depresses me.
Beside me, among the careful tray of tea things, the manuscript of
my dialogue lay neglected. I had not yet made up my mind whether
to read it to Clarissa or not. Such things tended to bore her; yet, if
she could be enticed into attention, her opinion would be useful:
such a long memory of old customs would be invaluable to me as I
composed, with diligence rather than inspiration, an ethical system
whose single virtue was that it tended to satisfy the needs of human
beings as much as was possible without inviting chaos. I had, that
morning over coffee, abolished marriage. During lunch, served me
by my genteel but impoverished housekeeper (although servants still
existed in those days in a few great houses, people like myself were
obliged to engage the casual services of the haughty poor), I
decided to leave marriage the way it was but make divorce much
simpler. After lunch, suffering from a digestive-inspired headache, I
not only abolished marriage again but resolutely handed the children
over to the impersonal mercies of the state.
Now, bemused, relaxed, my eyes upon the pale blue Catskills and
the summer green, the noise of motorboats like great waterbugs in
my ears, I brooded upon the implications of what I was doing and,
though I was secretly amused at my own confidence, I realized, too,
that what I felt and did and wrote, though doubtless unorthodox to
many, was, finally, not really the work of my own inspiration but a
logical result of all that was in the world: a statement of the dreams
of others which I could formulate only because I shared them. Cave
regarded his own words as revelation when, actually, they only
echoed the collective mind, a plausible articulation of what most men
felt even though their conscious minds were antipathetic, corseted
and constricted by stereotyped ways of thinking, the opposite of what
they truly believed.
Yet at this step I, for one, hesitated. There was no doubt but that the
children and the society would be the better for such an arrangement
... and there was little doubt that our civilization was moving toward
such a resolution. But there were parents who would want to retain
their children and children who might be better cared for by their
progenitors than by even the best-intentioned functionaries of the
state. Would the state allow parents to keep their children if they
wanted them? If not, it was tyrannous; if so, difficult in the extreme,
for how could even the most enlightened board of analysts
determine who should be allowed their children and who not? The
answer, of course, was in the retraining of future generations. Let
them grow up accepting as inevitable and right the surrender of
babies to the state. Other cultures had done it and ours could too.
But I was able, vividly, to imagine the numerous cruelties which
would be perpetrated in the name of the whole, while the opportunity
for tyranny in a civilization where all children were at the disposal of
a government brought sharply to mind the image of the anthill
society which has haunted the imagination of the thoughtful for at
least a century.
I had got myself into a most gloomy state by the time Clarissa
arrived, trailing across the lawn in an exotic ankle-length gown of
gray which floated in yards behind her, like the diaphanous flags of
some forgotten army.
She had no criticism of the river when she at last turned and climbed
the steps to the porch; she sat down with a gasp. “I’m boiling! Tea?
Hot tea to combat the heat.”
I poured her a cup. “Not a hot day at all.” Actually it was very warm.
“If you didn’t get yourself up as a Marie Corelli heroine, you’d be
much cooler.”
“Not very gallant, are we today?” Clarissa looked at me over her cup.
“I’ve had this gown for five hundred years. There used to be a
wimple which went with it but I lost it somewhere.”
“The material seems to be holding up quite well,” and now that she
had mentioned it, there was an archaic look to the texture of the
gown, like those bits of cloth preserved under glass in museums.
“Silk lasts indefinitely, if one is tidy. I also don’t wear this much, as
you can see, but with the devalued state of the dollar (an ominous
sign, my dear, the beginning of the end!) I’ve been forced to redo a
lot of old odds-and-ends I’ve kept for sentimental reasons. This is
one of them and I’m very fond of it.” She spoke this last slowly, to
forestall any further ungallantry.
“It is cool. Ah, a letter from Iris.” Like a magpie she had seen the
letter beside my chair and, without asking permission, had seized it
and read it through quickly. “I admire a girl who types,” she said,
letting fall the letter. “I suppose they all do now though it seems like
only yesterday that, next to opening a tearoom, one typed, working
for men, all of whom made advances. That was when we had to
wear corsets and hatpins. One discouraged while the other quite
protected.” Clarissa chuckled at some obscene memory.
“Iris? But I should have said she was the only one who never tried to
influence him.”
I was irritated by this and also by the business of the sandwich, not
to mention the murder of the moth; I looked at Clarissa with
momentary dislike. “I was not aware....” I began in a chilled voice but
she interrupted me with an airy wave of her hand.
“You will. You would if you weren’t entirely blind to what they used to
call human nature. Iris is acquiring Cave.”
“Acquiring?”
“Exactly the word. She loves him for all sorts of reasons but she
cannot have him in the usual sense (I found out all about that, by the
way). Therefore, the only thing left her to do is acquire him, to take
his life in hers. You may think she may think that her slavish
adoration is only humble love but actually it’s something far more
significant, and dangerous.”
“It’s no hypothesis and the danger is real. Iris will have him and,
through him, she’ll have you all.”
I did not begin to understand that day and Clarissa, in her pythoness
way, was no help, muttering vague threats and imprecations with her
mouth full of bread.
Clarissa came to a full halt. For a moment she forgot to chew. Then,
with a look of pain, she swallowed. “Your children?”
“Precisely. I....”
“All habit ... not innate. Children have been subordinate woman’s ace
in the hole for generations. They have had to develop certain traits
which, in other circumstances, they would not have entertained.
Rats, whom we closely resemble, though they suckle their young
will, in moments of mild hunger or even exasperation, think nothing
of eating an entire litter. You can condition human beings to accept
any state of affairs as being perfectly natural.”
“I don’t doubt that. But how to break the habits of several thousand
years.”
“I will not say what I see. I’m on the side of change, however, which
makes me in perfect harmony with life.” Clarissa chuckled. A fish
leaped gayly in the still river; out in the channel a barge glided by,
the muffled noise of its engines like slow heartbeats.
“But you think it good for people to follow Cave? you think what he
says is right?”
“Yet I’m disturbed at the thought of all that power in the hands of the
state: they can make the children believe anything; they can impose
the most terrible tyranny; they can blind at birth so that none might
ever see anything again but what a few rulers, as ignorant as they,
finally, will want them to see. There’ll be a time when all people are
nearly alike.”
“Insects.”
“Who have existed longer than ourselves and will outlast our race by
many comfortable millennia.”
“Call it harmony. You think of yourself only as you are now dropped
into the midst of a society of dull conformists. That’s where you make
your mistake. You’ll not live to see it for, if you did, you would be
someone else, a part of it. No one of your disposition could possibly
happen in such a society. There would be no rebellion against
sameness because difference would not, in any important sense,
exist, even as a proposition. You think: how terrible! but think again
how wonderful it would be to belong to the pack, to the tribe, to the
race, without guilt or anxiety or division.”