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 Contents vii

The Idea of a “Life Course” 291

Aspects of the Sociology of Aging 293
Social Consequences of Aging 297
Health Consequences of Aging 301
Solutions for Problems of Aging 307
Claims-Making and the Social Construction
of Aging 315
Chapter Summary 316
Questions for Critical Thought 316
Exploring Social Problems 317
Recommended Readings and Websites 317

Schools 318
Learning Objectives 318
Introduction 319
Defining Education and Its Social Problems 319
Education and Gender 327
Education and Race 328
The Effectiveness of Schooling 332
Theoretical Perspectives on Education 334
Social Consequences of Education 336
Bullying 341
Solutions to Educational Social Problems 345
Chapter Summary 346
Questions for Critical Thought 346
Exploring Social Problems 347
Recommended Readings and Websites 347

Workplaces 348
Learning Objectives 348
Introduction 349
Comparative Economic Systems 350
The Bureaucratization of Work 354
Theoretical Perspectives on Work
and Unemployment 354
Social Consequences of Work 357
Vulnerable Populations 364
Unemployment and Its Effects 370
Social Consequences of Unemployment 373
Health Consequences of Work 373
Solutions to Unemployment 376
Chapter Summary 378
Questions for Critical Thought 379
viii Contents

Exploring Social Problems 379

Recommended Readings and Websites 379

Populations and the Natural

Environment 380
Learning Objectives 380
Introduction 381
World Population in Context 381
The Demographic Transition 383
Contrasting Perspectives on Population Change 384
Population Density 386
Urban Sociology: A Primer 389
Theoretical Perspectives on Urban Life 393
Theoretical Perspectives on Environmental Problems 394
Social Consequences of Population Growth and Urbanization 396
Social Consequences of Environmental Problems 400
Solutions to Population Problems 406
Social Responses and Solutions to Environmental Problems 407
Chapter Summary 409
Questions for Critical Thought 410
Exploring Social Problems 410
Recommended Readings and Websites 410

PART 5 The Future 411

What Problems Are On the Way? 413
Learning Objectives 413
Introduction 414
Theoretical Perspectives on Future Studies 417
Technology: Making and Solving Problems 418
Trends in Social Problems Projected to
the Near Future 420
Chapter Summary 436
Questions for Critical Thought 436
Exploring Social Problems 437
Recommended Readings and Websites 437

Glossary 438
References 444
Index 493
Preface
Welcome to the fifth edition of Social Problems: A Canadian Perspective. As in earlier
­editions, in this text we continue to assume that there is such a thing as a “social prob-
lem.” A social problem is any circumstance that many people experience and that has
both social causes and social consequences. The social problems we discuss actually
exist. We can verify that fact with our own eyes and with the measurement tools of
social science. Yet, each social problem is also socially constructed, in the sense that
people think, define, and react to it as such. If people were to stop thinking about social
problems, they would cease to exist, at least at the level of consciousness, social defini-
tion, and social action.
Because of this socially constructed aspect of social problems, we can trace their rise
and fall over time. We can study how people came to share the understanding that a
certain circumstance was problematic. To take a simple example, few people in Canada
today consider the so-called promiscuity of young women to be a social problem, al-
though this was not the case in the past. Likewise, few Canadians today are troubled by
what used to be called “miscegenation”—couples from two different races having sexual
relations—although in earlier times many considered this a serious social problem. On
the other hand, many people today consider climate change to be an important social
problem, although 50 years ago this issue was barely discussed.
Sociologists study why certain behaviours, and not others, come to occupy our con-
cern and evoke the label of “social problem.” This takes us into the areas of changing
morality and moral panics—sudden, intense, widespread, and often fleeting concerns
about the immorality of one particular group. The rise and fall of social problems also
reflects social, intellectual, and scientific changes. At any given time, there are problems
in society that can be shown to harm our quality of life, but only a few people see them
as problems and government and other powerful agencies do little to address them.
The social problems that last the longest and evoke the most concern are those that
are not merely socially constructed and thus not simply problems “in people’s minds.”
They are serious matters of health and of life and death. Poverty, racial discrimination,
poor working conditions, domestic violence—these are all serious social problems be-
cause, at the extremes, they hurt or kill people. In less extreme circumstances, they exac-
erbate illness and reduce people’s well-being and quality of life. Increasingly, we live in a
world in which we are all, always, in danger of harm from sources that are often hidden
from view and beyond human control. These risks are frequently the result of human ac-
tivity, especially the applications of science and technology to the natural environment.
Often, they are the result of what we are taught to regard fondly as “progress.”
So, apart from the perceived immorality, injustice, or unfairness of the problems
discussed in this book, serious social problems cost our society many human lives and
many days lost from work and family life; they also lead to shattered families, workplace
conflict, and destroyed hopes. These problems are not merely “in people’s minds.” In fact,
the job of the sociologist, in these cases, is to bring them to people’s conscious attention.
x Preface

To summarize, we are particularly interested in both potential and actual social

problems—problems that cause trouble and are seen as causing trouble. We will pay no
attention whatsoever to the more pleasant sides of life—making this a somewhat dark-
hued book. Moreover, we will pay only passing attention to issues that may briefly be
considered problems but, in the end, prove not to be. Actual and potential problems that
lurk below the consciousness of most people will make intermittent appearances in this
book, especially in the final chapter.
Social science has a poor batting average in solving human problems. It has not done
well at bringing about change, as we will see. The problem here is in part the complexity
of the roots of social problems and in part the will and ability (or lack thereof) of soci-
ety’s agencies of power to address the problems. Yet we, as authors of this book, believe
that the purpose of sociology today, just as in the nineteenth century when it began, is
to use knowledge to improve social life. Thus, our goal in a book like this is to aid the
understanding of the roots of social problems, their health consequences for individuals
and society as a whole, and how these can be addressed. For this task, it is important that
we explore facts and theories concerning how problems develop and are maintained and
how they are interrelated. We believe that these theories help us organize our facts and
work toward solving our problems.
We should say a few final words about the purpose of a book as general as this one.
This text duplicates some of what you may have learned in an introduction to sociology
course. The duplication is intentional. We want to refresh your memory of the basic
principles of sociology before proceeding to a close discussion of social problems. Some
instructors may even find that this book can substitute for a book that introduces first-
time students to the field of sociology. In addition, this book covers a variety of prob-
lems, each briefly. This brevity is also intentional. We want to get students thinking in
a particular way so that they can study these same problems, new problems, or changed
problems on their own. We do not offer the last word on any social problem presented
here—only the beginnings of a discussion informed by sociological principles.
We do not offer sociology as a cure-all. We emphasize how difficult it has been to
solve many social problems and how very little has been done about some of them. Like
many of our colleagues in sociology, we understand the concerns of post-modernity. The
“project” of modernization that engaged thinkers and social practitioners for much of
the last three centuries has taken a new turn. The horrors of the twentieth century shook
our faith in reason and in the power of humans to build a better world using science and
technology, social legislation, mass media, higher education, and secular values. No one
who spends a few moments thinking about the Holocaust, the two world wars, the ter-
rorism of 11 September 2001, and the ensuing wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, Sri
Lanka, Syria, Palestine, and Israel, not to mention recurring crises in Africa, Asia, and
Eastern Europe, environmental degradation in many parts of the world, and continued
practices of imperialist domination will readily indulge fantasies about the perfection, or
even the perfectibility, of human societies. Part of the reason for this is that the solutions
to social problems are often complex and costly. Another reason is that the solutions are
political matters requiring strong commitment from society’s elites.
In this respect, one of sociology’s three founders was particularly prescient. Sociolo-
gist Max Weber saw the nightmare of modern society coming. His eyes were open to the
“iron cage” of modernity, especially to how bureaucracies and governments can enslave
and torment humans more effectively than has ever been known before. Weber believed
 Preface xi

that bureaucracies would become all-powerful in society and that their elites would end
up largely serving their own interests, which would frequently be contrary to the inter-
ests of average people. Only those problems and solutions seen as important by powerful
interests would be addressed in societies of the future (that is, in our time now).
Another founder of sociology, Karl Marx, believed that communism would solve all
problems of the human condition. He appears to have been wrong, although some still
argue that his theories have never been put to a proper test in any society. Of the three
leading figures in sociology during its developing years, Émile Durkheim was the most
optimistic and therefore the most wrong about the twentieth century. He believed that
societies change in a progressive direction, solving social problems over time through the
differentiation and specialization of tasks, with modest negative side effects of anomie,
or alienation, on the part of individuals because of the processes of social change.
Yet, despite having been shaken by the twentieth century and its horrors, we persist
in our efforts. As long as we live, most of us strive to build a better world for our children,
our community, and ourselves. It is in the hope of continuing this optimistic effort that
we, the authors, have written this book. We believe that social problems really do exist and
do great harm. Furthermore, we believe that knowledge and purposeful informed action
may still improve human life. This, then, is where we begin our study of social problems.

How This Book Is Organized

We will see that sociologists, like other social scientists, have a variety of theories about
society and its social problems. Throughout this book, we will return to three sociolog-
ical theories—structural functionalism, conflict theory, and symbolic interactionism—
as well as to two other important perspectives for understanding problems in society—
feminism, which varies in its analysis and solutions from liberal to radical points of
view, and social constructionism, an outgrowth of symbolic interactionism that posits
that groups of people create and recreate their own realities. Each contributes import-
ant elements to our understanding of society and social problems. None of them rules
out the validity or contribution of any other. Each of the theories approaches social life
from a different standpoint, asking different questions and looking at different kinds
of evidence. Therefore, each adds to our understanding of social problems, in different
ways. These approaches compete for our attention and loyalty. Sociologists tend to prefer
and attach themselves to one approach rather than another. At the same time, applied
sociologists go about analyzing and solving real-life problems in families, workplaces,
organizations, and societies by combining insights from all of these perspectives.
We also employ an additional perspective—the population health perspective—in
each chapter. This perspective focuses attention on the physical and psychological harm
caused by social problems to individuals and, thereby, on the harm caused to society. This
perspective also emphasizes the social sources and consequences of people’s illness and
health. The population health perspective complements the other perspectives: it not so
much contradicts them as it adds to and extends them. This perspective simply focuses
more explicitly on the issues of the health of individuals and societies. All of the theoret-
ical approaches will be discussed in further detail in Chapter 1 and the ensuing chapters.
We have organized this book to reflect our assumptions about social problems. We
begin each chapter with a brief general introduction to the problem at hand. We then
xii Preface

follow with a section containing some facts about the problem, setting the stage for
our understanding of it. This section is not meant to replace other information about
the problem gained, for example, from academic reports, newspapers, magazines, or
television reportage. The facts presented in books such as this one must be somewhat
selective, and they tend to age quickly. We therefore urge the reader to seek additional
information from other sources about all of the problems discussed in this book.
Next, in each chapter, we review a range of theoretical approaches to the problem
under discussion. We show how these approaches ask different questions and come to
different conclusions. These theories help us organize our understanding of the problem.
Since the theory sections are invariably brief, we urge the reader to explore further the
assumptions and implications of the different approaches. Critical thinking questions at
the end of each chapter will help the reader do this.
In each chapter, the discussion of theoretical approaches is followed by a section on the
social consequences of the social problem in question. As we shall see throughout the book
(often by way of mild repetition), most of the social problems we discuss are connected
to one another, some more closely than others. For example, there is no adequate way to
discuss work and unemployment without discussing poverty; no way to discuss family
problems without also considering aging, gender inequality, and sexual orientation; and
no way to discuss ageism without discussing stereotypes. A few general principles related
to social inequality and social exclusion resurface time and again to inform our discussion.
Many serious social problems share a similar range of consequences. Problems such
as exploitation, discrimination, and exclusion tend to impoverish people, isolate them,
and weaken their stake in the future of the community. Some social problems are com-
monly associated with crime, violence, addiction, stress, mental illness (for example,
depression), and physical illness. We view these consequences as problems in their own
right, and our goal is to help society solve them or at least reduce their prevalence. We
therefore need to deal with the root causes of the social problems. These root causes are
very much social in nature. As sociologists, we need to explain what occurs and why, and
we need to suggest how this situation might be improved. As citizens, we should try to
understand the problems and their roots, and we should do what we can to improve the
situation—for ourselves and for future generations.
In important respects, this edition departs from earlier editions. Most important,
this edition has a new co-author, Dr Rachel La Touche. She brings to the book new
ideas and perspectives that we think improve the book immeasurably. One new chapter,
written by Dr La Touche, is on the timely topic of global inequality, war, and terrorism.
In addition, all chapters in this book have been rewritten: updated, shortened, clarified,
and tightened up. A number of pedagogical features have also been incorporated to
make this text a more effective learning tool for students. Yet, for all this, the book has
remained the same in its fundamental approach.
Each chapter includes the following components:

• Learning objectives
• An introduction that sets the content of the chapter in a wider context
• Theme boxes that reinforce chapter material:
“Be an Active Citizen”
“Social Problems in a Global Context”
“P.O.V.”
 Preface xiii

“Our Voices”
“@issue”
“Intersections”
• A margin glossary in each chapter and a compiled glossary at the back of the
book
• A new feature titled “Exploring Social Problems”
• Chapter Summary
• Questions for Critical Thought
• Recommended Readings and Websites

The text’s well-developed art program is designed to make the book more accessible
and engaging. Sixty-nine photographs, 73 figures (including 3 maps), 31 tables, and the
numerous boxed inserts covering the full range of subject matter help clarify important
concepts and make the subjects come alive.
In addition, this text is accompanied by an impressive ancillary package.

• Test Generator. This comprehensive bank of test questions contains the fol-
lowing for each chapter: 30 multiple-choice questions, 20 true-or-false ques-
tions, and 10 short-answer questions.
• Instructor’s Manual. Each chapter in this helpful instructor resource contains
the following: a chapter overview, 5 to 10 learning objectives, 10 to 15 key
concepts and names, 10 to 15 concepts for discussion or debate, and 3 to 5
suggested class activities.
• PowerPoint Slides. Multiple slides for each chapter reiterate key points in the
text and act as a useful study tool for students and a helpful lecture tool for
instructors.
• New Video-Link Library. Opening a window to a wider world of investiga-
tion, this new ancillary feature includes 8 to 10 video weblinks per chapter, a
summary for each video, 3 to 5 discussion questions based on each video, and a
correlation guide linking videos with chapters in this textbook.
• Student Study Guide. This package of review material is designed to rein-
force students’ understanding of concepts discussed in the text. Each chapter
in this resource contains the following: a chapter summary, 5 to 10 learning
objectives, 5 to 10 key terms and concepts, 10 to 15 annotated further readings
and websites, 10 multiple-choice questions, 10 true-or-false questions, and 5
short-answer questions.

Instructors should contact their Oxford University Press representative regarding

ancillary materials.

Acknowledgements
Our first thank-you is to the outstanding University of Toronto and University of Calgary
undergraduate students who helped us research this book. They are (in alphabetical order)
Omar Abdelgawwad, Angela Abenoja, Zara Ahmad, Paige Berling-MacKenzie, Nabi
Dressler, Joy Jiang, Winnie Lee, Olivia Levy, Pia Morar, Ashley Ramnaraine, Hafsah
xiv Preface

Siddiqui, Jenna Walsh, and Juanita Xiong. It’s been a privilege and a pleasure to work
with these talented young people—one of the two best parts of working on this book.
The other best part of this project was working with the people at Oxford University
Press and their associates. Rhiannon Wong and then Lauren Wing served as develop-
mental editors and oversaw the process of flow and standardization—no small feat in the
production of a large book. Thank you, Rhiannon and Lauren, for your ceaseless efforts
on our behalf. Leslie Saffrey edited the copy, clearly and carefully, forcing us always to
improve our thinking and writing. Thank you, Leslie; it is always a pleasure to work
with you.
We also want to thank our anonymous reviewers and undergraduate students who
have read and responded to material in the first four editions. They have all given us
new ideas about what to discuss and how to discuss it most effectively. We’ve learned
a lot writing this book, and it’s been fun, too. So, read the book and let us know what
you think. We want this book to make your world clearer and more meaningful. If you
have some ideas about how we can do that better in the next edition, send us an email
at lorne.tepperman@utoronto.ca.
Finally, we would like to acknowledge the following reviewers, along with those re-
viewers who chose to remain anonymous, whose thoughtful comments and suggestions
have helped to shape this current edition of Social Problems.

…………………………

Lorne Tepperman
Josh Curtis
Rachel La Touche

November 2019
PART ONE
Introduction
▲ KenWiedemann/iStock
 What Are Social Problems?

Learning Objectives
• To understand what a social problem is
• To learn how sociologists think about the sociological imagination
• To find out how sociologists think about social change
• To recognize the historical context of social problems
• To discover the value of information as a social resource
• To learn the competing theories that explain social problems
▲ Nikada/iStock
4 PART I Introduction

What Is a “Social Problem”?

Social problem This book is about social problems, so we should start with a definition. In its most gen-
A social condition eral terms, a social problem is a social condition or behaviour that is thought to warrant
or behaviour that is
public concern and collective action. This seemingly simple definition contains, as we’ll
thought to warrant
public concern and
see, a multitude of complexities.
collective action. Today, there’s no shortage of social problems in what Staeheli (2008, p. 562) calls
the “terrains of political claims-making.” We see struggles everywhere over issues and in-
equalities (Khader, 2017; Tyler, 2015; Wilkinson & Pickett, 2007). These struggles don’t
merely represent identities and personal interests. They’re also efforts to change broader
social, political, and economic relationships. Our society is drowning in problems and
protests, with claims of importance and demands for consideration and dignity. The
political terrain is clogged with political actors and activists trying to influence our views
and political lives (Taft, 2009).
Such jostling for attention makes it hard for us to single out the problems that most
deserve our notice. We can’t work for every cause, yet we want to support the right
causes. But how can we tell the truth from a lie? At the same time, this competition for
attention gives us a sense that our views matter—and they do! Social problems point to
ways that society can be improved. We need to understand them, because once we do,
we can solve them.
That’s where sociology comes in. As the systematic study of societies, sociology is
well equipped to help us educate ourselves about current problems and their possible
solutions. Sociology, more than any other field, helps us find solutions to the serious
problems that ordinary Canadians face.

Sociology and the Study

of Social Problems
The sociological study of social problems (sometimes called social issues) is at least as
old as the study of sociology itself (McMullin, 2004). In fact, much of early sociology
focused on studying social issues. Sociology’s founders, Karl Marx, Émile Durkheim,
and Max Weber, were all concerned with social issues, though they spoke about them
in different ways. Other masters of sociology—especially Herbert Blumer, Erving
Goffman, and Howard Becker—contributed significantly to the symbolic interaction-
ist approach. They too made significant contributions to understanding social problems
of various kinds.
The rise of sociology itself—like the rise of the study of social issues—coincided
with the rise of “modern” societies in the nineteenth century. During this formative
period, Western Europe and North America shared deep confidence in the idea of “prog-
ress.” “Progress” then included industrialization and urbanization. Inventions, scientific
discoveries, and new ideas were proliferating rapidly. “Progress” also meant the possi-
bility of using knowledge to bring about social improvement or social “amelioration.”
Nowadays it’s clear that “progress” helped some people more than others. One question
that perplexes sociologists is why some nations have been far more able to benefit from
modernity than others. What, they ask, causes global inequality? And why has moder-
nity solved some social problems and created new ones?
 What Are Social Problems? 5

Social Problems in a Global Context

BOX 1.1 Global Inequality

Global inequality refers to the different opportu-
nities people in different societies have for secur-
ing a good (i.e., healthy, safe, and prosperous) life.
­Empirical evidence shows that the chances for a
good life are good in the Global North, in higher-­
income countries like the US, Canada, and those of
Western Europe. These chances are worse in the
Global South: less industrialized countries mainly
in the southern hemisphere where people have
lower average incomes.
We see this in measures of well-being that
are correlated but far from identical. One mea-
sure uses gross domestic product (GDP) per
capita. We can gauge a country’s well-being
from the total income of all its residents, divided
by its population. Using this measure (GDP per
capita, US dollars, 2017), we find the follow-
ing numbers: USA, $59,928; Canada, $44, 871;
world, $10,749; Mexico, $8,910; Nigeria, $1,968
(World Bank, n.d.).
However, this measure of national well-being
is far from perfect, since social inequality influ-
ences how prosperity is distributed within a coun-
try. This unequal distribution of well-being means
we need a measure of national well-being that’s
sensitive to social inequality. The Human Devel-
opment Index (HDI) is such a measure. The HDI
was developed by the United Nations to measure
and rank countries’ levels of human development,
using three separate measures of well-being:
standard of living (measured, once again, by GDP
per capita); life expectancy (average longevity
and health, measured by life expectancy at birth);
and human capital (average formal education and
knowledge, measured by adult and youth literacy
rates).
The two measures don’t rank countries iden-
tically. Some countries rank far higher on the HDI
than on the GDP per capita measure, and vice
versa: for example, Canada has one of the high-
est HDI scores but not one of the highest GDP per
capita ratings. By contrast, Kuwait and United
Arab Emirates have some of the highest GDP per
capita scores but don’t have high HDI scores. We’ll
have more to say about this in Chapter 8, in dis-
cussing global inequality.
Source
World Bank. (n.d.). GDP per capita. Retrieved from https://data.
worldbank.org/indicator/ny.gdp.pcap.cd

From the beginning, sociologists, like social reformers, tended to think that human-
ity could improve social life through the systematic study of social issues. Society could
solve its problems by expelling ignorance, superstition, prejudice, and blind custom,
and applying knowledge instead. Social research could diagnose a social problem, then
invent and evaluate solutions. Early sociologists thought that humanity could direct
social change to better ends: to resolving conflict and rebuilding society around new
principles of organization. This is evident in the work of Émile Durkheim (e.g., The
Division of Labour in Society [1893/1964]), Karl Marx (e.g., Capital [1862–3/1990]), and
Max Weber (e.g., his writings on bureaucracy [2013]).
Sociologists today still struggle to understand the patterns of social life that cause
what we’ll call “social problems.” We sociologists aren’t—and can’t be—all-knowing
narrators. However, as socially conscious members of our society, we want to take part
in a struggle against the social problems we do see by clarifying them. To do so—­
imperfectly, but as well as possible—we need to learn and use the knowledge collected
6 PART I Introduction

by expert researchers. This book is an introductory collection and explanation of the

sociological knowledge we have today about social problems.
In examining social problems, we’ll use sociological ideas to understand them, so-
ciological tools to measure them, and sociological theories to link them. Certain master
themes or accounts will emerge that reflect different ways of viewing these problems.
We’ll pass over many topics and themes, because space doesn’t allow us to address them.
What we do discuss we’ll treat briefly, pointing students to further research. In the
interest of space, we must ignore non-sociological (e.g., psychological and biological)
approaches to the same social problems.

Objective and Subjective Elements

From a sociological standpoint, social problems have two aspects that sometimes seem
contradictory: objective and subjective elements.
Objective elements Objective elements are the measurable features of a problem. They’re also what we
The measurable might call the problem’s scientific (or empirically verifiable) aspects. We know about a
features of a harmful
problem because we can measure it and measure the harm it does. For example, system-
social condition. Such
harmful conditions
atic measurements of crime, poverty, or alcohol abuse show a problem exists and that it
might include crime, harms people. We can study the causes and effects of each of these—of crime, poverty,
poverty, or alcohol or alcohol abuse—without making a moral judgment and even without judging the
abuse. problem as “serious” or “trivial.” We can count and measure its incidence and its conse-
quences. We can study the changes in social life that cause the numbers or rates of the
problem to increase or decrease. And we can make and test theories about its changing
rate of occurrence—all while being morally neutral.
Studying social problems in this way is based on a philosophical premise called
“positivism” which says that we can know material reality with our senses: we can see,
hear, touch, smell, and taste it. What we commonly call “science” is the systematic effort
to find and test natural laws through measurements of this observed reality.
Subjective elements Subjective elements, on the other hand, are people’s evaluations of sensed reality
Beliefs and and the processes that influence their evaluations. These evaluations include the creation
evaluations that
of moralistic labels (“wrong,” “immoral,” “sick,” and so on) that people apply to particu-
influence people’s
behaviour. They
lar acts or situations and the accounts they give to explain these acts and situations. Such
include the moralistic moral and aesthetic judgments reflect people’s beliefs and tastes.
labels that people As sociologists, we know that people’s morals and tastes can become a social reality.
apply to particular If people think, for example, that smoking marijuana is evil, that multiculturalism is
acts or situations and wrong, that LGBTQI+ people are sick, or that old people are unfit, then these beliefs
the accounts they
give of these acts and
become part of social reality too. People start to behave as though these beliefs are cor-
situations. rect, and their behaviours affect the way society is organized. They are different from the
objective aspects but no less critical.
A goal of sociology is to study these subjective beliefs and their outcomes. These
“subjective realities,” or social constructs, as sociologists call them, are just as important
as empirical realities for understanding the social issues we study. Therefore, it’s import-
ant, for example, to understand public opinions about society’s most pressing problems.
Changes in both measurable reality and people’s views of quantifiable reality in-
fluence people’s perception of a social problem. As sociologists, we must assess changes
in both. By bringing together these objective and subjective elements, we can define
a social problem as both a condition and a process. As a condition, a social problem is
 What Are Social Problems? 7

an empirically observed situation that threatens the well-being of a significant part of

society. As a process, a social problem is the sequence of events by which members of a
community come to see the situation as deserving collective remedial action.
Because space is limited in this book, we’ll tend to focus on the objective elements
of social problems in the chapters that follow. However, you should remember that for
every social problem, there’s a set of problem-framing processes that bring it to public
attention. As you read the book, see if you can imagine how the individual problems we
discuss were brought to public attention or, in some cases, buried out of sight.

Social Problems and the Sociological

Imagination
What sociologist C. Wright Mills (1959) called the sociological imagination is a Sociological
skill that helps us understand social problems. It’s the acquired ability to see connec- imagination
A term used by
tions between one’s own life (micro-events) and the social world in which one lives
sociologist C. Wright
(­macro-events). In this way, the sociological imagination helps us connect personal trou- Mills in his 1959 book,
bles and public issues. This micro–macro link is the real subject matter of sociology. The Sociological
Further, it’s our key to understanding how social problems affect our lives. Imagination,
For example, a recent university graduate who is unemployed may view their job- to describe the
lessness as a private trouble that mainly involves them and their immediate family mem- sociologist’s ability
to connect large-
bers. Considered this way, they may feel shame and guilt, as well as frustration and scale public issues
anxiety about being unemployed. But the shame and guilt may be short-sighted. At any to people’s personal
moment, hundreds of thousands of Canadians may be unemployed for reasons beyond experiences.
their control. Thus, unemployment is a public issue, not merely a personal trouble. The
same is true for many other problems that you or someone you know may face, including
crime, racism, family violence, poverty, drug addiction, and so on. In each case, the so-
ciological imagination connects the conditions of our personal lives to the broader social
context in which we live.
Sociologists make these connections by closely analyzing reality at two levels, micro
and macro. Microsociology, or micro-level analysis, focuses on the interactions between
people in small groups. This approach studies people’s understanding and experience
of social problems at the local, personal level (Fine & Fields, 2008). Macrosociology,
or macro-level analysis, focuses on society and its institutions. It explores the ways that
changes in major organizations and institutions affect the population as a whole (Krause,
2013). For example, it may study the way changes in the economy affect family life.
We need both levels of analysis for a proper understanding of social problems. Look-
ing at both levels helps us see that public issues may translate to private problems and
that many private troubles are essentially public issues.
Take the case of homeless youth in Canada, discussed in an article by Piat et al.
(2015). They interviewed homeless youth to learn about their personal histories and the
reasons they came to live on the street. The researchers found out that individual factors
such as substance abuse, relationship conflicts, and mental health issues play a role in
contributing to homelessness. But, public problems are also important. They found that
youth have negative experiences in foster care and other care settings. Homeless youth
encounter difficulties in securing stable and adequate housing, and often face discrim-
ination. As a result, they end up living in drug-involved and unsafe neighbourhoods.
8 PART I Introduction

The Canaian Press/Francis Vachon

Homeless youth on the streets of Toronto. We need both macrosociological and micro-
sociological insights to understand the causes of homelessness today.

Solving the problem of youth homelessness will require new policy approaches to the
provision of adequate long-term housing and improvements to the Canadian foster care
system to ensure that youth can integrate into society once of age.

Social Problems Research

as a Moral Enterprise
You may have learned in an introductory course that sociology rests on the notion that
we can improve society through research and by applying research-based knowledge
(Zazar, 2008).
Paradoxically, however, our efforts to improve society sometimes backfire. Solutions
to old problems sometimes create new ones. Industrial modernity has improved most
people’s standard of living, level of education, longevity, and health. However, industrial
modernity has also come with costs, including massive environmental pollution, mass
deaths in warfare, new forms of thought control, and new possibilities for crime, addic-
tion, and genocide. No other century combined as much technological progress with as
much intentional death and destruction as the twentieth century (Tippelt, 2009).
In their effort to improve society, sociologists often find that they’re competing with
common sense and the mass media—both sources of misinformation. Popular myths,
 What Are Social Problems? 9

ideologies, and stereotypes perpetuate harmful conditions. Too often, we find the media
turning “public issues” into “private troubles,” blaming victims and stigmatizing them
for having problems. For example, people may blame homeless youth for running away
from home, dropping out of school, committing petty crimes, using drugs, and so on.
Consider mental illness, another widespread and growing public health concern (in-
cluding on college and university campuses). Mental illness is a growing problem in our
society, and its prevalence points to significant strains and pressures throughout society
(Moore et al., 2009). Mental illness includes depression, anxiety, obsessive/compulsive
disorder, panic, addiction, and others. Outbreaks of depression cause people severe suf-
fering and often lead to higher risks of death, disability, and secondary illness. How
can the problem be merely “personal” if a large and growing fraction of the Canadian
population shares the problem?
Sociologists typically start by identifying the social conditions that make people
vulnerable to these so-called “personal troubles.” In his classic study, Suicide (1897/1951),
Émile Durkheim pointed out that a lack of social integration and social control are
likely to cause considerable mental distress. They may even lead to increases in the
suicide rate. Nowhere is the truth of this more obvious than among homeless people.
Besides social isolation, they also suffer disproportionately from unemployment, pov-
erty, physical weakness, and mental illness (Lippert & Lee, 2015; Caan, 2009; Weir-
Hughes, 2009).
When doing research, sociologists look for social factors that increase the likelihood
of problem behaviours. For example, risky sexual activity in adolescence may lead to
teenage parenthood. Teenage parenthood, in turn, reduces the possibility of school com-
pletion and increases the risk of unemployment, financial dependence, and low earnings
(Diaz & Fiel, 2016). Dropping out of school early also increases the risk of early parent-
hood, as does low socio-economic status, poor grades, and social isolation (Westcott,
2005; Ramirez, Granados, Cruz, Pérez & Castellón, 2016). As sociologists, we need
to study the links among these problems and find ways of preventing them. Efforts to
address these problems retroactively are often unsuccessful.
However, identifying and prioritizing the causes of social problems is never easy,
because most problems have multiple causes (as well as multiple consequences). When
you study a group afflicted by many problems—for example, immigrant sex workers,
or unemployed Indigenous rural people, or racialized youth in jail—where do you start
the analysis? These are the questions we consider in Box 1.2, which is concerned with
determining whether the causes of current “obesity” issues are social or cultural.

Social Construction
Social reality—how people perceive the world around them—is continuously changing.
Social reality is (almost) infinitely flexible and always open to interpersonal influence (Searle,
2006). The flexibility and changeability of social life is a central finding of research on re-
ligion, culture, ideology, mass communication, propaganda, and social media. The widely
varying ways people think about reality are clear in historical and cross-national research.
To help them make sense of the world and their lives in it, people invent accounts of
reality. These stories—however imaginary—lead to actions that are real in their effects.
Sociologists (e.g., Merton, 1995) have attributed this observation to the early Ameri-
can sociologist W.I. Thomas, who crafted the “Thomas theorem”: when people define
10 PART I Introduction

POV

BOX 1.2 How Much Weight Is Too Much?

Today, many people are talking about weight
issues. Some people want to lose weight to set
a good example for their children or because of
health problems they’re experiencing (for exam-
ple, sore knees when walking). But underneath
these accounts and others like them, we hear
another motive: these people—usually women—
want to weigh what people of their age and height
are supposed to weigh in our society. Thus, they’re
trying to satisfy cultural—and often gendered—
expectations of how people are supposed to look.
We should note several misconceptions about
weight issues. First, the frequent assumption that
people who exceed the weight norms of our so-
ciety because they lack discipline or self-control
is mostly unfounded. Many other cultural, social,
psychological, and genetic factors play a part in
determining how much people eat, how quickly
they metabolize their food, and therefore what
they weigh. Second, different cultural groups have
different weight, appearance, and eating norms
and develop eating habits according to these
norms. Third, we can’t assume that people who
exceed the weight norms are unhealthy, fail to eat
well, or fail to exercise.
So, when social scientists talk about weight
issues—about how much weight is too much—
they often talk at cross-purposes. Public health
researchers and epidemiologists may be con-
cerned that people who carry “too much” weight
are risking serious health problems and that our
society as a whole is falling into this category.
Cultural analysts, on the other hand, think the
problem artificial: that by setting up appearance
norms a majority of the adult population can’t
meet, we stigmatize people and distress them
unnecessarily. What’s your point of view on this
matter?

a situation as real, the situation will be real in its effects. Put differently, how you see
things shapes how you behave. As a result, people who can influence public perception
of an issue have a lot of power.
Social
constructionism An approach to understanding the subjective part of reality is called social construc-
A sociological tionism. It rests on a theory of knowledge stated by Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luck-
approach that mann in their book The Social Construction of Reality (1966). Often, the social construction
examines the way of reality involves the work of moral entrepreneurs. These are spin doctors, elites, interest
people create a
groups, or even community leaders who classify some situations as problems. Framing
shared interpretation
of social reality.
problems is a form of claims-making. This procedure explains the problem in a particular
way and blames some people (or kinds of people) as deviants or wrongdoers.
Moral entrepreneurs
The meaning of anything, including a social problem, is the product of dominant
Crusading reformers
who are disturbed
cultural and symbolic practices in a group or society. Nowhere is this so obvious—at
by particular social least to modern eyes—as in the social construction of witchcraft in the sixteenth and
problems they see seventeenth centuries. The persecution of midwives and wise women as “witches” shows
in the world. They how panic can be socially constructed. In short, social constructionism looks at the ways
set out to correct people create, learn, and teach accounts of social reality. And when people act on their
the problem by
shared knowledge of this “reality,” they increase the likelihood of its permanence. To
constructing and
publicizing stories think in those terms becomes habitual and seems natural, even unavoidable.
about it. With that in mind, we’ll have to repeatedly ask ourselves throughout this book
whether something is a real problem—a problem whose growing existence and
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 Craven likes his wife to dress richly, and to make a good
display of jewellery,—perhaps as an advertisement of his
wealth. She is apt to be a little overladen with gems, just as
her drawing-room is overladen with gilding. Her natural
taste is good, but she conforms to her husband's taste in all
such minor matters. Wisely, no doubt. Anything is better
than a succession of domestic jars; and when Albinia
became Craven's wife, she knew the manner of man who
was to be her husband.

"What a dull afternoon we have had," I said.

"Yes," Albinia answered slowly. "Have you been out till

now?"

I did not at once respond. Her question fluttered by me,

and was forgotten. A reflection of our two figures in a pier-
glass, lit up by half-lowered gas and dancing flames, had
attracted my attention, and set me cogitating.

Albinia and I are often said to be alike. Though eight

years my senior, she looks young for her age, and I—at
least when grave—look decidedly old for mine. That brings
us nearer together, and makes the mistake as to twinship
occasionally possible. If I were to describe Albinia as I saw
her in the glass—rather tall, rather thin, with a good figure,
long supple limbs, and much natural self-possession; also
with grey eyes, dark hair, and tolerably regular features—
the description would apply equally well to myself, and
probably would give no true impression of either.

For in reality Albinia and I are not alike. It is impossible

that we should be. We may be formed on much the same
model; eyes and hair may be the same in colouring; but we
are not alike. Differences of temperament and character
must show in the face. Albinia's torpid easiness of
disposition and her willingness to submit, are the precise
converse of my untiring energy and troublesome strength of
will. Strangers may and sometimes do mistake the one for
the other; but those who know us well are apt to deny the
fact of any resemblance at all,—which is curious.

I have seen Albinia look very pretty at times,—not

always, but under certain circumstances. Generally her fault
is a lack of animation; and if this is overcome, she wins a
good deal of admiration. Much more than I do. Some indeed
tell me that I am far better looking than Albinia, but those
are only my particular friends. We always see the best of a
face when it is really dear to us. Many, I know, count me
not at all attractive; and they are the people for whom I do
not care. But I do not know why I should write all this.

The difference of our respective standings in life was

well marked, that afternoon, by the blaze of Albinia's
diamonds and the lustre of her splendid silk, seen side by
side with my plain black serge and jet brooch. I did think
she might have worn deeper mourning for the good old
aunt to whom in childhood we both owed so much. But—
there is Craven!

"Well," Albinia said at length.

"I beg your pardon, Albinia. I went into the park first;
and since then I have been in the library, talking,—or rather
listening."

"Talking about your plans?"

"I shall go to Glynde House in a fortnight."

A glittering flash of the diamonds showed me that

Albinia had stirred suddenly.
 "Then you have quite decided?"

"Quite. The Romillys want me, and Craven does not."

"We are expecting visitors soon," she said, rather

faintly.

Poor Albinia! It was not her fault. I would not suggest

that the house contained eight spare bedrooms.

"Of course I would rather have kept you for a few weeks
longer," she went on. "But still—" and a pause. "If Craven—"
another break. "And perhaps Mrs. Romilly wants you there
before she leaves."

"No; not before. It would be her wish, but the doctors

forbid excitement. She starts in a week from to-day; and
she wishes me to go a week later,—just allowing the
household time to recover a little from the parting. That
seems wise, perhaps, as I am not to see her."

"You would have liked to see her."

"One cannot think of one's own wishes in such a

matter," I said.

"And you only know Mrs. Romilly,—not the husband or

daughters?"

"Except that I have heard so much about them all from

Mrs. Romilly,—I can hardly feel myself a stranger."

"Are Mr. and Mrs. Romilly rich?" was the next question.

"Yes,—very comfortably off. And I suppose still more so

since the death of a great-uncle of Mrs. Romilly's last
autumn. An estate in Yorkshire came to them then. Mrs.
Romilly spoke in a letter of their intention to go there every
summer: though Glynde House will still be their home for
the greater part of the year."

"And you will have the entire education of several girls!

Housekeeping too?"

"I really don't know, Albinia. My notions as to what I

shall have to do are hazy in the extreme. That is the worst
of not seeing Mrs. Romilly. No, not the entire education.
There are masters for accomplishments, I believe; and
there is a nursery governess for the two youngest. Besides,
Maggie must be pretty well out of the schoolroom."

"Oh, then of course she will be housekeeper."

"Craven predicts more need for the exercise of a

'beneficent influence' on my part than of actual teaching."

Albinia opened her eyes non-comprehendingly.

"He expects me to improve the household as a whole,—

beginning, as I tell him, with Mr. Romilly. My own fear is
that I shall be too much of a girl among girls,—with too
little authority."

"It all depends on yourself. You must take a proper

stand from the first. I dare say things will fit in well
enough."

So easy for her to say and think. Hardly anything is

more easy than to be philosophical for somebody else. I do
not count that my own feeling in the matter is cowardice. I
have never feared work or shrunk from responsibility. But
from early childhood, I have been under the dominion of a
strong sense of duty; and to half perform a duty has been
always a misery to me. And I do feel myself so unfitted, so
terribly inadequate, for the duties to which I seem called.

"Called." Yes; there it is. If indeed "called" to them, I

shall find help sufficient. God does not place His children in
positions of difficulty, to leave them alone afterward. My
prayer has been—"If Thy Presence go not with me, carry
me not up hence." And if His Presence does go with me,
then nothing else can matter very much.

"I never expected you to have to take to governessing,"

Albinia said suddenly.

"Did you not?" I asked.

"No. Two years ago I had not a doubt that you would be
married before this." She looked at me with questioning
eyes. "What were you about, Con?"

"About my own business, I hope," I said. "Nearly time

to dress for dinner. I must be quick."

"You can just as well write a line afterwards."

"No; I would rather catch an earlier post. I must set

Mrs. Romilly's mind at rest, and I want to have the thing
settled."

"You can write here," said Albinia.

I acquiesced, going to a davenport, though solitude

would have been preferable. The letter seemed to need
careful wording. Between my desire to bring repose to Mrs.
Romilly, and my conscientious dread of promising more
than I might be able to perform, I scarcely knew what to
say. And I leant back in my chair, thinking.
 "Do you know what o'clock it is, Con?"

Albinia's words roused me from a dream. She was

crossing the room, and before me lay a black-edged sheet,
with the date written—nothing more. While, fading from the
foreground of my mind, was a vivid picture of a scene in a
certain small Bath dining-room—a scene nearly two years
old, called up by Albinia's utterances—a scene unknown to
any living person, except myself and one other. I had
forgotten Mrs. Romilly, forgotten my letter, forgotten the
need for haste.

For recollections of that scene are apt to involve me in a

train of questionings. They come up afresh now as I write.

Had I then known how soon the dear old aunt was to be
taken away, how short a time she would claim my care, I
think I should have come to a different decision. But I did
not know. There seemed no reason why she might not live
another ten or twenty years, always ill and helpless, always
dependent on me.

What I did, I did for the best, and under a compelling

sense of duty. At the moment I had no doubts, no feeling of
hesitation. My path seemed clear as daylight. He thought
me fearfully cold, and he was wounded and angry. Yet it
was for his sake—because I would not bind him to years of
waiting.

Was it quite needful—even as things then stood? Should

I have been wrong to let him see that my "No" was a "No"
of sheer duty, not of choice? Was there not at least the fault
of too impulsive action, too rapid decision,—of not delaying
to ask and wait for guidance?

"He that believeth shall not make haste." Those words

come to me sometimes with a sharp sense of pain. I did
believe, but did I act practically upon that belief? If I had
not made quite so much haste, I might at least have
worded my answer a little differently. And—I cannot be
sure, but sometimes I do wonder if he had not almost a
right to know that I was not so indifferent as I seemed.

After-regrets are worse than useless. They only unnerve

one for daily life. I feel that, yet I cannot always hold these
questionings in leash. They gain the mastery over me once
in a while, though to no purpose,—worse than none. For he
is gone out of reach. He will never know how things really
were. Communication between us is at an end,—utterly! He
said that he would take very good care never again to
trouble me with his unwelcome presence, and I—I let him
think it was unwelcome. I said nothing; and he went.

It was from thoughts such as these that Albinia's voice

aroused me to the consciousness of my unwritten letter.
She was going across the room, and had paused behind my
chair.

"No, I have not done," I answered quietly. "One

moment, please."

And I dashed off, in a rapid scrawl,—

"DEAR MRS. ROMILLY,—

"Yes, I will come—on the 25th inst. I am

afraid it will be only to disappoint your
expectations; but I cannot refuse. I will at least
do my best.

"This is in haste, to catch the next country

post. I want you to hear to-morrow morning. I
 will write again more fully in a day or two.—
Ever yours affectionately—

"CONSTANCE
CONWAY."

The letter went, and I was committed to the

undertaking.

Now, sitting alone by candle-light in my room,—mine no

longer after to-day,—with packed and half-packed trunks
around, I find myself doing what I have resolved not to do,
—turning back to that closed page of my history, and
conning it anew.

I doubt if there be any occupation more vain than

reading the past in the light of the present, and breaking
one's heart for the things which might have been,—if only
one had known! Except indeed that from the blunders of the
past, one may gain wisdom for the future.

God knew all the time! That is the one great comfort.
He knew—and cared—and guided. Not indeed with the
precise and explicit guidance, which would have come, if I
had expressly waited and looked out for His hand to point
the way. But He makes all things work together in the end
for the good of His loved ones,—yes, I do believe, even
their very blunders. A mother does not neglect to watch the
hasty steps of her most heedless little one; and I know that
my Father does not—did not—forget me.

Nor will He. And does not the little one learn from its
own stumbles to cling more to the mother's hand? I think
so.
 Still, I cannot help a feeling of loneliness to-night,—this
last night of shelter in my sister's home, before stepping
out into an untried and new world. One does crave at times
for somebody to come very close, knowing and
understanding all that one could say—or would not say.
People think me so matter-of-fact and sensible and
cheerful, and when they tell me what I am, of course I
assent. If I demurred, they would only count their own
opinion worth the most. But one cannot be always sensible
or always cheerful, and the thirst for human sympathy has
me in its grip this evening.

Yet is it not at such times that the human sympathy of

Christ our Lord comes home—or ought to come home—to
one? If not, the want is in us, not in Him—never in Him!

Now it is close upon midnight, and I must go to bed.

What sort of a home shall I be in, twenty-four hours hence?

CHAPTER IV.
RAILWAY IMAGININGS.

THE SAME.

February 25. Evening.

"SO you leave us—a—to-day, my dear Constance, and—

ahem—proceed to your new sphere of work. I am sure I
may say—a—that you carry with you our best wishes—my
wife's and mine, I should say."

N.B. * I have a great deal to write of first impressions in

my new home, but Craven's utterances come up irresistibly,
and insist on first attention.

* N. B.—nota bene

"Thanks," I replied. "It is quite a case of speeding the

parting guest."

Now this was unkind to Albinia. She never can

withstand her husband, but the gratification which beamed
from his rotund face was not reflected in hers. I thought her
even a little depressed in her apathetic way.

Craven showed no signs of being affected by my sharp

utterance, but drawled out his next inquiry, "I believe you—
a—start some time this morning—a—my dear Constance."

"The twelve o'clock train. Different lines don't fit in their

time-tables well," I said. "It is unkind to passengers. I shall
have two changes, and scant time for either."

"No doubt—a—if one train is missed, another runs

later," said Craven.

"No doubt," I answered. "But I don't particularly want

three or four hours' delay."

"I believe you—a—change trains at—a—at Hurst," said

Craven.

"That is my first change," I replied. "The second is at

Glynde Junction." But Craven was talking, not listening, so I
stopped.

"At Hurst,—yes. Just so,—yes. To be sure,—yes. No

doubt you will obtain lunch there,—yes, a very good plan.
You will write and inform Albinia soon—inform Albinia as to
your welfare—ahem. I may say that—a—I believe—a—that I
feel no doubt whatever you will do well—ahem—will do
excellently well in your new sphere. Yes, I may say—
excellently. You have acted hitherto an exemplary part in
the care of—a—your worthy relative,—looking for no
return."

This was quite true. Aunt Lavinia cared for me in

childish days, and I have cared for her in later years. It was
a matter of course that I should do so. She has depended
upon me entirely. But I have had no thought of reward. I
always knew that the greater part of her income consisted
of a life annuity. And it was my friends, not I, who were
disappointed when, after her death, it became known that
with the exception of one hundred pounds everything at her
disposal was left to Albinia, not to me.

"Looking for no return," repeated Craven, with an

unctuous little smack of approval peculiar to himself. "Yes, I
may say—looking for no return. One reward you have
doubtless, my dear little sister,—namely, the satisfactory
mandate of your own conscience, and ahem—and a very
respectable nest-egg of one hundred pounds, which you will
do well to allow to accumulate at—a—at compound interest.
The world now lies open to you, and an opportunity has at
last arrived—a—has, I may say, at last arrived—for the
exercise of your intellectual gifts. As I was about to remark,
you—a—you undoubtedly possess—"

"I seem to have heard all this before, Craven," I said,

glancing at the clock, which pointed to more than half-past
ten. Breakfast in the Smyth household is not inordinately
early.

"In a governess, my dear Constance," Craven said

slowly, helping himself to fish for the fourth time, "in a
governess—a—this fish is very much overboiled, Albinia,
very much indeed—a—in a governess, my dear Constance,
such impetuosity as yours is, I may say,—"

"Really! I thought I was particularly well adapted for

being a governess," I exclaimed.

"Is, I may say,—" pursued the imperturbable Craven,

"likely—a—to lead you into serious difficulties—ahem.
Remember, my dear sister,—you should—a—remember that
your office now is to guide—a—to instruct—a—the young.
More than this, you depend—ahem—entirely upon your own
exertions; and if—a—if, in a temporary fit of impetuosity,
you are led to throw up your situation, you—a—you find
yourself homeless—absolutely homeless, my dear
Constance."

"I understand," I said. "I shall not come to you for

shelter, Craven," and I stood up. "Will you kindly excuse
me, Albinia? It is getting late, and I have not done my
packing."

Albinia assented, not reluctantly; and I vanished. But I

felt very vexed with myself. After many resolutions to keep
calm and smooth to the end, here was I giving vent to
irritability, like a pettish school-girl. Apart from the wrong-
doing, what was the use? Craven would not understand.

As I turned the key of my travelling bag, Albinia glided

into the room.
 "The cab has come," she said. "It is rather early, and I
meant to send you in the carriage; but—"

"No need for excuses," I said. "You can't help things,

Albinia. I am only amazed that I could stoop to be angry
with him."

Pretty severe, this; but I do not think the words

touched Albinia. She said only, "I have brought you a little
packet of sandwiches."

"Thank you," I answered. "Craven's plan of luncheon at

Hurst is not quite feasible. I shall have just three minutes
there."

"You need not say anything about the sandwiches

downstairs," observed Albinia. Craven, with all his wealth, is
no "lover of hospitality."

Another hour, or less, and I found myself alone in a

second-class carriage, passing swiftly out of London, with
nearly two unoccupied hours lying ahead.

The train was not an express, and several stoppages

took place. Yet no one came into my compartment; and the
solitude was not unwelcome. Between the closed chapter of
my past life and the opening chapter of my future, this little
pause seemed well. I had a book with me, but I could not
read. There is something in the steady rush of a train which
always inclines me to steady thought; and I had so much to
think about.

It is odd to look back to one's previous imaginings of

people or things, and to compare those imaginings with the
realities.
 I can recall clearly now some of the pictures which
floated through my mind as I sat in the train. Probably they
would soon fade, if I did not jot them down while fresh.

There was Margaret, the second daughter, "my sweet

Maggie," as Mrs. Romilly calls her. I felt that I already knew
well this dear girl, just nineteen in age, and of a nature so
humble and winning that none could fail to love her. Mrs.
Romilly doubtless leans more upon the capable Nellie; but it
is around Maggie, her "tender, clinging Maggie," that I have
seen her heartstrings to be most closely twined. Poor gentle
Maggie! How I pitied the young girl yesterday, picturing her
left thus suddenly at the head of a large household. She
would indeed need all the help and advice that I might be
able to give. I longed for Maggie's sake to have had more
experience. She was not naturally a gifted manager like
Nellie,—so I had heard,—but had always depended on her
mother and elder sister.

Then there was Thyrza, some fourteen months younger

than Maggie—"that dear difficult Thyrza," she is termed by
her mother. I meant to win Thyrza in time, to gain her
confidence by slow degrees. But in the reserved and
brusque Thyrza, I could not look for so pleasant a return as
in the sweet and lovable Maggie. Unconsciously, perhaps, I
was a little prejudiced against Thyrza. Mrs. Romilly had so
often spoken of her with a sigh.

The twins, Nona and Elfleda came up next, aged sixteen

and a half. "My bright Nona," and "my lovely gipsy Elf!" Mrs.
Romilly has called them. I could see in imagination the fair
face of the one—"all sunshine, with such clouds of auburn
hair and such a complexion!"—and the brilliant merry eyes
of the little dark beauty. "Not very fond of study, either of
them, but able to do anything they liked,—so quick and
clever." Yes; Nona and Elfie could not fail to be favourites.
 And the two small children, Popsie and Pet; and their
young nursery governess, Miss Millington,—I had to be
friends with all. There was also the fifteen year old boy,
Denham, "my handsome son," Mrs. Romilly has styled him.
I thought he must be dearer to her than the elder son,
Eustace, which seemed curious. A mother usually clings
most to her firstborn. But I had heard little of Eustace
Romilly.

In addition to all these, there was Nellie Romilly's great

friend, Gladys Hepburn, living "just round the corner," and
closely interwoven with life in Glynde House, beside many
others with names more or less familiar. But among all
these figures, it was that of Margaret Romilly, "sweet
Maggie," which stood out with the most inviting
distinctness, forming the centre of my expectations. A
purely imaginary figure, of course. I pictured Maggie as a
girlish reproduction of my friend,—tall, slender, graceful,
with liquid loving brown eyes, and pensive winning smile.
Mrs. Romilly had shown me few photographs of her people.
She always said they were such failures.

The background in my mind to all these moving figures

was a fine country mansion, with extensive gardens and
something of park land. I can hardly tell how this idea grew
into existence; except that Mrs. Romilly has a way of writing
and speaking about "our place," which has perhaps misled
me. I am sure she does it with the utmost simplicity. It is
habit she has fallen into unconsciously.

Mr. Romilly overshadowed the whole. I had formed a

vivid idea of him. I knew him to be many years older than
Mrs. Romilly, and she has spoken of him always with true
wifely enthusiasm. My mental sketch of him was drawn
from recollections of things she has said. There could hardly
be such another man in the world. His face, his features, his
manners, his self-forgetfulness, his kindness, his
indulgence, his generosity,—all these have been painted
before me, till I could only feel that he must be a very
prince among men, and that to live under the same roof
with Mr. Romilly must be a priceless privilege. The only
marvel to my mind was that he had not gone abroad with
his wife. But doubtless a spirit of self-denial restrained him,
and he remained in England for the sake of his girls.

I found myself wondering next what manner of Church

and of clergyman I should find. Mrs. Romilly may have
described them to me, but I could recall no particulars. In
my quiet Bath life, I used to attend many week-day
Services in addition to those of Sunday. I found them a help
—nay, a positive necessity. But things would be different at
Glynde. That which had been a duty as well as a privilege in
Bath—a duty because I had the leisure to go, and no prior
home-claims to hinder me—might at Glynde cease to be a
duty, because of such other claims.

CHAPTER V.
A "PRICELESS PRIVILEGE" REALISED.

THE SAME—continued.

February 26. Early Morning.

 AFTER all, I might have procured my luncheon at Hurst
without difficulty: for I missed my train, and had a long
waiting time.

It passed, as such intervals do, and I found myself in a

crowded compartment on the way to Glynde Junction. This
second stage of my journey was a good deal occupied in
observation of fellow-passengers. None of them was in any
sense remarkable, but all human beings are more or less
worth studying.

After a while the compartment began to empty, and I at

the same time began to be aware that the train had lagged
a good fifteen minutes behind time. No pleasant discovery
this, since it probably meant the loss of the next train at
Glynde Junction, and another long delay.

One old lady remained alone at the farther end of the

carriage, nodding sleepily over a novel. A gentleman had
stepped in at the last station, and had taken the corner
opposite to me. While busily comparing watch and time-
table, I had not noticed him; but a little while before
reaching the Junction, I happened to glance up and met his
eyes.

Evidently he had been examining me: no doubt from

the same general interest in human beings to which I have
confessed. He did not snatch away his eyes in the alarmed
fashion of some people caught in the act, but met mine
frankly. He might be, I supposed, under thirty: a gentleman
every inch of him: in manner quiet, steadfast, entirely at his
ease, and free from the least suspicion of self-
consciousness. Mouth and chin were hidden by the brown
moustache and beard, and more of the same soft brown
hair receded in waves from the wide forehead. The eyes
were singular, large and gentle as a woman's, pale brown in
hue, with soft shading lashes, and set in hollowed-out
caves, which, together with the delicately outlined temples
and the slightness of the ungloved right hand, gave an
impression of not very robust health.

I read at once in his look the unspoken question—"Is

anything the matter?"

And my answer came involuntarily—

"I was wondering if there is any chance of my catching

the train to Glynde."

"At the Junction? Yes; a chance, but a poor one."

"That train does not wait for this?"

"It is not supposed to do so."

"Glynde is new ground to me," I observed. "A pretty

place, is it not?"

"There are a few pretty spots in the neighbourhood," he

answered; and he mentioned one or two by name,
describing briefly.

It is singular that I should have been drawn on to chat

with him. As a rule, I am very shy of railway acquaintances.
A woman, and especially a young woman, travelling alone,
can scarcely act with too much reticence. Somehow I was
disposed during those few minutes to make an exception in
favour of this particular fellow-traveller, recognising
instinctively a man whom one might trust. Not that such
instincts may be safely depended on.

Some remark made by him led to the question on my

part—
 "Can you tell me anything about the Church?"

He asked, "Which Church?"

"The nearest to Glynde House," I answered; and a slight

flash or lighting up of his face showed me that he was
acquainted with the Romillys.

"The Parish Church is a mile and a half distant," he said.

"There is a small Church or Chapel-of-ease not far from
Glynde House."

"What kind of Church Services?" I asked next, speaking

perhaps with a touch of wistfulness. I did not know it, till I
saw the reflection in his face. But indeed the burden of the
future and of my own incapacity was weighing on me
heavily.

He answered again by a question, "What kind would you

wish?"

"I should like—something helpful," I said.

A curious smile came into his face. "Is not the

'something helpful' always there?"

"Always!" I moved my head dissentingly.

"It ought to be."

"But things are so different in different Churches," I

urged. "One cannot find the same amount of help, for
instance, when the Services are dull and spiritless."

"Perhaps not the same amount," he said slowly. "But

sufficient for our need—always that!" After a moment's
thought, he went on—"We hear a good deal in our day
about Church privileges; and none can value such privileges
more highly than I do. Still, one ought not to forget that the
greater a man's privileges are, the greater must be his
responsibility."

"I suppose so," I said.

"Necessarily. It is an invariable rule—the more given,

the more required. If our spiritual advance does not keep
pace with the amount of our Church privileges, so much the
worse for us."

"Yet there cannot be advance without—" I began, and

stopped. For I knew I did not mean that.

"I must differ from you," he said courteously. "Some of

God's greatest saints on earth have been by no means the
most favoured with outward helps to devotion."

"But still—" I said.

"Still one craves such help. True; and the craving in

itself may not be wrong—is not wrong, I should rather say.
Though here, too, as with bodily needs, I believe one ought
to be content either to 'abound' or to 'suffer need,' as God
may appoint for us. Besides," he added, "that which is the
greatest help to one, is not always helpful to another. We
are differently constituted, and our needs differ. It is a
perplexing question sometimes. Our Church Services are
meant for the many. I am afraid some among us are,
perhaps, a little too much disposed to insist on providing for
the many that which only suits the needs of the few."

"And suppose," I said, "that the many insist on having

what is no help at all to the few, but only a hindrance?"

"It should not be a hindrance."