Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Abaadir Research
Abaadir Research
Abaadir Research
Proposal
By Abadair Nesradin
ID No /0215/14
May 2022
ii
ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
CR Conflict resolution
CT Conflict transformation
GTMCT Gumaa traditional mechanism of conflict transformation
Hr Harar
Hru Haramaya University
SD Sustainable development
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS iv
LIST OF TABLES v
ABSTRACT vi
1. INTRODUCTION 1
1.1. Background of the study 1
1.2. Statements of the Problem 2
1.3. Objectives of the Study 4
1.3.1. General Objective 4
1.3.2. Specific Objectives 5
1.4. Research Basic Questions 5
1.5. Significance of the Study 5
1.6. Limitations of the Study 6
1.7. Definitions of Key Terms 7
1.8. Organization of the Study 7
2. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE 8
2.1. Conceptual Definitions of conflict 8
2.2. Causes of Conflict 9
2.3. Indigenous Conflict Resolution 10
An Overview of Gumaa 11
3. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY 17
3.1. Description of the Study Area 17
Research Design 19
Research Methods 19
Sources of Data 19
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Primary sources of data 20
Secondary sources of data 20
Population, Sample Size, and Sampling Techniques 20
Population 20
Size and Sampling Techniques 20
Data Collection Instrument 20
Procedure of Data Collection 20
Method of Data Analysis 22
Ethical Considerations 23
TIME AND ACTIVITY PLAN 23
BUDGET PLAN 24
REFERENCE 27
APPENDICES 30
v
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1.Tentative Time Schedule of The study 24
Table 2.Budget for Data collection 25
Table 3.Transport Expense 25
Table 4.Stationary 26
Table 5.Miscellaneous Expense 26
Table 6.Cost Summary 26
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ABSTRACT
This study will about the process of Gumaa indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms in
Educational leadership and management Haromaya community of eastern hararghe zone
of Oromia region. It will attempt to describe the one common conflict between the Oromo
of the area experienced. It means conflict among the Oromo of the district. Conflict is a
natural and unavoidable part of human existence. So, these studies will describe
Contemporary Practices of Gumaa indigenous conflict resolution mechanism in and
around Gurawa district through focusing the following basic questions: What are the
sources of conflict and How the procedure of Gumaa and the important methods of Gumaa
conflict resolution mechanism practiced in Haromaya district, and also the role of
Damina, Bokku and women in Gumaa conflict resolution mechanism will get answerers.
The paradigm of this thesis will be interpretive paradigm. A design in interpretive research
will be qualitative research. Qualitative research methods will be used to understand the
complexity of Oromo cultural peace making and how this takes shape within the culture of
the Oromo custom. To collect the required honourable raw data from the participants of
the study, two data collecting tools will employee. These were; key informant interview and
focus group discussions. Therefore, these proposal planned to analyses the data through
cross check and/ triangulation of data will applies by converging different data sources in
order to obtain reliable data.
Keywords: Bokku, Clans, Damina, Gumaa
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1. INTRODUCTION
they were totally dependent on their own indigenous mechanisms like Jarsummaa, Siiqee,
Gumaa etc.
The Oromo people have their own varieties of customary practices. Among these practices
they have Gumaa indigenous conflict resolution mechanism which is more than helping
the people to resolve conflict and strengthening peaceful coexistence through restabilising
socio-economic process of life. Gumaa traditional approach mainly serve for conflict
resolution, restoration of socio-economic development and bringing sustainable peace. It
refers to blood price or compensation that follows homicide or serious bodily injuries
(Dejene 2007). Gumaa traditional methods of conflict resolution are closely bound with
socio-cultural and economic realities and of the lifestyles of the concerned communities.
They are rooted in the culture and history of the people and are in one way or another
unique to each community (Bukari, 2013). In the culture of Gurawa community of Oromo
there are many cultural ways that help to resolve conflict. Among these cultural practices,
Gumaa are playing an important role in resolving conflict and maintaining peace and
stability in the community by returning socio-economic development of the community.
This research proposal is aimed to study the process of Gumaa traditional conflict
resolution mechanisms of Gurawa community. In the Gumaa process of conflict resolution
mechanism, Damina (Abba-dhiga), serve the people as the head.
Basically, Oromo people for long years have developed their own unique political or
administrative, economic, social, and judicial systems. Conflicts among the Oromo have
been handled at the grass root levels by societies themselves by using several conflict
resolution mechanisms. Among a several indigenous mechanism of conflict resolution
Gumaa is a dominant unique in homicide conflict of Gurawa community.
The socio-economic conflicts like farm land boundaries, robbing/ thieves, female
abduction, grass lands for live stocks and conflicts which reached in the stage of suffering
including death are the most prevalent in the district in which the modern legal system or
court could not control it. These points display as Oromo community including Gurawa
society, have still an indigenous institutions and practices of dispute settlement. For some
minor disputes, local elders at the level of neighbourhood can act as mediators to reconcile
the parties in dispute. Like that, the other offences, especially heinous acts such as
homicide are deals with Gumaa. It’s not more suitable for a modern system of conflict
resolution as traditional conflict resolution like Gumaa on socio-economic development
and sustainable peace.
The community of Gurawa district practice several customary conflict resolution
mechanisms and Gumaa tradition in order to solve conflicts which have occurred in
societal life, and to address the causes of conflict and seek to build solidarity, peaceful and
good relationship within themselves and their neighbouring societies at large. So this
research is going to assess the role of Gumaa in traditional conflict resolution mechanisms
in solving the socio-economic and political conflicts among Gurawa community.
There are different thesis which conducted on the purposes of Gumaa and its processes in
traditional conflict resolution mechanism in Oromia. For instance in 2007 Dejene
Gemechu wrote about Conflict and Guma conflict resolution among Waliso Oromo of
eastern Mecha. Dejene gives high attention for the causes of conflict and describe a role of
Gumaa in conflict resolution without deeply ruminate the role of Abba-dhiga/Damina and
Bokku in conflict resolution process in his literature.
Moreover, in 2013 Tamene Keneni wrote literature on exploring Gumaa as an
indispensable psycho-social method of conflict resolution and justice administration.
4
Means he gives focus for social and psychological methods of conflict resolution and
bringing justice between antagonistic groups or individuals. Like Gamechu, Tamene
forgets / misses to mention about a role of Abba-dhiga, Bokku-kara and Bokku-warra and
about a role of women in Gumaa process of conflict resolution mechanism.
Addition to that different writers mentioned women role in conflict resolution and peace
making and also peace building, there is no more deep study which express about women’s
role on the Gumaa process of conflict resolution mechanism. For example Jamila Adem in
2014 wrote her MA thesis in Addis Ababa University on women and indigenous conflict
resolution institution in Oromia through in case of experience from siinqee of the wayyu
shaman Arsi Oromo in Adami Tullu Jiddo Kombolcha district of the Oromia Regional
State. Even if, Jemila raised a lot of issues on Women and conflict resolution, she missed a
role of women in process of Gumaa traditional conflict resolution mechanism.
Further, the former paper on Gumaa, did not attentive about the role of Gumaa in socio
economic development with peace. Additionally there is no pacifist study in and around
Garamulata area and role of Gumaa tradition conflict resolution mechanism in Gurawa
district here before. This is gap of previous research, which identified by investigator
through reading different thesis and paper on Gumaa serve as a researcher will study on
Gumaa to fulfil those gaps through concentrating the core of study with the role of women
in Gumaa traditional conflict resolution mechanism, and the role of Abba-dhiga(Damina)
and Bokku in the process of resolution.
Therefore, the study primary intention will be to fill these gaps and to increase the
understanding of how the Gumaa traditional conflict resolution mechanisms resolve the
conflicts and bring socio economic development with peace among the people of Gurawa
district. All in all, this study is an attempt to bridge these missing gaps.
most serious challenge. I was initially eager to cover various settlements inhabited by the
all Gurawa people for my study. However, the inaccessibility of the area, coupled with the
limitation of time made the study to be limited only to five sites, including the town of
Gurawa. Additionally, the study focused only on one parts of traditional conflict resolution
mechanism, but a more rich account would have been produced if the work were involved
other customary method of conflict resolution.
not always, occasionally being unhappy could lead a person to have a conflict with the
other/others as a matter of searching for self-desires (Bonta, 1996). Of course, it does not
totally mean that people’s idea or interests will never be compatible at all; and is always
end in an unhappy way. Indeed, people can come up with certain arrangements based on
their desire to understand one another by building a sense of tolerance in their minds (Ho-
won jeong, 2010).
Conflict is inherent in society, and thus crafting mechanisms to deal with needs a mutually
agreed upon platform. Sadly, the decline of traditional authority and its role in conflict
mediation has contributed to the proliferation of large-scale conflicts. Conflict is an
inevitable process of social life, a continuing reality of social existence (Cassandra, 2015).
In summary, the term refers to a situation where incompatible interests between persons,
groups, organizations or nations lead to a struggle between them. The notion of a clash of
interests presupposes something more than what is typically implied by such terms as
disagreement. This clash is an evidence of a gap in communication (Mustefa, 2018).
According Daniel (2016) conflict are inevitably normal, positive and even sometimes
necessary and useful for societal changes which causes as a factor of life and often
creative. In our day-to-day interaction with others, either observed or pass-through conflict,
which range from the very interpersonal quarrel, family and neighbours dispute, ethnic and
inter-state conflict to the global war (Ugwu, et al., 2015). To sum up, the definitions
confirmed that conflict is inevitable in human life. Indeed, difference in human being is
one of a social and natural incident, which ranks among all age in human life, which leads
to disagreement that results conflict (Cassandra, 2015).
indicated that there will be a probability of existent multiple causes of conflict, but most
people are often looking the subsidiary element of the causes of the conflict due to their
inability to see the much-hidden causes of the conflict (Meron, 2010). Various empirical
studies conducted by Asefa (2009); Tamene (2013) and Tirsit (2014) indicated that there
has been intermittent conflict among Ethiopian communities in general and Arsi Oromo in
particular. Their persistent causes of conflict mainly associated with killing for honor,
social status, sense of enmity, competition for scares resources such as grazing land and
water, marginalization, seeking social recognition and deliberate exploitation of some
political leaders. The same is true for the other area including Gurawa district because
Gurawa is a one part of Oromia.
and are embedded in the socio-political and economic setting of a given society (Ibid). For
many scholars, customary institutions of conflict resolution basically exist within a
particular cultural context and are unique to particular societies, and reactive to the justice
desires of societies (Mutisi, 2012). Oruwari (2006) also confirmed that since societies have
diverse cultures and historical experiences, the processes of conflict resolution mechanisms
that have been developed by various societies eventually are different. In terms of essence,
indigenous institutions of conflict resolution are not only about adjudication of who is right
or wrong and the punishment of offenders. In addition, they reconcile the conflicting
parties to avoid reoccurrence of conflict. In other words, these institutions are aimed at
transformation of conflict in which both parties are satisfied and ready to let go their pain
and forgive each other (Mutisi, 2012).
As Ethiopia is the oldest nation in Africa, indigenous conflict resolution institutions have
long-held roots. It was and still is many customary institutions of conflict resolution widely
practiced across the country (Tirsit, 2004). People peacefully obey to indigenous
institutions, leaders and elders than modern government system. Although many ethnic
groups of Ethiopia have their own distinct indigenous institutions of conflict resolution,
council of elders is a common institution in almost all communities in Ethiopia (Tirsit,
2004). From 86 ethnic groups in the country, the Oromo society is very rich and diverse in
culture, history and legal traditions. There are indigenous conflict resolutions that serve the
role of judicial activities in Oromo society. To mention some of them are Jaarsumma,
Guma, Galluu System, Siinqee, Ilaafiilaame, Harmahodha and Guddifacha. Oromo people
are one of the communities that use traditional ways of conflict resolution which they call
‘Jaarsumma’ (Miressa, 2018). These people have an extensive and very rich culture and
tradition which have been accumulated for centuries and have been handed down from
generation to generation as a source of pride of the people. The community elders’
conciliation (Jaarsummaa) as an informal method of conflict resolution whereby elders of
a given community willingly or upon the request of disputants, mediate parties through
Jaarsummaa, which has been used across all Oromo clans for centuries (Gonfa, 2014). In
the Oromo society, as it could be true in other societies as well elders have moral
12
responsibilities to resolve conflict and establish peace in their community. They are
supposed to resolve any kind of conflict that they may come across in their community
(Miressa 2018). As a review of related literature I tried to explain Gumaa indigenous
methods of conflict resolution as follows.
sheep is killed, A person's horse is killed, A female is raped. A person's home and furniture
is burned, there are specific punishments accordingly.
According to Dejene (2007:85), “Gumaa in other Oromo groups is a widely practiced
traditional way of resolving conflicts of homicide”. Tsega (2002:25) states ‘Gumaa refers
to the blood money that is paid to the slain family.’ Besides, these concepts, among the
Oromo in general and the Gurawa in particular, there were and still are indigenous
institutions and practices of dispute settlements. For instance, among Gurawa, for some
minor disputes, local elders at the level of neighbourhood can act as mediators to reconcile
the parties in dispute. “Serious cases which local elders have failed to solve or settle, and
which from their very nature, call for the involvement of supernatural beings, go to the
religious institution” (Knutsson, 1967: 110) cited in Dejene (2007: 86). Similarly, the issue
is transferred to knowledgeable elders called Hayyoota (plural form of Hayyuu). Hayyuu is
the one who covers a large area to resolve conflicts because of good knowledge of the
people’s norms and customary laws like the law of Gumaa and of other types of law. For
instance, some other offences, particularly heinous acts such as homicide, are dealt with
Gumaa through these Hayyoota (icluding Gadaa Leaders, legislators- etc.)
The Gurawa Oromo have been negotiating with the relatives of murderers and murdered
through this Gumaa tradition practices. Even nowadays, when the bureaucratic law is
functioning, the Gumaa has high value to settle disputes, especially when serious cases like
killing each other have happened.
Better understanding of gumaa may require some familiarity with the Gadaa system and
thus let me briefly introduce this first. The Gadaa system is a complex and holistic system
that permeates the political, social and economic aspects of the Oromo people’s lives. It is
a complex and comprehensive institution that the Oromo people have been inventing since
time immemorial to deal with the hurdles and intricacies of their communal lives (Jalata
2007). Sisay Asefa (2008:53) describes the Oromo and their Gadaa system as follows:
‘The Oromo have one of the most open and democratic cultures among Ethiopians. Their
system of African Democracy known as Gadaa is a well-known African indigenous
political system that governs social order, politics, as well as peaceful conflict resolution’.
14
In short, Gadaa is a unique social, cultural, political and economic institution of the Oromo
people and it permeates all aspects of their life. In addition to Asmarom Legesse’s seminal
work on this subject (Legesse 1973), there are a number of relatively recent works. Lemmu
Baissa (2004) gives a wonderful account of the Gadaa system. Daba S. Gedafa (2008)
provides a very interesting comparison of the Oromo’s Gadaa system and the Maasai’s
age-set system, and gives various definitions of the Gadaa system and the elements that
make it up. Since the space available does not allow for extensive discussion of the Gadaa
system, interested readers are referred to the above-mentioned sources.
What makes Gumaa unique, however – among the Oromo indigenous conflict resolution
methods is its pervasiveness across all locales of Oromia and among all tribes and clans of
the Oromo in different names, and its persistence to date, in spite of internal dynamics and
external pressures. Gumaa, as a miniature subset of the parent Gadaa system, is therefore
the focus of this article.
The word ‘Gumaa’, alone and in combination with other words, carries different meanings
in different parts of Oromia. For example, ‘warra-Gumaa’ means parties at blood feud;
‘Gumaa-baasuu’ means killing for revenge, ‘Gumaa-nyaachuu’ means receiving blood
price, ‘Gumaa’ means feud, and ‘Gumaa’ may also refer to a hunk of meat. But, the term
‘Gumaa’ in Gurawa Oromo is purification following homicide. So, contrary to Zeleke’s
understanding, it should be emphasized that the Oromo regard peace (nagaa) and
forgiveness (mucuca/dhiifama) as higher values than revenge and retaliation. This is
verified by the existence of numerous indigenous methods of conflict resolution, justice
administration and peace building among the Oromo.
Nagaa and mucuco/dhiifama are two very interrelated and interdependent themes that
pervade all aspects of the Oromo life. In fact, forgiving is a non-violent means to nagaa
(peace). Nagaa has a special place and value among the Oromo and it is expressed in
greetings, songs, prayers, proverbs, blessings, folklore, and public speeches. The place and
value of nagaa among the Oromo has been well described in the Oromo Studies
Association (OSA) Newsletter:
‘Peace is central to Oromo ritual and ceremonial activities, to administrative and legal
15
functions, to traditional religion, morality, and social life, and the conduct of politics. For
the Oromo, nagaa is an essential key to an orderly universe and societal well-being that
humans must pursue’ (Oromo Studies Association 2008:2).
It is vividly noticeable from the quote above that the Oromo’s world view of nagaa (peace)
transcends short-lived conflict management. Nagaa (peace) largely concerns an orderly
universe and societal well-being. Among the Oromo, an orderly universe and societal well-
being are prioritized over individual or personal well- being and interest. Therefore, the
ultimate goal of any type of nagaa is communal well-being in an orderly universe. In short,
for the Oromo there cannot be an orderly universe and societal well-being without nagaa
and thus nagaa is highly valued among them. Since nagaa is so valued among the Oromo
people, there are a numerous of mechanisms to restore nagaa when it is lost for whatever
reason. Gumaa is one of such many mechanisms for the restoration of peace.
Therefore, following the word ‘Gumaa’ is used here in its strictest sense to refer to the
institution of settling blood feuds between two persons, families, groups, clans,
communities, or even nations. In short, Gumaa is an indigenous institution of settling
blood feuds between parties (warra-dhiigaa).
Some scholars tend to view conflict resolution and peace building mechanisms drawn from
and grounded in African and other non-western cultures as traditional approaches vis-à-vis
those from the western cultures (Edossa et al. 2005; Etefa 2002; Gemechu 2002; Zeleke
2010). Although the very purpose of the usage of the adjective ‘traditional’ in such
literature is not clear, the mere existence of the adjective conveys the message that
indigenously developed approaches are inferior, or less effective, or non-scientific,
compared to western approaches. To avoid such unintentional disregard that the adjective
‘traditional’ may convey, I use the adjectives ‘endogenous’ and ‘indigenous’ instead of
‘traditional’, because Gumaa, as a vital model of conflict handling, justice administration
and peace building drawn from the cultural knowledge of the Oromo, has been able to
serve the very purpose for which it was meant since its inception and is as applicable
contemporarily as, or even more applicable than, models imported from western cultures in
addressing homicide in context.
16
It is endogenous because it is a wisdom that grew from within the Gurawa Oromo since
immemorial time, and it is indigenous because it is rooted in and has emerged from local
contexts, experiences, and practices.
In short, for the Oromo there cannot be an orderly universe and societal well-being without
peace and thus peace is highly valued among them. Since peace is so valued among the
Oromo people, there are various mechanisms to restore peace when it is lost for whatever
reason and sustain it. Gumaa is one of such many mechanisms for the restoration of peace.
Asaffa (2012) defines the core meaning of the word Gumaa as follows: Gumaa is a general
institution of settling blood feuds. It is an indigenous institution of settling blood feuds
between parties in conflict. Some scholars tend to view conflict resolution and peace-
building mechanisms drawn from and grounded in African and other non-western cultures
as traditional approaches comparing with those from the western cultures (Desalegn et al,
2005; Tsega, 2002; Dejene, 2007; Meron, 2010 cited in Teressa, 2016). In this study,
researcher used the term Gumaa both for blood compensation price for victimized body
and the whole process. Additionally in this research researcher will describe the all
participants of Gumaa traditional conflict transformation like women, Damina (Abba-
dhiga), Bokku-kara, and Bokku-dhiga and also even the area of Gumaa processes of
compensations will be discus. The other important issues which researcher will like to do
in this research is About the role of Gumaa in conflict resolution process deeply and also
will discuss about importance of Gumaa in socio-economic development of Gurawa
community. So that the objective this research is to fill a gap of previous research which
rose in the above overview of Gumaa and literature review as a whole.
17
Erer, Gobelle, and Chulul rivers, which extend for 167.5, 102.5, 92.5 and 87 kilometres,
respectively. (Tawil, 2016)
The population of Gurawa was mostly dominated by Oromo. Data on population size and
distribution of Gurawa people are not available for the district particularly before the 1984
national population and housing census. Even after that data for the present district of
Gurawa is difficult to delineate because of frequently change of boundaries .Gurawa was
an ‘’Awraja’’ within the districts of Bedeno, Kurfa Chale, Gola Oda, and Mayyu Muluqe
before 1992.It was then separated from the other districts and was labelled a district by
itself In 1992.After four years it was merged with the district of Mayyu Muluqe and
remained so until 2000. As a result, the earliest time for which data on population size can
be obtained was in 1994. (Sharef, 2016)
According to the 1994 national population and housing census reported a total for this
district was 179,213, of whom 91,958 were men and 87,255 women; 4,340 or 2.42% of its
population were urban dwellers at this time. This population size gave a crude density of
49 persons per square kilometre. The same census result indicated that 97.6% of the
populations were Oromo and the remaining 2% was shared among other ethnic groups.
97.5 % of the population reported that Afaan Oromo is their mother tongue. 97.3%
reported that they were Muslims while the remaining proportion was distributed among
other religious. (Aliyyi, 2019)
Genealogy of Gurawa Oromo was mostly dominated by Alaa Oromo of Afran qallo of
Bareentu Oromo. The Afran qallo Oromo which refers to the four descendents of Qallo,
who are: - Ala Oromo, Oborra Oromo, Babille Oromo and Daga Oromo. Ala Oromo got
12 sons. These are: – Abbayi, Kaakoo, Nunnu, Ere, Galaan, Diramuu, Gutayyuu, Buubuu,
Arrojji, Gollo, Abbadho, and Meettaa. Those Alaa Oromo, living west of the city of Harar
and the Erer River and also Alaa has settled on the vast land of Gara mulata vicinity area
in the course of expansion. However, oral tradition cannot trace back the exact time of their
settlements. (Sharef, 2016) Among the Alaa who dominated the Gurawa district area: -
Warra-Galaan, Warra-Nunnu, Warra-Ere, Warra-Goollo, and Warra-Abbayi are called
Shanan Gara mulata and other members of Alaa Oromo rarely. (Aliyyi, 2019)
19
The Oromo of Gurawa had practiced their own traditional religion before the coming of
and introduction of other religions. They believed on one waaqa, which is equivalent to the
English word God. However now a day’s most the Oromo of Gurawa are followers of
Islam and Christianity. The introduction of Christianity into Gurawa had a long history, but
unlike in the other party of the country. It was introduced during the territorial expansion of
menelik to eastern Ethiopia. In the history of Gurawa, orthodox Christianity was the oldest
one among the Christianity faith practiced in the district. (Sharef, 2016)
enables to have the critical and deeper understanding of the social phenomenon that is
often cared out in indigenous context. It also enables to dig the deep knowledge and skills
used by Gumaa indigenous conflict resolution mechanism. Lastly but not least, it is the
appropriate methodology used in peace and development study.
useful for the researcher in identifying normative issues, terms, perceptions, attitudes,
beliefs, interpretation, from a group of individuals (Russell, 2006).
This research has also employed (FGD) as an important means of data collection.
Conducting FGDs was important because informants showed disagreements on some
points during interviews. It was important that these disagreements were further discussed
through FGDs. Clan leaders (Damina) and Bokku were FGD participants owing to their
experience on issues of Gumaa traditional conflict resolution in the area.
Overall, researcher will have made five FGDs at different places with different people.
Researcher will have conduct FGD at Girawa city, Dogu sub city, Magaala dhiira sub
city, Lafto sub city and Oromitu sub city. Participants of focus group discussion were
selected through purposive sampling technique in cognizant to roles in the community,
participation in the Gumaa traditional conflict resolution mechanisms. That means
researcher will collect minimum five individual from a five dominant clan of Alaa Afran
Qallo in Gurawa district. Among Alaa who dominated the Gurawa district area: - Warra-
Galaan, Warra-Nunnu, Warra-Ere, Warra-Goollo, and Warra-Abbayi are called Shanan
Gara mulata.
Therefore, FGD will help the researcher to compare the result obtained from those group
discussions. It mainly helps generate additional information through discussions and the
focus group discussion participants reminding each other. Consequently, researcher will
use this method to gather diverse information on procedure of Gumaa indigenous conflict
resolution mechanisms.
After the data will be collect, the next step was analyzing and interpreting data through
different qualitative data analysis methods. The data analysis began after transcribing the
data into Afaan Oromo and translating of the data in to English language and attempts have
been made to keep the originality of the research. A researcher will analyses and
interpreted the data gathered through interviews and focus group discussions and also
researcher will examine the available documents from the concerned body in order to cross
check the data will be obtain through interviews and focus group discussions. Means
researcher identifies the primary data obtained through focus group discussions and key
informant interviews with the secondary data to maximize the reliability and validity of the
findings and to cross-check the data. All in all for this study, researcher will use a cross
check system of data analysis.
8. Writing research
5. BUDGET PLAN
Table 2.Budget for Data collection
Total 10500
Total 3200
Table 4.Stationary
Double 4A printing
1. Ream 4 300 1200
paper
Total
4200
price
1. Per-diem 10500
3. Stationary 4200
REFERENCE
Aliyyi, M. A Historical Survey of Gurawa city from 1936-2005. MA Thesis, Jimma
University. (2019).
Asafa, Jalata. Gadaa (Oromo Democracy): An Example of classical African Civilization,
The University of Tennessee, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.
Assefa, Abebe. Indigenous Mechanisms for the Prevention of Conflict the Experience of
the Oromo. in the Ethiopian Chapter of OSSREA, Addis Abab; Image Printing
Press. 2005.
Baissa, Lemmu. The Oromo Gada system of government: An indigenous African
democracy. In: Jalata, Asafa ed. State crises, globalisation and national movements
in northeast Africa, pp. 101–121. New York, Routledge. 2004.
Bassi, M. Enhancing equity in the relationship between projected areas and local
communities in the context of global change: Horn of Africa and Kenya. (2003).
http://www.iucn.org/themes/ceesp/Publications/TILCEPA/CCA-MBassi.pdf,
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Mutisi, Martha. “Policy and Practice Brief Knowledge for Durable Peace. The Abunzi
mediation in Rwanda: Opportunities for Engaging with Traditional Institutions Of
Conflict Resolution.” The African Center for the Contractive Resolution of Dispute
Durban: South Africa. 2011.
Olaoba, B. “The Traditional Approaches to Conflict Resolution in the South-West Zone of
Nigeria.” Nigerian Army Quarterly Journal, Vol. No.1, (2005): 22-37.
Oromo Studies Association. “Toward understanding and interpreting the Oromo concept of
peace.” A paper presented at a Workshop Organized by the Oromo Studies
Association, Blackburn Auditorium, Howard University, Washington, D.C. March
2008.
Sharef, B. History of Girawa Town from foundation to 1991. BA Thesis, Wallo University.
2016.
Tamene, Keneni. “Exploring Gumaa as an indispensable psycho-social method of conflict
resolution and justice administration." African Journal on Conflict Resolution,
Volume 13, Number 1, (2013): 37- 58.
Tawil, E. Historical Survey of Gurawa district from 1941-1991. BA Thesis, Jimma
University, 2016.
Trisit, Girshaw. Ethiopia’s Experience of working on Conflicts. workshop on Conflict
Prevention, Nazreth 16th – 20th of Dec 2002.
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APPENDICES
Fieldwork Research Guides Interview guideline for Gurawa informants
Introduction: the purpose of this interview is to gather information related to conflict and
Gumaa indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms. This interview guide is prepared to
MA(as a sample thesis on a given assignment of research seminal on peace and
development: in this descriptive study of Gumaa Indigenous Conflict Resolution
Mechanism of Gurawa community of eastern Hararghe, the data to be collected from this
interview will be used only for educational purpose. Your response will be kept
confidential. So, I kindly request you to participate in this study voluntarily. The quality of
this study depends on your genuine responses. Therefore, I would like to ask your consent
to record your voice through the tape recorder, because it is hard to list down all your
responses.
Occupation____________________ Religion__________________
Role in the community__________________________________
For how long you have been living in the area_____________________________
Place of interview____________________________
Time and duration of interview_____________________________
Background Information on the Nature and Causes of Conflict and issue of Guma
indigenous conflict transformation
1. What is conflict, and how do you understand it?
2. What are the major causes of conflict and the main reasons that trigger people in to
conflict in your specific locality and Gurawa as a whole?
3. How conflict can be resolved traditionally?
4. How Gumaa serve as mechanism of conflict transformation and who participated in
the practical processes or work activity of Gumaa
5. What is the role of Damina, Bokku and also women role in Gumaa indegineous
conflict transformation of Oromo?
6. What is the relation of development and peace and also what is the role of Gumaa
to bring socio economic developmental relation through Gumaa conflict resolution?...
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APPROVAL SHEET
HARAMAYA UNIVERSITY
Submitted by:
_______________ _____________ _________
Name of Student Signature Date
Approved by:
1. ___________________ _____________ _______
Name of Major Advisor Signature Date
2. __________________ ___________ _______
Name of Co-Advisor Signature Date
3. __________________ _________ _______
Name of Chairman Signature Date
4. _________________ ____________ _______
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