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Concrete Design, 8/E. George F.

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r _100.7/ _12.591°
8
7.· _,
I r
_12s9@260 5so
833
L =19.65 ft

1-1
Prob. 1-5
---- - -
- _,. - ----- -- --- -

M -
.
0.5(10)2 l
2(10) -
11 . 25 ft kIi DS
8 4
)c=9(8)(8)=32.f, in°
2
M = CZ
1.2sn-ms-321, 6./; (6i)

, _h.25n-kips(2if) _o3961er

3«a
(b) S = bh2 = 8(16}2 =341in_3. +b = M = 11.25(12) =0.396ksi (O.K.)
' 6 6 • ' S, 341

Prob. 1-6

f, =7.5/3000 = 411 psi =0.411ksi

(a) I.C. method: Z= 16 -202.67) = 10.67 in.
C = T = 0.5(0.411 )(8)(10) = 16.44 kips
=CT -T, _1644(10.67)_462n-kips
M,
e 12
(b) Flexure formula check:
s _1u6' »'
6
M=f,8, =0.411(427) = 175.5 in - kips =14.62 f-kips (0.K.)

1-2
Prob. 1-8
(a)f'= 4000 psi

; _s,Joo 2' 4 4el

II
r 1000
=0.474 ksi
4"
."! •

•-o4{4) T.

-L..L.
2e"
8.67 = 0.474 s'
= 0.255ksi
Force M Moment arm in. LC. i
0.5 =8.76 10.22+ 2/3 4.67 = 17.56 153.8 n.-kips
0. . 10.22 +4.67+2=16.89 344.6
10.22+4.67+42/3 4 = 12.33 39.7

Total :M. = 538 in-kips

0) _ 20)', 20(4)(6.675020'.,5(20)(5.33) =9840in.°
12 12
c = 8.67 in. (to tension side.)
y _0474(9840) _538in-kips (0.K.)
er 8.67

Prob. 1-9

p.A.

>I

f.'= 3500 psi; f, = 7.5,/3500 = 444 psi = 0.444 ksi

_My _20(6X3)+2@70403) _9.20in.: 320
x = 0.444( ) = 0.1544 ksi
' 4 20(6)+2(7)014) 9.20

1-3
(a
Force M Moment arm in. I.C. in.-kins
2 0. 3.20=3.46 7.20+ 2/3 3.20 =9.33 32.3
0.1 .53 7.20+3.20+3=13.40 248.3
0.5 . =17.40 7.20+3.20+42/3 6 =14.40 250.6
Total :M. = 531 in-kis

7 20 6 3
(b) I= 2( (14 )3) + 2(7)(14)(3.80)2 + ( ) + 6(20)(6.20)2 = 11,004 in.'

12 12

M• _ fJ _ 0.444(11,004) _ 531. k. (OK)

n- ps
9.20 I a z.

Prob. 1-10
--
f'=3000 psi +" + I rt

e
, 5/506@ _o1est - -- - 4.3%
-
1000 3.%4
LI

II

- 2Ay 1Z -le + 9
s4
= 2(4)(12)(6) + 4(20)(14)
--
2(4)(12) + 4(20)
=9.64 in.

3
2 4
I= 2(4(l2)3 )+2(4)(12)(3.64)2 + 0( ) +4(20)(4.36)2 = 4051in.4

12 12

(a) M• _ fJ _ 0.411(4051) _ 172.7 k

9.64 : mn-ups

(b) Beam weight _ (20)+204020145) = 0.1772 kip/ft

144

Beam weight moment _ 9.1772012) _319 f-kips =38.3in.- kips

8
'h_M,,-38.3=172.7-38.3 =134.4in -kips; p_434.4in- _3.73 kips
4 12 ft (12in/ft)
1-4
General notes at beginningofChapter 2 problem-set apply

Prob. 2-1
(a) 4#9, A,= 4.00 in
a_A _4.00(60 5 .88in
0.85f,b 0.85(3)016)

+0o«of {")
2
Mn= Asfy(d- a)=
2 12
= 42lft-kips
(b) 4#10, A,= 5.08 in?

a= 5.08(60) = 7.47 in.

0.85(3)(16)
so««of-")
M ==515ft-kips
12
% Increase: A: +27%;

(c) 4#9, A,= 4.00in, a= 5.88 in. (from part (a))

M =
+«a«of2s 9"")
2 501 ft-kips
12

% Increase: d: +16.7%; M,: +19%

(d) f'= 4000 psi

a 4(60) 4.41in.
+«co[a-"")
M n ==436ft-kips
0.85(4)(16) 12
% Increase: f': 33.3%; M,: 3.6%

Prob.2-2
e__5.88 _692in.
Check e for Prob. 2-1(a)
then, from a strain diagram:
002,] 4•
~,
0.85

€, 0.003
---
(24-6.92) 6.92
€, = 0.0074>€, = 0.00207

2-1
Prob. 2-3

(a) [4/40], 4#8, A,=3.16in, b= 13in.,d=24in. p 3.I° _00101

13(24)
4,%%=0.005(13)024) =1.56 in < 3.16 in? (0.K.)

(Table A-9) k = 0.3800 ksi and e > 0.005, :. ¢d= 0.90

M,- »et.99903029'(03800) 21n-ops

(b) [4/60], 4#8, A,=3.16in, b= 13in., d=24in. p 3.I° _00101

13(24)
4.,%ts=0.0033(13)024)=1.03 in < 3.16 in. (0.K.)

(Table A-10) k = 0.5520 ksi and e, > 0.005, :. ¢= 0.90

dM,
w»
=?f
w
_9.90(3)024)(0.5520) _310 R-kips
12
% Increase:f: +50%; M,: +45.5%

Prob. 2-4 [4/60]

,_240227 o649i
74
d= 32 - 1.5-0.375 - 1.27/2-0.649 = 28.8 in.

%_ 889 _00193, k=0.9609ksi, e, = 0.00449

16(28.8)

</> = 0.65 + (0.00449 - 0.002{ !

2 0
) = 0.858

dM, =6?_0.858(16)028.8(0.9609) _912R-kips

w» w 12

2.2
Prob, 2-5 [3/40], b = 20 in., d = 42 in., h = 45 in., L = 28 ft
Beam is adequate if ¢M, > M,

Beam weight 20(40.150) = 0.938kip/f

144

w,=1.2(0.938 + 2.20) + 1.6(3.60)= 9.53 kips/ft; , _9.53028) _93on-kips

8
(a) 6#10, A,= 7.62in, p_.76 _0.00907
20(42)
4,,%it=0.005(20)(42) = 4.20in. < 7.62 in? (0.K.)

(Table A-7) = 0.3380 ksi and e > 0.005, :. ¢= 0.90

0M,=i .9900202'(0330)_so4n -ips <939n -tips (N.G.

9 36
(b) . 2
6#11 . A ,=9 36 mn,
z
= 20(42)
· = 0.0111

4.%a= 4.20in <9.36 in (0.K.)

(Table A-7) k = 0.4053 ksi and e > 0.005, .'. ¢= 0.90

M, =i .990020(2(04059) _1o72n -ips >939n-ips (0.)

Prob. 2-7 [4/60] b= 12in., h=20in., 3#8 (4,= 2.37 in.)

Beam weight a2G200150) = 0.250k/

144
d=20-1.5-0.38 -0.50= 17.62 in; A,%%=0.0033(12)(17.62) = 0.700 in (0.K.)
p 2.31 00112; k=06056ksi, e, >0.005, ¢d=0.90
12(17.62)
,__90.90(12)017.62)(0.6056) _j69f -kips
w., 12
2
M,= [1.2(0.7+o.z5o:+1.6(2-5)](16) =164.5ft-kips <169ft-kips (O.K.)

23
Prob, 2.-8
[3/60] b= 16 in., h = 38 in., L = 26.5 ft simple span. Check moment adequacy.
Beam weight _I9G80150) = 0.633 kn
144
, [.20.80+0.633)+1.603.20)4.5 = 706 n -kips
8

(a) 5#9' A s = 5 · 00.m. 2 ' d = 3sm., p _5.00

16(35)
0.0089

4,%%=0.0033(16)(35)= 1.85 in? <5.00in (0OK.)

k =0.4781ksi, €, >0.005, ¢= 0.90

u_,_9900909(9482_7on-kips < 706n -6ms (NG)

co 6+. 4- 6ooh: a-344i. P- ~~Z,,,-ooos

4.,%ts=0.0033(16)(34.4) = 1.82 in <6.00in (0.K.)

k =0.5702 ksi, €, >0.005, ¢d= 0.90

u,_9990904.9'(05702) sosn-ip»> 706n -ps (0.)

Prob.2-9 [3/60] 3#10, A,= 3.81in, b= 14.5 in., h= 26 in. check moment adequacy.

d = 26 - 1.5-0.38 - 1.27/2 = 23.5 in.

Calculated beam weight= 0.393 k/ft
Max. M, from diag. = 304 f-kips

_381 00112
p 14.5(23.5)
4,, 4
o}
4.~.. = 0.0033(14.5)(23.5) =1.12 in. (kips)
k =0.5835, €, >0.005, ¢ = 0.90
M_ _9.90(14.5)(23.5)0.5835 _35on-kips >304n -kips (0.K)
12

2.4
Prob, 2-10 [4/60] 4#9, b = 14 in., h = 24 in., find max simple span L

d = 24-1.5 - 0.38-1.13/2 = 21.6 in.

Beam w. _ 14@20150) = 0.350 k/ft; _4.00 0.0132
144 14021.6
4.= 0.0033(14)021.6) = 1.00 in.
k =0.6998ksi, &, >0.005, ¢ = 0.90
, _9.90(14)021.6)0.6998_343 n-kips
w» 12

2 6 35 6 4 2 343 ft - k'IDS, ~Iron WI1Cl

h. h L = 28.5
M~ - [1. (0. 0 + 0. ) + l. (l. )]L , ft
8

Prob. 2-11 [3/60] One-way slab analysis. #7@6 in., A,=1.20 in/ft, h= 10 in., L= 16 ft

. 10(12)
Slab weight= - (0.150) = 0.125 k/ft;
144
r_ _[2(0.125)+1.6(0.600)116 _3s.5 n-kips
8

d = 10 - 0.75-0.875/2 = 8.81 in.; p = ~~~~l) = 0.0113

12
4,%ti= 0.0018(12)(8.81)= 0.19 in/ft (0.K.); i =0.5879ksi, e, >0.005, ¢ = 0.90
4M,_ _9.90(12)(8.81(0.5879) _ 41.4n-kips >35.5 n-kips (0.K.)
12

Prob. 2-12 [3/40] One-way slab analysis, h= 8 in., #8@6 in., A,= 1.58 in/ft, L= 12 ft

Slab weight920.150) = 0.100 k/ft;

144
d=8-0.75-1.00/2=6.75 in.; 4,%t=0.0020(12)(6.75)= 0.16 in/ft (0.K.)
_ 1.20 .0.0195, k=0.6608ksi, e, > 0.005, ¢ = 0.90
12(6.75)
y__0.90(12)(6.75)(0.6608) _57.1n-kips
w» 12
2 2
M = l.2(0. l00)(12) = 2 16 ft- k' M l.6wLLL 27 1 2 16 24 9 ft ki
0.L) 8 :· a1ps, 'at.L) g ·. -:. = : - <1ps
From which, wu = 0.865 k/ft = 865 psf

2.5
Prob. 2-13 [4/60] One-way slab w/ construction errors.

As designed: #7@11, A,= 0.65 in/ft, d= 8.5-1-0.875/2= 7.06 in.

4%,%%» =0.0018(12)(8.50)= 0.18 in.'/ (0.K.)
_.0.6° 00077; i=0.4306ksi, c, >0.005, ¢ = 0.90
12(7.06)
,__0.90(12)(7.06)(0.4306 _19.3 -kips
w % 12
As built: d = 8.5 - 3.5-0.875/2 = 4.56 in.
%_.0.6 .00119, =0.6391ksi, e, >0.005, ¢ = 0.90
12(4.56)
a,, _99002450'(06390)_.96n-kips (%Cage=-38%)

Prob. 2-14 Design. [3/60] M, = 133 ft-kips, b = 11% in., h= 23 in.

Est. d= 20 in., Assume ¢= 0.90.
Required =. 133012) 0.3855 ksi
0.90(11.5)(20)
Required p = 0.0070 (&, > 0.005, ¢= 0.90)
Required 4, = 0.007(11.5)(20) =1.61in., 4,~.=0.0033(11.5)(020) = 0.76 in (O.K.)
Select 3#7, one layer (4, = 1.80in., b,= 8.5in.)

Calculated d = 23-1.5-0.3g_9.87° _20.7in.>20in. (O.K.)

2

Prob. 2-15 Design. [4/60] M, = 400 ft-kips, b = 16 in., h= 28 in.

Est. d= 25 in., Assume ¢= 0.90.

Required • 400(2) 0.5333 1si
0.90(16)(25)
Required p = 0.0098 (c, > 0.005, ¢= 0.90)
Required A, = 0.0098(16)025) = 3.92in., 4,~= 0.0033(16)025) =1.32 in. (0.K.)
Select 4#9, one layer (4, = 4.00in.,b,~=12in.)
Calculated d =28-1.5-0.38' l3 = 25.6in.> 25 in. (O.K.)
2

2-6
Prob. 2-16 (Prob. 2-15 with incorrectly placed steel making d = 24 in.)
[4/60] M,,= 400 ft-kips, b = 16 in.,

d=24 in., Assume ¢= 0.90.

_4.00 0.0104
p 16(24)
4.. =0.0033(16)(24) =1.27 in.°
k =0.5667, ¢, >0.005, ¢ = 0.90

,,99009029'0.5661 so2n-ps<400n-ms (N.G.

Prob. 2-17 [4/60] L = 32 ft, b = 11 ½ in., h = 26 in.

Beam weight 'I.5(260 150) =0.312 kip/ft Assume ¢= 0.90
144
2
M = [1.2(0.85 + 0.312) + 1.6(1.0)](32) = 383 ft- kips
8
Estimated d = 23 in.

Required i .. 383012) =0.8394 ksi (c, > 0.005, ¢ = 0.90)

0.90(11.5)(23)

Required p = 0.0164
Required A, = 0.0164(11.5)(23) = 4.34in? 4,~= 0.0033(11.5)(23) = 0.87in.
Select 3#11 in one layer (4,= 4.68 in.', b,~i=11 in.)
Calculated d= 26-1.5 -0.38 - 1.41/2 = 23.4 in. > 23 in. (O.K.)
Check M:
p 4.68 _00174, k=0.8838 ksi, (e, > 0.005, ¢= 0.90)
11.5(23.4)

> 383 ft ki S
0.90(11.5)(23.4)2(0.8838) 417ft ki
<PM • • - DS (O.K.)
I Dp
12

Prob, 2-18 [5/60] L = 30 ft, b = 12 in., h = 27 in.

Beam weight I2020 _0338k/f
144
Estimated d = 24 in., assume </J = 0.90
r _[.2(0.338)+1.601.35)30_ 289 f-kips
8

2.7
Another random document with
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people at large, Mr. Gregg indicates by his statement of what
advantages they possess who have come to Graniteville.
“When they were first brought together, the seventy-nine
out of a hundred grown girls who could neither read nor
write were a by-word around the country; that reproach
has long since been removed. We have night, Sunday,
and week-day schools. Singing-masters, music-teachers,
writing-masters, and itinerant lecturers all find patronage
in Graniteville where the people can easily earn all the
necessaries of life, and are in the enjoyment of the usual
luxuries of country life.” * * *
“To get a steady supply of workmen, a population must be
collected which will regard themselves as a community;
and two essential elements are necessary to the building
up, moral growth, and stability of such a collection of
people, namely, a church and a school-house.” * * *
“I can safely say that it is only necessary to make
comfortable homes in order to procure families, that will
afford labourers of the best kind. A large manufacturing
establishment located anywhere in the State, away from a
town and in a healthy situation, will soon collect around it
a population who, however poor, with proper moral
restraints thrown around them, will soon develope all the
elements of good society. Self-respect and attachment to
the place will soon find their way into the minds of such,
while intelligence, morality, and well directed industry, will
not fail to acquire position.”
What the poor people of Edgefield, Barnwell, and Lexington districts
needed was, in the first place, to be led “to regard themselves as a
community;” for this purpose the nuclei of “a church and a
schoolhouse” are declared to be essential, to which must be added,
such other stimulants to improvement as “singing and writing
schools, itinerant lecturers,” etc., etc. In short, the power of
obtaining, as the result of their labour, “the necessaries of life,” “the
usual luxuries of country life,” or, in two words, which cover and
include church, school, music and lecture, as well as bread,
cleanliness, luxuries and necessities, “comfortable homes.” It was
simply by making possible to them what before had not been
possible, the essential conditions of a comfortable civilized home,
that Mr. Gregg was enabled in a few years to announce, as he did,
that, “from extreme poverty and want, they have become a thrifty,
happy, and contented people.”
The present system of American slavery, notwithstanding the
enormous advantages of wealth which the cotton monopoly is
supposed to offer, prevents the people at large from having
“comfortable homes,” in the sense intended by Mr. Gregg. For nine-
tenths of the citizens, comfortable homes, as the words would be
understood by the mass of citizens of the North and of England, as
well as by Mr. Gregg, are, under present arrangements, out of the
question.
Examine almost any rural district of the South, study its history, and
this will be as evident as it was to Mr. Gregg in the case of those to
which his attention was especially called. These, to be sure,
contained, probably, a large proportion of very poor soil. But how is it
in a district of entirely rich soil? Suppose it to be of twenty square
miles, with a population of six hundred, all told, and with an ordinarily
convenient access by river navigation to market. The whole of the
available cotton land in this case will probably be owned by three or
four men, and on these men the demand for cotton will have had, let
us suppose, its full effect. Their tillage land will be comparatively well
cultivated. Their houses will be comfortable, their furniture and their
food luxurious. They will, moreover, not only have secured the best
land on which to apply their labour, but the best brute force, the best
tools, and the best machinery for ginning and pressing, all
superintended by the best class of overseers. The cotton of each will
be shipped at the best season, perhaps all at once, on a boat, or by
trains expressly engaged at the lowest rates of freight. It will
everywhere receive special attention and care, because it forms
together a parcel of great value. The merchants will watch the
markets closely to get the best prices for it, and when sold the cash
returns to each proprietor will be enormously large. As the expenses
of raising and marketing cotton are in inverse ratio to the number of
hands employed, planters nearly always immediately reinvest their
surplus funds in slaves; and as there is a sufficient number of large
capitalists engaged in cotton-growing to make a strong competition
for the limited number of slaves which the breeding States can
supply, it is evident that the price of a slave will always be as high as
the product of his labour, under the best management, on the most
valuable land, and with every economical advantage which money
can procure, will warrant.
But suppose that there are in the district besides these three or four
large planters, their families and their slaves, a certain number of
whites who do not own slaves. The fact of their being non-
slaveholders is evidence that they are as yet without capital, in this
case one of two tendencies must soon be developed. Either being
stimulated by the high price of cotton they will grow industrious, will
accumulate capital and purchase slaves, and owning slaves will
require a larger amount of land upon which to work them than they
require for their own labour alone, thus being led to buy out one of
the other planters, or to move elsewhere themselves before they
have acquired an established improvement of character from their
prosperity; or, secondly, they will not purchase slaves, but either
expend currently for their own comfort, or hoard the results of their
labour. If they hoard they will acquire no increase of comfort or
improvement of character on account of the demand. If they spend
all their earnings, these will not be sufficient, however profitable their
cotton culture may be supposed, to purchase luxuries much superior
to those furnished to the slaves of the planters, because the local
demand, being limited to some fifty white families, in the whole
district of twenty square miles, is not enough to draw luxuries to the
neighbourhood, unless they are brought by special order, and at
great expense from the nearest shipping port. Nor is it possible for
such a small number of whites to maintain a church or a newspaper,
nor yet a school, unless it is one established by a planter, or two or
three planters, and really of a private and very expensive character.
Suppose, again, another district in which either the land is generally
less productive or the market less easy of access than in the last, or
that both is the case. The stimulus of the cotton demand is, of
course, proportionately lessened. In this case, equally with the last,
the richest soils, and those most convenient to the river or the
railroad, if there happens to be much choice in this respect, will
assuredly be possessed by the largest capitalists, that is, the largest
slaveholders, who may nevertheless be men of but moderate wealth
and limited information. If so, their standard of comfort will yet be
low, and their demand will consequently take effect very slowly in
increasing the means of comfort, and rendering facilities for
obtaining instruction more accessible to their neighbours. But
suppose, notwithstanding the disadvantages of the district in its
distance from market, that their sales of cotton, the sole export of the
district, are very profitable, and that the demand for cotton is
constantly increasing. A similar condition with regard to the chief
export of a free labour community would inevitably tend to foster the
intelligence and industry of a large number of people. It has this
effect with only a very limited number of the inhabitants of a
plantation district consisting in large part as they must of slaves.
These labourers may be driven to work harder, and may be
furnished with better tools for the purpose of increasing the value of
cotton which is to be exchanged for the luxuries which the planter is
learning to demand for himself, but it is for himself and for his family
alone that these luxuries will be demanded. The wages—or means
of demanding home comfort—of the workmen are not at all
influenced by the cotton demand: the effect, therefore, in enlarging
and cheapening the local supply of the means of home comfort will
be almost inappreciable, while the impulse generated in the planter’s
mind is almost wholly directed toward increasing the cotton crop
through the labour of his slaves alone. His demand upon the whites
of the district is not materially enlarged in any way. The slave
population of the district will be increased in number, and its labour
more energetically directed, and soon the planters will find the soil
they possess growing less productive from their increasing drafts
upon it. There is plenty of rich unoccupied land to be had for a dollar
an acre a few hundred miles to the West, still it is no trifling matter to
move all the stock, human, equine, and bovine, and all the
implements and machinery of a large plantation. Hence, at the same
time, perhaps, with an importation from Virginia of purchased slaves,
there will be an active demand among the slaveholders for all the
remaining land in the district on which cotton can be profitably
grown. Then sooner or later, and with a rapidity proportionate to the
effect of the cotton demand, the white population of the district
divides, one part, consisting of a few slaveholders, obtains
possession of all the valuable cotton land, and monopolizes for a few
white families all the advantages of the cotton demand. A second
part removes with its slaves, if it possess any, from the district, while
a third continues to occupy the sand hills, or sometimes perhaps
takes possession of the exhausted land which has been vacated by
the large planters, because they, with all their superior skill and
advantages of capital, could not cultivate it longer with profit.[56]
The population of the district, then, will consist of the large
landowners and slaveowners, who are now so few in number as to
be unnoticeable either as producers or consumers; of their slaves,
who are producers but not consumers (to any important extent), and
of this forlorn hope of poor whites, who are, in the eyes of the
commercial world, neither producers nor consumers. The
contemplation from a distance of their condition, is a part of the price
which is paid by those who hold slavery to be justifiable on the
ground that it maintains a race of gentlemen. Some occasionally
flinch for a moment, in observing it, and vainly urge that something
should be done to render it less appalling. Touching their ignorance,
for instance, said Governor Seabrooke of South Carolina,
addressing the Legislature of that State, years ago:—
“Education has been provided by the Legislature, but for
one class of the citizens of the State, which is the wealthy
class. For the middle and poorer classes of society it has
done nothing, since no organized system has been
adopted for that purpose. You have appropriated seventy-
five thousand dollars annually to free schools; but, under
the present mode of applying it, that liberality is really the
profusion of the prodigal, rather than the judicious
generosity which confers real benefit. The few who are
educated at public expense in those excellent and truly
 useful institutions, the Arsenal and Citadel Academies
[military schools], form almost the only exception to the
truth of this remark. Ten years ago, twenty thousand
adults, besides children, were unable to read or write, in
South Carolina. Has our free-school system dispelled any
of this ignorance? Are there not any reasonable fears to
be entertained that the number has increased since that
period?”
Since then, Governor Adams, in another message to the South
Carolina Legislature, vainly urging the appointment of a
superintendent of popular education, said:—
“Make, at least, this effort, and if it results in nothing—if, in
consequence of insurmountable difficulties in our
condition, no improvement can be made on the present
system, and the poor of the land are hopelessly doomed
to ignorance, poverty, and crime—you will, at least, feel
conscious of having done your duty, and the public anxiety
on the subject will be quieted.”
It is not unnatural that there should be some anxiety with at least that
portion of the public not accustomed to look at public affairs in the
large way of South Carolina legislators, when the travelling agent of
a religious tract society can read from his diary in a church in
Charleston, such a record as this:—
“Visited sixty families, numbering two hundred and twenty-
one souls over ten years of age; only twenty-three could
read, and seventeen write. Forty-one families destitute of
the Bible. Average of their going to church, once in seven
years. Several, between thirty and forty-five years old, had
heard but one or two sermons in their lives. Some grown-
up youths had never heard a sermon or prayer, until my
visit, and did not know of such a being as the Saviour; and
boys and girls, from ten to fifteen years old, did not know
who made them. All of one family rushed away when I
knelt to pray, to a neighbour’s, begging them to tell what I
 meant by it. Other families fell on their faces, instead of
kneeling.”[57]
The following is written by a gentleman, “whose name,” says the
editor of De Bow’s “Review,” “has long been illustrious for the
services he has rendered to the South.”
“All of you must be aware of the condition of the class of
people I allude to. What progress have they made in the
last hundred years, and what is to be their future
condition, unless some mode of employment be devised
to improve it? A noble race of people! reduced to a
condition but little above the wild Indian of the forest, or
the European gipsy, without education, and, in many
instances, unable to procure the food necessary to
develop the natural man. They seem to be the only class
of people in our State who are not disposed to emigrate to
other countries, while our wealthy and intelligent citizens
are leaving us by scores, taking with them the treasures
which have been accumulated by mercantile thrift, as well
as by the growth of cotton and the consequent exhaustion
of the soil.”
Says Governor Hammond, also of South Carolina, in an address
before the South Carolina Institute:—
“According to the best calculations which, in the absence
of statistic facts, can be made, it is believed that, of the
300,000 white inhabitants of South Carolina, there are not
less than 50,000, whose industry, such as it is, and
compensated as it is, is not, in the present condition of
things, and does not promise, hereafter, to be, adequate
to procure them, honestly, such a support as every white
person in this country is and feels himself entitled to.
“Some cannot be said to work at all. They obtain a
precarious subsistence by occasional jobs, by hunting, by
fishing, sometimes by plundering fields or folds, and, too
often, by what is, in its effects, far worse—trading with
slaves, and seducing them to plunder for their benefit.”
In another part of the same address, Governor Hammond says, that
“$18 or, at the most $19, will cover the whole necessary annual cost
of a full supply of wholesome and palatable food, purchased in the
market;” meaning, generally, in South Carolina. From a comparison
of these two extracts, it will be evident that $19 per annum is high
wages for the labour of one-sixth of all the white population of South
Carolina—and that one-sixth exclusive of the classes not obliged to
labour for their living.
South Carolina affords the fairest example of the tendency of the
Southern policy, because it is the oldest cotton State, and because
slavery has been longest and most strongly and completely
established there. But the same laws are seen in operation leading
to the same sure results everywhere. Some carefully compiled
statistics of the seaboard district of Georgia will be found in Appendix
(D), showing the comparative condition of the people in the rich sea-
island counties, and those in their rear, the latter consisting in large
proportion of poor or worn-out lands. I recapitulate here the more
exact of these statistics:—
Population.—A large majority of the whole white population resides
within the barren counties, of which the slave population is less than
one-fourteenth that of the aggregate slave population of the whole.
Wealth.—The personal estate of the whites of these upper counties
is, on an average, less than one-sixth that of the others.
Education.—As the wealthy are independent of public schools, the
means of education are scarcely more available for those who are
not rich in one than the other, the school-houses being, on an
average, ten and a half miles apart in the less populous, thirteen and
three-quarters miles apart in the more populous.
Religion.—It is widely otherwise as to churches. In the planting
counties, there is a house of worship for every twenty-nine white
families; in the poor white counties, one for every one hundred and
sixty-two white families. Notwithstanding the fact, that to
accommodate all, the latter should be six times as large, their
average value is less than one-tenth that of the others; the one being
eight hundred and ninety-eight dollars, the other eighty-nine dollars.
Commerce.—So wholly do the planters, in whose hands is the
wealth, depend on their factors for direct supplies from without, the
capital invested in trade, in the coast counties, is but thirty-seven and
a half cents to each inhabitant, and in the upper counties it is but one
dollar and fifty cents. From the remarks on temperance it would
seem that the most of this capital must be held in the form of
whiskey. One “store” in Liberty county, which I myself entered,
contained, so far as I could see, nothing but casks, demijohns,
decanters, a box of coffee, a case of tobacco, and some powder and
lead; and I believe that nine-tenths of the stock in trade referred to in
these statistics is of this character. It was mentioned to me by a
gentleman who had examined this district with a commercial
purpose, that, off the plantations, there was no money in the country
—almost literally, no money. The dealings even of the merchants or
tradesmen seemed to be entirely by barter. He believed there were
many full-grown men who had never seen so much as a dollar in
money in their lives.
The following is a graphic sketch by a native Georgian of the present
appearance of what was once the most productive cotton land of the
State:—
“The classic hut occupied a lovely spot, overshadowed by
majestic hickories, towering poplars, and strong-armed
oaks. The little plain on which it stood was terminated, at
the distance of about fifty feet from the door, by the brow
of a hill, which descended rather abruptly to a noble
spring, that gushed joyously forth from among the roots of
a stately beech, at its foot. The stream from this fountain
scarcely burst into view, before it hid itself in the dark
shade of a field of cane, which overspread the dale
through which it flowed, and marked its windings, until it
turned from sight, among vine-covered hills, at a distance
far beyond that to which the eye could have traced it,
without the help of its evergreen belt. A remark of the
captain’s, as we viewed this lovely country, will give the
reader my apology for the minuteness of the foregoing
description: ‘These lands,’ said he, ‘will never wear out.
 Where they lie level, they will be just as good, fifty years
hence, as they are now.’ Forty-two years afterwards, I
visited the spot on which he stood when he made the
remark. The sun poured his whole strength upon the bald
hill which once supported the sequestered school-house;
many a deep-washed gully met at a sickly bog, where had
gushed the limpid fountain; a dying willow rose from the
soil which had nourished the venerable beech; flocks
wandered among the dwarf pines, and cropped a scanty
meal from the vale where the rich cane had bowed and
rustled to every breeze, and all around was barren, dreary,
and cheerless.”[58]
I will quote from graver authority: Fenner’s Southern Medical
Reports:—
“The native soil of Middle Georgia is a rich argillaceous
loam, resting on a firm clay foundation. In some of the
richer counties, nearly all the lands have been cut down,
and appropriated to tillage; a large maximum of which
have been worn out, leaving a desolate picture for the
traveller to behold. Decaying tenements, red, old hills,
stripped of their native growth and virgin soil, and washed
into deep gullies, with here and there patches of Bermuda
grass and stunted pine shrubs, struggling for subsistence
on what was once one of the richest soils in America.”
Let us go on to Alabama, which was admitted as a State of the
Union only so long ago as 1818.
In an address before the Chunnenuggee Horticultural Society, by
Hon. C. C. Clay, Jr., reported by the author in De Bow’s “Review,”
December, 1815, I find the following passage. I need add not a word
to it to show how the political experiment of the Carolinas, and
Georgia, is being repeated to the same cursed result in young
Alabama. The author, it is fair to say, is devoted to the sustentation
of Slavery, and would not, for the world, be suspected of favouring
any scheme for arresting this havoc of wealth, further than by
chemical science:—
“I can show you, with sorrow, in the older portions of
Alabama, and in my native county of Madison, the sad
memorials of the artless and exhausting culture of cotton.
Our small planters, after taking the cream off their lands,
unable to restore them by rest, manures, or otherwise, are
going further west and south, in search of other virgin
lands, which they may and will despoil and impoverish in
like manner. Our wealthier planters, with greater means
and no more skill, are buying out their poorer neighbours,
extending their plantations, and adding to their slave force.
The wealthy few, who are able to live on smaller profits,
and to give their blasted fields some rest, are thus pushing
off the many, who are merely independent.
“Of the twenty millions of dollars annually realized from the
sales of the cotton crop of Alabama, nearly all not
expended in supporting the producers is reinvested in land
and negroes. Thus the white population has decreased,
and the slave increased, almost pari passu in several
counties of our State. In 1825, Madison county cast about
3,000 votes; now she cannot cast exceeding 2,300. In
traversing that county one will discover numerous farm-
houses, once the abode of industrious and intelligent
freemen, now occupied by slaves, or tenantless, deserted,
and dilapidated; he will observe fields, once fertile, now
unfenced, abandoned, and covered with those evil
harbingers—fox-tail and broom-sedge; he will see the
moss growing on the mouldering walls of once thrifty
villages: and will find ‘one only master grasps the whole
domain’ that once furnished happy homes for a dozen
white families. Indeed, a country in its infancy, where, fifty
years ago, scarce a forest tree had been felled by the axe
of the pioneer is already exhibiting the painful signs of
senility and decay apparent in Virginia and the Carolinas;
the freshness of its agricultural glory is gone; the vigour of
its youth is extinct, and the spirit of desolation seems
brooding over it.”
What inducement has capital in railroads or shops or books or tools
to move into districts like this, or which are to become like this? Why,
rather, I shall be asked, does it not withdraw more completely? Why
do not all, who are able, remove from a region so desolate? Why
was not its impoverishment more complete, more simultaneous?
How is it that any slaveholders yet remain? The “venerable Edmund
Ruffin,” president of the Virginia State Agricultural Society, shall
answer:[59]
“The causes are not all in action at once, and in equal
progress. The labours of exhausting culture, also, are
necessarily suspended as each of the cultivators’ fields is
successively worn out. And when tillage so ceases, and
any space is thus left at rest, nature immediately goes to
work to recruit and replace as much as possible of the
wasted fertility, until another destroyer, after many years,
shall return, again to waste, and in much shorter time than
before, the smaller stock of fertility so renewed. Thus the
whole territory, so scourged, is not destroyed at one
operation. But though these changes and partial
recoveries are continually, to some extent counteracting
the labours for destruction, still the latter work is in general
progress. It may require (as it did in my native region)
more than two hundred years, from the first settlement, to
reach the lowest degradation. But that final result is not
the less certainly to be produced by the continued action
of the causes.”
As to the extent to which the process is carried, Mr. Gregg says:[60]
“I think it would be within bounds to assume that the
planting capital withdrawn within that period [the last
twenty-five years] would, judiciously applied, have drained
every acre of swamp land in South Carolina, besides
resuscitating the old, worn-out land, and doubling the
crops—thus more than quadrupling the productive power
of the agriculture of the State.”
It would be consoling to hope that this planters’ capital in the new
region to which it is driven were used to better results. Does the
average condition of the people of western Louisiana and Texas, as I
have exhibited it to the reader in a former chapter, justify such a
hope? When we consider the form in which this capital exists, and
the change in the mode of its investment which is accomplished
when it is transferred from South Carolina, we perceive why it does
not.
If we are told that the value of one hundred thousand dollars has
been recently transferred from Massachusetts to a certain young
township of Illinois, we reasonably infer that the people of this
township will be considerably benefited thereby. We think what an
excellent saw mill and grist mill, what an assortment of wares, what a
good inn, what a good school, what fine breeding stock, what
excellent seeds and fruit trees, what superior machinery and
implements, they will be able to obtain there now; and we know that
some of these or other sources of profit, convenience, and comfort to
a neighbourhood, are almost certain to exist in all capital so
transferred. In the capital transferred from South Carolina, there is
no such virtue—none of consequence. In a hundred thousand
dollars of it there will not be found a single mill, nor a waggon load of
“store goods;” it will hardly introduce to the neighbourhood whither it
goes a single improvement, convenience, or comfort. At least ninety
thousand dollars of it will consist in slaves, and if their owners go
with them it is hard to see in what respect their real home comfort is
greater.
We must admit, it is true, that they are generally better satisfied, else
this transfer would not be so unremitting as it is. The motive is the
same at the North as at the South, the prospect of a better interest
from the capital, and if this did not exist it would not be transferred.
Let us suppose that, at starting, the ends of the capitalist are
obtained equally in both cases, that a sale of produce is made,
bringing in cash twenty thousand dollars; suppose that five thousand
dollars of this is used in each case for the home comfort of the
owners, and that as much immediate comfort is attainable with it in
the one case as in the other. What, then, is done with the fifteen
thousand dollars? At the South, it goes to pay for a farther transfer of
slaves purchased in the East, a trifle also for new tools. At the North,
nearly all of it will go to improvement of machinery of some kind,
machinery of transfer or trade, if not of manufacture, to the
improvement of the productive value of whatever the original capital
had been invested in, much of it to the remuneration of talent, which
is thus enabled to be employed for the benefit of many people other
than these capitalists—for the home comfort of many people. If five
thousand dollars purchased no more comfort in the one case than
the other, at starting, in a few years it will purchase double as much.
For the fifteen thousand dollars which has gone East in the one case
to pay for more labour, will, in the other, have procured good roads
and cheap transportation of comforts, or shops and machinery, and
thus the cheap manufacture of comforts on the spot where they are
demanded. But they who sell the reinforcement of slaves, and to
whom comes the fifteen thousand dollars, do they have no increase
of home comfort? Taking into consideration the gradual destruction
of all the elements of home comfort which the rearing and holding of
those slaves has occasioned in the district from which they are sold,
it may be doubtful if, in the end, they do. Whither, then, does this
capital go? The money comes to the country from those who buy
cotton, and somebody must have a benefit of it. Who? Every one at
the South says, when you ask this, it is the Northern merchant, who,
in the end, gets it into his own hands, and it is only him and his
whom it benefits. Mr. Gregg apparently believes this. He says, after
the sentence last quoted from him, describing the transfer of capital
to the West from South Carolina:—
“But this is not all. Let us look for a moment at the course
of things among our mercantile classes. We shall not have
to go much further back than twenty-five years to count up
twenty-five millions of capital accumulated in Charleston,
and which has left us with its enterprising owners, who
have principally located in northern cities. This sum would
build factories enough to spin and weave every pound of
cotton made in the State, besides making railroads to
intersect every portion of the up-country, giving business
facilities to the remotest points.”
How comes this capital, the return made by the world for the cotton
of the South, to be so largely in the hands of Northern men? The true
answer is, that what these get is simply their fair commercial
remuneration for the trouble of transporting cotton, transporting
money, transporting the total amount of home comfort, little as it is,
which the South gets for its cotton, from one part of the country to
the other (chiefly cotton to the coast, and goods returned instead of
money from the coast to the plantations), and for the enormous risks
and advances of capital which are required in dealing with the South.
Is this service over paid? If so, why do not the planters transfer
capital and energy to it from the plantations? It is not so. Dispersed
and costly labour makes the cost of trade or transfer enormous (as it
does the cost of cotton producing). It is only when this wealth is
transferred to the Free States or to Europe that it gives great results
to human comfort and becomes of great value. The South, as a
whole, has at present no advantage from cotton, even planters but
little. The chief result of the demand for it, as far as they are
concerned, is to give a fictitious value to slaves.
Throughout the South-west I found men, who either told me
themselves, or of whom it was said by others, that they settled where
I found them, ten or fifteen years ago, with scarcely any property
beyond half a dozen negroes, who were then indeed heavily in debt,
but who were now quite rich men, having from twenty to fifty
negroes. Nor is this at all surprising, when it is considered that cotton
costs nothing but labour, the value of the land, however rich, being
too inconsiderable to be taken into account, and that the price of
cotton has doubled in ten years. But in what else beside negroes
were these rich men better off than when they called themselves
poor? Their real comfort, unless in the sense of security against
extreme want, or immunity from the necessity of personal labour to
sustain life, could scarcely have been increased in the least. There
was, at any rate, the same bacon and corn, the same slough of a
waggon channel through the forest, the same bare walls in their
dwellings, the same absence of taste and art and literature, the
same distance from schools and churches and educated advisers,
and—on account of the distance of tolerable mechanics, and the
difficulty of moving without destruction, through such a rough
country, anything elaborate or finely finished—the same make-shift
furniture. There were, to be sure, ploughs and hoes, and gins and
presses, and there were scores of very “likely negroes.” Whoever
sold such of these negroes as had been bought must have been the
richer, it will be said. But let us see.
The following picture of the condition of Virginia, the great breeding
ground of slaves, is drawn by the last governor of that State, Henry
A. Wise. It was addressed to a Virginia audience, who testified to its
truthfulness.
“You have had no commerce, no mining, no manufactures.
“You have relied alone on the single power of agriculture—
and such agriculture! Your sedge-patches outshine the
sun. Your inattention to your only source of wealth has
scared the very bosom of mother earth. Instead of having
to feed cattle on a thousand hills, you have had to chase
the stump-tailed steer through the sedge-patches to
procure a tough beef-steak.
“The present condition of things has existed too long in
Virginia. The landlord has skinned the tenant, and the
tenant has skinned the land, until all have grown poor
together. I have heard a story—I will not locate it here or
there—about the condition of the prosperity of our
agriculture. I was told by a gentleman in Washington, not
long ago, that he was travelling in a county not a hundred
miles from this place, and overtook one of our citizens on
horseback, with, perhaps, a bag of hay for a saddle,
without stirrups, and the leading line for a bridle, and he
said: ‘Stranger, whose house is that?’ ‘It is mine,’ was the
reply. They came to another. ‘Whose house is that?’ ‘Mine,
too, stranger.’ To a third: ‘And whose house is that?’
‘That’s mine, too, stranger; but don’t suppose that I’m so
darned poor as to own all the land about here.’”
But more to the purpose is the following statement of “the venerable
Edmund Ruffin,” President of the Virginia Agricultural Society.
 “A gang of slaves on a farm will increase to four times their
original number in thirty or forty years. If a farmer is only
able to feed and maintain his slaves, their increase in
value may double the whole of his capital originally
invested in farming before he closes the term of an
ordinary life. But few farms are able to support this
increasing expense, and also furnish the necessary
supplies to the family of the owner; whence very many
owners of large estates, in lands and negroes, are
throughout their lives too poor to enjoy the comforts of life,
or to incur the expenses necessary to improve their
unprofitable farming. A man so situated may be said to be
a slave to his own slaves. If the owner is industrious and
frugal, he may be able to support the increasing numbers
of his slaves, and to bequeath them undiminished to his
children. But the income of few persons increases as fast
as their slaves, and, if not, the consequence must be that
some of them will be sold, that the others may be
supported, and the sale of more is perhaps afterwards
compelled to pay debts incurred in striving to put off that
dreaded alternative. The slave at first almost starves his
master, and at last is eaten by him—at least, he is
exchanged for his value in food.”
A large proportion of the negroes sold to these South-western
planters, then, had probably been bought by traders at forced sales
in the older States, sales forced by merchants who had supplied the
previous owners of the negroes, and who had given them credit, not
on account of the productive value of their property as then situated,
but in view of its cash value for sale, that is, of the value which it
would realize when applied to cotton on the new soils of the South-
west.
The planters of the South-west are then, in fact, supplying the deficit
of Eastern production, taking their pay almost entirely in negroes.
The free West fills the deficit of the free Eastern cereal production,
but takes its pay in the manufactured goods, the fish, the oil, the
butter, and the importations of the free East.
Virginia planters owning twenty to forty slaves, and nominally worth
as many thousand dollars, often seem to live generously; but
according to Northern standards, I do not think that the comforts and
advantages for a rationally happy life, which they possess, compare
with those of the average of Northern farmers of half that wealth.
When they do, they must be either supplying slaves for the new
cotton fields or living on credit—credit based on an anticipation of
supplying that market.
Of course it cannot be maintained that no one, while living at the
South, is actually richer from the effects of the cotton demand. There
are a great many very wealthy men at the South, and of planters, as
well as land dealers, negro dealers, and general merchants, but,
except in or near those towns which are, practically, colonies of free
labour, having constant direct communication and intimate
relationship with free countries, the wealth of these more fortunate
people secures to them but a small proportion of the advantages
which belong to the same nominal wealth anywhere in the Free
States, while their number is so small that they must be held of no
account at all in estimating the condition of the people, when it is
compared with the number of those who are exceedingly destitute,
and at whose expense, quite as much as at the expense of their
slaves, the wealth of the richer class has been accumulated.
This cannot be rightly deemed extravagant or unjust language. I
should not use it if I did not feel satisfied that it was warranted, not
only by my own personal observations, but by the testimony of
persons whose regard for the pride of the South, whose sympathy
with wealthy planters, and whose disposition not to underrate the
good results of slavery, if not more sincere than mine, is more certain
not to be doubted. I quote, for instance, a single passage from the
observations of Mr. Russell, an English gentleman, who, travelling
with a special view of studying the agricultural condition and
prospects of the country, was, nevertheless, so much limited in time
that he was obliged to trust in a great degree to the observations of
planters for his facts.
“In travelling through a fertile district in any of the Southern
States, the appearance of things forms a great contrast to
 that in similar districts in the Free States. During two days’
sail on the Alabama river from Mobile to Montgomery, I did
not see so many houses standing together in any one spot
as could be dignified with the appellation of village:[61] but
I may possibly have passed some at night. There were
many places where cotton was shipped and provisions
were landed, still there were no signs of enterprise to
indicate that we were in the heart of a rich cotton region.
* * * The planters supply themselves directly through
agents in the large towns, and comparatively little of the
money drawn for the cotton crop is spent in the Southern
States. Many of the planters spend their incomes by
travelling with their families in the Northern States or in
Europe during the summer, and a large sum is required to
pay the hog-raiser in Ohio, the mule-breeder in Kentucky,
and, above all, the Northern capitalists who have vast
sums of money on mortgage over the estates. Dr. Cloud,
the editor of the Cotton Plant [Alabama], assured me that
after all these items are paid out of the money received for
the whole cotton crop and sugar crops of the South, there
did not remain one-fourth part of it to be spent in the
Southern States. Hence, the Slave States soon obtain a
comparatively stationary condition, and, further, the
progress they make is in proportion to the increase of
freemen, whose labour is rendered comparatively
unproductive, seeing that the most fertile land is occupied
by slaveholders.”[62]
I questioned the agent of a large land speculation in Mississippi, a
Southerner by birth, with regard to the success of small farmers. In
reply he made the following statement, allowing me to take notes of
it, understanding they were for publication:—
“The majority of our purchasers have been men without
capital. To such we usually sell one hundred and sixty
acres of land, at from two to three dollars an acre, the
agreement being to pay in one, two, and three years, with
six per cent. interest. It is very rare that the payments are
made when due, and much the largest proportion of this
class fail even to pay their interest punctually. Many fail
altogether, and quit their farms in about ten years. When
crops are generally good, and planters in the same
neighbourhood make seven bales to a hand, poor people
will not make over two bales, with their whole family. There
is —— ——, in —— county, for instance. We sold him one
hundred and sixty acres of land in 1843. He has a family
of good-sized boys—young men now. For ten years he
was never able to pay his interest. He sold from two to
four bales a year, but he did not get much for it, and after
taking out the cost of bagging and rope, and ginning and
pressing, he scarcely ever had two hundred dollars a year
coming to him, of which he had to pay his store bills,
chiefly for coffee and molasses, sometimes a little clothing
—some years none at all. They made their own cloth
mostly in the house, but bought sheeting sometimes. He
has made one payment on the principal, from a sale of
hogs. Almost the only poor people who have kept up to
their agreement have been some near ——, since the
cotton factory was started there. It is wonderful what a
difference that has made, though it’s but a picayune affair.
People who have no negroes in this country generally
raise corn enough to bread them through the year, and
have hogs enough ranging in the swamps to supply them
with bacon. They do not often buy anything except coffee
and molasses and tobacco. They are not generally
drunkards, but the men will spend all the money they may
have and get gloriously drunk once or twice a year, at
elections or at court time, when they go to the county
town. I think that two bales of cotton a year is as much as
is generally made by people who do not own negroes.
They are doing well if they net over fifty dollars a year from
their labour, besides supplying themselves with corn. A
real smart man, who tends his crop well, and who knows
how it ought to be managed, can make five bales, almost
always. Five bales are worth two hundred and fifty dollars,