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‭“Finding one’s place”‬

‭ eaches us that St. Paul aims to develop among students act skills. In this Episcopalian‬
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‭school, we can suppose that these possibilities of development are linked to the‬
‭characteristics of the faculty and staff members. However, Khan restricts himself to consider‬
‭that St. Paul adults “instil in elite students their importance of their lives and their‬
‭worthiness” (p. 65) without paying a real attention to the religious, social, racial and gender‬
‭properties of these different people.‬

‭ tudents learn the importance of their own hard work and talents to success. They also learn‬
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‭to embrace the principles of the open society. However, they do not learn that such an open‬

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‭society means equality. Far from it: students learn that the enduring characteristic of all social‬
‭relations is hierarchy. Inequality is fundamental. Within the open society there are those on‬

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‭the top and those at the bottom. Yet such positions are not ascribed through inheritance,‬
‭instead they are achieved through talent and work. Finding one’s place at St. Paul’s means‬
‭learning the relentlessness of hierarchical relations, but with a twist: this hierarchy is not like‬
‭that of old where ceilings limit how far up you can climb. Instead students learn the‬

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‭importance of treating hierarchical relations like ladders that allow for advancement.‬

‭Arrogance of Entitlement- ascriptive (based on birth) politics i.e. wealth and caste‬
‭v.‬
‭Ease of Privilege- internalisation of experiences (beliefs and habits)‬
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‭1.‬ E ‭ thnography- qualitative research method- participative observations: account of‬
‭adolescents.‬
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‭2.‬ ‭Ideas give legitimacy to power relations.‬


‭3.‬ ‭How are the students legitimising the existing power relations?‬
‭4.‬ ‭Making arguments about the American elites- channelising experiences and‬
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‭portraying something. “Privilege is about negotiating”. Elements:‬


‭a.‬ ‭Hierarchies are natural, can be climbed, are a part of the larger order of thing,‬
‭you can negotiate hierarchies, can be used like ladders‬
‭b.‬ ‭Students are taught to value their experiences‬
‭c.‬ ‭Ease of privilege (interacting with different hierarchies is acquired/ learnt)‬
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‭5.‬ ‭Sites of hierarchy: couch (faculty and ryan sitting on couch which is meant by senior‬
‭students by their own transgression), chapel‬
‭6.‬ ‭Knowing one’s place (bringing external entitlements) EVANS & Finding One’s place‬
‭(experiences and focusing on reality rather than looking at background)‬
‭7.‬ ‭EMILY “But life here is tough. And this place, this was a goal for me. I mean, I‬
‭would walk by every day and see seniors sitting here”.‬
‭8.‬ ‭Emily and Stan both appeal to their own capacity: Emily finds that she “can do it”;‬
‭Stan, despite the lack of evidence, notes that he can achieve tasks he sets himself to in‬
‭a way that not everyone can.‬
‭9.‬ ‭Evan Williams: show off about school; sister is an alumni‬
‭10.‬‭Jessica; spoke about Gretchen‬
‭11.‬‭Meritocratic language: Students insisted that the only valuable knowledge was‬
‭corporeal—inscribed on oneself by the experience of living at St. Paul’s.‬
‭12.‬‭CINDY importance of hardwork, achievement.‬
‭13.‬‭Cultural capital: generations in families have wealth and education : can get it from‬
‭social groups or acquire it (going to a good college). Networks you create also form a‬
‭cultural capital.‬
‭14.‬‭‘HABITUS’: Aspects of privilege are inculcated through interactions. (interactive and‬
‭corporeal state)‬
‭15.‬‭Gendered nature of the caregiving staff- gretchen.‬
‭16.‬‭Bad luck, lack of opportunities or by choice/ cultural capital is the staff doing dead‬
‭end jobs according to the students‬

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‭17.‬‭Faculty +students live on campus. Staff lives outside. Metaphorical.‬
‭18.‬‭Individualise inequalities with different experiences- Mason (big guy) & Steven (Milk‬

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‭Gnome). Durability of inequality is obscured. Structural inequalities chalked up‬
‭19.‬‭Faculty student relationship can described to be mildly intimate‬
‭20.‬‭Pg 67 david newman faculty interacts with a student‬

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‭21.‬‭Nelson Aldrich- example of climbing hierarchy- recalls dead poet society‬
‭22.‬‭Some students might find it difficult to climb up- matthew courtney (sweet kid),‬
‭underprivileged family, excelled in studies, school is a place of opportunity‬
‭23.‬‭Comparison between Chase Abbott and matthew‬
‭24.‬‭Important to make connections in the elite for future “I found that it was the wealthy‬
‭students who worked much harder to argue with me about the importance of their‬
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‭relationships with staff members and the depth and shared quality of the connection.‬
‭Wealthy students, it seemed, were intentionally developing the capacity to interact‬
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‭with those “below” them.”‬


‭25.‬‭Ease of privilege- comfortable negotiating‬
‭26.‬‭Matthew and Devin fail to create intimacy & dense relationships.‬
‭27.‬‭Not valid for south asian context or maybe non elite schools‬
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‭28.‬‭When does a student find its place- continuum between presumption & reverence-‬
‭George knew boundaries‬
‭29.‬‭Ease is the signature emotion of finding one's place “They literally must know what‬
‭the various postures feel like and internalise the many different poses necessary to‬
‭succeed in the myriad di- mensions of an elite existence.‬
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‭Terry Eagleton on ideology Hierarchy is not oppressive it works for everyone:‬


‭1.‬ ‭Terry Eagleton argues that ideology is what exists at the intersection of ideas/‬
‭knowledge with power.‬
‭2.‬ ‭There can be two different kinds of intersections:‬
‭3.‬ ‭a. In every society, there are ideas that support existing power relations and make‬
‭them appear to be legitimate, acceptable wand good for everyone,‬
‭4.‬ ‭For instance, Aristotle (384 BC - 322 BC) wrote that some people are born to be‬
‭slaves, and that to allow them to be free was something contrary to their nature, and‬
‭hence an injustice to them.‬
‭5.‬ T ‭ here can also be ideas that challenge existing power relations, expose them as unfair‬
‭and point to the need for social change.‬
‭6.‬ ‭For example, Immanuel Kant (1724- |804) wrote that all human beings have an innate‬
‭capacity for reason and, therefore, have equal moral worth and deserve equal respect.‬

‭CLASS ANALYSIS‬
‭ urpose of the book‬
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‭Substantive topics: from friendship patterns and class mobility to housework and‬
‭class consciousness, unification of these topics- class (common explanatory factor)‬

‭ .‬ E
1 ‭ xplore the relationship between class and all sorts of social phenomena.‬

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‭2.‬ ‭Based on‬‭the conviction that‬‭class is a pervasive‬‭social cause‬‭and thus it is worth exploring‬
‭its ramifications for many social phenomena‬‭, but not‬‭that it is universally the most‬

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‭important.‬
‭3.‬ ‭The most elaborate and‬‭systematic theoretical framework‬‭for class analysis is found in the‬
‭Marxist tradition‬‭. (EXPLOITATION IS A FEATURE OF CAPITALISM‬‭AND THE‬
‭BY-PRODUCT)‬

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‭a.‬ ‭The aphorism‬‭“class struggle is the motor of history”‬‭captures this idea.‬
‭b.‬ ‭Criticism‬‭- monocausal & restricted‬
‭c.‬ ‭Most contemporary marxists‬‭pulled back from‬‭these‬‭grandiose claims of‬‭orthodox‬
‭historical materialism‬‭.‬
‭d.‬ ‭Ideology background‬‭history has a comprehensible structure‬‭& dynamics of‬
‭capitalism are fraught with contradictions that point towards a socialist future.‬
‭e.‬ ‭Focus‬‭- focuses on the ways in which class affects‬‭various aspects of social life.‬
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‭4.‬ ‭Weberian‬‭-inspired class analysis, stratification-inspired‬‭class analysis, eclectic‬
‭common-sense class analysis.‬
‭5.‬ ‭ELEMENTS OF CLASS ANALYSIS‬
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‭a.‬ ‭Class STRUCTURE‬


‭b.‬ ‭Class FORMATION‬
‭c.‬ ‭Class STRUGGLE‬
‭d.‬ ‭Class CONSCIOUSNESS‬
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‭Interconnections among all these elements and their consequences for other aspects‬
‭of social life.‬‭Interconnections among all these elements‬‭and their consequences for other‬
‭aspects of social life.‬

‭ lass formation is the formation of collective actors organised around class interests within‬
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‭class structures, class struggle is the‬‭struggle between‬‭such collectively organised actors‬
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‭over class interests; class consciousness is the understanding by people within a‬


‭class of their class interests.‬

‭6.‬ ‭CLASS VS GROUP‬


‭a.‬ T
‭ o speak of class formation or class struggle as opposed to simply group formation or‬
‭struggle implies that we have a definition of “class” and know what it means to‬
‭describe a collective actor as an instance of class formation, or a conflict as a class‬
‭conflict instead of some other sort of conflict.‬

‭7.‬ ‭The parable of shmoos‬


‭a.‬ ‭NEOLIBERAL RATIONALITY‬‭CAN BE USED FOR NEGOTIATING‬‭WITH‬
‭DOGPATCH‬
‭b.‬ ‭SUBSISTENCE IS A THREAT TO CAPITALISM‬‭, CAN’T WORK‬‭WITHOUT WAGE‬
‭LABOURERS‬
‭c.‬ ‭The‬‭presence of shmoos is thus a serious threat to‬‭both class relations‬
‭and gender relations.‬
‭d.‬ ‭Workers are more difficult to recruit for toilsome labour and no longer have to accept‬

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‭“guff” and indignities from their bosses. Women are no longer economically‬
‭dependent on men and thus do not have to put up with sexist treatment.‬

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‭e.‬ ‭Shmoos helps to clarify the sense in which the‬‭interests‬‭of workers and capitalists‬
‭are deeply antagonistic‬‭, one of the core ideas of‬‭Marxist class analysis.‬

f‭.‬
‭●‬ P
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‭ reference ordering of workers‬‭corresponds to what‬‭could be‬‭considered universal‬
‭human interests‬‭.‬
‭●‬ ‭Marxist idea- working class is the “universal class” corresponds to the universal‬
‭human interests‬
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‭●‬ ‭What might be called‬‭Rawlsian preferences‬‭- the‬‭preferences‬‭that maximise the‬
‭welfare of the worst off people in a society‬‭.‬
‭●‬ ‭That acquisition does not take the form of a redistribution of wealth or income from‬
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‭capitalists to workers.‬
‭●‬ ‭linkage between class divisions, class interests and exploitation.‬

‭g.‬ ‭Capitalist interests are opposed to-‬


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‭i.‬ ‭Social arrangements‬‭that have even a partial‬‭shmoo-like‬‭character‬‭.‬


‭ii.‬ ‭Such things as‬‭universal guaranteed basic income‬‭or‬‭durably very low‬
‭rates of unemployment‬‭, even if the taxes to support‬‭such programs were‬
‭paid entirely out of wages and thus did not directly come out of their own‬
‭pockets.‬
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‭8.‬ ‭EXPLOITATION‬
‭a.‬ ‭“Exploitation” is thus a‬‭key concept for understanding‬‭the nature‬‭of the‬
‭antagonistic interests generated by the class relations.‬
‭b.‬ ‭concept.‬
‭c.‬ ‭Revolves around a particular‬‭type of antagonistic‬‭interdependency‬‭of‬‭material‬
‭interests of actors within economic relations‬‭,‬‭rather‬‭than the injustice‬‭of those‬
‭relations as such.‬
‭d.‬ ‭ right's class analysis builds upon the Marxist tradition while also‬
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‭incorporating new insights and concepts. He argues that class is not a‬
‭single monolithic entity but a multidimensional concept that‬
‭encompasses three interrelated dimensions: exploitation, domination,‬
‭and opportunity.‬
‭e.‬ ‭CLASS EXPLOITATION CRITERIA:‬
‭i.‬ ‭The inverse interdependent welfare principle‬‭: the‬‭material welfare of‬
‭exploiters causally depends on the‬‭material deprivations‬‭of the exploited‬‭.‬
‭The welfare of the exploiter is at the expense of the exploited.‬
‭ii.‬ ‭The exclusion principle‬‭: the causal relation that‬‭generates the principle‬
‭involves the‬‭asymmetrical exclusion of the exploited‬‭from access to and‬
‭control over certain important productive resources‬‭.‬‭Typically this‬
‭exclusion is backed by force in the form of property rights, but in special‬
‭cases it may not be.‬‭i+ii= “non exploitative” economic‬‭oppression‬
‭iii.‬ ‭The appropriation principle:‬‭the causal mechanism‬‭which translates‬
‭(ii) exclusion into (i)‬‭differential welfare involves‬‭the‬‭appropriation‬
‭of the fruits of labour‬‭of the exploited by those‬‭who control the relevant‬
‭productive resources.‬‭This appropriation is also often‬‭referred to as the‬

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‭appropriation of the “surplus product”.‬ ‭GAP BETWEEN‬‭WORK DONE‬
‭AND PAY DESERVED‬

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‭f.‬ ‭The‬‭welfare of the exploiter depends upon the effort‬‭of the exploited‬‭, not merely‬
‭the deprivations of the exploited.‬
‭g.‬ ‭i+ii= “non exploitative” economic oppression”‬‭-‬
‭i.‬ ‭both instances, the‬‭inequalities‬‭in question are rooted‬‭in‬‭ownership‬‭and‬
‭control‬‭over productive resources (exclusion principle)‬
‭ii.‬

‭iii.‬
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‭non exploitative oppression, the oppressors would be happy if the oppressed‬
‭simply disappeared‬
‭Genocide is thus always a potential strategy for nonexploitative oppressors.‬
‭h.‬ ‭Exploitation, therefore, does not merely denote a set of statuses of social actors, but‬
‭a‬‭pattern of ongoing interactions structured by a‬‭set of social relations,‬
‭relations which mutually bind the exploiter and the exploited together.‬
‭i.‬ ‭Social control of labour‬‭which‬‭relies exclusively‬‭on repressio‬‭n‬‭is costly and,‬
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‭except under special circumstances, often fails to generate optimal levels of diligence‬
‭and effort on the part of the exploited.‬
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‭j.‬ ‭There is generally‬‭systematic pressure on exploiters‬‭to moderate their‬


‭domination‬‭and in one way or another to try to‬‭elicit‬‭some degree of‬‭consent‬‭from‬
‭the exploited, at least in the sense of gaining some level of‬‭minimal cooperation‬
‭from them.‬
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‭k.‬ ‭Exploitation is thus a‬‭constraining force on the practices‬‭of the exploiter‬‭. This‬
‭constraint constitutes a‬‭basis of power for the exploited‬‭.‬
‭i.‬ ‭oppressed people have the power that comes from the‬‭human capacity for‬
‭physical resistance.‬
‭ii.‬ ‭Pressure‬‭on non-exploitative oppressors to seek accommodation‬‭is very‬
‭weak; the outcomes of‬‭conflict‬‭therefore tend to become‬‭simply a matter of‬
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‭the balance of brute force between enemies moderated at best by moral‬


‭qualms of the oppressor. (‬‭native american example‬‭)‬
‭l.‬ ‭DIFFERENTIATING NON-OWNERSHIP CLASS LOCATIONS‬
‭i.‬ ‭Authority- privileged appropriating location, loyalty rent (reward for loyalty of‬
‭managers)‬
‭ii.‬ ‭Skills & expertise‬

‭COWS, CARS & CYCLE-RICKSHAWS‬

‭‬ S
● ‭ treets of delhi- a place where we can see all walks of life‬
‭●‬ ‭Bourgeois environmentalism- not compassionate of lower sections- use universal language of‬
‭“public interest” & “citizenship” in a broader sense and their interests normalise and‬
‭ niversalise as the “public” interests (claim to speak for the entire city) use language to mask‬
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‭other class interests‬
‭●‬ ‭They use public interest to promote their own agenda- notion of PI becomes Hegemonic-‬
‭congruence b/w people propagating policies and judiciary (judges are also hindered by class‬
‭biases) further affecting people‬
‭●‬ ‭Calls for compassionate- public policies and judicial decisions- holistic and accommodating all‬
‭sections of the society‬
‭●‬ ‭Their own lifestyle is ecologically unsustainable- double standards-they drive cars but are‬
‭against cycle rickshaws‬
‭●‬ ‭Environmentalism of the poor- mass effort whereas bourgeois are heterogenous- they‬
‭approach the courts directly and avoid messiness of approaching the politicians, poor try to‬
‭unite with them‬
‭‬
● ‭Proximity- middle class- judiciary accessible- media gives light to their issues‬

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‭●‬ ‭PIL appropriated by the middle class‬
‭●‬ ‭Dairy owners enjoy an immunity-supplying musclemen to politicians- threat of physical‬

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‭violence or bribing officials‬
‭‬
● ‭Judicial activism vs judicial overreach- “catch-for-cash”‬
‭●‬ ‭Undesirable objects- cycle-rickshaws & cows‬
‭●‬ ‭Families, mechanics, extremely poor migrants w/o social and cultural capital dependent on‬
‭CR (they don’t fit in a world-class city cause traffic)- gendered for women, children & old‬

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‭people- affects the drive (daily exertion)‬

‭IS FEMINISM ABOUT ‘WOMEN’? A Critical View on the Intersectionality from India‬
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‭Note the criticisms‬

‭ heorised by‬‭Kimberle Crenshaw‬‭simultaneous and compounded-‬‭multiple forms of‬


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‭oppression, based on gender and ethnicity, need for a framework acknowledgment of this,‬
‭acknowledges social categorisations are interconnected= overlapping oppression, emerged‬
‭in the context of critical race studies- scholars pointing out how law is blind towards the‬
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‭multiplicity is there in women.‬


‭Critiques:‬
‭1.‬ ‭Different discourses of gender and not just limited to women, feminism also talks‬
‭about the produced conceptions of men and women‬
‭2.‬ ‭Application and western origin‬
‭a.‬ ‭What happens when the UN adopts this? Incorporated by international‬
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‭organisations. Closes its radical potential or edge, adopted by NGOs in India,‬


‭tames potential of feminism depoliticizes it (feminism discourse should be‬
‭continuous)‬
‭b.‬ ‭This concept was prevalent in the south- RML but the name came from the‬
‭West‬
‭c.‬ ‭Politics of power in west as they overpower south and assume universality of‬
‭it- use southern experience as data‬
‭d.‬ ‭Oyewumi‬‭argues about cultures alien to patriarchy,‬‭hence not universal‬
‭3.‬ ‭What is intersectionality?‬
‭a.‬ ‭Double or triple burden/ oppressions‬
‭b.‬ P ‭ olitics in mid century india,‬‭gandhi and ambedkar aware how caste and‬
‭class intersect‬‭- not something new already familiar‬‭with the concept‬
‭c.‬ ‭Is it talking about the theory of marginalised subjectivity? Is it only applicable‬
‭to individuals possessing‬‭marginalised identities‬
‭d.‬ ‭Amartya Sen (identity and violence)- we have multiple identities but in certain‬
‭situation only one identity matters, menon makes a similar argument‬
‭e.‬ ‭Menon-‬‭intersectional is empty as opposed to multiple‬‭identities, only‬
‭possessing one identity in certain situations. Is it just for identities or‬
‭marginalised subjectivity?‬
‭4.‬ ‭Crenshaw assumes that the category of women is homogenous and is stable.‬
‭Intersectionationality doesn’t capture the fluidity‬
‭a.‬ ‭Reservations for women‬‭- Women subjects can easily‬‭be mobilised for‬

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‭feminism as they have commonality of gender oppression- seats for lower‬
‭caste men will be replaced by upper caste men. Thus this argument gets‬

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‭fractured by complexities of caste.‬‭The opposition‬‭to the proposed legislation‬
‭cannot simply be categorised as patriarchal, it comes from a particular caste location‬
‭that includes women, which expresses the legitimate apprehension that a blanket‬
‭reservation of 33% for women would simply replace “lower” caste men with “upper”‬
‭caste women.‬
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‭b.‬ ‭Uniform Civil Code‬‭- for personal laws 1930s onwards‬‭feminists argued for‬
‭this, 1990s tussle b/w individual right- rights of a social group and individual‬
‭identities, seizes to be a women question. Becomes a question of national‬
‭integration vs national individuality, eg: gst doesn’t accommodate diversity‬
‭“one nation one tax” & polyamy for muslims vs hindus. Becomes a question of‬
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‭secularism. Women mobilised for feminist politics. Feminists support personal‬
‭laws due to heterogeneity.‬
‭c.‬ ‭Services of women being used for state development but they are paid less,‬
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‭draconian pov- highlights a paradigm of development- unsustainable, diluting‬


‭impact, making it more compensating by including women in ecological‬
‭frameworks‬
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‭ hrenreich‬
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‭ .‬
1 ‭Critique of science- male experts relying on scientific knowledge‬
‭2.‬ ‭Charlotte Perkins Gilman, like Jane Addams, felt “intense shame” that she was not‬
‭up and about- dilemma: what to do? Housework or revolt- paralysed (feudal to‬
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‭industrial era- no more agrarian order)‬


‭ .‬
3 ‭Late 18 & 19 century women express angst- nervous prostration‬
‭4.‬ ‭OLD ORDER- unitary (no distinction of public & private- production & living happened‬
‭under the same roof), gynocentric (subordinate to men but larger centric role, they‬
‭had dignity and possessed knowledge through generations) & patriarchal-‬‭no market‬
‭for profit only nature determined prices‬
‭a.‬ ‭But only in the last one hundred years or so in the Western world does this‬
‭private dilemma surface as a gripping public issue—the Woman Question or‬
‭“the woman problem.”‬
‭b.‬ ‭Traditional knowledge of women gets marginalised by experts and modern‬
‭medicine after industrialisation telling them what to do‬
‭c.‬ W ‭ omen were organically linked with nature- eg: menstruating women should‬
‭not enter the kitchen. NO COMPARTMENTALISATION- WOMEN= CENTRE‬
‭OF PRODUCTION AND KEY COMMODITIES‬
‭d.‬ ‭Revolutionary role guided by men- patriarchy- At home was the father, in‬
‭church was the priest or minister, at the top were the “town fathers,” the local‬
‭nobility, or, as they put it in Puritan society, “the nursing fathers of the‬
‭Commonwealth,” and above all was “God the Father.”‬
‭e.‬ ‭2 elements- submission of women & ?‬
‭5.‬ ‭Grip of patriarchy loosened with capitalism=double edged sword, women are unpaid‬
‭labour but women now have an‬‭option‬‭to go out and‬‭work=‬‭choice‬
‭a.‬ ‭Activities by women got commodified- factories for making butter and clothes‬
‭b.‬ ‭What should a woman do? MEN STEPPED IN TO ANSWER- biology is the‬

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‭destiny of women- to rear and bear children and should remain in the private‬
‭realm‬

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‭c.‬ ‭Market plays an important role- ideas of economic man and self centeredness‬
‭of man‬
‭d.‬ ‭2 SOLUTION= Feminism‬‭NOT CRITICAL OF CAPITALISM‬‭(suffrage‬‭arose‬
‭during the french revolution) & Household (elites of the old order fantasised‬

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‭this and were upset about mixing of classes- industrialisation has corrupted‬
‭and importance of religion has lowered)- problem= economy becomes the‬
‭unit of measurement‬
‭e.‬ ‭Family should remain untouched by the logic of the market- women last‬
‭holders of selflessness and love= domestic solution is to confine women‬
‭f.‬ ‭Capitalism gives an ILLUSION of freedom- UNDER CLASS‬
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‭SUPEREROGATORY ACTIONS (action beyond duty)‬
‭6.‬ ‭They were women with other interests too—science, or art, or philosophy—and all of‬
‭them were passionately idealistic.‬
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‭7.‬ ‭WOMEN’S QUESTION- what is the role of women belong- private or public‬
‭sphere-private question becomes a public issues wherein male experts start telling‬
‭women what women should do‬
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‭8.‬ ‭But only in the last one hundred years or so in the Western world‬
‭9.‬ ‭does this private dilemma surface as a gripping public issue—theWoman Question‬
‭or“the woman problem.”‬
‭10.‬‭Male authors writing about women- most discussed animal i the universe, masculine‬
‭POV‬
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‭Family Beyond Justice‬


‭ .‬ W
1 ‭ omen due to unpaid gendered division are not politically represented‬
‭2.‬ ‭Family is the first school of morals- internalising their family structures- making public‬
‭sphere for men‬
‭3.‬ ‭Justice- fairness, opportunity, equity and equality,‬‭Okins used Rawls theory of‬
‭justice‬
‭4.‬ ‭Circumstances of justice (CoJ)‬‭- background conditions‬‭in which questions of fair‬
‭distribution of benefits and burdens of distribution of rights and duties considered to‬
‭be in the larger sense of the society - arise in scarcity of resources & different needs‬
‭5.‬ S ‭ ome argue CoJ don’t arise in a family- irrelevant- Sandals (family @ an elevated‬
‭position founded on love no scope for CoJ)‬
‭6.‬ ‭Some argue gender divisions are naturally destined- women child bearing & rearing-‬
‭Bloom‬‭-‬‭hierarchy is natural- against affirmative action-‬‭men are naturally selfish &‬
‭women have to sacrifice‬
‭7.‬ ‭Institution of family outside principles of Justice- Sandals‬
‭8.‬ ‭Okin‬‭demolishes‬‭- sandals and bloom’s argument- critiques‬‭Rawls and genders‬
‭theory of Justice‬
‭9.‬ ‭Should families be just?- looks at Rousseau & Hume‬
‭10.‬‭Rousseau‬‭- unlike a government “in order to act right”‬‭the father of the family has to‬
‭consult their heart. CRITICISM- both rules by family and denied to participate in the‬
‭realm of politics‬

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‭11.‬‭CoJ arise- conflict of interest and scarce goods‬
‭12.‬‭Coverture- no joint ownership, all property transferred to men after marriage‬

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‭13.‬‭Sandels- reasons of CoJ not prevailing‬
‭a.‬ ‭family is on elevated position‬
‭b.‬ ‭Criticises Rawls(1st moral virtue of governance=justice,basis of analysing‬
‭institutions, it is the most basic virtue), says more important virtues than‬

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‭justice-‬‭selflessness SUPEREROGATORY ACTIONS (action‬‭beyond duty)‬
‭c.‬ ‭Applying justice in family turns from virtue to vice‬
‭d.‬ ‭Assumes no conflict of interest‬
‭e.‬ ‭Justice can only be a remedial virtue- eg: affirmative action‬
‭14.‬‭Okins-‬‭clarifies- justice is not the highest but the‬‭most‬‭fundamental‬‭& essential‬
‭virtue. Agrees with rawls.‬
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‭a.‬ ‭Distinct personalities in families‬
‭b.‬ ‭Romanticised and Idealised families (mythical account)-20th century‬
‭overlooking systematic differences and domestic violence‬
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‭c.‬ ‭Questions if there is an agency in a patriarchal household to take conscious‬


‭decisions and not operate out of internalised beliefs‬
‭15.‬‭Bloom-‬‭“The closing of the American Mind”- liberal‬‭democracy disintegrating‬
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‭because its universities are failing to educate the young elite- making them moral‬
‭relativists (no absolute truth, every truth depends on a larger cultural context, no‬
‭universal truth) how will judge an action as right or wrong? Tolerance has increased‬
‭which could justify heinous practices. Students won’t study “great books”- western‬
‭philosophy and literature written by classical philosophers (political canon constituted‬
‭only by male thinkers)‬
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‭ e writes of the family as "the intermediary . . . that gave men and women unqualified‬
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‭concern for at least some others," thereby tempering individualism. Feminists threaten‬
‭family, feminism undermines masculinity‬
‭a.‬ ‭Feminist scholars have criticised the classical pol thinkers, state of nature and‬
‭their sexism, human nature for philosophers= nature of men.‬
‭b.‬ ‭Debate= to completely boycott great books or just the sexist part? Feminists‬
‭have devalued the legitimacy‬
‭c.‬ ‭Hints of idealised version‬
‭d.‬ ‭Natural denotes how things should be without human intervention‬

‭●‬ ‭Political life is beyond the elections, parties and systems within the government.‬
‭●‬ G ‭ roups find that their ideals can’t be achieved within this orthodox set up and are‬
‭blocked by this set up actively.‬
‭●‬ ‭Despite democracy fascism persists in china, turkmenistan and cuba, thus, change in‬
‭political structures is not always possible.‬
‭●‬ ‭Sometimes political and social change can only be brought upon through the‬
‭recourse of non-orthodox political actions-‬‭revolutions/‬‭social movements-‬
‭overthrowing‬

‭What are social movements‬


‭1.‬ c ‭ ollective attempts to further a common interest or secure a common goal‬

i‬
‭through action outside the sphere of established institutions.‬
‭2.‬ ‭It is characteristic of protest movements, however, that they operate near the‬

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‭margins of what is defined as legally permissible by governments at any‬
‭particular time or place.‬
‭3.‬ ‭aim of bringing about change on a public issue, such as expanding civil rights‬
‭for a segment of the population.‬

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‭4.‬ ‭counter-movements‬‭sometimes arise in defence of the‬‭status quo.‬
‭a.‬ ‭The campaign for women's right to abortion, for example, has been‬
‭vociferously challenged by anti-abortion ('pro- life') activists, who‬
‭argue that abortion should be illegal.‬
‭5.‬ ‭laws or policies are altered as a result of the action of social movements,‬
‭legislation can have far- reaching effects.‬
‭a.‬ ‭It used to be illegal for groups of workers to call their members out on‬
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‭strike, and striking was punished with varying degrees of severity in‬
‭different countries. Eventually, however, the laws were amended,‬
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‭making the strike a permissible tactic of industrial conflict.‬


‭b.‬ ‭lesbian and gay movements have been largely successful in raising‬
‭the issue of equal rights and many countries around the world have‬
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‭equalised their laws on the legal age of sexual activity for‬


‭heterosexuals and homosexuals.‬
‭6.‬ ‭most powerful forms of collective action.‬
‭a.‬ ‭American civil rights movement overcame racial segregation laws‬
‭b.‬ ‭Feminist movement, in highly unconventional ways, promoted‬
‭sustainable development‬
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‭Collective behaviour & social unrest‬
‭(SUT)- Blumer‬
‭1.‬ T ‭ he Chicago School of Sociology is often seen as the first to systematically chart‬
‭forms of collective behaviour and to turn these into a specialist field of inquiry in soci-‬
‭ology from the 1920.‬
‭2.‬ ‭saw social movements as agents of social change, not merely as products of it.‬
‭3.‬ ‭Herbert Blumer (1969) was the foremost social movement analyst in the Chicago‬
‭tradition of symbolic interactionism. He devised a theory of social unrest to account‬
‭for the unconventional protest activities of social movements outside the sphere of‬

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‭formal party politics and interest representation‬
‭4.‬ ‭Saw SM as all kinds as motivated by dissatisfaction with some aspects of current‬

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‭society, which they sought to rectify‬
‭a.‬ ‭collective enterprises to establish a new order of life‬
‭b.‬ ‭condition of unrest‬
‭c.‬ ‭Dissatisfaction with the current form of life‬

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‭d.‬ ‭hopes for a new scheme of living‬
‭e.‬ ‭As a social movement develops it takes on the character of a society.‬
‭f.‬ ‭It acquires organisation and form, a body of customs and traditions,‬
‭established leadership, an enduring division of Labor. social rules and social‬
‭values - in short, a culture. a social organisation. and a new scheme of life.‬
‭5.‬ ‭movements can be 'active' or outwardly directed, aiming to transform society, or they‬
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‭can be 'expressive' or inwardly directed, trying to change the people who become‬
‭involved.‬
‭a.‬ ‭Labor movement for radical changes‬
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‭b.‬ ‭NSM for changing their inner selves‬


‭c.‬ ‭most social movements involve both active and expressive elements as‬
‭movement activists and supporters undergo changes in their self-identity as a‬
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‭result of campaigns to change society‬


‭d.‬ ‭environmental campaigns. for example, are explicitly aimed at preventing‬
‭environmen- tal damage, but in the process they often generate an increasing‬
‭self-identification with the natural world, thereby transform- ing people's‬
‭perception of self.‬
‭e.‬ ‭social movements have a 'life-cycle', 4 consecutive stages‬
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‭1.‬ ‭Social ferment‬‭- agitation of disorganised people‬


‭2.‬ ‭Popular excitement‬‭- dissatisfaction clearly defined‬‭and‬
‭understood‬
‭3.‬ ‭Formal organisations created‬‭- higher level of coordination‬
‭and effective campaigning‬
‭4.‬ ‭Institutionalisation‬‭- movement that was outside the‬
‭mainstream politics becomes accepted as a part of the society‬
‭f.‬ ‭Some movements party succeed while others completely fail‬
‭1.‬ ‭Endurance over time runs out with less enthusiasm and ends‬
‭the life cycle at an early stage‬
‭g.‬ ‭we may be moving towards a global '‬‭social movement‬‭society'‬‭, which‬
‭provides fertile ground for this type of collective action.‬
‭CRITICISM‬
‭6.‬ ‭Problem with interactionist approach-‬‭treats movements‬‭as a meaningful phenomena‬
‭but its studies did not explore the rational decisions and strategies of activists‬
‭Descriptive accounts but paid no attention to explanations and reasons connecting SM to an‬
‭activity changing the social structure‬

‭Resource mobilisation (RMT)‬

‭USA‬ ‭Europe‬

‭ M studied using RCT (rational choice‬


S f‭ocus has tended to be much more on‬
‭theory)‬ ‭the connections between social‬

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‭movements and social classes within‬
‭theories of broad social change‬

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‭ uestion of how movements become‬
q f‭ocus on why social movements emerge‬
‭organised‬ ‭when they do‬

‭1.‬ R

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‭ MT argued that movement participants‬‭behaved in rational‬‭ways‬‭and movements‬
‭themselves were‬‭purposeful‬‭,‬‭not chaotic‬
‭2.‬ ‭Zald‬‭&‬‭McCarthy‬ ‭argued that capitalist societies‬‭produce chronic discontent‬
‭3.‬ ‭SUT problematic- social unrest is always present, raises the question of what turns‬
‭chronic discontent into effective mobilisations?‬‭Availability‬‭of resources‬‭mount‬
‭effective campaigns which challenge the established order.‬
‭a.‬ ‭Meeting require publicity and a place to host it‬
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‭4.‬ ‭Dissatisfaction insufficient to bring change‬
‭5.‬ ‭Has an‬‭economist feel,‬‭draws similarities with‬‭competitive‬‭market economy,‬
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‭pictures social movements as operating within a competitive field of‬


‭movements - a 'social movement industry' (SMI) - within which they compete‬
‭for scarce resources, not least members and activists. Competitive with other‬
‭SMOs‬
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‭6.‬ ‭RMT filled the gaps by other SUTs‬


‭7.‬ ‭RMT underplays the effects on social movements of broad social changes such as‬
‭the trend towards post-industrial- ism or globalization processes.‬
‭a.‬ ‭the increasingly global politi- cal context has meant that traditional UK‬
‭conservation organizations such as the National Trust have come under‬
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‭pressure from the new international environmental organizations such as‬


‭Greenpeace, whose ideology and campaigns seem to fit the changing context‬
‭more closely.‬
‭CRITICISM‬
‭8.‬ ‭little explanation for social movements that achieve success with very limited access‬
‭to resources.‬
‭9.‬ ‭Piven and Cloward (1977) analysed 'poor people's movements' in the USA, such as‬
‭unemployed workers in the 1930s, black civil rights in the 1950s and welfare‬
‭movements of the late 1960s and '70s. Surprisingly, they found that the main‬
‭successes of these movements were achieved during their formative stage, before‬
‭they became properly organized.‬
‭10.‬‭Reverse RMT‬‭Activists in early stages were very enthusiastic and took part in many‬
‭direct actions such as strikes and sit- ins. But once they became more effectively‬
‭organised, direct actions became fewer and the‬‭'dead‬‭hand of bureaucracy'‬‭, as‬
‭described by Max Weber and Robert Michels, took over as the movements lost‬
‭momentum and impact.‬

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‭New Social Movements (NSM)‬
‭1.‬ i‭nclude student movements in the 1960s, civil rights and feminist move-‬
‭ments of the 1960s and '70s, anti-nuclear and ecological movements of the‬
‭1980s, gay rights campaigns of the 1990s - and many more.‬
‭2.‬ ‭Collectively, this group of movements is often referred to by Euro- pean‬
‭scholars as new social movements‬
‭3.‬ ‭diverges from previous forms‬
‭4.‬ ‭address the‬‭question of why this has happened‬‭when‬‭it did and, in some‬
‭ways, this approach‬‭complements‬‭the general focus‬‭of‬‭RMT‬‭on how‬
‭movements garner resources and make use of them.‬

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‭5.‬ ‭new = contemporary‬

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‭New Issues‬
‭●‬ ‭unrelated to simple material self-interests. Instead, these issues are concerned‬
‭with the 'quality of life',‬‭(including the state of‬‭the global environment, animal‬

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‭welfare and animal rights, peaceful (non-nuclear) energy production and the 'identity‬
‭politics' associated with gay rights and disabled people's movements.)‬
‭●‬ ‭NSM reflects a‬‭broad social transformation from an‬‭industrial to a‬
‭post-industrial society‬‭. While industrial politics‬‭centred on wealth creation and its‬
‭distribution, post- industrial politics centres on post material issues.‬
‭●‬ ‭Ronald Inglehart survey- younger generations exhibited post material values, took for‬
‭granted a certain material standard of well-being, explanation of 'glacial' generational‬
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‭shift in values-‬
‭○‬ ‭the post-1945 generation did not experience the depression and hardship of‬
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‭their parents' generation, nor did they have personal experience of war.‬
‭Rather, they became used to post-war peace and affluence, being raised in‬
‭the context of a 'post-scarcity socialisation', in which the historic obstacle of‬
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‭food scarcity at least appeared to have been solved for good.‬


‭○‬ ‭This generation also had a different experience of work as a growing service‬
‭sector took over from the old industrial workplaces.‬
‭○‬ ‭These enormous social changes led to the‬‭demise of‬‭an 'old' politics‬‭, which‬
‭was rapidly giving way to a 'new', post-industrial form of politics.‬
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‭New Organisational Forms‬


‭●‬ ‭NSM differently organised- adopted a‬‭loose organisationa‬‭l‬‭form that rejected the‬
‭formal organisation that earlier social movement theorists argued was necessary for‬
‭success.‬
‭●‬ ‭No single centre,‬‭polycephalus‬‭or many headed structure‬
‭○‬ ‭One local group broke the law and faced prosecution, the rest of the network‬
‭could carry on, but this structure also suited the emotional needs of activists,‬
‭who tended to be younger and imbued with post material values and‬
‭identities.‬
‭●‬ ‭MELUCCI‬‭- organisational form itself carried a message,‬‭namely the‬‭symbolic‬
‭rejection‬‭of the aggressively masculine, bureaucratic‬‭power politics of the industrial‬
‭age, typified by some trade unions and party politics‬
‭●‬ V ‭ aclav Havel‬‭(1988) described this as a form of anti- hierarchical and‬‭'anti-political‬
‭politics'‬
‭●‬ ‭What marked out this new form of politics was a‬‭self-imposed‬‭limitation.‬
‭●‬ ‭NSM did not seek to take over the state and use the levers of state power to change‬
‭society; instead, they looked to appeal directly to the public by working at the cultural‬
‭level.‬
‭●‬ ‭Described as: ‘‬‭self-limiting radicalism’‬‭that contrasts‬‭sharply with the state- centred‬
‭politics of socialism and the labour movement‬

‭New Action Repertoires‬


‭●‬ ‭Non violent, symbolic and direct actions‬‭enabling‬‭a high moral stance with violent‬

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‭protests‬
‭●‬ ‭Many NSM actions aim to present aspects of soci- ety to the public that were‬

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‭previously un seen‬
‭○‬ ‭campaigns against nuclear and toxic waste dumping in the UK, the culling of‬
‭seal pups in Newfo undland , animal cruelty, the destruction of woodlands for‬
‭road-building or the presence of disabling environments all showed people‬

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‭things of which they may not previously have been aware‬
‭●‬ ‭tend to make extensive use of the mass media:‬
‭○‬ ‭filming their own protests, showing videos on the Internet, organising‬
‭campaigns using text messaging and email and creating a perspective on‬
‭politics that encourages ordinary people to become empowered to participate.‬
‭○‬ ‭Such efforts illustrate well the point made byMelucci (1985) that NSMs are‬
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‭forms of communication: 'messages' to society which present symbolic‬
‭challenges to the existing political system.‬
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‭New Social Constituencies‬


‭●‬ ‭Middle class radicalism:‬‭NSM activists shown a predominance‬‭of the 'new' middle‬
‭class that works in the post-1945 welfare state bureaucracies, creative and artistic‬
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‭fields and education (including many students)‬


‭●‬ ‭attract a‬‭'rainbow coalition'‬‭of retired people, students,‬‭first-time protesters,‬
‭feminists, anarchists, socialists, traditional conservatives and many more.‬
‭●‬ ‭working classes are not involved in significant numbers in NSM politics.‬
‭●‬ ‭Debate: Some have argued that the postmaterial politics of the NSMs is not a‬
‭self-interested politics on behalf of middle-class interests, but seeks to improve the‬
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‭quality of life for everyone.‬


‭●‬ ‭new social movements in terms of a‬‭'paradox of democracy'‬
‭●‬ ‭highlighting complex moral issues and putting them at the centre of social life.‬

‭CRITICISM‬
‭1.‬ ‭‘new’ features identified above have been found in 'old' social movements.‬
‭a.‬ ‭postmaterial values were evident in some small-scale communes in the 19th‬
‭century‬
‭b.‬ ‭too quick to draw radical conclusions from little empiri- cal evidence.‬
‭c.‬ ‭organizations and these have become more bureaucratic than the theory‬
‭allows for‬
‭i.‬ ‭ riginally a loose network of like-minded individuals involved in‬
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‭numerous direct actions, over time Green- peace has become a very‬
‭large business-like organization with a mass membership and huge‬
‭financial resources.‬
‭d.‬ ‭'new' issues have been seen as rather older.‬
‭i.‬ ‭Environmental politics, for instance, can be traced back to the‬
‭European and North American nature defence organisations of the‬
‭mid-nineteenth century and is perhaps best understood as an‬
‭enduring social movement which has passed through various stages‬
‭of growth and decay‬

‭Globalisation of the SM society‬

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‭1.‬ ‭Globalisation = global SM‬
‭2.‬ ‭traditional political institutions find it harder to cope, ignored or avoided until it is too‬

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‭late and a full-blown crisis is at hand.‬
‭a.‬ ‭They find it impossible to respond creatively to the negative risks facing the‬
‭natural environment from nuclear energy, the burning of fossil fuels or‬
‭experimentation in bio- or nanotechnology.‬

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‭b.‬ ‭The cumulative effect of these new challenges and risks may be a growing‬
‭sense that people are 'losing control' of their lives in the midst of rapid change‬
‭c.‬ ‭electronic networks now have the unprecedented ability to respond‬
‭immediately to events as they occur, to access and share sources of‬
‭information, and to put pressure on corporations, governments and interna -‬
‭tional bodies as part of their campaigning strategies.‬
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‭i.‬ ‭The enormous protests against the war in Iraq in cities around the‬
‭world in February 2003, for example, were organized in large part‬
‭through Internet-based networks, as were the protests outside the‬
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‭meeting of world leaders in Genoa in 2001, and the protests that took‬
‭place in Seattle in 1999 against the World Trade Organization.‬
‭ii.‬ ‭Similarly, the emergence of the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre,‬
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‭Brazil in 2001 was one element of an 'even newer social movement'‬


‭(Crossley 2003) that aims to provide a global space for debates on‬
‭what progressive politics really means and can offer in the twenty-first‬
‭century‬
‭d.‬ ‭Sidney Tarrow argues: 'What is new is that they have greater discretionary‬
‭resources, enjoy easier access to the media, have cheaper and faster‬
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‭geographic mobility and cultural interaction, and can call upon the‬
‭collaboration of different types of movement-linked organizations for rapidly‬
‭organized issue campaigns'‬
‭e.‬ ‭Acknowledging these changes raises the possibility that we may be moving‬
‭towards a 'social movement society'-‬‭without borders‬‭.‬
‭i.‬ ‭World Social Forums with their democratic principles give us one‬
‭example of such a prospect, though it is important to recognize that‬
‭the global networks of al-Qaeda - a social movement terrorist‬
‭organisation - give us another‬
‭f.‬ ‭No certainty‬‭that an emerging movement society will‬‭see the‬‭widespread‬
‭adoption of the non-violence‬‭that characterised the‬‭wave of NSMs in the‬
‭1960s and '70s in the industrialised world. Indeed, the more ready access to‬
‭ eapons and the information needed to build them holds out the more‬
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‭terrifying prospect of a more violent social movement society.‬
‭g.‬ ‭ability to coordinate international political campaigns - is the one that is the‬
‭most worrying for governments and the most inspiring to participants in social‬
‭movements.‬
‭ .‬ ‭observers argue that the information age is witnessing a 'migration' of‬
h
‭power away from nation-states into new non -governmental alliances‬
‭and coalitions.‬

‭NETWARS‬
‭1.‬ ‭Policy advisers in think-tanks such as the‬‭RAND Corporation‬‭(in the United States)‬
‭have spoken of'netwars' - large-scale inter- national conflicts in which it is information‬

i‬
‭and public opinion that are the stakes in the contest, rather than resources or‬
‭territory.‬

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‭2.‬ ‭Participants in netwars‬‭use the media and online resources‬‭to shape what‬
‭certain populations know about the social world.‬
‭3.‬ ‭These online movements are often aimed at‬‭spreading‬‭information‬‭about‬
‭corporations, government policies or the effects of international agreements to‬

‭elusive threat.‬
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‭audiences who may otherwise be unaware of them.‬
‭4.‬ ‭For many governments - even democratic ones - netwars are a frightening and‬

‭5.‬ ‭As a‬‭US Army report has warned: 'A new generation‬‭of revolutionaries‬‭, radicals‬
‭and activists are beginning to create‬‭information‬‭age ideologies‬‭in which identities‬
‭and loyalties may shift from the nation state to the transnational level of global civic‬
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‭society'‬

‭ he Power ofIdentity (1997),‬‭Manuel Castells‬‭examined‬‭the‬‭cases of three social‬


T
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‭movements which‬‭, while completely dissimilar in their‬‭concerns and objectives, all attracted‬
‭international attention to their cause through the effective use of information technology‬
‭1.‬ ‭The Mexican Zapatista rebels, the American 'militia' movement and the‬
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‭Japanese Aum Shinrikyo cult have all used media skills in order to spread‬
‭their messageofoppositiontotheeffectsofglob- alization and to express their‬
‭anger at lOSing control over their own destinies.‬
‭2.‬ ‭each ofthese movements relies on information technologies as its‬
‭organizational infrastructure‬
‭3.‬ ‭the Zapatista rebels would have remained an isolated guerrilla movement in‬
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‭southern Mexico.‬
‭4.‬ ‭Instead, within hours of their armed uprising in January 1994, local, national‬
‭and international support groups had emerged online to promote the cause of‬
‭the rebels and to condemn the Mexican government's brutal repression of the‬
‭rebellion.‬
‭5.‬ ‭The Zapatistas used telecommunications, videos and media interviews to‬
‭voice their objections to trade policies, such as the North American Free‬
‭Trade Agreement (NAFTA), wh ich further exclu de impoverished Indians of‬
‭the Oaxaca and Chiapas areas from the benefits of globalization.‬
‭6.‬ ‭Because their cause was thrust to the fore- front of the online networks of‬
‭social campaigners, the Zapatistas were able to force negotiations with the‬
‭ exican govern- ment and to draw international attention to the harmful‬
M
‭effects of free trade on indige- nous populations.‬

‭The conventional left- right political division now looks much less clear- cut.‬

‭ ociologists may have to work across discipli nary boundaries and specialist subjects if they‬
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‭are to better understand where the 'new' politics is taking us.‬

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