Das Dissertation 2020

Self-Compassion as a Protective Mechanism Between Sociocultural Pressures and
Disordered Eating Behaviors in Latina College Students

by
Mandrila Das, M.A.
A Dissertation
In
Counseling Psychology
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty

of Texas Tech University in
Partial Fulfillment of
the Requirements for
the Degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Approved
C. Steven Richards, Ph.D.,

Chair of Committee
Sheila Garos, Ph.D.
Susan S. Hendrick, Ph.D.
Brandy Piña-Watson, Ph.D.
Mark Sheridan
Dean of the Graduate School
August 2020
Copyright 2020, Mandrila Das
Texas Tech University, Mandrila Das, August 2020
Acknowledgements
I would like to express my gratitude to the wonderful people that have helped me
through this journey. My deepest gratitude goes to my advisor and dissertation chair, Dr.
Steven Richards. Thank you for taking a chance on me, believing in me, and providing
unwavering support throughout this difficult process. It has meant the world to me knowing
you were always in my corner. Dr. Garos, thank you for your wisdom and courage in group
psychotherapy. I will never forget that course. Dr. Hendrick, thank you for your kindness,
friendship, and ability to see the parts of me I could not find. Your encouragement helped
grow in ways I did not know were possible. Dr. Piña-Watson, thank you for giving me the
opportunity to work in your lab. Your inclusivity and thoughtfulness helped me feel a sense
of belonging throughout this journey.
I am extremely grateful to my parents. Thank you for teaching me the value of hard
work and dedication, for all the sacrifices you made so I could pursue my dreams, and for
your unconditional love. To my sister and brother in law, thank you for helping me see life
outside of school, supporting me, baking desserts, and for bringing my two favorite people
into this world.
Graduate school would not have been the same without my amazing cohort. I owe a
special thank you to the mermaids that always swam by my side. I am grateful for your
encouragement and friendship. To my best friends and support system, thank you for your
patience, for making me laugh, sending care packages, and believing in me more than I
believed in myself at times. For everyone that has been part of this process, I am forever
grateful for the overwhelming amount of love and support I have received from each of you.
ii
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements.....................................................................................................ii
Abstract.................................................................................................................... ..v
List of Tables..............................................................................................................vi
1. Introduction .......................................................................................................1
Disordered Eating…….……………...…………………....................................1
Body Image……………………….....................................................................2
Exercise Behaviors……………………………………………….……….……3
Depressive Symptoms.…………………………………………………………4
Sociocultural Pressure………………………………………………………….5
Self-Compassion……………………………………………………………….8
Purpose and Significance of the Study...............................................................9
Limitations in Past Research…………………………………………………..9
Hypotheses.........................................................................................................10
2. Method………..................................................................................................11
Participants........................................................................................................11
Procedure ……………………………………………………………………..11
Measures............................................................................................................11
3. Results………...................................................................................................16
Disordered Eating..............................................................................................17
Body Appreciation…………………………………………………………….18
Body Dissatisfaction..........................................................................................19
Exercise Behaviors………………….…...........................................................20
Depressive Symptoms………………………………………………………...21
iii
4. Discussion……….......................................................................................... 26
Hypothesis One.............................................................................................. 26
Hypothesis Two……………………………………………………………. 27
Hypothesis Three........................................................................................... 28
Hypothesis Four…………………….…........................................................ 29
Implications, Limitations & Future Directions………………………... ….. 29
5. References………..........................................................................................32
6. Appendices……….........................................................................................42
A. Extended Literature Review..................................................................... 42
B. Tables…………………………………………………………………….57
C. Study Information Sheet………………………………………………....60
D. Demographics…………………………....................................................61
E. Eating Attitudes Test ………………………………………………….…62
F. Body Shape Questionnaire.........................................................................65
G. Body Appreciation Scale…………………………………………….…..68
H. Compulsive Exercise Test..........................................................................69
I. Exercise Motivation Inventory...................................................................70
J. Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale...............................72
K. Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire…………....73
L. Self-Compassion Scale..............................................................................76
M. The Multidimensional Acculturative Stress Inventory….........................77
iv
Abstract
According to the sociocultural model for eating pathology development, young women in the
United States receive messages from media, peers, and family that a thin physique is
considered beautiful (Stice, 2001). These messages on physical attractiveness and thin beauty
ideals may be especially distressing for minority women as they try to navigate differences
between their culture of origin and the majority culture (Chin, Evans, & McConnell, 2003).
In fact, acculturative stress, the negative psychological influence of adapting to a new
culture, has been well-established as a predictor for disordered eating behaviors, body
dissatisfaction, and depressive symptoms among minority women (Driscoll & Torres, 2013).
This study sought to replicate the sociocultural model for eating pathology with Latina
college students and examine self-compassion as a protective mechanism against
sociocultural pressures, including acculturative stress. Participants were 148 undergraduate
students who attended college at a large university in Texas. Multiple hierarchical linear
regression analysis was used to examine main and interaction effects of sociocultural
pressure and self-compassion on disordered eating, body image, appearance-motivated
exercise, and depressive symptoms for Latina college students. Sociocultural pressure and
dimensions of acculturative stress positively predicted disordered eating behaviors.
Specifically, language competency pressure, bicultural self-consciousness, and pressure to
acculturate positively predicted body image concerns, depressive symptoms, and unhealthy
eating and exercise behaviors. Additionally, self-compassion served as a protective
mechanism against sociocultural pressures on body image and depressive symptoms.
Findings suggest that the sociocultural model for eating pathology can be applied to Latina
college students and should include culturally relevant dimensions of social pressure.
v
List of Tables
1. Model 2. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for Sociocultural Internalization..57
2. Model 3. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for Sociocultural Pressure………57
3. Model 5. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for English Competency

Pressure……………………………………………………………………………..57
4. Model 6. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for Bicultural Self-

Consciousness………………………………………………………………………58
5. Model 7. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for Pressure to Acculturate…….59
vi
Chapter One
Introduction
Disordered Eating
According to the American Psychiatric Association (2013), disordered eating
encompasses a range of problematic eating behaviors, including restricting food intake,
laxative use, binging, and self-induced vomiting. Engaging in these behaviors can often lead
to negative physiological and psychological health outcomes and is one of the most well-
established indicators for the development of a clinical eating disorder (Stice, Becker, &
Yokum, 2013; Striegel-Moore & Cachelin, 2001). Past research has highlighted the rising
prevalence of disordered eating among college women (Eisenberg, Nicklett, Roeder, & Kirz,
2011). For example, data from one college over a 13 year period (1995-2008) demonstrated
an increase in disordered eating behaviors from 23% to 32% (White, Reynolds-Malear, &
Cordero, 2011) among women in college.
Despite the misconception that clinical or sub-clinical eating disorders do not affect
minority women, recent research suggests that they are in fact equally as prevalent in
minority groups as they are in the non-Latino White population (Cachelin, Rebeck, Veisel, &
Striegel-Moore, 2001; Franko et. al, 2007). Latinas may be especially vulnerable to
developing eating pathology (Gordon, Castro, Sitnikov, & Holm-Denoma, 2010). Data
analyzed from the National Latino and Asian American Study, which included 1,427 Latina
participants, found an estimated lifetime prevalence of 0.12% for anorexia nervosa, 2.31%
for binge eating disorder, 1.91% for bulimia nervosa, 0.14% for symptoms of anorexia, and
5.80% for any binge-eating behaviors. Additionally, researchers found that eating behaviors
involving binge eating were significant concerns among Latinas, whereas symptoms of
1
anorexia were relatively uncommon (Alegria et al., 2007). Evidence suggests that Latinas
experience disordered eating behaviors at similar or greater rates than their peer groups,
however there is still a gap in identifying how cultural stressors influence these behaviors and
identifying risk and protective factors among this group of women.
Body Image
Body dissatisfaction is the negative evaluation of one’s body, or specific body
features such as thighs, stomach, or hips, and is frequently associated with disordered eating
behaviors and clinical eating disorders (Stice & Shaw, 2002; Shaw, Stice, & Springer, 2004).
Consistent with literature on disordered eating, body dissatisfaction affects college-aged
women (Tiggemann, 2003) and is prevalent among ethnic minority women (Grabe & Hyde,
2006). Research with ethnically diverse samples suggests that body dissatisfaction tends to
be highest among Latinas in comparison to their Black peer group (Croll, Neumark-Sztainer,
Story, & Ireland, 2002). Furthermore, one study with college women found that Latinas
demonstrate higher rates of desire to be thin and more body dissatisfaction than White
women (McComb & Clopton, 2002), however findings between these two groups of women
have shown mixed results, as other studies have suggested no differences between these
groups (Cachelin, Rebeck, Chung, & Pelayo, 2002; Shaw, Ramirez, Trost, Randall, & Stice,
2004).
Literature on body image has recently shifted to a more holistic perspective of the
relationship between women and their bodies, which includes an understanding of both
positive and negative body image (Avalos, Tylka, & Wood-Barcalow, 2005). Specifically,
the concept of body appreciation has been identified as a separate construct from low levels
of body dissatisfaction or the absence of body dissatisfaction. Body appreciation reflects an
2
acceptance of one’s body regardless of size or imperfections (Avalos et al., 2005), and has
been associated with lower levels of disordered eating behaviors, engaging in physical
activity for enjoyment, and protecting women from the effects of negative media exposure
regarding body image (Halliwell, 2013; Homan & Tylka, 2014).
One concern with the existing research on body image is that samples predominantly
include White women, which limits the emphasis on cultural differences among minority
samples. Women may differ in their relationship with their bodies, especially since beauty
ideals may depend on cultural and social environments (Crago & Shisslak, 2003). This
relationship may also be exacerbated for minority women since their social and cultural
environment includes incoming messages from both the majority culture and their culture of
origin.
Exercise Behaviors
Compulsive exercise is defined by a drive to exercise despite negative physical or
psychological consequences (Taranis, Touyz & Meyer, 2011) and often coexists with dietary
restriction, purging, and other unhealthy weight loss behaviors. However, the concept of
exercise can be difficult to navigate since it is often considered a healthy activity outside of
the eating disorder domain. Although exercise has typically been associated with positive
mental health outcomes, research suggests that among those who engage in disordered eating
behaviors, exercising is associated with negative mental health outcomes (De Young &
Anderson, 2010). Given that women in college exhibit higher rates of disordered eating
behaviors, it is likely that they would also engage in excessive exercise. Studies have
documented a large prevalence of compulsive exercise among college women with rates
ranging from 18.1% to 45.9%. (Guidi et al., 2007; Garman, Hayduk, Crider, & Hodel, 2004).
3
Recent research in this domain has focused on understanding intentions behind the
physical activity. Analyzing the motivation for exercise can highlight whether an individual
is exercising to control their shape and appearance or if they are exercising for health-related
reasons. This may be particularly important as past research suggests that individuals who
engage in exercise for appearance management reasons may be more likely to develop eating
pathology than individuals who exercise for more health and fitness-oriented reasons (La
Page & Crowther, 2010).
Depressive Symptoms
Past literature has established the high prevalence rates of depressive symptoms
among college students (American College Health Association-National College Health
Assessment, 2009) and ethnic minority groups (Nishikawa, Rubinstein, & Annunziato,
2013). Specifically, studies suggest that Latinas report comparable rates of major depression
and higher rates of depressive symptoms compared with non-Latina Whites (Menselson,
Rehkopf, & Kubzansky, 2008). Additionally, depressive symptoms and disordered eating
behaviors have consistently exhibited a high comorbidity rate (Francis et al., 2015).
In a study by Gutzwiller and colleagues (2003), participants were divided into three
groups: one with clinical eating disorders, the second with some symptoms of eating
disorders, and a third group with no eating concerns. Researchers found a direct relationship
between the level of dysfunctional eating behavior and depression. Results indicated that
participants with an eating disorder displayed clinical levels of depression, participants with
disordered eating displayed mild levels of depression, and participants with no eating
disorder or maladaptive eating behaviors displayed the lowest levels of depression.
Furthermore, in a recent meta-analysis with 30 studies, researchers demonstrated the bi-
4
directional relationship between eating pathology and depression, where eating pathology
significantly predicted depression and depression significantly predicted eating pathology
(Francis et al., 2015). Similarly, as one might expect, depressive symptoms have also been
positively associated with body dissatisfaction in studies with undergraduate college women
(Gitimu et al., 2015).
Sociocultural Model
Sociocultural pressure has been established as the strongest influence on eating
pathology and body disturbance in Western societies (Culbert, Racine, & Klump, 2015; Keel,
2015). Sociocultural researchers suggest that culture-specific ideals, expectations, and
messages contribute to the development and maintenance of disordered eating and body
image concerns. Several studies over the past few decades highlight how mainstream
American culture promotes eating pathology by emphasizing physical appearance as one of
the most important aspects for a woman and valuing an extremely slender physique above all
else (Keel, 2015; LaMarre, & Rice, 2016). In mainstream American culture, the ideal
appearance for women is thin, with a small waist, light eyes, a large bust, White skin color,
and long legs (Carter & Ortiz, 2008), and women often feel pressure from their social
environment to attain these beauty ideals. However, because these ideals may not be
achievable, young women may experience dissatisfaction with their bodies and engage in
unhealthy weight control behaviors (Shroff & Thompson, 2006). The existing literature has
examined different dimensions of the sociocultural model, including using media as a source
of information about beauty, pressure to adopt these ideals, and internalization of these
messages (Thompson et. al., 2004), and how each one relates to disordered eating and body
image. The pressure to attain certain beauty ideals, and “buying in” to these messages have
5
been shown to predict higher levels of eating pathology and body dissatisfaction, while only
consuming information from media predicts lower levels (Low et. al., 2003). Researchers
suggest that these dimensions may serve as building blocks, with consumption of information
being the first step, progressing to pressure to adhere to the messages, and then finally
internalizing these messages as one’s own belief system (Warren, Gleaves, & Rakhkovskaya,
2013).
To date, there is still very little known about eating pathology among Latinas, and
specifically on the role of sociocultural factors. Compared to mainstream American culture,
traditional Latina beauty standards embrace larger figures and do not adhere to the slender
physique as the ideal for attractiveness (Cachelin et al., 2000; Austin & Smith, 2008). This
may cause distress for Latina women as they attempt to negotiate their own beliefs on beauty
ideals both within their culture and the majority culture. Additionally, minority women may
be at particular risk because the ideal appearance for American women may be unattainable
for many ethnic women given specific genetic variations (Stein, Corte, & Ronis, 2010). The
handful of studies on sociocultural pressure reveal that among Latina college students,
internalization of this mainstream beauty ideal is positively associated to eating disorder
symptomology and body dissatisfaction (Warren et al., 2005).
Sociocultural models have primarily focused on messages that promote mainstream
American culture, specifically from family, peers, and the media. However, among minority
women, the pressure to conform to specific norms or behaviors may be an additional stressor.
Acculturative stress reflects the adverse psychological impact of balancing one’s own culture
and the majority culture (Berry, 1998). Latinas may have their own cultural values and
ideals, which can conflict with the beauty ideals represented in typical Western mainstream
6
culture. This may cause an internal struggle for minority women as they balance these two
opposing perspectives. Acculturative stress has consistently been associated with poor mental
health outcomes among minority groups. Past studies have found that acculturative stress is
positively associated with depressive symptoms among Latinas, and particularly among
minority college students in the United States (Baker, Soto, Perez, & Lee, 2012; Cervantes,
Cardoso, & Goldbach, 2015; Cano et al., 2015; Castillo et al., 2015; Mejía & McCarthy,
2010). The existing literature has examined different dimensions of acculturative stress,
including language competency pressure, pressure to acculturate, and bicultural self-
consciousness (Rodriguez et. al., 2002), and how they relate to psychological outcomes.
Language competency pressure has consistently been related to negative psychological
outcomes, including higher levels of depressive symptoms (Rodriguez et. al., 2002).
Evidence also supports a positive relationship between acculturative stress and
disordered eating behaviors. For example, a study by Gordon, Castro, Sitnikov, and Holm-
Denoma (2010), found that higher levels of acculturative stress are associated with increased
eating disorder symptoms, including body image dissatisfaction in Latina college women.
Similarly, another study by Perez, Voelz, Pettit, and Joiner (2002) found that acculturative
stress predicts bulimic symptoms in Latinx college students. This relationship has been well
established in the literature, however there is limited research examining how varying
dimensions of acculturative stress impact mental health, particularly surrounding eating
pathology and body image. Additionally, there is minimal research that focuses on
identifying protective mechanisms to buffer against the negative effects of acculturative
stress.
7
The Role of Self-Compassion
Self-compassion is defined as the ability to treat oneself with kindness and
understanding rather than judgment, recognize connection to humanity rather than isolation,
and bring negative thoughts and emotions into awareness rather than over-identifying with
them (Neff, 2003). It reflects concern and compassion toward others, but it also reflects being
able to express this same concern and compassion toward oneself (Neely, Schallert,
Mohammed, Roberts, & Chen, 2009). One key aspect of self-compassion is a healthy self-
acceptance, and kindness towards one’s inadequacies (Neely et al., 2009). Recent research
has demonstrated a positive relationship between self-compassion and psychological health
(Neff, 2009).
The literature highlights self-compassion as a protective factor for eating pathology,
body image concerns, and depressive symptomology. In one study with college students,
researchers found that higher self-compassion predicted lower eating disorder symptomology
(Taylor, Krietsch, & Daiss, 2015). Additionally, past literature on self-compassion and body
dissatisfaction has yielded consistent findings: higher levels of self-compassion have been
associated with greater body acceptance in college student samples (Wasylkiw et al., 2012),
whereas lower self-compassion has been associated with body dissatisfaction (Ferreira,
Pinto-Gouveia, & Duarte, 2013). Similarly, in another study with 126 university students,
researchers found that women who were highly compassionate towards themselves regarding
their appearance were less concerned about being thin and were more satisfied with their
body and appearance (Thøgersen-Ntoumani, Dodos, Chatzisarantis, & Ntoumanis, 2017).
These findings indicate that self-compassion may predict lower levels of disordered eating
since it promotes a healthier relationship with one’s body and appearance.
8
Yet only one study has investigated how self-compassion protects against the
negative effects of sociocultural pressure. In a study by Tylka and colleagues (2015),
researchers found that self-compassion mitigates the effects of sociocultural on disordered
eating behaviors. However, this study has never been replicated with college students or
ethnically diverse samples. It is possible that women with higher levels of self-compassion
can combat these unrealistic beauty ideals, which could minimize body dissatisfaction and
disordered eating behavior. Thus, pressure to be thin or have a specific body shape may be
countered by a compassionate stance towards oneself and an appreciation of one’s body,
regardless of size or cultural norms. Furthermore, there are virtually no studies examining the
role of self-compassion specifically among Latinas, which may be particularly beneficial for
a group vulnerable to acculturative stress, sociocultural pressure, body dissatisfaction, and
eating pathology.
The Present Study
Past literature has established the positive association between sociocultural pressure
and eating pathology, body image concerns, and depressive symptoms with samples of White
women. Additionally, the literature has established the positive relationship between
acculturative stress and eating pathology, body image concerns, and depressive symptoms
among Latinas. This study sought to bridge these two areas of research and utilize a
culturally informed model including multiple dimensions of sociocultural pressure. This
study had three primary aims.
The first aim of this study was to apply the existing sociocultural model of eating
pathology to Latina college students. With regard to sociocultural theory for eating
9
pathology, dimensions included thin ideal internalization, information from external sources,
and pressure to attain a beauty ideal.
The second aim was to expand on this model and include culturally significant
sociocultural pressures. With regard to cultural stressors, acculturative stress was measured
using the following dimensions: Spanish competency pressure, English competency pressure,
bicultural self-consciousness, and pressure to acculturate.
The third aim was to examine self-compassion as a potential protective mechanism.
There is only one study examining self-compassion as a protective mechanism against
sociocultural pressure on disordered eating, however, this study was done with community
women and a predominantly White sample.
H1. Sociocultural internalization, information, and pressure will positively predict disordered
eating, body dissatisfaction, depressive symptoms, compulsive exercise, and exercising for
appearance motivated reasons and negatively predict body appreciation.
H2. Spanish competency, English competency, bicultural self-consciousness, and pressure to
acculturate will positively predict disordered eating, body dissatisfaction, depressive
symptoms, compulsive exercise, and exercising for appearance motivated reasons and
negatively predict body appreciation.
H3: Self-compassion will moderate the relationship between sociocultural pressures and
disordered eating, body image, exercise, and depressive symptoms.
H4: Self-compassion will negatively predict disordered eating, depressive symptoms,
body dissatisfaction, compulsive exercise, and appearance motivated exercise and positively
predict body appreciation.
10
Chapter Two
Method
Participants
Participants were 148 undergraduate students who attended college at a large
university in Texas. Participant’s ages ranged from 18-25 (M = 19, SD = 1.2) and majority of
the sample were freshmen in college (72%).
Procedure
This study received approval by the Institutional Review Board at Texas Tech
University, where data was collected. Participants elected to participate in this study from a
list of available studies on the online university research portal or through a university-wide
email announcement. The survey was administered in an online format and took
approximately 60 minutes to complete. After reviewing brief information regarding the
study, participants continued to fill out the demographics questionnaire. Subsequently,
participants were given the measures in random order to minimize order effects. Participants
received course credit for their participation if they completed the study through the
university research portal and were enrolled in a General Psychology course or were entered
in a drawing for a $35 Amazon gift card if they participated through the university-wide
email announcement. All information was anonymous. Participation was voluntary and could
be discontinued at any time throughout the process.
Measures
Demographics. Demographic items included questions regarding age, gender, and
ethnic/racial identity.
11
Disordered eating. The Eating Attitudes Test (EAT-26; Garner, Olmsted, Bohr, &
Garfinkel, 1982) is a 26-item measure assessing eating disorder symptomology. This
measure includes three subscales (oral control, dieting, and bulimia and food preoccupation).
The response format ranges from 1 (never) to 6 (always), with higher scores indicated higher
levels of disordered eating symptomology. Sample items include “avoid eating when hungry”
and “eat diet foods.” A total disordered eating score was computed, with higher scores
indicating greater levels of disordered eating behaviors. This scale has been normed with
Latina college students and demonstrates high internal consistency and validity, α = .92
(Reyes‐Rodríguez et al., 2010). Cronbach’s alpha for this study was .91.
Body dissatisfaction. The Body Shape Questionnaire (BSQ; Cooper, Taylor, Cooper,
& Fairbum, 1987) is a 34-item questionnaire that measures concerns about body shape.
Responses range from 1 (never) to 6 (always), with higher scores indicating more concerns
with one’s body. A sample item is “Have you felt so bad about your shape that you have
cried.” A total body dissatisfaction score was computed, with higher scores indicating greater
levels of body dissatisfaction. The BSQ has been normed with college students and Latina
women, and has high internal consistency; α = .97 (Cooper et al., 1987) and concurrent
validity (Warren et al., 2008). Cronbach’s alpha for this study was .96.
Body appreciation. The Body Appreciation Scale (BAS; Avalos et al., 2005) is a 13-
item questionnaire that measures appreciation for one’s body. Responses range from 1
(never) to 5 (always), with higher scores reflecting higher levels of body appreciation. A
sample item is “Despite my flaws, I accept my body for what it is.” A total body appreciation
score was computed, with higher scores indicating greater levels of body appreciation. The
BAS has demonstrated high internal consistency (α = .91-.94; Avalos et al., 2005) and
12
convergent validity (Webb, Wood-Barcalow, Tylka, 2015). Cronbach’s alpha for this study
was .93.
Compulsive exercise. The Compulsive Exercise Test (CET; Taranis, Touyz, &
Meyer, 2011) is a 24-item measure used to assess compulsive exercise. The CET includes 5
subscales (avoidance and rule-driven behavior, weight control exercise, mood improvement,
lack of exercise enjoyment, and exercise rigidity). The response format ranges from 0 (never
true) to 5 (always true), with higher scores indicating problematic exercise behaviors. Sample
items include “I feel extremely guilty if I miss an exercise session” and “I exercise to
improve my appearance.” are to them. A total compulsive exercise score was computed, with
higher scores indicating greater levels of compulsive exercise. Reliability was strong for the
CET (Cronbach’s α = 0.84), and reliability coefficients reported in previous studies range
with college students range from .71 to .88 (Taranis, Touyz, & Meyer, 2011; Dalle, Calugi,
& Machesini, 2008; Dalle, 2009). Cronbach’s alpha for this study was .76.
Motivation for exercise. The Exercise Motivations Inventory - 2 (EMI-2; Markland
& Hardy, 1993) is used to assess reasons for exercise. Response options range from 0 (not at
all true for me) to 5 (very true for me). Four items were used from this scale to assess
appearance related motivation for exercise; “to be slim,” “to lose weight,” “to improve
appearance,” and “to improve overall body shape.” A total score of this subscale was
computed, with higher scores indicating greater levels of appearance-motivated exercise.
Reliability was strong for the EMI-2 with alpha coefficients ranging from .68-.95 (Markland
& Ingledew, 1997). Cronbach’s alpha for this study was .91.
Depressive symptomology. The Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale
(CES-D; Santor & Coyne, 1997) is a 20-item measure used to assess depressive
13
symptomology. Response options range from 0 (rarely or none of the time) to 3 (most or all
of the time). Sample items include “I felt depressed” and “I thought my life had been a
failure.” A total depressive symptoms score was computed, with higher scores indicating
greater levels of depressive symptoms. This scale demonstrates good internal consistency,
ranging from .84-.90 (Santor & Coyne, 1997) and validity in studies with Hispanic college
students (Naragon-Gainey, Watson, & Markon, 2009; Torres & Rollock, 2007). Cronbach’s
alpha for this study was .90.
Sociocultural Attitudes. The Sociocultural Attitudes Toward Appearance
Questionnaire-3 (SATAQ-3; Thompson, van den Berg, Roehrig, Guarda, & Heinberg, 2004)
is a 30-item questionnaire used to assess sociocultural attitudes towards appearance. Three
subscales from this measure were used: Information, Pressure, General Internalization.
Response options range from 1 (definitely disagree) to 5 (definitely agree), with higher
scores suggesting greater internalization of ideal body types. A sample item is, “I've felt
pressure from TV and magazines to be thin.” Reliability for this scale is excellent; α = .94
(Thompson et al., 2004). Total scores on each subscale were computed with higher scores
indicating greater levels of endorsement. Past research has demonstrated adequate reliability
and convergent validity with Latina college-aged women, with alpha levels ranging between
.81 and .86 (Warren et al., 2005). Cronbach’s alphas for this study were .91 for the
internalization subscale, .93 for the pressures subscale, and .77 for the information subscale.
Acculturative Stress. The Multidimensional Acculturative Stress Inventory (MASI;
Rodriguez et al., 2002; Rodriguez et al., 2015) is a 36-item instrument that assesses an
individual’s level of acculturative stress related to competency of language use, pressures to
acculturate to the mainstream culture, and pressures against acculturation to the mainstream
14
culture. Respondents range from 0 (does not apply) to 5 (extremely stressful), with higher
scores indicating greater acculturative stress. A sample item is “It bothers me when people
pressure me to assimilate to the American ways of doing things.” This scale has
demonstrated high internal consistency (α = .92) and validity among college students
(Rodriguez et al., 2002). Three subscales were used from MASI, 2015 including Spanish
competency pressure, English competency pressure, and Bicultural self-consciousness. One
subscale was used from MASI, 2002 including Pressure to acculturate. Total scores for each
subscale were used with higher scores indicating greater levels of endorsement. Cronbach’s
alphas for this study were .78 for the pressure to acculturate subscale, .78 for the bicultural
self-consciousness subscale, .91 for the English competency subscale, and .92 for the Spanish
competency subscale.
Self-Compassion. The Self-Compassion Scale (SCS; Neff, 2003) is a 26-item scale
used to assess self-compassion. The SCS has six subscales that measure the three dimensions
of self-compassion and their opposite dimensions (Self-kindness, Common Humanity, and
Mindfulness, Self-judgment, Isolation, and Over-identification). Response options range
from 1 (almost never) to 5 (almost always). A total self-compassion score is computed, with
higher scores indicating greater levels of self-compassion. A sample item is “I try to be
loving toward myself when I’m feeling emotional pain.” Reliability for this scale is excellent;
α = .93 (Neff, 2003). This measure has high internal consistency and validity with college
students, α = .95 (Mehr & Adams, 2016). Cronbach’s alpha for this study was .92.
15
Chapter Three
Results
Statistical analyses were performed using SPSS version 22 (IBM Corp., 2012). The
variables met statistical assumptions of normality and linearity. Nineteen cases were deleted
due to missing data using listwise deletion (Pigott, 2001). Additionally, seven participants
were deleted since they did not meet the age requirement of 18-25 years old. Therefore, of
the original 174 cases, 148 participants were included in the analyses.
Multiple hierarchical linear regression analysis was used to examine main and
interaction effects of sociocultural pressure and self-compassion on disordered eating, body
image, appearance-motivated exercise, and depressive symptoms for Latina college students.
For each model, one of the seven dimensions of sociocultural pressure was entered in step 1,
self-compassion was entered in step 2, and the sociocultural pressure and self-compassion
interaction was entered in step 3. Only significant results from step 3 of each model will be
reported. Tables for significant moderations are included in Appendix B. Model 1:
Sociocultural information was the predictor variable. Model 2: Sociocultural internalization
was the predictor variable. Refer to Table 1. Model 3: Sociocultural pressure was the
predictor variable. Refer to Table 2.
Model 4: Spanish competency pressure was the predictor variable. Model 5: English
competency pressure was the predictor variable. Refer to Table 3. Model 6: Bicultural self-
consciousness was the predictor variable. Refer to Table 4. Model 7: Pressure to acculturate
was the predictor variable. Refer to Table 5. Additionally, simple slopes analyses were also
conducted on these interactions to examine the significance slope of each predictor variable
(Frazier et al., 2004).
16
Disordered eating. Model 1: Sociocultural information and self-compassion
explained 12% of the variance (R2 = .12, p < .001). Sociocultural information was a
significant positive predictor (β = .293, p < .01, CI[.19, .73]) and self-compassion was a
significant negative predictor β = -.200, p < .05, CI[-5.77, -4.33]). Model 2: Sociocultural
internalization and self-compassion explained 11% of the variance (R2 = .11, p < .001).
Sociocultural internalization was a significant positive predictor (β = .246 p < .01, CI[.11,
.68]). Model 3: Sociocultural pressure and self-compassion explained 16% of the variance
(R2 = .16, p < .001). Sociocultural pressure was a significant positive predictor (β = .318 p <
.001, CI[.24, .80]) and the interaction was a significant negative predictor (β = -.163 p < .05,
CI[-.62, -.00]). For simple slopes analyses, the line for self-compassion (p = .242) was not
significant.
Model 4: Spanish competency pressure and self-compassion explained 7% of the
variance (R2 = .07, p < .01). Model 5: English competency pressure and self-compassion
explained 11% of the variance (R2 = .11, p < .001). English competency pressure was a
significant positive predictor (β = .264, p < .01, CI[.17, .82]) and self-compassion was a
significant negative predictor (β = -.300, p < .01, CI[-7.53, -2.11]). Model 6: Bicultural self-
consciousness and self-compassion explained 13% of the variance (R2 = .13, p < .001).
Bicultural self-consciousness was a significant positive predictor (β = .294, p < .01, CI[.78,
2.81]) and self-compassion was a significant negative predictor (β = -.320, p < .001, CI[-
7.51, -2.25]). Model 7: Pressure to acculturate and self-compassion explained 16% of the
variance (R2 = .16, p < .001). Pressure to acculturate was a significant positive predictor (β =
.329, p < .001, CI[.57, 1.68]) and self-compassion was a significant negative predictor (β = -
.273, p < .01, CI[-6.73, -1.68]).
17
In all models, self-compassion accounted for a significant proportion of the variance
in disordered eating. Model 3 revealed a significant interaction between sociocultural
pressure and self-compassion on disordered eating behaviors.
Body Appreciation. Model 1: Sociocultural information and self-compassion
explained 34% of the variance (R2 = .34, p < .001). Self-compassion was a significant
positive predictor (β = .593, p < .001, CI[5.67, 9.43]). Model 2: Sociocultural internalization
and self-compassion explained 36% of the variance (R2 = .36, p < .001). Self-compassion
was a significant positive predictor (β = .549, p < .001, CI[5.02, 8.58]). Model 3:
Sociocultural pressure and self-compassion explained 37% of the variance (R2 = .37, p <
.001). Sociocultural pressure was a significant negative predictor (β = -.226, p < .01, CI[-.51,
-.10]) and self-compassion was a significant positive predictor (β = .504, p < .001, CI[4.51,
8.29]).
variance (R2 = .33, p < .001). Self-compassion was a significant positive predictor (β = .471,
p < .01, CI[2.51, 9.89]). Model 5: English competency pressure and self-compassion
positive predictor (β = .598, p < .001, CI[6.01, 9.74]) and the interaction was a significant
negative predictor (β = -.204, p < .05, CI[-.54, -.09]). Model 6: Bicultural self-consciousness
and self-compassion explained 37% of the variance (R2 = .37, p < .001). Self-compassion
was a significant positive predictor (β = .649, p < .001, CI[6.37, 10.06]). Model 7: Pressure
to acculturate and self-compassion explained 36% of the variance (R2 = .36, p < .001).
Pressure to acculturate was a significant negative predictor (β = -.146, p < .05, CI[-.80, -.01])
and self-compassion was a significant positive predictor (β = .605, p < .001, CI[5.93, 9.54]).
18
in body appreciation. Model 5 revealed a significant interaction between English competency
pressure and self-compassion on body appreciation.
Body Dissatisfaction. Model 1: Sociocultural information and self-compassion
explained 28% of the variance (R2 = .28, p < .001). Sociocultural information was a
significant positive predictor (β = .347, p < .001, CI[.88, 2.28]) and self-compassion was a
significant negative predictor (β = -.385, p < .001, CI[-24.64, -10.41]). Model 2:
Sociocultural internalization and self-compassion explained 28% of the variance (R2 = .28, p
< .001). Sociocultural internalization was a significant positive predictor (β = .361, p < .001,
CI[.97, 2.50]) and self-compassion was a significant negative predictor (β = -.320, p < .001,
CI[-21.60, -7.28]). Model 3: Sociocultural pressure and self-compassion explained 32% of
the variance (R2 = .32, p < .001). Sociocultural pressure was a significant positive predictor
(β = .421, p < .001, CI[1.29, 2.74]) and self-compassion was a significant negative predictor
(β = -.306, p < .001, CI[-21.01, -6.95]).
variance (R2 = .24, p < .001). Spanish competency pressure was a significant positive
predictor (β = .183, p < .05, CI[.09, 1.17]) and self-compassion was a significant negative
predictor (β = -.365, p < .05, CI[-31.79, -3.09]). Model 5: English competency pressure and
self-compassion explained 33% of the variance (R2 = .33, p < .001). English competency
pressure was a significant positive predictor (β = .311, p < .001, CI[.89, 2.55]) and self-
compassion was a significant negative predictor (β = -.545, p < .001, CI[-33.12, -19.03]) and
the interaction was a significant positive predictor (β = .154, p < .05, CI[.021, 1.68]). Model
6: Bicultural self-consciousness and self-compassion explained 30% of the variance (R2 =
19
.30, p < .001). Bicultural self-consciousness was a significant positive predictor (β = .323, p
< .001, CI[3.04, 8.32]) and self-compassion was a significant negative predictor (β = -.533, p
< .001, CI[-31.09, -16.99]). Model 7: Pressure to acculturate and self-compassion explained
31% of the variance (R2 = .31, p < .001). Pressure to acculturate was a significant positive
predictor (β = .373, p < .001, CI[2.23, 5.15]) and self-compassion was a significant negative
predictor (β = -.463, p < .001, CI[-27.92, -14.32]).
in body dissatisfaction. Model 5 revealed a significant interaction between English
competency pressure and self-compassion on body dissatisfaction.
Appearance-motivated exercise. Model 1: Sociocultural information and self-
compassion explained 18% of the variance (R2 = .18, p < .001). Sociocultural information
was a significant positive predictor (β = .332, p < .001, CI[.09, .27]) and self-compassion was
a significant negative predictor (β = -.263, p < .01, CI[-2.33, -.55]). Model 2: Sociocultural
internalization and self-compassion explained 16% of the variance (R2 = .16, p < .001).
Sociocultural internalization was a significant positive predictor (β = .316, p < .001, CI[.08,
.27]) and self-compassion was a significant negative predictor (β = -.189, p < .05, CI[-1.93, -
.09]). Model 3: Sociocultural pressure and self-compassion explained 16% of the variance
(R2 = .16, p < .001). Sociocultural pressure was a significant positive predictor (β = .307, p <
.001, CI[.08, .27]) and self-compassion was a significant negative predictor (β = -.212, p <
.05, CI[-2.08, -.23]).
variance (R2 = .06, p < .05). Model 5: English competency pressure and self-compassion
explained 7% of the variance (R2 = .07, p < .01). Self-compassion was a significant negative
20
predictor (β = -.301, p < .01, CI[-2.65, -.74]). Model 6: Bicultural self-consciousness and
self-compassion explained 9% of the variance (R2 = .09, p < .01). Self-compassion was a
significant negative predictor (β = -.313, p < .001, CI[-2.61, -.76]). Model 7: Pressure to
acculturate and self-compassion explained 9% of the variance (R2 = .09, p < .01). Self-
compassion was a significant negative predictor (β = -.309, p < .001, CI[-2.58, -.77]).
Compulsive exercise. Model 1: Sociocultural information was a significant positive
predictor (β = .245, p < .01, CI[.14, .88]). Model 2: Sociocultural internalization was a
significant positive predictor (β = .220, p < .05, CI[.07, .87]). Model 3: Sociocultural
pressure was a significant positive predictor (β = .222, p < .05, CI[.08, .87]). Model 6:
Bicultural self-consciousness was a significant positive predictor (β = .180, p < .05, CI[-.01,
2.94]).
Depressive Symptoms. Model 1: Sociocultural information and self-compassion
negative predictor (β = -.370, p < .001, CI[-5.75, -2.10]). The interaction between
sociocultural information and self-compassion was positive and significant (β = .189, p < .05,
CI[.02, .48]). Model 2: Sociocultural internalization and self-compassion explained 15% of
the variance (R2 = .15, p < .001). Self-compassion was a significant negative predictor (β = -
.335, p < .001, CI[-5.30, -1.65]). The interaction between sociocultural internalization and
self-compassion was positive and significant (β = .189, p < .05, CI[.02, .48]). For simple
slopes analyses, the line for self-compassion (p = .236) was not significant.
21
Model 3: Sociocultural pressure and self-compassion explained 15% of the variance
(R2 = .15, p < .001). Self-compassion was a significant negative predictor (β = -.332, p <
.001, CI[-5.32, -1.64]).
variance (R2 = .28, p < .001). Spanish competency pressure was a significant positive
predictor (β = .324, p < .001, CI[.13, .38]) and self-compassion was a significant negative
predictor (β = -.523, p < .01, CI[-8.87, -2.40]). Model 5: English competency pressure and
self-compassion explained 26% of the variance (R2 = .26, p < .001). English competency
pressure was a significant positive predictor (β = .162, p < .05, CI[.00, .42]) and self-
compassion was a significant negative predictor (β = -.499, p < .001, CI[-7.07, -3.70]). The
interaction was a significant positive predictor (β = .208, p < .05, CI[.06, .46]). Model 6:
Bicultural self-consciousness and self-compassion explained 24% of the variance (R2 = .24, p
< .001). Bicultural self-consciousness was a significant positive predictor (β = .219, p < .01,
CI[.25, 1.58]) and self-compassion was a significant negative predictor (β = -.473, p < .001,
CI[-6.57, -3.22]). The interaction was a significant positive predictor (β = .268, p < .01,
CI[.391, 1.60]). Model 7: Pressure to acculturate and self-compassion explained 18% of the
variance (R2 = .18, p < .001). Pressure to acculturate was a significant positive predictor (β =
.190, p < .05, CI[.06, .82]) and self-compassion was a significant negative predictor (β = -
.392, p < .001, CI[-5.78, -2.39]).The interaction was a significant positive predictor (β = -
.217, p < .01, CI[.14, .96]).
in depressive symptoms. Model 2, 5, 6, and 7 revealed a significant interaction between
22
sociocultural internalization, English competency pressure, bicultural self-consciousness, and
pressure to acculturate and self-compassion on depressive symptoms.
Table 1
Model 2. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for Sociocultural Internalization
95% CI
Variable B Lower Upper SE Β R2 ΔR2
Depressive Symptoms
Step 1 .04 .04
Sociocultural Internalization .25 .05 .44 .09 .22
Step 2 .23 .09
Sociocultural Internalization .11 -.084 .31 .10 .10
Self-Compassion -3.41 -5.26 -1.56 .93 -.32
Step 3
Sociocultural Internalization .11 -.07 .316 .10 .10 .15 .03
Self-Compassion 16.66 -5.30 -1.65 .92 -.33
Interaction .250 .02 .45 .10 .18
Table 2
Model 3. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for Sociocultural Pressure
95% CI
Disordered Eating
Step 1 .11 .12
Sociocultural Pressure .58 .31 .85 .11 -.38
Step 2 .14 .03
Self-Compassion -2.81 -5.46 -.17 .94 .51
Step 3 .16 .02
Sociocultural Pressure .52 -.51 -.10 2.22 -.22
Self-Compassion -2.49 4.51 8.29 .102 .50
Interaction .21 .000 .43 .92 .16
Table 3
Model 5. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for English Competency Pressure
95% CI
Depressive Symptoms
Step 1 .01 .01
English Competency Pressure .18 -.05 .41 .117 .13
Step 2 .22 .22
23
English Competency Pressure .28 .07 .48 .10 .21

Self-Compassion -5.15 -6.86 -3.44 .86 -.47
Step 3
English Competency Pressure .21 .00 .42 .10 .16 .26 .04
Self-Compassion -5.38 -7.07 -3.70 .850 -.49
Interaction .26 .061 .46 .103 .20
Body Dissatisfaction
Step 1 .05 .06
English Competency Pressure 1.40 .45 2.35 .47 .25
Step 2 .32 .26
English Competency Pressure 1.91 1.09 2.73 .413 .34
Self-Compassion -25.06 -32.13 -18.00 3.56 -.52
Step 3 .33 02
Self-Compassion -26.07 -33.12 -19.03 3.55 -.54
Interaction .855 .02 1.68 .42 .15
Body Appreciation
Step 1 .01 .02
Step 2 .33 .32
Self-Compassion 7.61 5.70 9.51 .96 .57
Step 3 .37 .03
Self-Compassion 7.87 6.01 9.74 .94 .58
Interaction -.31 -.54 -.09 .11 -.20
Table 4
Model 6. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for Bicultural Self-Consciousness
95% CI
Depressive Symptoms
Step 1 .03 .04
Bicultural Self-Consciousness .842 .106 1.57 .372 .20
Step 2 .18 .16
Bicultural Self-Consciousness 1.097 .414 1.78 .345 .26
Self-Compassion -4.181 -5.859 -2.50 .848 -.40
Step 3 . .24 .06
Self-Compassion -4.897 -6.571 -3.22 .845 -.47
Interaction .996 .391 1.60 .306 .26
Table 5
24
Model 7. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for Pressure to Acculturate
95% CI
Depressive Symptoms
Step 1 .02 .02
Pressure to Acculturate .39 -.01 .81 .21 .16
Step 2 .14 .13
Pressure to Acculturate .43 .04 .82 .19 .18
Self-Compassion -3.79 -5.51 -2.08 .86 -.36
Step 3 . 18 .04
Pressure to Acculturate .44 .06 .82 .19 .19 .
Self-Compassion -4.08 -5.78 -2.39 .85 -.39 .
Interaction .55 .14 .96 .20 .21
25
Chapter Four
Discussion
H1 was partially supported. Sociocultural information positively predicted
disordered eating, body dissatisfaction, appearance motivated exercise and compulsive
exercise. Results suggest that women who consumed media as a significant source of
information about appearance-related issues had higher levels of pathology surrounding
eating, body image, and exercise. As women attend to Western media, they are exposed to
information surrounding cultural ideals of appearance. Previous literature suggests that the
endorsement of media as an important source of information can lead to pressure to follow
and internalize this incoming information (Warren et. al., 2013). For minority women, there
is likely a discrepancy in the information promoted in mainstream Western media and
messages from their culture of origin (Warren et al., 2005). Attempting to navigate these
distinct and often contrasting sets of beauty ideals and expectations may become an
additional stressor in the acculturation process. As this awareness of beauty ideals increases,
women often report increased pressure to attain the ideal (Warren et. al., 2013). In this study,
sociocultural pressure positively predicted disordered eating, body dissatisfaction,
appearance motivated exercise and compulsive exercise and negatively predicted body
appreciation. Past literature suggests that the pressure to attain a certain beauty ideal was the
most significant factor in determining body dissatisfaction (Bedford & Johnson, 2006).
Results from this study revealed a negative relationship between sociocultural pressure and
body appreciation. Given there was no relationship between body appreciation and
sociocultural information or internalization, and past research has established a relationship
between pressure and body dissatisfaction, it may be plausible that pressure to attain this
26
ideal leads to reduced body appreciation as well. Furthermore, sociocultural internalization
positively predicted disordered eating, body dissatisfaction, appearance motivated exercise,
and compulsive exercise. Internalization refers to the extent that women adopt these ideals
and engage in behaviors to attain them. These findings are consistent with past literature,
which has found media internalization to directly predict disordered eating behaviors. Past
literature also suggests that internalization of media and experiencing pressure to adhere may
be more resistant to treatment (Stice & Hoffman, 2004) while other studies indicate that it
may be more feasible to intervene during the internalization process (Dittmar & Howard,
2004).
H2 was partially supported. English competency pressure was a significant positive
predictor of disordered eating, body dissatisfaction, and depressive symptoms and Spanish
competency pressure was a significant positive predictor of body dissatisfaction and
depressive symptoms. Past literature suggests language competency pressure is one of the
best predictors of psychological distress, more so than other dimensions of acculturative
stress (Rodriguez et. al., 2002). Consistent with that literature, results from this study
revealed that language competency pressure was predictive of body dissatisfaction and
depressive symptomology. However, results from this study also revealed that other
dimensions of acculturative stress may be more relevant for disordered eating behaviors.
Bicultural self-consciousness was a significant positive predictor of body dissatisfaction,
disordered eating, compulsive exercise, and depressive symptoms. Women who endorsed
feeling self-conscious about their Latina and American background endorsed higher levels of
psychological concerns surrounding eating and body image. This is consistent with past
literature suggesting that college-aged women are particularly self-conscious about their
27
appearance and engage in higher levels of disordered eating behaviors (Warren et. al., 2013).
This may be particularly relevant for Latina students since they may be struggling to find a
sense of “fit” between the majority culture and their culture of origin. Pressure to acculturate
was a significant positive predictor of disordered eating, body dissatisfaction, and depressive
symptoms, and negative predictor of body appreciation. Pressure to acculturate refers to the
stress one experiences while trying to balance their values between Latina and American
ideals and customs. Both sociocultural pressure and pressure to acculturate predicted the
highest number of negative psychological outcomes and were the only two significant
negative predictors of body appreciation. This suggests that the pressure to adopt or navigate
certain beliefs may be especially relevant to eating pathology and body image, more so than
simply an awareness of these messages.
H3 was partially supported. Self-compassion moderated the relationship between
sociocultural pressure and disordered eating. Given that pressure to attain the thin ideal is
significantly related to maladaptive eating behaviors (McKinley & Hyde, 1996), self-
compassion may serve as a protective factor and buffer against this negative self-evaluation
and associated pressure to be thin, thus reducing endorsement of disordered eating behaviors.
Self-compassion may counteract the pressure that women feel with these messages from
Western media. This finding is consistent with previous research highlighting the negative
relationship between self-compassion and disordered eating behaviors (Breines et.al., 2014).
Additionally, self-compassion moderated the relationship between English competency
pressure and body appreciation and dissatisfaction. Finally, self-compassion moderated the
relationship between four dimensions of sociocultural pressure and depressive symptoms.
Specifically, sociocultural internalization, English competency pressure, bicultural self-
28
consciousness, and pressure to acculturate. Results suggest that self-compassion may serve as
a protective mechanism against acculturative stress on depressive symptomology. Results are
consistent with previous literature, which has established self-compassion as a protective
factor for depression (Terry, Leary, & Mehta, 2013). Individuals with higher self-compassion
may engage in less negative self-talk or be less critical for perceived failures. This kindness
towards oneself may protect against depressive symptomology, such as feelings of
worthlessness or hopelessness.
H4 was partially supported. Self-compassion negatively predicted disordered
eating, body dissatisfaction, appearance-motivated exercise, and depressive symptoms, and
positively predicted body appreciation. Results suggest a negative relationship between an
individual’s level of self-compassion and engagement in disordered eating behaviors. This
relationship has been well documented in the literature, however it is worth noting that these
outcomes also hold true for Latina college students. To date, research with self-compassion
and eating pathology has been conducted with predominantly White women. These findings
highlight the importance of self-compassion and the positive impact it may have on reducing
eating pathology and body related concerns among Latina college students.
Implications, Limitations, and Future Research
The present study provides support that the sociocultural model for eating pathology
may also be applicable for Latina college students. Thus far the model has only been
researched with predominantly White samples and this study establishes a foundation to
extend that research to ethnic minority groups. Additionally, dimensions of acculturative
stress should be studied in relation to eating pathology and body image with Latina college
students. In addition to the established sociocultural model, which includes information,
29
pressure, and internalization, ethnic minority women may have added stressors which
contribute to heightened psychological concerns. Lastly, self-compassion may buffer against
the negative impact of acculturative stress on depressive symptoms. To date, there are only a
handful of studies examining the construct of self-compassion with ethnic minority groups,
however it may prove to be a fruitful area of research. If clinical treatment can focus on
teaching self-compassion skills, it may reduce the risk of negative psychological outcomes
among minority groups.
Despite the valuable findings in this study, certain limitations should be noted. First,
the present study is a correlation design. While this type of research establishes the presence
of a relationship and serves as a promising foundation, a causal direction between variables
cannot be observed or established. Second, there is the possibility for self- report errors since
self-report measures were used. Participants may have been biased, dishonest, or may not
have understood specific questions, which is always a concern when using self-report
questionnaires. Finally, there is the issue of generalizability. This sample was predominantly
19-year-old college students in West Texas. Given this specific sample, it is difficult to
determine whether these findings would be applicable to other geographical locations,
populations, or ethnic minority groups. Further replications with multiple, diverse samples
would help address this issue.
This study demonstrates that different dimensions of sociocultural pressures have
varying relationships with eating pathology, body image, exercise, and depressive symptoms.
Thus, future research could examine whether these negative outcomes related to eating and
body image are a coping mechanism for sociocultural stressors or are directly related to the
different messages from the majority culture and culture of origin. Additionally, future
30
research on self-compassion with ethnic minority women, and integration into clinical
treatment, may be beneficial. If young adults can learn these skills, it may protect them
against them from developing poor eating behaviors, body concerns, or depression. Overall,
this study builds on existing literature highlighting the relationship between sociocultural
pressures and eating pathology, and the benefits of self-compassion for negative
psychological outcomes.
31
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Appendices
Appendix A
Extended Literature Review
The Latinx community is one of the fastest growing minority groups in the United
States, currently accounting for 17% of the total population (U.S. Census Bureau 2013) and
projected to represent 31% of the total population by 2060 (U.S. Census Bureau, Population
Division, 2012 National Population Projections, Projections of the Population by Sex, Race,
and Hispanic Origin for the United States: 2015 to 2060). The growth in the Latinx
population has also influenced the growth in the Latinx college student population. Latinx
represented the second largest group of the traditional college age population (18-24 years
old), with college enrollment projected to increase by 27% between 2011 and 2022 (National
Center for Education Statistics, Projections of Education Statistics to 2022, 2014). College is
a time where students are particularly vulnerable to negative health outcomes, and given the
increasing rates of enrollment among Latinx individuals, it is critical to acknowledge a
community that is particularly at risk. The primary aim of this literature review is to provide
a summary of the prevalence, risk factors, protective factors, and correlates of disordered
eating behaviors, specifically focusing on the Latina college student population.
Disordered Eating
Clinical eating disorders are characterized as disturbances in body image and eating
behavior and disproportionately affect women in the United States (Somlak & Striegel-
Moore, 2001). The estimated lifetime prevalence is 0.9% for anorexia nervosa, 1.5% for
bulimia nervosa, and 2.8% for binge eating disorder (Hudson, Hiripi, Pope, & Kessler, 2007).
However, more subtle forms of unhealthy eating behaviors that do not meet the severity or
42
frequency to warrant a diagnosis of a clinical eating disorder are broadly referred to as
disordered eating behaviors. Disordered eating behaviors occur at a much higher rate than
clinical eating disorders and refer to unhealthy eating patterns such as restricting food intake,
binge eating, and dieting (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Research suggests that
up to 70% of women display unhealthy relationships with food and weight concerns, and
45% of women engage in compulsive (also referred to as compensatory) exercise (Reba-
Harrelson, Von Holle, Hamer, Swann, Reyes, & Bulik, 2009; Dalle Grave, Calugi, &
Marchesini, 2008). Discussions and behaviors surrounding food, dieting, body size, exercise,
and other weight control methods have become commonplace in mainstream Western
culture, therefore it is not surprising that many women have developed problematic
relationships with food and their body. Unfortunately, engaging in these behaviors can often
lead to negative physiological and psychological health outcomes, and is one of the most
well-established indicators for the development of a clinical eating disorder (Striegel-Moore
& Cachelin, 2001).
University students are particularly susceptible to the development of eating
pathology. The literature consistently highlights that eating concerns are a widespread
problem among college students and are particularly prevalent among college-aged women.
In a study by White, Reynolds-Malear, and Cordero (2011), researchers collected data over a
13-year period to assess eating and unhealthy weight control behaviors in undergraduate
students. Results indicated an increase over time in unhealthy eating behaviors and weight
control methods. Similarly, Eisenberg, D., Nicklett, E. J., Roeder, K., & Kirz, N. E. (2011)
surveyed a large sample of undergraduate students and found that 13.5% of women screened
positive for maladaptive eating behaviors and still displayed consistent symptoms 2 years
43
later.
Although disordered eating behaviors were once thought to affect only White women,
extensive research now suggests that minority women have equal or greater risk for
developing eating concerns. The few studies on disordered eating in Latinas suggest
prevalence rates similar to or greater than Whites in the United States (Alegria et al., 2007;
Caballero, Sunday, & Halmi, 2003), specifically with binge eating and bulimic symptoms. In
a study by Alegria et al. (2007), researchers analyzed data from the National Latino and
Asian American Study, a national epidemiological household survey of Latinos in the United
States, and found that Latinos had elevated rates of any binge eating and binge eating
disorder but low prevalence of anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa. Similarly, a study by
Marques and colleagues (2011), found that Latinos reported more binge eating symptoms
than their non-Latino White counterparts. Finally, in a study with 4,023 women ages 25-45,
Reba and colleagues (2009), found that of the 539 participants that identified as Latina, 8.9%
engaged in vomiting, 12.0% used laxatives, 13.1% used diuretics, 45.1% used diet pills,
24.%% engaged in excessive exercise, and 19.0% engaged in restriction of food.
Additionally, out of the Latina sample, 69.5% endorsed weight loss attempts, and 74%
endorsed concerns about weight/shape. While studies demonstrate slight variations in
prevalence rates of specific types behaviors, and how they present in comparison to peer
groups, it is evident that Latinas are not immune to the development of problematic eating
behaviors.
Body Image
Body image is a multidimensional construct, which refers to the thoughts and feelings
one has towards their body (Grogan, 2008). This evaluation of one’s body has received
44
considerable attention within the past few years, including aspects of both negative and
positive body image (Tylka & Wood-Barcalow, 2015). Body dissatisfaction, the negative
evaluation of one’s body, or specific body features, is not a recent discovery (Tiggemann,
2003), and has increasingly become a normative part of Western culture. Research suggests
that at least 50% of women display some level of dissatisfaction with their body or specific
body parts (Grabe & Hyde, 2006), and the prevalence rates continue to increase. While body
dissatisfaction is typical for women of all ages, rates are alarmingly high among female
college students (Tiggemann, 2003).
As numerous researchers have observed and documented, women are continuously
bombarded with messages from their social environment suggesting that they must be thin to
be considered attractive. Over the past three decades, the frequency of these unrealistic, and
unattainable standards of these messages have been amplified to a point at which it is not
surprising that women would become increasingly dissatisfied with their own body image
(Karazsia, Murnen, & Tylka, 2017). The high rates of body dissatisfaction among women is
concerning because it can lead to negative physical and mental health consequences. Body
dissatisfaction has been associated with higher levels of disordered eating behaviors and
depressive symptoms among young adult women (Neumark-Sztainer, Paxton, Hannan,
Haines, & Story, 2006; Stice, 2002; Shaw, Stice, & Springer, 2004). Consistent with
literature on disordered eating, body dissatisfaction does not differ among women from
different backgrounds or ethnic groups (Grabe & Hyde, 2006).
Ethnicity may influence body area dissatisfaction because the ideals of beauty are
noticeably different based on culture. A thin physical appearance is considered the beauty
ideal among mainstream Western culture, whereas traditional Latinx culture emphasizes a
45
curvier physique. Research with ethnically diverse samples suggests that body dissatisfaction
tends to be highest among Latinas and lowest among Black women (Croll, Neumark-
Sztainer, Story, & Ireland, 2002), although there is much speculation as to why this
discrepancy exists. Furthermore, one study with college women found that Latinas
demonstrate higher rates of desire to be thin and more body dissatisfaction than White
women (McComb & Clopton, 2002), however findings between these two groups of women
have shown mixed results, as other studies have suggested no differences in levels of body
dissatisfaction (Cachelin, Rebeck, Chung, & Pelayo, 2002; Shaw, Ramirez, Trost, Randall, &
Stice, 2004).
In addition to aspects of a negative body image, researchers have shifted their focus
to include positive aspects of body image, such as body appreciation. Positive body image
may be beneficial for physical and psychological health and has been established as a
separate construct than negative body image or low levels of body dissatisfaction. (Tylka &
Wood-Barcalow, 2015). Body appreciation refers to an acceptance one’s body regardless of
size or imperfections and valuing one’s body by engaging in healthy behaviors, despite
receiving messages about the thin ideal from the media (Avalos et al., 2005). There is a
growing body of research to support the positive effects of body appreciation. Individuals
with high levels of body appreciation engage in behaviors to promote their physical and
mental health. Additionally, body appreciation has been associated with less depressive
symptoms and lower disordered eating behaviors (Gillen, 2015). Given the relative novelty
of positive body image research, there are very few studies examining body appreciation
among ethnic minority women. However, the beneficial effects seen with women, in the
46
general population, provide sufficient evidence to believe similar effects would extend to the
Latina community.
Exercise Behaviors
Compulsive exercise is an unhealthy drive to exercise despite negative physical and
psychological outcomes. Common symptoms of compulsive exercise include feelings of guilt
and anxiety when exercise is missed, sacrificing social activities or other priorities to
exercise, and continuing to exercise despite physical limitations or consequences (Dalle,
Calugi, Machesisin, 2007; Taranis, Toiyz & Meyer, 2011). Past research suggests that
compulsive exercise co-exists with higher levels of dietary restraint, weight and shape
concerns, drive for thinness, body dissatisfaction, and bulimic tendencies (Grave, Calugi,
Marschesini, 2008; Solenberger, 2001; Adkins & Keel, 2005). Using exercise as a
mechanism to control weight, and “purge” unwanted calories, is typical among women with
clinical eating disorders, specifically those with anorexia nervosa, and bulimia nervosa
((Meyer, Taranis, & Touyz, 2008; American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Furthermore,
college students are at-risk for engaging in this type of excessive exercise as a means to
control their weight. Studies have documented a large prevalence of compulsive exercise
among college women with rates ranging from 18.1% to 45.9%. (Guidi, Pender, & Hollon,
2007; Garman, Hayduk, Crider, & Hodel, 2004).
Compulsive exercise is often considered the most challenging behavior to treat
among individuals with disordered eating behaviors (Dalle, Calugi, Machesisin, 2007; Grave,
2009). This may be attributed to the complex nature of exercise. Other behaviors that are
associated with disordered eating are widely accepted as being unhealthy, however exercise
is ordinarily perceived as a healthy activity, which makes it problematic specifically in the
47
context of eating pathology. The exercise activities of individuals that engage in disordered
eating are often extreme, obsessive, and obligatory in nature. For example, exercise has been
related to positive mental health outcomes for individuals who did not engage in disordered
eating including lower depressive symptoms and higher levels of satisfaction with their body,
but negative outcomes for those who did engage in disordered eating, including higher levels
of depressive symptoms, negative affect, and poor body image (De Young & Anderson,
2010).
Thus, it might be important to look beyond the exercise itself and look at the
intentions behind exercise. Past research suggests that individuals who engage in exercise for
appearance management reasons may be more likely to develop eating pathology, and have a
negative view of their body, than individuals who exercise for more health and fitness-
oriented reasons (La Page & Crowther, 2010). In a study by Mond and Calogero (2009),
researchers surveyed women with eating disorders and women without eating disorders on a
range of disordered exercise behaviors and found that exercising for physical attractiveness,
or to influence weight was the strongest differentiating marker between the two groups.
Because certain reasons for exercise are accompanied by eating pathology and body
dissatisfaction, researchers have started categorizing them into positive and negative clusters,
with health and fitness related reasons as being positive and appearance or weight control
reasons being negative (Vartanian, Wharton, & Green, 2012).
Depressive Symptoms
Major depression is a common mental health disorder in the United States. According
to the National Institute of Mental Health (2016), 6.7% of all adults reported having at least
one major episode over the past year, with prevalence rates being highest among females
48
(8.5%) and adults between the ages of 18-25 (10.9%). College students appear to be
particularly susceptible to depressive symptoms, with research suggesting that initial
episodes often surfacing during this time period (Ibrahim, Kelly, Adams, & Glazebrook,
2013). A recent meta-analysis reviewed 24 articles published between 1990-2010 examining
prevalence rates among college students, and found the mean weighted prevalence to be
30.6%, which was substantially higher than what is typically seen in the general population
(Ibrahim et al., 2013).There is a growing body of research which studies suggest that females
college students are at higher risk for depression than males. For example, in a study with
2,700 university students in the United States, females reported higher levels of depressive
symptoms than males Eisenberg, Golberstein, and Hunt (2009). Additionally, in a study with
677 female undergraduate students, 7.3% endorsed depressive symptoms while 6.5% met
criteria for major depression disorder (Eisenberg, Gollust, Golberstein, & Hefner, 2007). This
developmental stage can be very challenging for young adults as they try to balance the
demands and stressors of their environment. Although elevated depressive symptoms are
often viewed as a normative component during this phase of life, they can lead to serious
negative physical and psychological consequences (National Institute of Mental Health,
2011; Zivin, Eisenberg, Gollust, & Golberstein, 2009).
Ethnic minority women are particularly at-risk for developing depressive symptoms.
In a meta-analysis by Mendelson, Rehkopf, and Kubzansky (2008), researchers analyzed 23
studies on the prevalence of depressive symptoms among Latinos in the United States and
found significantly higher levels of depressive symptoms among Latinos compared with non-
Latino. Additionally, results from their analysis of the female-only sample suggested that
ethnic group differences in depressive symptoms may be slightly larger among women than
49
in the general population and women are more likely to experience depression than men in
both Latino and non-Latino White populations. Past literature has established the high
prevalence rates of depressive symptoms among college students and ethnic minority women
(Liefland, Roberts, Ford, & Stevens, 2014; Nishikawa, Rubinstein, & Annunziato, 2013).
Depressive symptoms often co-exist with other negative mental health outcomes. For
example, depressive symptoms and disordered eating behaviors have consistently
demonstrated a high comorbidity rate (Fitzpatrick & Weltzin, 2014; Holland, Brown, & Keel,
2014). One study found that participants diagnosed with an eating disorder displayed clinical
levels of depression, whereas participants with an eating dysfunction displayed mild levels of
depressive symptoms, and those with no eating disorder or dysfunction displayed the lowest
levels of depression (Gutzwiller et al., 2003). A recent meta-analysis, including 30 studies,
researchers demonstrated the bi-directional relationship between eating pathology and
depression, where eating pathology significantly predicted depression and depression
significantly predicted eating pathology (Francis et al., 2015). A well-documented
relationship between depression and body dissatisfaction also exists. Research suggests that
women who feel negatively about their bodies and displayed depressive symptoms were at a
higher risk for engaging in maladaptive eating behaviors (Harring, Montgomery, & Hardin,
2010). This association between depressive symptoms and body dissatisfaction has been seen
throughout the literature as body dissatisfaction has been positively associated with
depression among females in both non-clinical and clinical samples (Paxton, Neumark-
Sztainer, Hannan, & Eisenberg, 2006; Wildes et al., 2005).
Sociocultural Model
50
Sociocultural pressure has been established as one the strongest influence on eating
pathology and body disturbance in Western societies (Culbert, Racine, & Klump, 2015).
Sociocultural theorists suggest that culture-specific ideals, expectations, and messages
contribute to the development and maintenance of disordered eating and body image
concerns. Several studies over the past few decades highlight how mainstream American
culture promotes eating pathology by emphasizing physical appearance as one of the most
important aspects for a woman, and valuing an extremely slender physique above all else
(LaMarre, & Rice, 2016). In mainstream American culture, the ideal appearance for women
is thin, with a small waist, light eyes, a large bust, White skin color, and long legs (Carter &
Ortiz, 2008), and women often feel pressure from their social environment to attain these
beauty ideals. However, because these ideals may not be achievable, young women
experience dissatisfaction with their bodies and can develop eating pathology (Shroff &
Thompson, 2006). Nevertheless, there is individual variation in the extent to which women
internalize, or adopt, pressures about this beauty ideal. Although the majority of women are
exposed to these mainstream messages on beauty, research has shown that the combination
of both awareness and internalization of these messages is what contributes to body
dissatisfaction and eating pathology. Overall, as awareness and internalization of ideals for
thinness increase, so does eating disorder symptomology (Keery, van den Berg, &
Thompson, 2004).
The powerful influence of the media has been extended to compulsive exercise and
motivation for exercise as well. In the past few years researchers have examined media
content within health and fitness magazines and found that the women are often portrayed
with the thin ideal. These magazines appear to promote a healthy lifestyle and provide health
51
advice while still valuing the idea of being thin and focusing on appearance rather than
overall health (Conlin & Bissell, 2014). For example, a study by Aubrey (2010), found that
women’s health magazines promoted appearance-based messages as frequently and
noticeably as they promoted health related content. These findings suggest that media may
influence why women choose to exercise. In promoting the thin ideal and appearance-based
messages, women may be influenced to engage in exercise in order to achieve this falsely
advertised “healthy lifestyle” with the ultimate goal of improving their appearance rather
than their physical health.
To date, there is still very little known about eating pathology among Latina women,
and specifically on the role of sociocultural factors. Compared to mainstream White
American culture, traditional Latina beauty standards are encouraging of larger figures and
do not value the slender physique as the ideal for attractiveness (Cachelin et al., 2000; Austin
& Smith, 2008). This may cause distress for Latina women as they attempt to negotiate their
own beliefs on beauty ideals both within their culture and the majority culture. Additionally,
minority women may be at particular risk because the ideal appearance for American women
may be unattainable for many ethnic women given variation in genetic factors (Stein, Corte,
& Ronis, 2010). The handful of studies on sociocultural pressure reveal that among Latina
college women, internalization of this mainstream beauty ideal is positively associated to
eating disorder symptoms and body dissatisfaction (Warren et al., 2005; Aviña, 2008). It is
possible that some Latina women receive and internalize mainstream cultural messages
regarding weight, body image, and appearance despite traditional views of beauty from their
culture of origin.
52
Sociocultural models have primarily focused on messages that promote mainstream
American culture. However, when considering minority women, this represents an
incomplete picture. Latina women may have their own cultural values and beliefs, which can
conflict with the beauty ideals represented in typical mainstream culture. This may cause an
internal struggle for minority women as they balance these two opposing perspectives
(Aviña, 2008). Consequently, it is imperative to understand how culture of origin plays a role
in negotiating between potentially conflicting beliefs about beauty ideals and physical
attractiveness, and how media, peers, and family members contribute to this process (Warren,
Castillo, & Gleaves, 2009). Examining sociocultural pressures among Latina women requires
a closer look at variations within the culture. This study provides an initial step in exploring
these constructs among Latinas and potentially sets the foundation for further analysis of
within-culture variations. If mainstream American culture and social pressure to be thin are
pivotal in the development and maintenance of eating pathology and body dissatisfaction, as
the sociocultural model proposes, it may be advantageous to identify factors that can protect
against such influences, such as self-compassion.
Acculturative Stress
Research with ethnically diverse populations warrants the inclusion of cultural
variables that my influence or exacerbate psychological distress. Scholars have increasingly
recognized the significance of acculturative stress on mental health outcomes. While the
process of acculturation refers to an individual’s navigation of attitudes and behaviors
between their culture of origin and the majority culture, the adverse psychological impact of
this process is referred to as acculturative stress (Berry, 1998; Berry, 2005). Although the
process of acculturation may not be inherently stressful for everyone, some individuals
53
experience an internal conflict as they attempt to resolve differences between differing
cultural beliefs, norms, and values (Torres, Driscoll, & Voell, 2012). Adverse external
stressors may also increase acculturative stress, including discrimination from the majority
culture or rejection from the culture of origin.
The college years are seen as a transitional period where young adults are particularly
susceptible to experiencing adverse mental health outcomes. For minority students, the
difficulties associated with this time may be exacerbated by the additional stressors of being
an ethnic minority within a majority culture. Acculturative stress has been associated with
increased depressive symptoms among Latinx college students in the United States (Cano et
al., 2015; Castillo et al., 2015; Cervantes, Cardoso, & Goldbach, 2015). The harmful
influence of acculturative stress also extends to body image and eating behavior. A growing
body of evidence suggests a positive relationship between acculturative stress and disordered
eating behaviors among minority groups. For example, Perez, Voelz, Pettit, and Joiner
(2002) found that acculturative stress moderated the relationship between body
dissatisfaction and bulimic symptomatology in Latina women, such that the relationship was
stronger for women reporting higher levels of acculturative stress than for those reporting
lower levels of acculturative stress. This study highlights the influence of acculturative stress
as minority women who do not endorse high levels of acculturative stress do not endorse
bulimic symptoms even if they are dissatisfied with their bodies (Perez et al., 2002). Another
study among Latinas found that acculturative stress predicts drive for thinness (Gordon et al.,
2010). Some researchers suggest that ethnic minority women may engage in disordered
eating behaviors as an attempt to cope with acculturative stress, whereas other researchers
attribute these behaviors with the acculturate stress associated with valuing Western cultural
54
beauty ideals (Kempa & Thomas, 2000). Results from these studies document the significant
relationship between acculturative stress and eating pathology.
Self-Compassion
Research on disordered eating behaviors has typically focused on identifying and
minimizing risk factors, including sociocultural pressure and acculturative stress. However,
in recent years, researchers have turned their attention to recognizing strengths that may
serve as protective mechanisms (Ciao, Loth, & Neumark-Sztainer, 2014; Tylka & Kroon Van
Diest, 2015). These protective factors interrupt the way in which risk factors influence a
negative outcome. By definition, a protective factor should reduce the chances of an
unwanted outcome and increase the chances of a desired outcome (Smolak, 2012).
Self-compassion has been consistently identified as a protective mechanism for
psychological health and has recently made its way into literature on disordered eating. Self-
compassion is defined as the ability to treat oneself with kindness and understanding rather
than judgment, recognize connection to humanity rather than isolation, and bring negative
thoughts and emotions into awareness rather than over-identifying with them (Neff, 2003). It
reflects concern and compassion toward others, but it also reflects being able to express this
same concern and compassion toward oneself (Neely, Schallert, Mohammed, Roberts, &
Chen, 2009). One key aspect of self-compassion is a healthy self-acceptance, and kindness
towards one’s inadequacies (Neely et al., 2009). Recent research has demonstrated a positive
relationship between self-compassion and psychological health, including happiness,
optimism, and decreased anxiety, and depressive symptomatology (Neff, 2009).
The literature highlights self-compassion as a protective factor for eating pathology
and body image concerns. In one study with college students, researchers found that higher
55
self-compassion predicted lower eating disorder symptomology (Taylor, Krietsch, & Daiss,
2015). Additionally, past literature on self-compassion and body dissatisfaction has yielded
consistent findings: higher levels of self-compassion have been associated with greater body
acceptance in college student samples (Wasylkiw et al., 2012), whereas lower self-
compassion has been associated with body dissatisfaction (Ferreira, Pinto-Gouveia, &
Duarte, 2013). Another noteworthy study demonstrated that practicing self-compassion in
response to negative appearance-related thoughts was related to lower rates of disordered
eating and body image concerns (Breines, Toole, Tu & Chen, 2014). These findings indicate
that self-compassion may predict lower levels of disordered eating since it promotes a
healthier relationship with one’s body and appearance.
Yet only one study has investigated how self-compassion protects against
sociocultural pressures. In a study by Tylka (2015), researchers found that self-compassion
mitigates the effects of sociocultural on disordered eating behaviors. However, this study has
never been replicated with college students or minority women. It is possible that women
with higher levels of self-compassion can combat these unrealistic beauty ideals, which could
minimize body dissatisfaction and disordered eating behavior. Thus, pressure to be thin or
have a specific body shape may be countered by a compassionate stance towards oneself and
an appreciation of one’s body, regardless of size or cultural norms. Furthermore, there are
virtually no studies examining the role of self-compassion specifically among Latina women,
which may be particularly beneficial for a group vulnerable to body dissatisfaction and eating
pathology.
56
Appendix B
Table 1
Model 2. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for Sociocultural Internalization
95% CI
Depressive Symptoms
Step 1 .04 .04
Sociocultural Internalization .25 .05 .44 .09 .22
Step 2 .23 .09
Sociocultural Internalization .11 -.084 .31 .10 .10
Self-Compassion -3.41 -5.26 -1.56 .93 -.32
Step 3
Sociocultural Internalization .11 -.07 .316 .10 .10 .15 .03
Self-Compassion 16.66 -5.30 -1.65 .92 -.33
Interaction .250 .02 .45 .10 .18
Table 2
Model 3. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for Sociocultural Pressure
95% CI
Disordered Eating
Step 1 .11 .12
Step 2 .14 .03
Self-Compassion -2.81 -5.46 -.17 .94 .51
Step 3 .16 .02
Sociocultural Pressure .52 -.51 -.10 2.22 -.22
Self-Compassion -2.49 4.51 8.29 .102 .50
Interaction .21 .000 .43 .92 .16
Table 3
Model 5. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for English Competency Pressure
95% CI
Depressive Symptoms
Step 1 .01 .01
Step 2 .22 .22
English Competency Pressure .28 .07 .48 .10 .21
Self-Compassion -5.15 -6.86 -3.44 .86 -.47
57
Step 3
English Competency Pressure .21 .00 .42 .10 .16 .26 .04
Self-Compassion -5.38 -7.07 -3.70 .850 -.49
Interaction .26 .061 .46 .103 .20
Body Dissatisfaction
Step 1 .05 .06
Step 2 .32 .26
English Competency Pressure 1.91 1.09 2.73 .413 .34
Self-Compassion -25.06 -32.13 -18.00 3.56 -.52
Step 3 .33 02
Self-Compassion -26.07 -33.12 -19.03 3.55 -.54
Interaction .855 .02 1.68 .42 .15
Body Appreciation
Step 1 .01 .02
Step 2 .33 .32
Self-Compassion 7.61 5.70 9.51 .96 .57
Step 3 .37 .03
Self-Compassion 7.87 6.01 9.74 .94 .58
Interaction -.31 -.54 -.09 .11 -.20
Table 4
Model 6. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for Bicultural Self-Consciousness
95% CI
Depressive Symptoms
Step 1 .03 .04
Step 2 .18 .16
Bicultural Self-Consciousness 1.097 .414 1.78 .345 .26
Self-Compassion -4.181 -5.859 -2.50 .848 -.40
Step 3 . .24 .06
Self-Compassion -4.897 -6.571 -3.22 .845 -.47
Interaction .996 .391 1.60 .306 .26
58
Table 5
Model 7. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for Pressure to Acculturate
95% CI
Depressive Symptoms
Step 1 .02 .02
Pressure to Acculturate .39 -.01 .81 .21 .16
Step 2 .14 .13
Pressure to Acculturate .43 .04 .82 .19 .18
Self-Compassion -3.79 -5.51 -2.08 .86 -.36
Step 3 . 18 .04
Pressure to Acculturate .44 .06 .82 .19 .19 .
Self-Compassion -4.08 -5.78 -2.39 .85 -.39 .
Interaction .55 .14 .96 .20 .21
59
Appendix C
Study Information Sheet
What is this project studying?

The main purpose of this study is to learn about your values, behaviors, and mental well-
being.
What would I do if I participate?

This study should take you approximately 60 minutes (1 credit) to complete. You will be
asked to complete several questionnaires, describing yourself, your opinions, behaviors, and
experiences.
Can I quit if I become uncomfortable?

Yes. You can stop your participation at any time without penalty. You may skip any
questions you do not wish to answer.
How are you protecting privacy?

We are not asking for any identifying information on the survey. Your information will be
anonymous meaning your identity will not be linked to your responses.
How will I benefit from participating?

You will receive 1 credit for your PSY 1300 class.
Important point
Please note that as you click “next” at the bottom of each survey page, your responses to that
page are saved and you cannot go back and change them.
I have some questions about this study. Who can I ask?

The study is being run by Mandrila Das (mandrila.das@ttu.edu) and Dr. Steven Richards
(steven.richards@ttu.edu). They will answer any questions you have about the study. Texas
Tech University also has a board that protects the rights of people who participate in
research. You can ask them questions at 806-742-2064. You can also mail your questions to
the Human Research Protection Program, Office of the Vice President for Research, Texas
Tech University, Lubbock Texas 79409.
Who can participate?

Any Texas Tech student between ages 18-25 who identifies as a Latina/Hispanic woman.
Do you wish to participate?

If you do not wish to participate, please close your browser window.
If you do wish to participate, please click “Next” to continue.
60
Appendix D
Demographics
For each of the following items, please select the response option that best describes you.
What is your current age, in years?

__ 17 years old or younger
__ 18-25 years old, please enter age below
___
__ 26 years old or older
With which gender do you most identify?

__ Man
__ Woman
__ Transgender Woman
__ Transgender Man
__ Non-binary/Gender Queer
__ Other, please describe _____
With which race/ethnicity do you most identify (check all that apply)?
__ Asian/Pacific Islander
__ Black/Black
__ White/White (non-Latina/o)
__ Latino(a)/Hispanic
__ Native American/American Indian
__ Middle Eastern/Asian Indian
__ Biracial/Multicultural
__ Other, please describe _____
Please select the statement that best describes you.

__You were born in another country
a) What age did you immigrate to the U.S.? _
__You were born in the U.S. but one of your parents was
born in another country.
__ Both you and your parents were born in the U.S. but all
your grandparents were born in another country.
__ Both you and your parents were born in the U.S. and at
least one grandparent was born in the U.S.
__ You, your parents, and all your grandparents were born
in U.S.
61
Appendix E
Eating Attitudes Test – 26 (EAT-26)
Instructions: Please fill out the below from as accurately, honestly, and completely as
possible. There are no right or wrong answers. All your responses are confidential.
Part A: Complete the following questions:
1) Birth Date Month: Day: Year:
2) Height: Feet: Inches:
3) Current Weight (lbs.):
4) Highest Weight (excluding pregnancy):
5) Lowest Adult Weight:
6) Ideal Weight:
Part B: Check a response for each of the following statements:

1. Am terrified about being overweight. Always Usually Often Sometimes
Rarely Never
2. Avoid eating when I am hungry. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely

Never
3. Find myself preoccupied with food. Always Usually Often Sometimes

Rarely Never
4. Have gone on eating binges where I feel

that I may not be able to stop. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely
Never
5. Cut my food into small pieces. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely
Never
6. Aware of the calorie content of foods

that I eat. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely
Never
7. Particularly avoid food with a high carbohydrate

content (i.e. bread, rice, potatoes, etc.) Always Usually Often Sometimes
Rarely Never
62
8. Feel that others would prefer if I ate more. Always Usually Often Sometimes
Rarely Never
9. Vomit after I have eaten. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely

Never
10. Feel extremely guilty after eating. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely
Never
11. Am preoccupied with a desire to be

thinner. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely
Never
12. Think about burning up calories when I

exercise. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely
Never
13. Other people think that I am too thin. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely
Never
14. Am preoccupied with the thought of

having fat on my body. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely
Never
15. Take longer than others to eat my

meals. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely
Never
16. Avoid foods with sugar in them. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely
Never
17. Eat diet foods. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely

Never
18. Feel that food controls my life. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely
Never
19. Display self-control around food. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely
Never
20. Feel that others pressure me to eat. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely
Never
21. Give too much time and thought to food.Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely
Never
63
22. Feel uncomfortable after eating sweets. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely
Never
23. Engage in dieting behavior. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely Never
24. Like my stomach to be empty. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely

Never
25. Have the impulse to vomit after meals. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely
Never
26. Enjoy trying new rich foods. Always Usually Often Sometimes Rarely Never
Part C: Behavioral Questions (In the past 6 months have you):

A. Gone on eating binges where you feel that you may not be able to stop (defined as eating
much more than most people would under the same circumstances and feeling that eating is
out of control)?
Never Once a month 2-3 times Once a week 2-6 times Once a day
or less per month per week or more
B. Ever made yourself sick (vomited) to control your weight or shape?

C. Ever used laxatives, diet pills or diuretics (water pills) to control your weight or shape?
D. Exercised more than 60 minutes a day to lose or to control your weight?

E. Lost 20 pounds or more in the past 6 months?

Yes No
64
Appendix F
Body Shape Questionnaire-34 (BSQ-34)
We should like to know how you have been feeling about your appearance over the PAST
FOUR WEEKS. Please read each question and circle the appropriate number to the right.
Please answer all the questions.
OVER THE PAST FOUR WEEKS:

Never
| Rarely
| | Sometimes
| | | Often
| | | | Very often
| | | | | Alway
s
| | | | | |
1. Has feeling bored made you brood about your 1 2 3 4 5 6
shape?...........................
2. Have you been so worried about your shape that you have been
feeling you ought to 1 2 3 4 5 6
diet?....................................................................................
3. Have you thought that your thighs, hips or bottom are too large
for the rest of 1 2 3 4 5 6
you?..............................................................................................
4. Have you been afraid that you might become fat (or 1 2 3 4 5 6
fatter)?..................
5. Have you worried about your flesh being not firm 1 2 3 4 5 6

enough?...................
6. Has feeling full (e.g. after eating a large meal) made you feel 1 2 3 4 5 6
fat?.........
7. Have you felt so bad about your shape that you have 1 2 3 4 5 6
cried?..................
8. Have you avoided running because your flesh might 1 2 3 4 5 6

wobble?...............
9. Has being with thin women made you feel self-conscious about
your 1 2 3 4 5 6
shape?..............................................................................................
........
65
10. Have you worried about your thighs spreading out when sitting 1 2 3 4 5 6
down?
11. Has eating even a small amount of food made you feel 1 2 3 4 5 6
fat?...................
12. Have you noticed the shape of other women and felt that your
own shape compared 1 2 3 4 5 6
unfavourably?...............................................................
13. Has thinking about your shape interfered with your ability to
concentrate (e.g. while watching television, reading, listening to
conversations)?................................................................................ 1 2 3 4 5 6
........
14. Has being naked, such as when taking a bath, made you feel 1 2 3 4 5 6
fat?..........
15. Have you avoided wearing clothes which make you particularly
aware of the shape of your 1 2 3 4 5 6
body?......................................................................
16. Have you imagined cutting off fleshy areas of your 1 2 3 4 5 6

body?....................
Never
| Rarely
| | Sometimes
| | | Often
| | | | Very often
| | | | | Always
| | | | | |
17. Has eating sweets, cakes, or other high calorie food made you 1 2 3 4 5 6
feel fat?
18. Have you not gone out to social occasions (e.g. parties) because
you have felt bad about your 1 2 3 4 5 6
shape?..............................................................
19. Have you felt excessively large and 1 2 3 4 5 6

rounded?........................................
20. Have you felt ashamed of your 1 2 3 4 5 6

body?.....................................................
21. Has worry about your shape made you 1 2 3 4 5 6

diet?..........................................
66
22. Have you felt happiest about your shape when your stomach has
been empty (e.g. in the 1 2 3 4 5 6
morning)?...................................................................
23. Have you thought that you are in the shape you are because you
lack self- 1 2 3 4 5 6
control?............................................................................................
.
24. Have you worried about other people seeing rolls of fat around
your waist or 1 2 3 4 5 6
stomach?....................................................................................
25. Have you felt that it is not fair that other women are thinner than 1 2 3 4 5 6
you?.
26. Have you vomited in order to feel 1 2 3 4 5 6

thinner?.............................................
27. When in company have your worried about taking up too much
room (e.g. sitting on a sofa, or a bus 1 2 3 4 5 6
seat)?......................................................
28. Have you worried about your flesh being 1 2 3 4 5 6

dimply?.................................
29. Has seeing your reflection (e.g. in a mirror or shop window)

made you feel bad about your 1 2 3 4 5 6
shape?......................................................................
30. Have you pinched areas of your body to see how much fat there 1 2 3 4 5 6
is?.....
31. Have you avoided situations where people could see your body
(e.g. communal changing rooms or swimming 1 2 3 4 5 6
baths)?...................................
32. Have you taken laxatives in order to feel 1 2 3 4 5 6

thinner?..................................
33. Have you been particularly self-conscious about your shape

when in the company of other 1 2 3 4 5 6
people?.................................................................
34. Has worry about your shape made you feel you ought to 1 2 3 4 5 6
exercise?.......
67
Appendix G
Body Appreciation Scale (BAS)
Directions for participants: For each item, please circle the number that best characterizes your attitudes or
behaviors.
Never Seldom Sometimes Often Always

1 2 3 4 5
1. I respect my body.
2. I feel good about my body.
3. On the whole, I am satisfied with my body
4. Despite its flaws, I accept my body for what it is.
5. I feel that my body has at least some good qualities.
6. I take a positive attitude towards my body.
7. I am attentive to my body’s needs.
8. My self-worth is independent of my body shape or weight.
9. I do not focus a lot of energy being concerned with my body shape or weight.
10. My feelings toward my body are positive, for the most part.
11. I engage in healthy behaviors to take care of my body.
12. I do not allow unrealistically thin images of women presented in the media to affect my
attitudes toward my body.
13. Despite its imperfections, I still like my body.
68
Appendix H
Compulsive Exercise Test (CET)
Instructions Listed below are a series of statements regarding exercise. Please read each
statement carefully and circle the number that best indicates how true each statement is of
you. Please answer all the questions as honestly as you can.
Never true Rarely true Sometimes true Often true Usually true Always true
1) I feel happier and/or more positive after I exercise.

2) I exercise to improve my appearance.
3) I like my days to be organised and structured of which exercise is just one part.
4) I feel less anxious after I exercise.
5) I find exercise a chore.
6) If I feel I have eaten too much, I will do more exercise.
7) My weekly pattern of exercise is repetitive.
8) I do not exercise to be slim.
9) If I cannot exercise I feel low or depressed.
10) I feel extremely guilty if I miss an exercise session.
11) I usually continue to exercise despite injury or illness, unless I am very ill or too injured.
12) I enjoy exercising.
13) I exercise to burn calories and lose weight.
14) I feel less stressed and/or tense after I exercise.
15) If I miss an exercise session, I will try and make up for it when I next exercise.
16) If I cannot exercise I feel agitated and/or irritable.
17) Exercise improves my mood.
18) If I cannot exercise, I worry that I will gain weight.
19) I follow a set routine for my exercise sessions e.g. walk or run the same route, particular
exercises, same amount of time, and so on.
20) If I cannot exercise I feel angry and/or frustrated.
21) I do not enjoy exercising.
22) I feel like I’ve let myself down if I miss an exercise session.
23) If I cannot exercise I feel anxious.
24) I feel less depressed or low after I exercise.
69
Appendix I
The Exercise Motivations Inventory – 2 (EMI-2)
On the following pages are a number of statements concerning the reasons people often give
when asked why they exercise. Whether you currently exercise regularly or not, please read
each statement carefully and indicate, by circling the appropriate number, whether or not
each statement is true for you personally, or would be true for you personally if you did
exercise. If you do not consider a statement to be true for you at all, circle the ‘0’. If you
think that a statement is very true for you indeed, circle the ‘5’. If you think that a statement
is partly true for you, then circle the ‘1’, ‘2’, ‘3’ or ‘4’, according to how strongly you feel
that it reflects why you exercise or might exercise.
Remember, we want to know why you personally choose to exercise or might choose to
exercise, not whether you think the statements are good reasons for anybody to exercise. It
helps us to have basic personal information about those who complete this questionnaire. We
would be grateful for the following information:
Your age ………… years
Your gender …… male/female
Personally, I exercise (or might exercise) …
1. To stay slim
2. To avoid ill-health
3 Because it makes me feel good
4 To help me look younger
5 To show my worth to others
6 To give me space to think
7 To have a healthy body
8 To build up my strength
9 Because I enjoy the feeling of exerting myself
10 To spend time with friends
11 Because my doctor advised me to exercise
12 Because I like trying to win in physical activities
13 To stay/become more agile
14 To give me goals to work towards
15 To lose weight
16 To prevent health problems
17 Because I find exercise invigorating
18 To have a good body
19 To compare my abilities with other peoples’
20 Because it helps to reduce tension
21 Because I want to maintain good health
22 To increase my endurance
23 Because I find exercising satisfying in and of itself
24 To enjoy the social aspects of exercising
70
25 To help prevent an illness that runs in my family

26 Because I enjoy competing
27 To maintain flexibility
28 To give me personal challenges to face
29 To help control my weight
30 To avoid heart disease
31 To recharge my batteries
32 To improve my appearance
33 To gain recognition for my accomplishments
34 To help manage stress
35 To feel more healthy
36 To get stronger
37 For enjoyment of the experience of exercising
38 To have fun being active with other people
39 To help recover from an illness/injury
40 Because I enjoy physical competition
41 To stay/become flexible
42 To develop personal skills
43 Because exercise helps me to burn calories
44 To look more attractive
45 To accomplish things that others are incapable of
46 To release tension
47 To develop my muscles
48 Because I feel at my best when exercising
49 To make new friends
50 Because I find physical activities fun, especially when competition is involved
51 To measure myself against personal standards
71
Appendix J
Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale Revised (CESD-R)
Using the scale below, indicate the number which best describes
How often you felt or behaved in this way during the past week:
0 Rarely or none of the time (less than 1 day)

1 Some or a little of the time (1-2 days)
2 Occasionally or a moderate amount of time (3-4 days)
3 Most or all of the time (5-7 days)
1. I was bothered by things that usually don’t bother me.

2. I did not feel like eating, my appetite was poor.
3. I felt that I could not shake the blues, even with help from
my family and friends.
4. I felt that I was just as good as other people.
5. I had trouble keeping my mind on what I was doing.
6. I felt depressed.
7. I felt that everything I did was an effort.
8. I felt hopeful about the future.
9. I thought my life had been a failure.
10. I felt fearful.
11. My sleep was restless.
12. I was happy.
13. I talked less than usual.
14. I felt lonely.
15. People were unfriendly.
16. I enjoyed life.
17. I had crying spells.
18. I felt sad.
19. I felt that people disliked me.
20. I could not get “going.”
72
Appendix K
The Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire 3 (SATAQ – 3)
Please read each of the following items carefully and indicate the number that best reflects
your agreement with the statement.
Definitely Disagree = 1
Mostly Disagree = 2
Neither Agree Nor Disagree = 3
Mostly Agree = 4
Definitely Agree = 5
1. TV programs are an important source of information about fashion and "being

attractive."
2. I've felt pressure from TV or magazines to lose
weight.
3. I do not care if my body looks like the body of people who are on
TV.
4. I compare my body to the bodies of people who are on
TV.
5. TV commercials are an important source of information about fashion and "being
attractive."
6. I do not feel pressure from TV or magazines to look
pretty.
7. I would like my body to look like the models who appear in
magazines.
8. I compare my appearance to the appearance of TV and movie
stars.
9. Music videos on TV are not an important source of information about fashion and
"being attractive."
10. I've felt pressure from TV and magazines to be
thin.
11. I would like my body to look like the people who are in
movies.
73
12. I do not compare my body to the bodies of people who appear in

magazines.
13. Magazine articles are not an important source of information about fashion and
"being attractive."
14. I've felt pressure from TV or magazines to have a perfect
body.
15. I wish I looked like the models in music
videos.
16. I compare my appearance to the appearance of people in
magazines.
17. Magazine advertisements are an important source of information about fashion and
"being attractive."
18. I've felt pressure from TV or magazines to
diet.
19. I do not wish to look as athletic as the people in
magazines.
20. I compare my body to that of people in "good
shape."
21. Pictures in magazines are an important source of information about fashion and
"being attractive."
22. I've felt pressure from TV or magazines to
exercise.
23. I wish I looked as athletic as sports
stars.
24. I compare my body to that of people who are
athletic.
25. Movies are an important source of information about fashion and "being
attractive."
26. I've felt pressure from TV or magazines to change my
appearance.
27. I do not try to look like the people on
TV.
74
28. Movie starts are not an important source of information about fashion and "being
attractive."
29. Famous people are an important source of information about fashion and "being
attractive."
30. I try to look like sports
athletes.
75
Appendix L
Self-Compassion Scale (SCS – Long Form)
HOW I TYPICALLY ACT TOWARDS MYSELF IN DIFFICULT TIMES
Please read each statement carefully before answering. To the left of each item, indicate how
often you behave in the stated manner, using the following scale:
Almost never Almost always
1 2 3 4 5
1. I’m disapproving and judgmental about my own flaws and inadequacies.

2. When I’m feeling down I tend to obsess and fixate on everything that’s wrong.
3. When things are going badly for me, I see the difficulties as part of life that everyone
goes through.
4. When I think about my inadequacies, it tends to make me feel more separate and cut off
from the rest of the world.
5. I try to be loving towards myself when I’m feeling emotional pain.
6. When I fail at something important to me I become consumed by feelings of inadequacy.
7. When I'm down and out, I remind myself that there are lots of other people in the world
feeling like I am.
8. When times are really difficult, I tend to be tough on myself.
9. When something upsets me I try to keep my emotions in balance.
10. When I feel inadequate in some way, I try to remind myself that feelings of
inadequacy are shared by most people.
11. I’m intolerant and impatient towards those aspects of my personality I don't like.
12. When I’m going through a very hard time, I give myself the caring and tenderness I
need.
13. When I’m feeling down, I tend to feel like most other people are probably happier
than I am.
14. When something painful happens I try to take a balanced view of the situation. 15. I try to
see my failings as part of the human condition.
16. When I see aspects of myself that I don’t like, I get down on myself.
17. When I fail at something important to me I try to keep things in perspective.
18. When I’m really struggling, I tend to feel like other people must be having an easier time
of it.
19. I’m kind to myself when I’m experiencing suffering.
20. When something upsets me I get carried away with my feelings.
21. I can be a bit cold-hearted towards myself when I'm experiencing suffering.
22. When I'm feeling down I try to approach my feelings with curiosity and openness.
23. I’m tolerant of my own flaws and inadequacies.
24. When something painful happens I tend to blow the incident out of proportion.
25. When I fail at something that's important to me, I tend to feel alone in my failure.
26. I try to be understanding and patient towards those aspects of my personality I don't like.
76
Appendix M
The Multidimensional Acculturative Stress Inventory (Rodriguez, 2002; 2015)
Below is a list of situations that as a Latino/Hispanic you may have experienced. Read each
item carefully and determine if it has occurred in the PAST 3 MONTHS. If so, please rate
how stressful that event was based on the provided scale. If not, please click on the "0" in the
options provided.
1. I have a hard time understanding others when they speak English.

2. I have a hard time understanding others when they speak
Spanish.
3. I feel pressure to learn Spanish.
4. It bothers me that I speak English with an accent.
5. It bothers me that I speak Spanish with an accent.
6. Since I don’t speak English well, people have treated me rudely
or unfairly.
7. I have been discriminated against because I have difficulty
speaking English.
8. I don’t speak English or don’t speak it well.
9. I don’t speak Spanish or don’t speak it well.
10. I feel pressure to learn English.
11. I feel uncomfortable being around people who only speak
English.
12. I feel uncomfortable being around people who only speak
Spanish.
13. It bothers me when people assume that I speak English.
14. It bothers me when people assume that I speak Spanish.
15. Since I don’t speak Spanish well, people have treated me
rudely or unfairly.
16. I have been discriminated against because I have difficulty
speaking Spanish.
17. It bothers me when people pressure me to assimilate to the
American ways of doing things.
18. It bothers me when people don’t respect my Latino values (e.g.,
family).
19. It bothers me when people don’t respect my American values
(e.g., independence).
20. I am self-conscious about my Latino background.
21. I am self-conscious about my American background.
22. Because of my cultural background, I have a hard time fitting in
with Americans.
with Latinos.
with Whites.
77

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Self-Compassion as a Protective Mechanism Between Sociocultural Pressures and

Disordered Eating Behaviors in Latina College Students

Mandrila Das, M.A.

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty

C. Steven Richards, Ph.D.,

Sheila Garos, Ph.D.

Susan S. Hendrick, Ph.D.

Brandy Piña-Watson, Ph.D.

of belonging throughout this journey.

into this world.

Purpose and Significance of the Study...............................................................9

Limitations in Past Research…………………………………………………..9

Implications, Limitations & Future Directions………………………... ….. 29

A. Extended Literature Review..................................................................... 42

C. Study Information Sheet………………………………………………....60

E. Eating Attitudes Test ………………………………………………….…62

F. Body Shape Questionnaire.........................................................................65

G. Body Appreciation Scale…………………………………………….…..68

H. Compulsive Exercise Test..........................................................................69

I. Exercise Motivation Inventory...................................................................70

J. Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale...............................72

K. Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire…………....73

M. The Multidimensional Acculturative Stress Inventory….........................77

In fact, acculturative stress, the negative psychological influence of adapting to a new

college students and examine self-compassion as a protective mechanism against

sociocultural pressures, including acculturative stress. Participants were 148 undergraduate

pressure and self-compassion on disordered eating, body image, appearance-motivated

dimensions of acculturative stress positively predicted disordered eating behaviors.

Specifically, language competency pressure, bicultural self-consciousness, and pressure to

eating and exercise behaviors. Additionally, self-compassion served as a protective

mechanism against sociocultural pressures on body image and depressive symptoms.

1. Model 2. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for Sociocultural Internalization..57

2. Model 3. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for Sociocultural Pressure………57

3. Model 5. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for English Competency

4. Model 6. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for Bicultural Self-

5. Model 7. Hierarchical Linear Regression Results for Pressure to Acculturate…….59

According to the American Psychiatric Association (2013), disordered eating

encompasses a range of problematic eating behaviors, including restricting food intake,

Cordero, 2011) among women in college.

identifying risk and protective factors among this group of women.

Body dissatisfaction is the negative evaluation of one’s body, or specific body

Consistent with literature on disordered eating, body dissatisfaction affects college-aged

of body dissatisfaction or the absence of body dissatisfaction. Body appreciation reflects an

regarding body image (Halliwell, 2013; Homan & Tylka, 2014).

Compulsive exercise is defined by a drive to exercise despite negative physical or

Page & Crowther, 2010).

among college students (American College Health Association-National College Health

disorder or maladaptive eating behaviors displayed the lowest levels of depression.

Furthermore, in a recent meta-analysis with 30 studies, researchers demonstrated the bi-

significantly predicted depression and depression significantly predicted eating pathology

(Gitimu et al., 2015).

Sociocultural pressure has been established as the strongest influence on eating

2015). Sociocultural researchers suggest that culture-specific ideals, expectations, and

American culture promotes eating pathology by emphasizing physical appearance as one of

specifically on the role of sociocultural factors. Compared to mainstream American culture,

internalization of this mainstream beauty ideal is positively associated to eating disorder

symptomology and body dissatisfaction (Warren et al., 2005).

Sociocultural models have primarily focused on messages that promote mainstream

including language competency pressure, pressure to acculturate, and bicultural self-

Language competency pressure has consistently been related to negative psychological

Evidence also supports a positive relationship between acculturative stress and

dimensions of acculturative stress impact mental health, particularly surrounding eating

identifying protective mechanisms to buffer against the negative effects of acculturative

The Role of Self-Compassion