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Finland Raced To Join NATO
Finland Raced To Join NATO
Finland Raced To Join NATO
What
Happens Next Is Complicated.
After decades of going it alone in security issues, Finns are finding that life in a large
alliance is complex, expensive and deeply political.
By Steven Erlanger
Barely a year after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Finland cast aside decades of
military nonalignment and self-reliance and joined the NATO alliance.
That happened with breathtaking speed, as these matters go, but gaining
membership may have been the easy part. Now comes the complicated process of
integrating itself into the alliance and its requirement of collective defense — with all
of its financial, legal and strategic hurdles.
Membership in NATO has long been considered a cheap benefit, given the American
nuclear umbrella and the principle of collective defense. But NATO also has
extensive requirements of its members — not just spending goals for the military, but
specific demands from each country for certain capabilities, armaments, troop
strengths and infrastructure as defined by the Supreme Allied Commander in
Europe.
Achieving that will demand some difficult and costly decisions from the government
and military officials as they learn to think strategically outside Finland’s borders
and adapt its forces and their capabilities to the alliance’s needs.
They will have to decide how to move troops and equipment to Norway, Sweden or
the Baltic States in the event they need reinforcements, for instance, or whether to
participate in other NATO tasks like patrols in Kosovo or the Mediterranean.
At the same time, Finnish officials and analysts say, Finland will not alter its
intention of defending every inch of its own territory, given its 830-mile border with
Russia, a doctrine considered old-fashioned in the age of modern warfare. It sees
itself as remaining capable of self-defense for now, so unlike many of the NATO
countries that border Russia, Finland is considered unlikely to ask for a rotating
presence of allied troops.
“The whole security and foreign-policy establishment believes that no such troops
are needed now, but it’s not a categorical no,” said Matti Pesu of the Finnish Institute
of International Affairs, a research institution.
Finland shares an 830-mile long border with Russia, which it sees as a potential
aggressor.Credit...Alessandro Rampazzo/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
“Of course, it’s a balance, how to also defend your sovereignty against an aggressive
and unpredictable neighbor, who does not respect the same values that we do with
our friends and allies,” she said. “But Finland is a country where, typically, we like to
have agreements, we like to have treaties, we are very legalistic.”
Initial Russian reaction to Finland’s joining NATO was muted, given Moscow’s
preoccupation with Ukraine. And with Russia having redeployed many of its forces
from near Finland to Ukraine, few see any immediate threat.
But Finns see Russia as a permanent potential aggressor, and recent statements by
Russian officials, perhaps aimed at changing popular Russian perceptions of Finland,
have treated it as “a member of an enemy alliance,” said Mr. Pesu.
In a sort of rear guard action, he said, Russia “wants to intimidate us and limit NATO
presence and Finnish integration into the alliance.”
Russia has even been dismantling monuments to the Finnish war dead in Karelia,
which it seized from Finland in World War II. Those tributes had been erected with
Russian permission in a more cooperative time.
Gen. Timo Kivinen, the commander of Finland’s defense forces, shoulders much of
the responsibility for his country’s integration with NATO.Credit...Mauri
Ratilainen/EPA, via Shutterstock
Much of the responsibility for integration with NATO rests with Gen. Timo Kivinen,
the commander of Finland’s defense forces. At the core, he said in an interview, is
Article Three of NATO’s charter, “which underlines that the first priority to defend a
country lies with the country itself.” To him, it is as important as Article Five, which
treats an assault on one member country as an assault on all.
He is familiar with the inner workings of NATO, since Finland has long been a
partner nation and involved in NATO exercises; several hundred NATO troops have
been stationed almost continuously in Finland since April 2022. Even as a candidate
member, Finland began the first stage of alliance defense planning that July.
Now, as a full member, the planning is more intensive, but there is much to consider,
he said, to align Finland’s defense plans with those of the larger alliance.
Article Five will require more from Finland, General Kivinen said. “We need to be
capable to contribute to NATO collective defense outside Finland’s borders, and
that’s new,” he said. It will have an impact on Finland’s forces “when we go on to
develop those deployable capabilities, those capability targets” that NATO demands,
he added.
There are other NATO missions as well, like air policing outside Finland, naval task
forces and possible participation in the multinational forces the alliance has deployed
in other frontline countries. Finland will also have to decide what officers to provide
to which NATO headquarters, and how it wants to influence alliance policies.
The war has made northern Europe and the Arctic more important for the security of
the whole alliance. So, General Kivinen said, it is also vital that Sweden, a longtime
defense partner for Finland, get into NATO soon.
That would make alliance planning easier, especially in determining how best to
defend the Arctic, the Baltic region and four of the five Nordic countries — Norway,
Sweden, Finland and Denmark (Iceland is the fifth). Already these four have agreed
to operate their approximately 250 fighter jets as a joint operational fleet and also to
provide air policing for Iceland.
Then there is the issue of where Finland fits in NATO’s three operational commands,
responsible for different geographical areas. The five Nordic countries would prefer
to be in the same command, run from Norfolk, Va., which is navy-focused and
defends the Atlantic sea routes, the Nordics and the Arctic. The logic is that in war,
reinforcements would be likely to come from the West, across the Atlantic.
But Norfolk is not yet fully operational. And given the war in Europe and the current
threat from Russia, NATO has placed Finland in the land-oriented command based
in Brunssum, the Netherlands, which is charged with defending Central and Eastern
Europe, including Poland and the Baltic nations. Finland hopes that is temporary,
but so far, officials say, the integration has been going smoothly.
Finland has already increased its defense budget, in part to pay for the purchase of F-
35 fighter jets and new ships to better patrol its seas and hunt for submarines. It
vows to spend at least 2 percent of gross domestic product on the military, as NATO
desires.
Joining NATO will require significant cultural, political, legal and military changes,
Mr. Kuusela, the defense official said, and it will take years. But of all the countries of
Europe, he said, Finland would be the last to underestimate the long-term Russian
threat.