Professional Documents
Culture Documents
SOCio Notes Nujs
SOCio Notes Nujs
The Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989
Economic boycott-
o Refusal to deal with, work for hire or do business with other person
o Refuse to do anything on terms which commonly is done in the ordinary course of business
o Abstain from professional/business relations
SC and ST – meanings assigned to them as under clause 24 and 25 of article 366 of Constitution
Social boycott – refusal to permit a person to render to other person or receive from him any
customary service or abstain from social relations
Victim – suffered physical, mental, psychological, monetary or emotional harm or harm to property –
and includes his relatives, legal guardian and legal heirs
Whoever who is not SC/ST –
o Puts inedible or obnoxivous substanve in mouth
o Dumps excreta, sewage or carcasses in premises or such entrace of sc st
o Intent to injure, insult or annoya
o Or garlands wit footwear or parades naked or semi naked
o Or removes clothes, moustache, paints face, body or anything derogatory to human dignity
o Interferes w enjoyment of his rights, including forest rights or water or irrigation facilities
o or dispossesses a member of SC or ST from his land
o wrongfully cultivates on land
like fabricates records
makes sc st a devdasi
o forces to vote or not to vote
o or after poll – injures
o forces to not file nomination
o and kaafi sare hai – dekhlena bare act bhai
o in sab ka punishment – imprisonment – 6 months – 5 years and with fine
The Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers And Their Rehabilitation Act, 2013
o Hazardous cleaning – manual cleaning of sewer or septic tank without protective gear and
other cleaning devices
o Insanitary latrine – latrine – requires human waste to be cleaned or handled manually, either
in situ or in open drain or pit- where excreta is discharged, before excreta is fully decomposed
o If in railwats- water flush latrine – doing – but w devices and protective gear – not liable\
o Manual scavenger- person employed for manually cleaning, carrying or disposing of, or
handling – excreta – from insanitary latrines- before excreta fully decomposes is a manual
scavenger
Employed or engaged – on a regular or contract basus
If person cleans but with devices and protective ear – then not liable.
o Within 6 months of commencement of act – occupier of insanitary latrine to either convert or
demolish it
o Local authority can extend the period but not more than 3 months
o Can construct within 9 months – sanitary community latrines
o Within 3 yrs of commencement of this act – municipalites, cantonment boards and railway
authorities – adequate no of sanitary community latrines
o Every state government – to constitute a Vigilance Committee
The vigilance committee shall ->
Oversee eco situation of manual scavengers
And their social rehabilitation
Advise DM for actions to be takrn
o Every state government- state monitoring committee
That monitors and advise state gov and local authorities for effective implementation
Co-ordinate the functions of all concerned agencies
Look into matters concerned w implementation of this act
o Central - Central Monitoring Committeee
Same as state wala. But at central level
o Section 31- National Commission for Safai Karamcharis
Monitor implementation of this act
Enquire into complaints regarding contravention of the provisions of this Act
Advise central and state gov for effective implementation
Take sou motu notice of matter relating to non implement ation
o State government -m designate a state com for safai karamcharis
o Good faith me hai agar toh no suit against state and central government
Penal Provisions
a. The Bill provides, for the first contravention of the provision prohibiting insanitary latrines
and manual scavenging, imprisonment upto one year or fine upto rupees fifty thousand, or both, and
double the period of imprisonment and fine, for the second and subsequent offences.
b. The proposed Bill also provides, for the first contravention of the provision relating to hazardous
cleaning of sewers and septic tanks, imprisonment upto two years or fine upto rupees two lakh, or
both, and imprisonment upto five years and fine upto rupees five lakh, for the second and subsequent
offences.
Duty of local authorities to use, and of the appropriate governments, to promote the use of
technological appliances in the cleaning of sewers, septic tanks, etc.
Clause 33 of the Bill casts a duty in this regard so as to eliminate the need for manual handling of
excreta in the cleaning of sewers and septic tanks.
t was adopted in 2006 in the New York headquarters of the United Nations and entered into force The
Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities is the expert body that monitors the implementation of the
convention by parties.
All parties to the convention are obliged to send reports to this committee stating how they are
implementing the convention and the progress made so far.
The first report is to be sent within two years of signing.
Subsequently, the report should be sent every four years.
in 2008.
Currently, the convention has received 177 ratifications.
The Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities states that
individuals who believe their rights as per the convention have been violated can bring their complaints
to the UN Disability Committee (only after they have exhausted the option of seeking redress with their
respective national government).
he Parliament enacted the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016 with a view to fulfilling the
obligations under the UNCRPD. Read more about the Act in CNA dated July 17, 2020.
The government also launched the Sugamya Bharat Abhiyan (Accessible India Campaign) with the
objective of making government buildings more accessible to the disabled people.
981 was the International Year of Disabled Persons; an outcome of year was the World Programme of
Action Concerning Disabled Persons. The Year was followed by the Decade of Disabled Persons,
1983–1992
The Convention defines "reasonable accommodation" as "necessary and appropriate modification and
adjustments not imposing a disproportionate or undue burden, where needed in a particular case, to
ensure to persons with disabilities the enjoyment or exercise on an equal basis with others of all human
rights and fundamental freedoms" in Article 2 and demands this all aspects of life including inclusive
education.
Article 8 of the Convention stresses parties' commitment to awareness raising to foster respect for
rights and dignity to counter disability discrimination. Parties
In its Article 9, the Convention stresses that persons with disabilities should be able to live
independently and participate fully in all aspects of life. To this end, States Parties should take
appropriate measures to ensure that persons with disabilities have access, to the physical environment,
to transportation, to information and communications technology, and to other facilities and services
open or provided to the public. Accessibility can be grouped into three main groups. 1. physical
accessibility 2. service accessibility 3. accessibility to communication and information.
Article 12 of the Convention affirms the equal recognition before the law and legal capacity of persons
with disabilities
Article 13 of the Convention affirms the effective access to justice for persons with disabilities,
Article 29 requires that all Contracting States protect "the right of persons with disabilities to vote
by secret ballot in elections and public referendums". According to this provision, each Contracting
State should provide for voting equipment which would enable disabled voters to vote independently
and secretly.
Article 29 also requires that Contracting States ensure "that voting procedures, facilities and materials
are appropriate, accessible and easy to understand and use."
rticle 23 of the Convention prohibits compulsory sterilization of disabled persons and guarantees their
right to adopt children.
he convention's Article 24 states that persons with disabilities should be guaranteed the right
to inclusive education at all levels, regardless of age, without discrimination and on the basis of equal
opportunity
arties are to take appropriate measures, such as: endorsing the learning of Braille, alternative
script, augmentative and alternative modes, means and formats of communication and orientation and
mobility skills, and facilitating peer support and mentoring;
and employing teachers, including teachers with disabilities, who are qualified in sign
language and/or Braille, and to train education professionals and staff about disability awareness, use of
augmentative and alternative modes and formats of communication, and educational techniques and
materials to support persons with disabilities.
The Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities' General Comment Number 4, adopted in
August 2016
rticle 25 specifies that "persons with disabilities have the right to the enjoyment of the highest
attainable standard of health without discrimination on the basis of disability."
nable persons with disabilities to attain and maintain maximum independence, full physical, mental,
social and vocational ability, and full inclusion and participation in all aspects of life.
The Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities is a side-agreement
to the Convention which allows its parties to recognise the competence of the Committee on the Rights
of Persons with Disabilities to consider complaints from individual
Caste is the most general form of social organization in India but also because it
presents such a marked contrast to the social grouping prevelant in Euroope or am
Two features
o Ubiquity
o Strangeness
These has made scholards study
Megasthenes account of caste in 3rd centyry Bc is the earloes
o Brings two of the features to the forefront
o Yet fails to give a complete idea of the system
Segmental division of society
o Status not depended on wealth but in which it was born
o In class based soc- class no standind to regulate conduct and morals of
members
o Governing body of caste – panchayat
Quasi sovereignity of caste
o Caste a group with sep araangement for meeting out justice to its members
o Caste council was prepared to retry crim offences decided by courts of law
o Members of caste ceased to be mebrs
o Members owed moral allegiance to caste
o Caste is its own ruler
o Difference in morals and customs in castes
HIEARCHY
o Hierarchy of groups
o John Fryer – visited india – 1670
In any one of the linguistic division of india
There are many as two hundred castes which can be grouped in classes
RESTRICTIONS ON FEEDING AND SOCIAL INTERCOURSE
o Practices in matter of food and social “ – divide india into 2 belts
Hinfustan proper – caste divided into 5 grps
Twice born
Those casres at whose hands twice can take pakka food
Those “ at whose hands twice cannot take palla food but may
take water
Castes, that are untouchable, yet twice borneven cannot take
water
Whose tiuch defiles not only twice born but any hindu
All food in – two classes – kachcha and pakka
Food in which warer has been used – kacha
All food cooked in ghee without addition of water – pakka
Man never eats kacha food apart from one from his own caste –
whether caste or subcaste
Brahhman acceot kaccha not from any other caste but only theirs
o The ideas about power of certain castes to convey pollution by touch are not
that developed in norh as in south
In Bengal, castes divided into
o Brahmins
o Shudras
This is divided into 4 sub classes
Sat Shudra Group – includes Kayastha etc
Jalacharaniya Shudras – being those caste – notbelonging of nabashakh
grp- from which brahmins can take water
Jalabyabaharya Shudras
Castes from whose han brahmin cannot take water
Asprishya Shudras
Touch so impure as to pollute the ganges
They are thus the untouchables
Bengal me there are castes that will not accept kaccha food from even
a brahmin
Pakka food can not only be taken fro. Higher or ones caste but also
caste of confectioners- myras and halwais
iN South benga, Gujarat, and souther india
o no such distinction between kacha and pakka food
o where brahmin accepts no food than from own caste
o ad other caste also more or less follow this
o this rule is not as strict whej accepting water
CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS DISABILITIES AND PRIVILEGES OF DIFF
SECTIONS
o Segregation of individual casres of grps of castes
o Southern india – stands out distinct in the rigidity of these rules
o In northern india- maratha and karanese regions – only untouchables
segregated
o In southern india there are certain parts of villages and towns that are not
accessible to certain castes
Under rule of marathas and peshwas, maahars and mangs were not
allowed within the gates of poona after 3PM and before 9pm
Because their shadow defiles
o In dravadian india- prescribed what sort of houses untouchables be build and
what material they can use for construction thererof
Shanars and izhavas – not allowed bild house above one storey
Not allowed to carry umbrellas
to wear shoes
in Malabar, brahmins alone permitted to sit on boards foemed in shape
of tortoise, and others if do, capital punishment
o In Malabar – house is called by diff names according to occupant’s caste
o Certain sacraments- cannot be performed by any caste other than brahmin
Most sacred literature – shudras cannot read
o
o Each sub- caste and caste – endogamous hota
Principle of strict endogamy – dominant aspect of caste society
o In some parts of Punjab, especially hills – Higher caste man can marry lower
caste woman
o In Malabar, the younger sons of Nambudiri and other Brahmin consort with
kshatriya and naayr woman
Other authentic case where intercaste marriage is allowed is that of some of the
artisan castes of Malabar
o if not followed – out of his own subcaste
Writer says to regard endogamy as chief characteristic of caste is to treat all sub castes
as the real castes
o 2 reasons/issues w this
Contrary to native feeling om the subject and highly inconvienent in
practice
Would create a bewildering multiplicity of castes
Ecological Conflict and the Environmental Movement in India by Madhav Gadgil and
Ramchandra Guha
Dharwad and chamba – conflict between village interest and commercial of state
forestry
Most Areas – forest dependent artisans have yet to be politically organized
o No longer the case with millions of tribals in central india
For merchants – most lucrative minor – is tendu leaf (I am the most lucrative minor)
Several areas – tribal forest labourers organized by left wing revolutionaries
Coordinated opposition to draft forest Bill- of 1982
o Act sought to strengthen punitive powers of forest dept
Space vacated by forest- occupied by dams
o This shift – seen in first 2 citizen reports on state of india’s environment
o 1st one dedicated to Women of chimoli
Originators of Chipko movement
o Second – dam displaced people of india
Critics of multipurpose river valley –
o From economic perspective – gvt overvalues benefits and undervalues costs
Siltation rates have usually been much higher than anticipated
Shortens life of reservoirs
o Ecological
Waterlogging
Submergence of forests
And of forests
Disrupts fish life and water borne diseases
o Social implications of dam – evoked popular response
o Last three decades – more than 11.5 million people displaced by development
projs without rehabilitation
First precursor – Mulshi Satyagraha
o Dam near Bombay by Tatas
o Near lonavala
o When tatas came for second phase of proj
They ran into trouble
o Company would test trenches without legal formalities pehle
o Opposition led by Congressi – Senapati Bapat
Halted – for a year
o Bombay gov – ordinance where tatats can acquire by payment of
compensation
o Resistanve split into 2
Brahmin landlords – owned much of lsnd in Mulshi- in favor
Tenants and Senapati Bapat – against
They failed in 3rd year
o Compensation pocketed by landlords
o When satryagraha broke out – british district collector came
Remarked this would light up bombay’s latrones and criticism on this
o Proj
One and a half lakh – electrical house power would be created by
mulshi peta dam
525,000 coals a year
Water can be directed for agri purposes
o Henry hart – if first wave of large dams built in independent India
Noted resentment of villagers confronted w prospect of displacement
o 1953- Narayan deva keri – ke rsidents – hoped it will not submerge their town
o Most standing opposition to tehri dam – river bhageerathi
Seismic sensitivity of the fragile mountain chain
Submergence of large areas of forest, agricultural land and historic
town of tehri
Deforestation
o Chandi prasad – resistance building of dam at Vishnu prayag
On alakananda river in eastern garhwal
o Koel karo dam – opposition in Bihar
o Bhopalpatnam – Inchampalli – Maharashtra – Madhya Pradesh bihar
o In both cases – threatned tribal gros put defece – demonstrations
o Koel struggle establisegd by left winf pol grps like cpi, Jharkhand mukti
morcha
Initiated by baba amte
o Uttara kannada farmers = foeced to abandon dam
o Silent valley
120kw dam – kerala
Marxisant movement
Kerala sastriya sahitya parishad
KSSP – technoeconomic reasons
o Claude Alvares- worst greatest planned environment disaster – Narmada
valley
o 30 major dams on narmada
o 100,000 people will be rendered homeless according to 1981 census
o Medha Patkar – first talked of rehabilitation
When realized no land available in MP/Maharashtra and Gujrat then
opposed the construction
o Movement really fathered ince 1989
o Sangharsh Yatra – from rajghat to ferkuva
o Narmafa how diff than other protests and movements -
o SPEED
Acticist grps working in 3 states
Covered in print media
o ACTIVE COUNTER MOVEMENT
Politicians, and social activist
Rallied behind rich farmwers
Social base of forest and anti damn
o Amongst the tribals and poor peasantry
rd
3 category of nature based conflicts
o Artisanal fisherfolk
o Dependence on a living resource – undermined in recent years – their living
resource
o Problems of ocen going fisherfolk – work of John Kurien displays
o Most intense in southern states
o For centrueis fishing controlled by smol artisans and big businesses entered
o Majority faced brunt of direct competition from trawlers
o This conflict gave rise to movement
o Partial ban in 188-89 resulted un increased harvest during monsoon
Free the Ganga
Bhagalpur bihar movement
2 families asserted hereditary rights over 50 mile of ganga
Waterlords levied taxes on 40k fisherfolk
Since 1980s- ganga mukti andolan
Mines and Misery
o Conflicts – imposed by one kind of economic activity
o Open cast mining
o Doon Valley
Northwest india
Watering hole of the Indian elite
Limestone quarring
Friends of doon and Save musoorie- safeguard habitat of valley
These grps characterizedaas NIMBY envitronmentalist
1sr grp – politicias lobbied
2nd – sit ins to stop quarring
One of NIMBY activist said minimg shifted to interiror hills- so that
Dehradun mussosrie be safged
She unaware that it was already happening in inner hils
o Kumaun – long history of social movements
Sangarsh Samitis – struggle committees- village level
Laxmi ashram – in Kausani – Sarla devi started- involved women in these protests
Sambalpur district – gandhamardan – BALCO
o Bauxite extraction caused deforestation, erosion and pollution of water
3 day strike in front of block development office
Followed by 2 month later – bloickade of BALCO vehciles
3 units of Gwalior rayons – owned by Birlas- affects economic life and welfare
1987- people protested in raigadh district for discharge of efulents- demanded 10
million in damages-south asia’s largest distilery
World environment day – 1984- ambur 0 site of tanneries – hartal and total strike
INDIAN Envrionment movement
o Material
o Political- organization by social action grops, promotion of environmental
message through use of media, informal means like tours,
These hv been doneb by grps outside of formal party politivs
o Ideological expressions
Fostering of a public debate on development options – ideological
expression
6 types of protest forms used by environmentalists
o Pradarshan – collective show ofstrenght by communities
Form of provession, meeting near official power like dam porj
site, dm residence
Intended to show popular dissastisfaction
o Dharna
Aims at stopping eco sctivities
Variant fprm of dharna is gherao- here senior buruecrat or politician surrounded and heckled
untik rescued by polis or accedes to demands
Rasta roko - ,ore wider target than gherao- block channels of communication- that may not be
related to object of disaffection
5th – jail bharo andolan
o Mostly violates 144 of crpc
Bhook hartal
o Above methods are collective in nature
Narmada –
o Sangharsh yatra
o Jal samadhi = water burial – immerse themselves in rising waters than be
displaced
Eco development camp
o Widely used by action grps to promote afforestation
o Yakshagana- dance drama related to environmental abuse and renewal
Padyatra – walking tour
o Vinoba bhave used
o 1st environment padyatra- 4k km – sunderlall bahaguna – Kashmir to Kohima
o Save the western ghats- along 2500km long mountain chain
To study first hand env degaradations and its consequences and try to
activate local grps as a watchdog role
o Save the Sivalisms
200km sivalik range in J and K
o Kanyakumari march
Water
Organized by national fisherfolk forum in 1989 under sologan protect
waters, protect life
Widen peoples awareness of link between water and life
Form a network of tese issues
Pressurize government
Access damage alr done
DGSM
o Chandi prasad bhatt
o Reconstruction at grass roots
o Afforestation work
o 75 percet survical rate of samplings- as opposed to 14 in forest dept
plantations
Second example of eco restoration
o Sangli district of Maharashtra
o Socialist workerz
o 2 villages inspired by socialist and science actisvitst
Built small dman that sporadically contained water
As peasants faced w drought persistent
For this they llowed permission to sell sand from river bed
But admin auctioned to private merchants
And reluctant to sanction damn
Hunger strikes, gherao, processions forced govr toabandon it
Finally bali raj memorial dam – 1988
aNNA Hazare
o ralegaon siddhi
o drought prone
o realised problem is retention of rainwater
o organized villagers in building storage ponds and embankmenrs
o hazare mobilized – to plant 400,000 saplings
macro level org to coordinate w various grps and activities
o process got boost w destructive development in harsud 1989
o formation of jan vikaas andolan – 5th anniversary of Bhopal disaster- initiated
by grps participated in harsud rally
o JVA objectives
Coordinate collective action
Provide national solidarity
Mobilize wider oublic opinion
Work towards alternative vision
3 distinct ideological perspectives
o Crusading gandhian
Moral religious idiom
Rejection of modern way of life
Environmental degradation and social conflict- moral problem
Materialism and consumerism draws humans away from nature
Eastern culture essence is indifferenfe
Hostility to economic gain
Precolonial/precapitalist village society
Gandhi’s invocation of ram rajya taken literally than metaphorically
Cite hindu scriptutres as traditional reverence for nature and lifeforms
o Marxist
Problem see in pol economic terms
Not on question on values
It is unequal access to resources
Rich destroys nature in pursuit of profit
While poor do so to survice
For ecological Marxist – creation of just society economical – is
logical precondition of social and ecoclogical harmony
Most closely associated w people science movdments
Like kersla sastra sahitya parishad
o Both can be seen as representing ideological and pol extrenes
o Appropriate technology
Less strindent in opposition to industrial soc
Working sytneshsi for western and easterb
o Modern and rraditional
o Angriculture and industry
Demonstrates a set of socio technical alternatives
o All three depicted ub Chipko
Marxist – uttrakhand sagarsh vahini
Appropriate technologies - dashauli gram swarajya mandal
Gandhian – subderlal bahaguna
o Crusading gandhians reject socialism as western
o And leads to them ignoring or justifying inequalities
o App technologists – influenced y marxsism to acknolwege presence of
inequaiutes
Bur rarely dhow will to change social hierarchies in practice
o Gandhian consider science- responsible for worst excesses in society
o Marxists – scientific temper – indjspensable ally
o Appropriate technologists – work on a micro scame
o Gandhians- largest attempted rech - \
o Ma4rcists – intermediate range –
o Rural romaniticism in gandhians- emphazie exclusively agrarian
environmental problems
BB VOHRA – public attention to kland and water degradation
Neiher wilderness protection nor scientific conservation – look upon state as ultimate
guarantor of protection
o Their lobbuing- widelife protection act
o Forest conservation act
Environmentalismt – expansion of leisure
Theoru that poor countries not interested and this is upper midle class
Theory wrong as poor country interested but somethings diff like
o Social origins of environmental impulse – 1st world v 3rd world
o In Indian cae – shortages 0 threaten livelihof and survical
o And both have different trajectories In eco development
o Environmental destructions in west –ermged out of threats of leisure options
o Diff forms of protest – in india – direct action – hugging, demonstrations,
attacks on officlal property
o Usa – litigation, lobbying and use of media, politicians
But this is changing
India me litigation and usa me direct action
o In usa – scientist play eke role in movement
o India me don’t
SILENT VALLEY
Kunthipuzha river
1970- kseb proposes hydroelectric dam across kunthipuzha dam
Submerge 8.3 sq of untouched moist evergreen forest
Generate electricity for state of kerala w installation of four units of 60MV
each
Irrigate an additional 100 sqkm in mallapuram and Palghat district
Provide employeemt
1971- steven green p raised concerens
1973- planning commission approved but no suffiicebt funds toh delayed
1976- national committee – zafar futehally – studies ecological problems that
could be precipitated byproj
o Conservationists say
Entire lower valley subermged
10 percebt liss projected by gov far worse
Workforce brought will reside and destruct the area for years
1977- Sathish Chandran nair
o Awareness in academic circles
Report of VS Vijayan of kerala forest research institute suppressed
General assembky of IUCN urges gov to stip
Many emninnet people like madgav, Subramaniam swam etc write to stop
Salim ali says short sighted proj
BNHS and geological surbey of india – ask to be declared a natural bioreserve
1979 – proj begins
1979- stay order from hc kerala
Charan singh institutes central committee to investigate ubder M.S
Swaminathan
State gov sets its panel of environmentalists to support
1980- worj stars
Small no of ppl meet governor and say stay order until central committee
gives report
Leading Malayalam projs earlier supported prih
By time, rhetoric changed
Lion tailed macaque – became symbol of wildlife
The express, local daily an exception – pro conservation newspaper
1981- Indira Gandhi declares it wll be protected
1983- centre- commission charied by MGK menon- to reexamine issue
1983- called off proj
1985- rjiv Gandhi – inuagrates silent valley national park.
early 1973 the forest department refused to allot ash trees to the Dashauli Gram
Swarajya Sangha (DGSS), a local cooperative organization based in Chamoli
districts, for making agricultu ral implements. On the other hand, the forest
department allotted ash trees to a private company, i.e., Symonds Co. This incident
provoked the DGSS to fight against this injustice through lying down in front of
timber trucks and burning resin and timber d epots as was done in Quit India
movement. When these methods were found unsatisfactory, Chandi Prasad Bhat - one
of the leaders, suggested of embracing the trees and thus 'Chipko' was born (for
details see Bahuguna, 1990 and Guha, 1989). This form of prot est was instrumental
in driving away the private company from felling the ash trees. With its' success the
movement has spread to other neighboring areas and then on the movement is
popularly known as Chipko movement internationally. Only during 1970s thi s [now
Chipko] movement started tending toward concentrating on ecological issues such as
depletion of forest cover and soil erosion.
The local people consider Chipko as a fight for basic subsi stence denied to them by
the institutions and policies of the State
reover, as aptly described by Guha (1989, p. 178) the 'private' face of Chipko is more
a peasant movement, while its public profile is seen as an environmental movement.
Further, it has a face o f womens' movement as well (Omvedt, 1993). It is interesting
to note that in the later stages when Chipko ceased to go beyond environmental
concerns, i.e., limiting itself to protecting and conservation of trees, the problems
started surfacing.
The second aspect is with regard to the nature of agitation. Unlike other
environmental movements Chipko has strictly adhered to the Gandhian tradition of
freedom struggle, i.e., nonviolence.
hirdly, the simplicity and sincerity of the leaders like Shri Sunderlal Bahuguna and
their access to national leaders like Mrs. Indira Gandhi and other politicians and
officials also helped to the success of the movement to a large extent.
The most popular movement in the environmental history of India is the movement
against the Narmada River Valley Project. Though the movement started as early as
late 1970s, along with the clearance of the project, it received momentum only during
late 1980s. To start with, this movement was centered around the issue of human
rights. In fact, some of the main leaders of the movement at present like Medha
Patkar were working toward proper rehabilitation programmes for the dam displaced.
Due to improper implementation of the rehabilitation programmes by the State the
human rights activists have become the articulators of anti-dam protests. Their
demands included complete stopping of the dam, resettlement and rehabilitation
benefits to the oustees
The success or popularity of Chipko movement can be attributed to its long history, multiple
objectives which have changed over time, committed leaders and their stature at local and national
level. As the struggle against forest policy of the state had started during the pre-independence time, it
has accumulated over the period a wider local support base and provided a strong ground for the
Chipko movement. Chipkos' strength lies in its' multiple objectives with a wide range such as, p
rotecting the livelihoods of peasants, anti-liquor campaign, greening the hills in a sustainable fashion,
etc. Over the time, the articulation of the problems has also changed. Due to this reason Chipko is
often titled/confused as peasant/ womens'/ enviro nmental movement. However, of late chipko
movement has tended to concentrate on ecological issues alone and hence started losing its' popular
base. Some of its' early success can be attributed to the commitment of the leaders and their influence
on common people as well as political leaders. But the same leadership (Shri Sunderlal Bahuguna)
could not have similar success in mobilizing the people or convincing the state in the case Tehri dam.
The absence of popular support in the case Tehri Dam may be attributed to its' more or less single
objective which is rather ecological (seismic impact and submergence of forest lands). The people
involved are nonhomogeneous community w ith modern influences [people from Tehri town] and
hence difficult to mobilize. Similarly, in the case of Tehri the approach of following different
strategies for drawing the support of a various national and international forum is missing. Besides,
Tehri Dam does not depend so much on external funding as is the case with Narmada.
While the success of the movement against Silent Valley Project, without any grassroots support, is
mainly of intellectual nature, the popularity of Narmada has many dimensions. Narmada movement,
like Chipko, has started with addressing the problems of livelihoods of local people [tribals], traversed
into human rights issues and focused on environmental concerns while suggesting an alternative
development paradigm
On the other hand, the Bhopal tragedy does not seem to have these qualities of a mass movement. It
was a sudden tragedy dawned upon a heterogenous urban community. Moreover, the Bhopal Act by
the Government of India was passed in March 1985 consolidating all claims arising out of Bhopal
disaster and making the government the only competent authority to represent the victims. This has
left no space to mobilize people around the issue of livelihoods. In the absence of any direct link betw
een livelihoods and environment the later was neither given due importance nor articulated. The issue
has always been the compensation for the victims but never with regard to future policy on
environmentally hazardous industries. For, at that particular point in time any issue other than
compensation would have drawn a blank in terms of local support. Therefore, environmental issues
per se may not have the potential to draw mass response.
he main lacuna on the part of the State is that no proper Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) is
carried out at the initial stage for many of the projects. Even when it is carried out it i s never put
before the public for discussion which is a prerequisite for any EIA study. On the other hand, the
evidence shows that environmental concerns/issues gain prominence only at a latter stage of the
contemporary social movements in India. This may be to attract wider popularity and support. For, in
the absence of environmental awareness at the grassroots level these issues draw little support from
the local people and hence the issues have to be articulated in a fashion that attracts spontaneous r
esponse from the people.
But, the popularity received by Narmada Bachao Andolan can mainly be attributed to the
strategies followed to gain external influence, including foreign NGOs and governments. Though
Narmada Andolan is considered as a partial success this does not reflect a healthy trend as far as
Indian en vironmental movements are concerned at least on two accounts. Firstly, the interference of
outside agencies appears to be more political than ecological as their influence was conspicuously
absent in the case of other strident environmental problems like the Bhopal tragedy. Secondly, unless
the pressure for protecting the environment comes from the local people themselves, it is unlikely that
they would succeed. For, Sates' actions are often determined by the demands of the majority rather
than their requ irements. In the absence of awareness among the people, the state always serves class
(certain) interests.
two of the most successful movements at the micro level which integrated the environmental as well
as development aspects. These are: (i) Ralegan Sidhi experiment (named after the village); and (ii)
Pani-Panchayat (w ater council), which are located in Maharastra State and not far from each other.
In the case of Ralegan Sidhi, Shri Anna Hazare (the man behind the success) followed a philosophical
path of Gandhi and Vivekananda where he used religion and cultural factors to bring the desired
change in a degenerated society.
After winning the confidence of the people he put forward four principles without which sustainable
development and removal of poverty would not have been possible in the village. These include four
bans, namely: sterilization, prohibition, ban on grazing and ban on tree felling. As a result, liquor was
totally banned from the village, a large scale afforestation programme was started by planting trees in
the catchment areas of various watersheds, grasslands were conserved through social fencing thus
preventing cattle, goats and sheep from entering certain portions of grazing lands. Farmers were
encouraged to stal l feed their cattle as the availability of grass has increased and thus increasing the
milk yield. This was followed by watershed development programmes which have enhanced
agricultural yields in a more sustainable fashion
The approach of Pani Panchayat (Water Council) is somewhat different from that of Ralegan
Siddhi. Shri Vilasrao Salunke (the force behind Pani-Panchayat) tried to convince the villagers by
explaining them the importance of soil c onservation and water harvesting mechanisms in a drought
prone region. As he failed to convince the poverty-stricken villagers (who used to migrate in search of
work) he had himself taken the responsibility of demonstrating the impact of a watershed devel
opment programme which is critical for sustainable development in the drought prone regions. He had
leased in some 40 acres of land and started cultivating through watershed management approach. It
took three years for the villagers to realize the benefit s of the environment friendly cultivation
practices.
In about ten years the number of lift irrigation schemes has gone up to more t han 100 and most of
them are functioning in a sustainable fashion.
The reason behind the success of these schemes and their sustainability is the unity between the
villagers and strict adherence to the rules and regulations laid down by the pani-pancha yat which
is a unanimously elected body among the villagers
Some of the important rules include: (i) water rights which are attached to household or individual
rather than to land; (ii) restricting cropping patterns to low water intensive crops; (iii) equal
distribution of water on the basis of household size and distribution of water to land less labor who
can sell water or share crop; and (iv) contribution by the households for the schemes in the initial
stage, i.e., 25 per cent and the rest is taken on loans which is also paid by the farmers in installments
The interesting part is that two different paths are followed in these cases. While socio-cultural
aspects were found useful in Ralegan, demonstration of economic gains was proved successful in the
case of pani-panchayat.
owever, the success of these two cases is also attributed to other factors like socioeconomic
homogeneity of the villages, especially the economic. All most all the villagers were struggling for
their survival before the schemes and th ey knew very well that the benefits can be sustained only if
they work united. But, as the pani-panchayat schemes spread, it is becoming increasingly difficult
to control the individual farmers to restrict to the suggested cropping pattern as they prefer to grow
high value water intensive crops like sugar can
This in turn is affecting the sustainability of the schemes both in terms of availability and distribution
of water. Moreover, the success of these cases is highly dependent o n the committed leadership
which is hard to find in the present context of socio-political development in the country
in most of the villages community management of natural systems like forests and other natural
resources is disappearing fast because decentralized democratic system and the resulting party politics
have made serious dents in the village unity
Lanjigarh area’s inhabitants against the Vedanta, which was about to set up a bauxite-
aluminum factory near Niyamagiri Hill
Odisha has a special place because of its large tribal population. The state’s tribal population
is 22.85% of the total state population. It has the country’s third-largest tribal concentration.
There are 62 tribal communities; of which, 13 are Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups
(PVTGs).
About 44.70% of the state’s geographical area is under Scheduled Areas, covering 118 of 314
blocks in 12 districts. Throughout India, social movements among the tribal communities have
been meant to reaffirm their stand to protect their own culture, traditions, and, most
importantly, their rights over their forest and lan
Right from the occupation of the Odisha in 1803 by the British, the local population and the
aborigines were deeply degraded by their policies such as the introduction of the
landlords,moneylenders, kadars (contractors
They challenged the British and their subordinates and organized themselves against the kings
and their supporters or sympathizers, imposing caste supremacy on them. They gathered the
courage against such exploitations in the form of rebellion and movements such as the Santhal
Revolt of 1855, Ghumsar rising (1834–1856), Bhuinya rising (1868 and 1890), Sambalpur
revolt (1827 and 1864), Nayagarh uprising (1849–1852), the Kandha uprising of Kalahandi
(1882), Gangapur uprising (1895), Munda revolt (1895–1901), the tribal movement of
Midnapur (1918–1919), Santhal movement in Malda (1924–1932), and tribal and national
movement in Orissa (1921–1942). All of these movements were launched and organized by
the leaders and the chieftains of their respective tribes. However, these movements were
initiated against the policies of the government and the exploitations of the local oppressors.
Still, with time, these movements merged with the national movement for Indian
independence. But most of these movements were suppressed by the British who forcibly
imposed their policies on them, and some were appropriated with some minor changes such as
the introduction of passing the Scheduled Districts Act (1874), the introduction of protective
administration, and excluded tribal areas under the Government of India Act, 1935.
uch movements happened across the tribal belt in India, but the movements in Odisha such as
Nilagri (1947); Mayurbhanj (1949) and Kharswan (1947) were the few that played a
significant Role in those movements.
The majority of development projects in Odisha have to remain unfavorable for the local
inhabitants who have been facing displacement from their ancestral land without any
compensation and surety for their livelihood and rights
This aggressive industrialization and Odisha being the honey ground for foreign direct
investment (FDI) and the multinational corporations have seriously exploited the natural
vegetation of the forest and, most importantly, the rights of the indigenous population of
Odisha and the neighboring states
etween 1951 and 1995, 2,155,317 tribals were displaced, and 360,999 tribals were impacted
by several state development projects.
By December 2014, the state had signed 93 Memorandum of Understanding (MoUs) worth `2.15 trilllion (USD
33 billion) with enterprises to set up steel (48), power (28), aluminum (3), and other factories around the state
Under the jargon of the development, the major market players have been placed in an area where a major
population, about 80%, is engaged in agriculture, an occupation that has never got its space in the contemporary
neoliberal market. This juggernaut of development has not just forced them into a mere refugee or a migrant, but
they are also paying the cost of the benefits reaped by the big corporates
Tribal women took part actively in huge numbers, organizing dharnas (protests), peaceful marches, and other
activities, among men.
Displacement has negatively impacted their living standards and reduced their social status among the tribal
community. They used to have full control over their life and livelihood from what to grow and where to sell
their products and where and how to work; now, they say that everything has fallen all of a sudden. It has made
them dependent on men; in addition to these, now they are working as laborers in one such mine or at
construction sites as their husband, son, or father has become addicted to liquor or
This addiction has also raised the cases of domestic violence and prostitution in the slums where they liv
he Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill, 2007, made provisions for providing benefits and compensation to
people who got displaced out of land acquisition or any other involuntary displacement.
Similarly, provisions were made to carry out a social impact assessment of the large-scale displacement. Steps
were taken to set up the eligibility and disburse minimum benefits to the displaced population, ranging from
land, house, and skill development to monetary compensation and jobs
established project-specific regulatory bodies to look after implementing and formulating the policies made for
rehabilitation and resettling of the displaced population
The grievance cell was also established through this bill to address the issues related to rehabilitation and
resettlement. Orissa Resettlement and Rehabilitation Policy, 2006, classified rehabilitation and resettlement
programs for different projects such as mining, industrial, urban, and other industrial projects.
Around the lush green districts of Rayagarh and Kalahandi lies the range of Niyamgiri hills, which spreads over
the 250 sq. km in Odisha. Niyamgiri Hill is located in the Lanjigarh block of Kalahandi district with an altitude
of 4,284 feet above sea level. The rich biodiversity in the Karlapat and Kotgarh landscapes is part of Niyamgiri
Hill.
iyamgiri represents Kondhs’ mythical origins and identity. Their social, economic, and cultural lives have an
emotional bonding with Niyamagiri hills. These Niyamgiri hills in the Eastern Ghats are massively diverse and
dense, which cover almost 75% of the total landmass.
iyamgiri represents Kondhs’ mythical origins and identity. Their social, economic, and cultural lives have an
emotional bonding with Niyamagiri hills. These Niyamgiri hills in the Eastern Ghats are massively diverse and
dense, which cover almost 75% of the total landmass.
Sc in second verdict – approved Vedanta – forest diversion proposal – special purpose vehic;e
3 member tem of DR USHA Vinod Rishi and JK Tiwari – unable to form a case for report
Ministry of environ and forest -4 member – Naresh Saxena, amita baviskar, promode kant – fera act v-and tribes
to be protected under this