Title: PERSPECTIVESON EARi.) MODER!

\ \\'l IMEN IN IIIERIA AND Tl ff AMl·Rll 'AS: STL1,11, ,, I

LAW, Socttn, ART ANO tnuuruR£

ISBN-10:1940075270
ISBN-13:978-1-940075-27-1
Design: Ana Paola Gon,.,ill•, ~
Cover: Jhon Agua5,1co©
,..,_ I lo"o" 01 ""'"'' I.(. ·Rl:J'

•
Cover Image: Sofoni5ba Angu,,-,;ola: "La dam., dd .umuio·· I I ~"ll).
ANNEJ. Ca1,-z'sphoto by: Murnor Studio :cl
PERSPECTIVES ON EARLYMODERN
Publisher in chief: Carlos Agu,1s.1co
E-mail: carlostvartepoetica.rom
WOMEN IN IBERIA AND THE AMERICAS
Mail: 38-38 215 Pl,m•, 8.1yside, NY 11361.USA
STUDIES IN LAW, SOCIETY, ART
© PERSPECTIVES ON EARLYMODERN WOMEN IN llll'RIA AND Tl II' AMliRICAS:S1 vu1t, 11,I.Aw, AND LITERATURE IN HONOR OF
Soc1m, ARTANDl.1TtAAru•t ,, llo,oa or A,-.r I. Cu,. Fuoroas: Anaor,-.r· I 1\1,Mn, "" :-.1,.;,
C111sT1NA
Qt;1snao
© PERSPECTIVESON EARLYMODER.'11WOMl'N 1:-,.;llll·RIA AND TIil' ,\\IERIC,\S~r~o,r, ,, I "'·
ANNE J. CRUZ
Soc1tn, ARTANOLntRAJ~•c ,., J(o.,oa or""" I Cu,. 1:,.,mas: Aoa11,;,r L. Muri, "" 1\1,ai,
Ca,snNA Qv,,.nao for lhis edition l'scribana llooi.., .in lmrront of Arteroetic,1 Pr.-,., lnr

lm.1ge/photo credll.i..,nJ pvrnw,.....

1on,
Fig. 1 Carta de la ConJ~1 JcC ..,~tell.u Curwtmto de l..1, C,1rbone,.1 ... M.t<lnd ·~·Photo Nie\'t.... n.1r,111Ll,1
Fig. 2 Odlc-.ldingof Tup....:Am.nu m Cuz&:oSquare (1'ln) l;t·l1p.· c;u.,m.tn l'om.1 de Ay<,I<,,F1r.t ~ ••,...,Chrllf11,I~ .1nd C.~x.,1
CovffT1ma,t. c. 1615. 2232 GI..S-ito Courh.""Y of the Ro,.11 L,t,r.u-.·,Cnp1."0h.igen. 0...-.,m.ul
Fig- J 5.JyriTupac in (On\t"~thon with the Viceroy ,\nJfl ... Hurt.Wo dt· \tendoz...1. \l.uqu1 .. ,,t C.1ridl' Fd1pe Gu.1m.m
Poma d~ Ayala. t-,~t :\ew Llironidt• ,md (~)OJ C,n,•mmt.'flt (( lttl~) G ...S Z232 4h1 Crl\srtt....-.· l,t tht.• Ro\'JI I 1t'tt<1r\·,
Copmh.'l!lffl. Denmark
Fiil'- "-14 C S,,J!y:0-..,11,
Fig. 15Allf,,gorical\',rtu" tmnt m..mt'f l ..~nm..t--del., noMt•.r4, C,llHh ...-. ,,r ~al Collt.,tlon .. kmn,·th ~pt.--n..:-er
Rt.""-t•.m ..-t, EDITORS:
Ubr,U)', Uni,'ff'Nty of K..m,,, l.1br.mt. ...
.,,g.lb H1eronymu~Wit•-r111.. 1.., be.1tJ \bJre Teres..1 J'-•lt.--.u,. Fr,w (l1t-.;,t dt..•S..1nJc.N.1,11,Compl-nJ1,, dt.• I.,~ M>ll'f1l... l,t....,t.1, ADRIENNE L. MARTiN
queen toda Esp.11l,1 M.' hu.--ic-roo
t.'fl l,1 be.1htic,1cicinJ,, ~tlM Tt.•rt.,....,dr ft"U"'(~faJru.t ViuJ., dt• A!rnho Martin, 1h15)
Court~y of Bibliotl"Cd ~.k:1on,tl Je E~p.ui..1,\l.ldrid AND
Fi~ 17 JCJ§rdade Clb,J°' S.1nt,1Tt.'l'l't.\ ()outoura m,..,tic-.t. ln,pir,IJ,1 pt.•lo E._,pinto S.mlo. lbn. ml on 1..tn\'.1' lgrti,1 d~
NOM,JSenhora d.a A'-'lln.;,10, C,l'(,W,, Portugal Patn.m,:,1Jo t.il' l.1.J'llM ,mJ the P.1n.Jt l'm-.t nf C1<tr.1.·.11, ISt.1 r._..,.t.,tdr.1
MARiA CRISTINA QUINTERO
mi•licalICPhoto:Jron Andrew,
Fig. 18 Pl.Jte 23.AdriJn (.\,11.Mrt .mJ Cutll<hu, Gdlll'. \'11.1 K \'1t};tn1, f,•rN.te ,, lt-..u ( AnhH•rp ,\dn.tn Coll~rt .md
Comel,u, C..llt. 1613) Court.,..,ol 8,t,ln~«.l :-.:.X.on.11d, f_.p,1n.1.\IJJr,J
Frg 19 JO!lda de Obtd°' S..ioJOOod..t Cruz. lt,73, 011on 1.".m,,1, lgr,,-., dt· ,cw,,,,J
Scnhou J..1A........._m,.ll,.
L1!1o(",.H
....l'ortu~<,I
Courtesy of the PatnJrc.ldo dt" l.1-.bt.1r.1 Photo_ Jean AnJrew~
,1nd the ran.Ji J•ru...1 of C,""-•"" .._-,
Fig. 20. OicgodeA.~tor.S.m Ju.m dl"f.1Cn11.,S.10Ju.1nJel., Cru,.Obr.,, l'"'-Plritu.1l~quet'f1C.amm,rn., UtM,,lm.1 a l.1pt•rft"l-t,1
untcin con OtM (Barce-lon,1St."00:,11,m d,• Cormella,.1I C11l, l61'J) t:'t-ti.1r1.....,yot Bib-liolt-c.,N.1c1rn1.1I J,, 1:,.p,ul.1,M.iJriJ
fig. 21 lltian- Ecce Homo, 1~7 Mu"-'' Jel Pr.ldo, M,tc.lrid l.tet'flct,t by Art Rt;."!o(JUn;e. ''"" ... Yurl
Ftg. 22 l~her .1nd Hou" of lionne of l.u11.tfflbourg ,\Uribut...J lo h•,m It' '\,ou. hi!ioJ,wghh."f lk1t.uKut.,mJ ht~ WotlJ\op
Kefore-13-49a~i~er'.11 Colle ..-tion. MSh'I Hn.tol 32Sr M•• ropnht.m M11...•11mof Art l.10..-ni.:eJ by Art 1-tt.""'•ourl;"c, N("'" Yorl
Fig. 23 Otego de Sil~ Cn,to .11,tdo., l.1nllumna Ch.1pt•Iot lht.>C:ori,u, Chn,h f'ur,t('"' l_'.tlht.'(h,11 Album t1t:t'fl(t.,J b,· Art
Re.ourn-.:>..ew York
fig 24 Fr.:!net~ Gir.111l'C1p1ll.l J~ Ot,1,~'ll.l.\l.-idrid 1\lt--..1m l 1n-nu,I b, Art R...,..,..)UfU.", '-'-"\-\ Yo,._

All rights R-serv,..J. No p,,rl of lhi, public,1tiun m,,y be n•produced, dislrobut.'<I, or lr,m,mitted on any
form or by any means, including photocopying. ,-,cording. or other ele,·lronoc or m,...-h,mic,11m,•1h,xb.
without lh!! prior writt-,n permis..sion of the rublisher, ,•,n•r1 in the ca,....of brief quol,11ions l'mbodi,,i
in critical reviews ,1nd rerlain other noncomm-,rci,11 US<.,, r••rmitled by copyright l,1w. For permission
requl'sts, write to thl' publisher, .1ddressed "At1,•n1ion:l',•rmissions Coordinator," .11th,. .,ddress 1:-.,low: escribana.",
38-38 215 Plare, B.1ysldt•.NY 11361. USA booksl-'"
Todos las derechos rl'wrvados bt,1 public.1cu1n no put'<h• ,...., reproduc1da. no ,•n lodu ni -,n r,ute,
ni regis-trada en o tr.1n~mitid.1 por. un sistem.1 dt• recupt.•r.u:uln de inform ..1ciOn. t•n mnguna form,1 ni
por ningUn medio. !'1-t."•'mt."l:'.inku, follXfUimico, t!ll-ctn)nico, m,1gnehco, elt"Ctnx'>ptu:o. por fotocopt.1. o
NUEVA YORK, 2015
cualquil!r otro. sin d pt.•rmiso prcvio por escritn de l.1 t"<iitorl.1I.C'II.Ceptoen c.1~ dl• citac10n brcvl' -..n
r~1s criticas y otrn-. u.-..c.,..
no cumcrci.al~ permitidoo por 141ley de dt•rt...:h<~ dt• .1utor P.u.:a ~olicit.u
rwrmi-.,, ,...,.rih;1I,• :11,~i1t11r ,-.. "Ul- '\H ,1 i; Pla('t•. H,1v-..1ti1• N, I I '\ht U',,\

INCA GARCILASO'S MOTHER:
AGENCY AND AUTHORITY
IN ROYAL COMMENTARIES
RAQUEL
CHANG-RODRIGUEZ
City Co/lt>ge-Grad11ate
Center,City Universityof Nt·w York
Inca Gard laso de la Vega (1539-1616)is the first great Spanish-American
writer. He was born in Cuzco, the son of the Spanish captain Sebastian
Garcilaso de la Vega and the Inca Palla (Princess) Chimpu Ocllo, later
baptized Isabel Suarez. In Peru he received the European education
afforded to children of noble origin, while learning from maternal rela-
tives and other friends Inca history and mores. Indeed, he belonged
to two distinguished family lineages: on his father's side, his roots can
be traced to his namesake, Garcilaso, the admired Golden Age pOt.'t
from Toledo; on his mother's side, he was the great-nephew of Tupac
Inca Yupanqui, considered the last Inca king, and father of Huascar
and Atahualpa. At age nineteen, after Captain Garcilaso's death in
Cuzco and upon receiving his inheritance, the young Gomez Suarez de
Figueroa traveled to Spain to complete his education and claim privi-
leges owed to him due to the deeds of his father and the royal blood
of his mother. He was not successful in securing any reward from the
Crown. However, Gomez Suarez began to read widely, perfected his
Latin, learned Italian and became a writer. While in Spain, the young
Cuzcan changed his name to Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, translated the
Dialoguesof Loveinto Spanish (1590),wrote a genealogical tract, Relacio11
de la desceudencia de GarciPerezde Vargas(1596),and two chronicles, La
Floridade/ brca(1605) and RoyalCommentarit'S (1'1 part, 1609, 2nd part,
1617).The latter work is considered his masterpiece. When reviewing
Inca Garcilaso' s writings I noticed that references to the author's mother
are few and scattered. In contrast, there are numerous mentions of his
father. 1 Consequently, several studies have analyzed the representation
of his father, Captain Garcilaso, while Chimpu Ocllo, his mother, has
been ignored or little studied. 2
P•..-haps the most famous is "Oracion fim.-br" do, un religioso a la muerte de Garcil,1,so m,
senor" (GIi, 3, Book 8, ch. 12. 218-33).All ,1uote, from R,,valCommtnlarirsare from Rosenbl,1t's
roition.1 indicate volume, book. chapt,•r and p.1geand u·.._.the initials RC (Rol{III
C11mmtt1tnr1rs)
and CH (Ctntral lfotory) to di,tingui,h t•,tehp,ut. English translallons are m·yown.
2 See for e,ample, Fernandez Palacio" 110-117.
It is worth noting that the Inca princess is named in the dedi-
cation of Garcilaso's translation of the Dialoguesof Love (9),3 in the
account of his Spanish genealogy, Relaciondeladescendenciadelfamoso
Garci Pere: de Vargas(44),~and in his Preface to the second part of
Ro11alCommentariesor GeneralHistory of Peru (Prologue, 16).5 These
th;ee instances underscore the royal lineage of the mother and her
son. In the first two she is listed as the niece of the Inca king Huayna
Capac, and in the third she appears as the daughter of the unfortu-
nate sovereign. These uncertainties, following Foucault (162), lead
us to the interstices typical of genealogical searches. They enable
us to question the status quo and make us aware of the fluctuations
that shape these searches as opposed to biographical investigations. •
Taking into account these fluctuations and the few references
to the author's mother in Royal Commentaries,the Peruvian liter-
ary critic Aurelio Miro Quesada noticed the brevity of the Palla's
"written portrait" [retrato escrito) and how she appears "like
a shadow" (como una sombra) in her son's masterpiece (353).6
While Miro Quesada highlights the opacity of her portrait, others
have studied her impact on Garcilaso's life from a psychoanalyti-
cal perspective (Hernandez), have stressed her virtues through
an association with the Virgin Mary to whom Garcilaso dedicates
the second part of Royal Commmtaries (Rodriguez Garrido 77-78;
Zanelli, "The Virgin Mary" 68), or have pointed to an attempt
by the narrator to silence the mother's voice (Lopez Baralt 38,
n.1, 260-61). While these analyses inform our understanding of
cultural conflicts and gender issues in Garcilaso's masterpiece, my
research on the presence of Chimpu Ocllo in Royal Commentaries
aims in a different direction. I propose to study the instances in
which the Palla appears in order to understand how her "shadow"
3 "My molht'r l',1lla Isabel was th,• daur,hh•r nf Inga Gualpa Topa,. one of the children of Inga
Topa, Pall,, Yupanqui and Mama Odin, hi• lawful wife, parents of Huayna Capac Inga, who
was the last king of Peru" (que mi m,1dn, la P,1lladona Isabel, fue hija del Inga Gualpa Topac,
unode los hijosdeTopac Inga Yupangui y di' la Palla MamaOdlosu legitima muger, p.1dres
dcl Cu,1yn., C.1p,1cInga, ultimo rey ,1ue ful' dl'I Piruj.
4 "She wa, th.- d.,ughler of Ynga Tup,1c llu,1llpa, legitimate son Ynga Tupac Yupanqui and
Cova Mam., Odlo his lawful wife [,I and brother of Yng.1Huayna Capac Ynca (,) who was
th; last natur,11 king of that empire call,-d P,..-u... • (fue hija de Huallpa Tupac Ynca, hijo
1,-gitimodl' Tupac Ynca Yupanqui y dl' I,, Coya Mama Ocllo su legitima muger (,) y hermano
,l,. lluayn,, Capac Ynca[,) ultimo Rey nalural que fue en aqud impcrio llamado Peru ...1.I
have added ,1ccl'ntmarks following curr<-nt spelling rules.
5 "I le is th,• ""n of a Princess, a Peru\'ian infanl,1 (daughter of the last lord and pagan prince
from thost' rich provinces)" [hijo de madre Pall., e infanta peruana (hija del ultimo senor y
principe gent ii d.- aquesas opulent,1S pruvinci,1s)I.
h Miro Qu,.,.,,d,1discoverro and publish,'<! Chimpu Ocllo's testam,-nt dated 22 November 1571
([/ Inca Gnm/a,.., 353-63).
 is embodied and thus exercises textual authority when the narrator,
through memory and action, involves her in the structure of Royal
Commentaries.
Following Michel-Rolph Troulliat as to the silences of history,
we know that they occur at various times: in the collection of sources,
in the creation of the archive, in the course of the narrative and in the
gestation of the significance of history itself (26). These silences do
not have the same meaning and therefore cannot be understood with
identical strategies. Thus, Troulliat clarifies, "any historical narrative
is a particular bundle of silences, the result of a unique process, and
the operation required to deconstruct these silences will vary accord-
ingly" (27). On the other hand, Margarita Zamora has redefined the
concept of agency proposed by Homi Bhabha as "acting or speaking
in ways that influence the course of events or modify the attitudes and
intentions of others" (191). In terms of narrative discourse, Zamora
sees agency as the equivalent of" 'voice' in the authoritative sense of
'having a say' " (192). She clarifies, however, that this does not refer
only to who speaks in the text but to the one "whose voice is heard,
whose utterance counts, whose actions are represented as effective or
significant, who expresses intention with authority" (192).
Based on these assertions by Troulliat, the Haitian anthro-
pologist, and Zamora, the Cuban critic, I will review key references
to Inca Garcilaso's mother in both parts of Royal Commentariesto
, explore through them how the narrator reclaims the values of his
1
panaca-clan, extended family group-and reemphasizes its impor-
' tance. Although the Princess appears fleetingly in the chronicle, these
instances are significant because through the account of her presence
as well as the allusions to Chimpu Ocllo we can perceive the impact
of her agency, that is, her ability to exercise narrative authority. In
fact, through the mother the chronicler transcends adversity, criti-
cizes colonialism, evokes the glories of the Inca empire and brings to
the fore the fratricidal struggles that portended its end. His mother
is the author's main link to the Inca elite-including the clan of the
last Inca king, Tupac Yupanqui-of which he boasts in his writ-
ings. The connection binds him to the unfortunate end of this royal
lineage as depicted in the struggle between Huascar and Atahualpa,
the murder of the former, the killing of women and children of
Huascar's royal blood by the latter, and ultimately, the destruction
: of the Inca empire. Thus, the maternal presence as well as her gene-
) a logy, with their silences and opacities but also with their hierarchy
and authority, shape the narrative structure of Royal Commentaries.
Both the mother and her genealogy add a special meaning to Inca
Garcilaso's narrative and thus his chronicle tells history in a distinct
fashion. Starting with its first part, Chimpu Ocllo's presence and
lineage contribute to expanding the tragic nature of Inca history as
told by Garcilaso as well as the narrator's reiterations of the very
best quality of his mother's clan and therefore of himself. I contend
that the evocation or appearance of the Palla in anecdotes and events
significantly promotes the telling of conquest history from the tragic
perspective of Tupac Yupanqui' s clan.
THE Morn ER's "V mcE"
One of the most important parts of Royal Commentariesis chapter
fifteen of the first book. There the narrator sets the foundation of the
chronicle when indicating how he will order the "labyrinth" [laber-
intoJ of the history of the Inca lords "who were the legitimate kings
of Peru" [reyes naturales que fueron del PeruJ.7 The accounts told by·
his mother and relatives-especially his uncle Cusi Huallpa-and
heard by Gomez Suarez first as a child and later as a teenager in
Chimpu Ocllo's home, become the compass of his narrative: "the ·
easiest way was to tell what I heard many times in my childhood
from my mother and her brothers and uncles, and other elders about
its origin and beginning [of the Inca empire]" [el camino mas facil y
llano era contar lo que en mis ninezes oi muchas vezes a mi madre
y a sus hermanos y tios y a otros sus mayores acerca deste origen y
principio). Therefore, the narrator chooses to base his written chron-
icle on the oral accounts he heard at his mother's home. Pre-contact
history must be disseminated "by the Inca's own words and not by
those of other strange authors" [por las proprias palabras que los
Incas lo cuentan que no por las de otros autores estranos[ (RC, 1,
Book 1, ch. 15, 39). The conversations on which the narrator bases his
account take place in the maternal home every week over the course
of several years between Pallas and Incas, among Chimpu Ocllo
and relatives who survived the cruelties of Atahualpa, and between
7 "'Since Wl' arl' on thl' threshold of this great labyrinth it will bl' ,111right to go on to provide
news of what it contained" [Y pues t'Stamos a la puerta dt'Ste gran labi rinlo, sera bien passe-
mos adelante a dar noticia de loque en el havial (RC. I, Book I, ch. 15, 39), The narrator shows
his knowledge of F.uropean history based on classical par.,digms I It• is .,ware thal a diffl'renl
"onlo temporum" must be found in order to makl' events of the pre-conl,1c1Inca period acces-
sible 10 Spanish readers. On the lopic, see Guerra Caminiti,
 Gomez Suarez and all of them. 11Following Uspenski, this allows for
the incorporation into the narrative of two distinct perspectives, the
discursive and the ideological. The former marks speech accord-
ing to the point of view of the individual narrator, while the latter
provides a conceptual view of the world in a narrative segment or in
the story as a whole. Thus the notion of point of view is understood
both in its technical sense as well as in the meaning of a vantage
point from which it is possible to shape representation according
to a specific value system or particular vision of the world. In this
case, it is the Inca vision of events as described by Chimpu Ocllo and
her relatives, in other words, the vantage point of the dispossessed
descendants of Tupac Yupanqui's clan.
The teenager Garcilaso "many times went in and out of where
they IChimpu Ocllo and her relatives] were [talking) and enjoyed
listening to them" [entrava y salia muchas vezes donde ellos [Chimpu
Ocllo y sus parientes] estavan [conversando], y me holgava de las oir ).
They talked about many things: the origin of the Incas, their majesty
and grandeur, their conquests and exploits, as well as their laws and
government in peace and war. Conversations revolved around the
ancient history of the Incas and their rule and current status in colo-
nial society. Invariably, "with the memory of so many good things lost,
they ended their conversation in tears and sorrow, saying 'Then we
were kings and now we are vassals'" [con la memoria del bien perdido
siempre acabavan su conversacion en lagrimas y llanto, diziendo:
'Troc6senos el reinar en vassallaje'] (RC, 1, Book 1, ch. 15, 40). Thus the
conversations that took place in Chimpu Ocllo's home show her author-
ity-her agency- in shaping a vision of events from the perspective
of Tupac Yupanqui's group as she participates and encourages others
(her family, her son) to partake in these discussions. These talks frame
the chronicle by offering a unique and hybrid narrative in which the
oral and the written, the female and male point of view, the conceptual
scheme of a sector of Inca royalty and the precepts of European culture
in aiming to order events appear to coexist. All is assimilated by Gomez
Suarez who narrates what he heard in his childhood and adolescence
from his mother, aunts, uncles and other Inca lords (RC, 1, Book 1, ch.
15, 39). These voices constitute a hidden polyphonic murmur that runs
through the chronicle.9 They also announce its tragic design as summa-
rized in the repeated lament: ''Trocosenos el reinar en vassallaje." It
11 The narrator comments: "Spending days, months and years (listening to these conversalionsl,
I already was sixteen or sevente\?n years old" (Passando pues dias, meses y aiios (escuchando
,.,,,,,.rnnversaciones], siendoy.:i yodedi.,L y ,eisodic,: y sieleaiiosl (RC, 1, Dool.. 1, Ch. 15, 40).
CJ Mazzotti has studied their importance.
is worth noting that Carmela Zanelli ("Providencialismo"), referring
to the second part of Royal Commentariesor Gew?ralHistory of Peru,
comments on how the Cuzcan chronicler imprints in his text literary
traits equally recognizable in classical drama and modem historiogra-
phy. If, as Covarrubias explains in his dictionary (973),we understand
tragedy in the sense of representing "serious" characters (gods, heroes,
kings and princes) who end in great misfortune, this reasoning, in my
opinion, is equally applicable, as we shall see, to the first part of Royal
10
Commentarii>s.
THE FATE oF HuASCAR's CLAN
In this case, the representation of tragic events having an impact on
princes and princesses of the highest lineage-the assassination of
Huascar's clan (Inca Garsilaso's maternal family) by Atahualpa's\
men-occupies the last six chapters of the last book (nine) of the first
part of RoyalComm1mtaries. Chapter thirty-seven is the most dramatic .·
of this section and also the most relevant to our proposal. There the·
narrator details how women and children of Huascar's royal blood
were imprisoned, tortured and killed. Hence, explains Garcilaso, the
extinction of much of the Incas' lineage took place in a span of two
and a half years, and "although they could finish it in less time, they
did not want to do so for they wanted to inflict their cruelty on them
[Huascar's descendants) for the sake of greater pleasure" [aunque
pudieron acabarla en mas breve tiempo, no quisieron, por tener en
quien exercitar su crueldad con mayor gusto] (RC, 2, Book 9, ch. 37,
290).11 They took the women and children to Yahuarpampa or field of
blood. 12 The character of this place name is confirmed in the narrative
by the number and nature of the dead, particularly by the "great-
est pity and compassion" [mayor lastima y compassion] caused "by
the tender age of children and their mothers' frail nature" [por la
tierna edad de los ninos y naturaleza flaca de sus madres] (RC, 2,
Book 9, ch. 37, 290). Despite their age and fragility, the prisoners were
guarded by three fences, the first composed of trained warriors, and
the others by guards. Women and children were killed periodically,.
the chronicler explains, by hunger and torture. However, Atahualpa's
10 "Una reprL'Sl.'11tacionde personages graves, como diu,e, de la gentilidad, erua~. reyes y
principes, la qua I de ordinario se remala con algun,1 gran dl>sgracia.•
11 The lineage was not completely extinguish,-d. and this is indicated in RC, 2, Book 9, ch. 38, 290-
91 and ch. -io.295-97.
12 n,., s.1meplace of a bloody battle between the Ch.1nc,1sJrtd the lm:-Js,prob.,bly ilruund 1483. After
the def ea I uf th" Ch.1nrns, T.1huanlinsuyo consolidalt'S and <'>p.mdsunder Inca Pachacutec's rule.
soldiers "took pity in seeing the spilled blood they deemed divine
and were already tired of such fierce carnage" [ [tuvieronl lastima
de ver perecer la sangre que ellos tenian por divina, cansados ya de
ver tan fiera carniceria] (RC, 2, Book 9, ch. 38, 290). They eventually
released some prisoners under eleven or ten years of age, took away
their royal robes and dressed them as common people.
It was then that the chronicler's mother and her brother,
Francisco Huallpa Tupac Inca Yupanqui, were able to escape.13
Again, events talked about repeatedly in Chimpu Ocllo's home by
witnesses, victims and survivors of these terrible deeds and heard
there by Gomez Suarez de Figueroa endow the narrator with a
singular authority to retell them: "and of the account that I heard
from them many times of that calamity and plague I am telling it
all now" [y de la relaci6n que muchas vezes Jes oi es todo lo que
desta calamidad y plaga voy diziendo] (RC, 2, Book 9, ch. 38, 290).
The torments and killings so vividly described point to the royal
lineage's disastrous end. Both the comments attributed to the
guards and the new and common clothing of the victims underscore
their high lineage and association with divinity as well as the impor-
tance of attire to mark social status during the Inca period. Also, the
generosity of the guards who, horrified at the spilling of royal blood
and allowing young victims to escape, offers a marked contrast
to Atahualpa's cruel conduct. Thus through the testimony told by
those who suffered these cruelties and through the conversations of
the author's Inca relatives all in the maternal home, the chronicler
.!
brings to the fore the distant and violent past. From that vantage
point it is possible to foresee and understand the calamitous end of
such a great empire as Tahuantinsuyo.
The assassinations of women and children of Huascar's clan 1
I·
i
that took place in Yahuarpampa in view of many, leads us to the
great square of Cuzco where, years later in 1572, the beheading
of Tupac Amaru will take place (Figure 2), witnessed by a mixed
crowd of Spaniards and Indians and described at the end of the
second part of Royal Commentaries(Book 8, ch. 19).'4 Both tragic Figure 2. Beheading of TupacAmaru in Cuzco Square (1572).
events (at Yahuarpampa and Cuzco) appear respectively at the end Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, First New Chronicleand Good
Government, c. 1615,2232 GkS 4to. Courtesyof the Royal
of the first and second parts of the chronicle. They are presented as Library,Copenhagen, Denmark.
cruel spectacles arranged by different persons (the first, Atahualpa;

13 Garcilaso indicales that later, when he was in Spain, Don Francisco wrote to him. He prob-
ably signed a letter to the chronicler dated 16 April 1603 in which dl-scendants of Inca royal
blood requested to be exempled from ta•es and Nolras vc,.,ciones <Juecomo los demas indios
comunes padescen" [and other humiliations lhat lhey suffered as if they were commoners!
(RC. 2, Rook 9, ch. 40, 295).
14 Tupac Amaru was the last Inca lo rule from the refuge of Vilcabamba. When the Spaniards
enlered the secluded spot, he was imprisoned and brought to Cuzco in chains.
 the second, Viceroy Toledo), with victims of the same origin (Inca
royalty of Tupac Yupanqui's pa11aca)and major consequences
(the end of a dynasty; the end of the empire). In Yahuarpampa
perpetrators of the massacre against Garcilaso's relatives are on
Atahualpa's side; in Cuzco, Viceroy Toledo orders the execution of
Tupac Amaru, the rebel Inca from Vilcabamba. In this manner the
narrator equates Atahualpa's conduct with that of Viceroy Toledo:
the former's behavior causes a split in Tahuantinsuyo, removes its
most illustrious royal lineage and facilitates Iberian triumph. The
latter's actions show the tragic impact of the European invasion
on the Andean world in the person of the beheaded sovereign, as
well as the affirmation of Spanish rule in the area. Both the usurper
Inca (Atahualpa) and the Spanish viceroy (Toledo) are equated as
enemies and exposed as catalysts of tragic events. They are enemies
of Chimpu Ocllo and her clan and thus of Inca Garcilaso de la
Vega who narrates and reinterprets Inca history from a singular
perspective-that of Tupac Yupanqui's panaca.Tragic happenings
appear at the conclusion of the first part of Royal Comme11taries (the
disappearance of Tupac Yupanqui's lineage) and the second part of
GeneralHistoryof Peru (the beheading of Tupac Amaru).
Returning to Covarrubias's definition of tragedy and its
application to dramatic presentations, the description of such
events should move the spectator. In a historical or fictional narra-
tive, the listener or reader should be equally moved. In all cases it
should lead them to reflect on the human condition and the ulti-
mate destiny of all persons, and also to ponder how uncontrollable
passions produce a fatal outcome. This brings to our attention
the traditional idea of how events can teach-become examples
of actions to imitate or to avoid- ,a concept dear to classical
historians so admired by Inca Garcilaso. As we know, historical
accounts were conceived of as education for life, as Cicero epit-
omized in his famous phrase, "historia magistra vitae est." This
was accepted in the medieval and early modern periods by those
responsible for recording human deeds, including Inca Garcilaso.
Thus the major events which dose Royal Commentaries(the assas-
sination of Huascar ordered by his half-brother, the cruelties of
Atahualpa and his eventual execution by the conquistadors) and
Ge11eral History of Peru (the beheading of Tupac Amaru, the end of
the Inca empire. the imposition of colonial rule), as told by differ-
ent voices incorporated by the principal narrator, perform a dual
role: they present the wonders of an enviable royal lineage and
. simultaneously expose its tragic demise. The fact that the conver-
; sations in the maternal home where we learn much of Inca history
become the foundation of the chronicle and that their tragic mark ·
is related to Chimpu Odlo's biography show how their representa-
tion underscores her agency at two key junctures of the narrative:
the beginning of the chronicle and the conclusion of its first part or
Royal Commentaries.Similarly, Chimpu Odlo's authority becomes
evident in key episodes of the history of the Viceroyalty of Peru.
They again underscore the tragic tone of the chronicle and accentu-
ate the significance of mother and child as well as of their Andean
relatives.'~
INCA KINSHIP
When the narrator addresses the conquerors' fratricidal strug-
gles, Chimpu Odlo is depicted as the protector of her family and ·
loyal member of the royalist side. When Gonzalo Pizarro's rebel-
lion against the imposition of the New Laws (1542) was in full
force, Gomez Suarez was just four years old. The family home in
Cuzco was surrounded and attacked by the gonzalista Hernando
Bachicao.16 Captain Garcilaso had supported Gonzalo Pizarro at the
beginning of the rebellion. However, when he noticed that it had
turned against the Spanish king, together with other men he left
Cuzco for Arequipa in the hope of joining the loyalists in Lima. The
night of the attack those who remained at his home were helpless.
According to the chronicler, eight persons gathered there: Chimpu
Ocllo, Gomez Suarez, his sister, two Indian servants, the schoolmas-
ter Juan de Alcobai;a and his two children. During the eight-month
siege the group would have starved to death had it not received
relief from the relatives "Incas and Pallas ... who at all hours of the
j
·:::: day through secret channels sent us something to eat" IIncas y
:;
."J
Pallas parientes, que a todas las horas del dia nos embiavan por vias
::::
secretas algo que comer), and from the cacique Don Garcia Pauqui,
·{
whose name the chronicler admiringly cites (GH, 2, Book 4, ch. 10,
.-:-,
39). At this crucial juncture, the family is saved thanks to the gener- ,
;
/
osity of this native lord and of maternal relatives, all willing to risk
I
t
'1
15 JoseDurand noted this in a k-cturl' at the lnstituto Frances de la America Latina, Mexico, 9
Nowmber 19"9 (see Durand. f.l lnca Garcilas,,,cl1biro dt Amirica 11). From classic.-.1paradigms
evident in la Si/tu dt tnria /ten<in by Pedro Mexia, Efrain Krisl,1Iabo "•" dwdl,.J on lhe tragic
1
·;}
•_;_.; asp«ts of RC.
.& 16 The author's father and other conquistadors had traveled from Cuzco to A<L'lJUipahoping
to go to Lima by sea and join forces with the loyalists there. For olh"r d"tails including the
fallur" of the pl.in and how th., narrator prol<-cls Captain Gardlaso from accus.1tions of
lrt'aS<m._.....,GIi, 2. Book 4, ch. 10, 37.
life and property for the princess and her children. In this manner I I

the mother's presence-her agency-and her kin's actions are seen

as the survival link that enabled the group to avoid hunger, preserve
the home and survive the rebel siege. 17
On a deeper level, the narrator uses the episode to highlight
both parents' allegiance to the Crown as well as that of the Princess's
relatives as they risked all when taking sides with the Spanish king.
As noted above, the narrator points out how much he appreciates
Don Garcia Pauqui's loyalty.18 In addition to projecting a positive ii I•
view of kinship networks and their influence in the Andean world,
,, ,,
the episode underscores the behavior of noble Andean subjects
loyal to the Crown and contrasts it with the conduct of Spaniards
"
who rebelled against the king and his laws. The narrator seems to
suggest that the participation of Chimpu Cello's relatives and others
like them in governing Peru would be desirable and successful.

THE RELEVANCE OF LINEAGE

Equally significant in terms of maternal presence and authority is

an episode of the second part or GeneralHistory of Peru (Book 8,
ch. 11). In it the narrator describes the arrival in Cuzco (1560) of
Sayri Tupac, the rebel Inca who left the stronghold of Vilcabamba to
make peace with Viceroy Andres Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of
Canete (Figure 3). Upon Sayri Tupac's arrival in the ancient capital
of Tahuantinsuyu "all of his royal blood, male and female, came
to kiss his hands and welcome him to his imperial city. I went in
my mother's name to request permission for her to come and kiss
them (his hands) in person" [todos Ios de su sangre real, hombres
y mujeres, acudieron a besarle las manos y darle la bienvenida a su i
imperial ciudad. Yo fui en nombre de mi madre a pedirle licencia
para que personalmente fuera a besarselas] (GH, 3, Book 8, ch. 11,
212). Through the possessive "my" (mi], the narrator reinforces the
link to his mother and the illustrious clan to which both belong. In >":,Y,lhJJ<A '. '
l
addition, through another possessive adjective- "his imperial city" ;
(su imperial ciudad]- he gives the sovereign dominion over Cuzco, ., 4
i IS tNad
a city he should rightfully rule and controls only virtually. The Figure 3. Sayri Tupac in conversation with the Viceroy
young sovereign's response to Gomez Suarez's request was swift: Andres Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of Canete.
Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, First New Chronicle and
Good Government (c. 1615).GkS 22324to. Courtesy of
17 Th<' gravity of the event is again underscored in GIi, 3, Book 8, ch. 12,224. the Royal Library, Copenhagen, Denmark.
I !I In the Rtlaciondt la dtsctndtnciadt GarciNrtz dt Vargas,Inca Garcilaso underscor<-s this virtue
ilr.r.ocialcdwilh chivalrousconducl and link., II lo the episode of Pl'dro el Crurl'• murcl,•r .incl
thl' loyally of one of hi• advisern that endur._.,.beyond the sovereign's death.
 "Tell my aunt that I kiss her hands, and not to come here, that I
will go to her house to kiss them and give her the good news of our
meeting" [Dile a mi tia que le beso las manos, y que no venga aca,
que yo ire a su casa a besarselas y darle la norabuena de nuestra
vista) (GH, 3, Book 8, ch. 11, 213). Sayri Tupac's response affirms
that mother and child share with him the highest Inca lineage. At
the same time, the narrator aims to demonstrate the importance of
this Inca lord. Thanks to his decision to leave Vilcabamba and make
peace with the Spaniards, the future of the newly created Peruvian
viceroyalty appears assured. The response also shows the ambig-
uous status of Inca nobility in the new society: before Sayri Tupac
was the Inca king and now he is but a subject of the Spanish Crown.
Hence the alternations of joy and sorrow among his Andean
vassals-a great joy to see the prince, an immense pain to acknowl-
edge so many losses. It is worth remembering that such fluctuations
were already evident in the initial conversations between Chimpu
Ocllo and her relatives, as they go from joy to grief when recalling
past greatness and contemplate their current subordinate status in
· colonial society. The allusion to the mother and her relationship
with Sayri Tupac, the dethroned Inca, again allows the chronicler
'1to remember and represent a very special site of memory through
'which he is able to reaffirm his connection to the blood and culture
of the highest Inca elite.
The account of such significant events foreshadows Sayri
Tupac's "end and death" [fin y muerte] in less than three years (GH,
3, Book 8, ch. 11, 214), tinges with sorrow the joyful reunion and
accentuates the clan's misfortunes. However, the mother's name
and the shared genealogy allow the young Gomez Suarez to enter
a reserved area, the capital full of ramshackle buildings where
he welcomes Sayri Tupac. The chronicler deliberately heightens
the ruinous setting in which the joyful meeting takes place. This
becomes very evident because it is literally possible to compare the
state of the buildings at the time of Sayri Tupac's arrival in Cuzco
with earlier descriptions during the height of the Inca empire when
the city's imperial splendor and greatness were admired by all. 19
In the context of Sayri Tupac's arrival in Cuzco, the connection
of mother and son with Tupac Yupanqui's and Huascar's clan again
becomes evident when the narrator comments on how a Spaniard
(Miguel Astete or Estete) presents to the dethroned sovereign the red
tassel, symbol of the Inca kings. He accepted it and feigned delight.
However, the chronicler further clarifies that, for having belonged to
19 s._..,,for exomple. RC, 2, Book 7. ch. 27-29.
Atahualpa, relatives advised Sayri Tupac to bum the mascapaychaor , 1
royal tassel. In the account of this incident the rivalries among the/ '/
noble clans emerge again, particularly the violent clashes that led
to the end of the Inca empire. The narrator confirms it as follows:
"on account of Atahualpa's betrayal, war and tyranny against the
true king who was Huascar Inca, he caused the loss of his empire.
Therefore he should bum the tassel because that traitor who wore it
did so much evil and harmed them so much. The relatives told my
mother this and much more when they came to Cuzco" [que por
haver hecho Atahuallpa Ia traicion, guerra y tirania al verdadero Rey,
que era Huascar Inca, havfa causado la perdida de su Imperio. Por
tanto devia quemar Ia borla, por haverla traido aquel aucatraidor,
que tanto mal y daflo hizo a todos ellos.20 Esto y mucho mas conta-
ron los parientes a mi madre cuando vinieron al Cozco) (GH, 3, Book
8, ch. 11, 212). The anecdote adds another plausible explanation for
the defeat of the Incas: internal rivalries and not the superiority of
Spanish might. It reiterates that mother and child belong to Huascar's
clan, thus ratifying their high lineage and connection to the rightful
ruler. Again, in this manner we realize the nuanced authority that the 1
mother's presence affords the narrative. On the one hand, it serves
as a bridge to the glorious past recalled by the chronicler based on
the early conversations of Chimpu Ocllo, his uncle, of Pallas and
Incas-in the Andean oral tradition that undermines official history
and sends us to the pre-contact period. On the other hand, recalling
the mother brings us to the present-the time of narration-and the
family's tragic history, Atahualpa's betrayal, Huascar's murder, the
end of this royal clan and the events that lead to Spanish dominion
in the Andes.
A TRAITOR'S DEATH
The presence of the mother is seen again in Royal Commentaries
(Book 9, ch. 39) on the occasion of the death of Don Francisco, one
of Atahualpa's sons who, like his father, was called pejoratively auca
or traitor. After Don Francisco's passing, the old Inca, whose tales of
the glories of Tahuantisuyo so impressed Gomez Suarez de Figueroa
in his childhood and adolescence, visits Chimpu Ocllo to congratu-
late her-give the "plazeme" -on the death of the hated relative.21 He
wishes "that the Pachacamac keep her for many years to see the death
20 According to C.onz.ilez Holguin. a11cameans enemy or traitor.
21 See, for exomple, RC, 1, Book I, ch .. 15 and 19.
and end of all her enemies, and with this he said many other similar
words with great joy and delight" (que el Pachacamac la guardasse
muchos anos, para que viesse la muerte y fin de todos sus enemigos,
y con esto dixo otras muchas palabras semejantes con gran contento
y regozijoj. With all the revelry, the young son of the Palla surprised
his uncle by asking: "Inca, how can we rejoice at Don Francisco's
death, since he is so closely related to us?" [Inca ,como nos hemos de
holgar de la muerte de Don Francisco, siendo tan pariente nuestro?)
He responds with anger, again labeling the deceased as a tyrant and
denying that he is a descendant of Huayna C.apac.22 The old Inca even
offers to eat Don Francisco "dead as he is... raw, with no chili pepper"
[assi muerto, como esta ... crudo, sin pimiento) (RC, 2, Book 9, ch. 39,
294). He then goes on to present the code by which the Incas ruled:
"the doctrine of our forebears was never to do harm to anyone, not
even our enemies, and much less to relatives, but much good to all. ..
pay attention, because you bring shame to them and to us and even
to yourself, by calling us relatives of such a cruel tyrant, who of kings
made servants of the few of us who escaped his cruelty" [la doctrina
de nuestros passados nunca fue que hiziessemos mal a nadie, ni aun
a los enemigos, cuanto mas a los paricntcs, sino mucho bien a todos ...
mira que a ellos y a nosotros y a ti mesmo te hazes mucha afrenta en
llamarnos parientes de un tirano cruel, que de Reyes hizo siervos a
essos pocos que cscapamos de su crueldad) (RC, 2, Book 9, ch. 39,
294-95).In the account of this event we learn to what extent families
of Huascar's lineage as well as other Indians hated Don Francisco
and his two sisters. They were even afraid to leave their dwellings as
they were called a11ca by others, which "so implies tyrannies, cruelties
and evils, a name and crest worthy of those who claim it" [tan signi-
ficativo de tiranias, crueldades y maldades, digno apellido y blason
de los que lo pretendcnl (RC, 2, Book 9, ch. 39, 295). Appropriating
the classical theme of the "world upside down," the "plazeme" or
congratulations-not condolences or sympathy-offered to Chimpu
Ocllo by her uncle on Don Francisco's death adds another twist to
their meeting. The joy at the death of the traitor Atahualpa's son melts
into tears when the survivors recall his cruelties and how, as a result
of his misdeeds, they were reduced from lords to vassals.
The mother's presence again serves to vilify Atahualpa and
22 The elderly Inca e•plains: 'That tr.iitor. Al,1hu,1lp,1,hi, father, was not the son of Hu,1ina '
C.1p,,c, our Inca. but of a Quitu indian with whom hi, mother t,..,1rayed our king; if he were
Inca, nol only he would not inflict lhe cruellie,. ,md ,,bominations th.ii h,• did, but he would
not ewn dream of them" (A4uel traidor dl' Atahuallpa, su padrl', no er,, hi~, de l-luaina
C.\p,,c. nu,-stm Inc.,, sino de algun indio Qui tu con •Juien su mad re hari,1 traici,in a nuestm
Rey; qut.'si Clfuera Inca, no SOiono hiziera las crueldm.fesy abominaciont•si1ut.'hir.o,mas no
la• imagiMral (RC. 2. Book IJ, ch. 3'1,2'14)
his descendants, to describe his tyrannical rule, and to exalt the
perfect ethical dominion of Inca sovereigns. Of course, the contin-
uous exaltation of the ancient rulers implies a critique of current
(Spanish) rule in the Andes. At the same time, the episode under-
scores the pathos of the narrative when rejecting Atahualpa and his
descendants and also those who do not follow the code associated
with the good governance proposed by the Incas. In addition, it is
instructive to note how the narrator underscores key points of Royal
Commentariesby returning to yet another conversation he had with
his uncle and mother in Chimpu Ocllo's home. The exchange rati-
fies the initial lament Gomez Suarez heard earlier from relatives at
his mother's place: "From kings we became vassals" [Trocosenos el
reinar en vassallaje) (RC, 1, Book 1, ch. 15, 40). The fact that in both ,
instances this clamor arose in the context of visits to the maternal
home in Cuzco and the discussions held there shows the Palla's
agency. It also underscores the weight of genealogy in the author's
initial years as well as in the conceptual construction of the tragic
flow of the narrative. As I noted earlier, it is present in the early
chapters and later affirmed at the end of the first and second parts
of the chronicle.
The presence and authority of the mother in Royal Commentariesis
far more significant than hitherto observed by critics. Through the
talks held by the young Gomez Suarez de Figueroa with his mother,
the Incas and Pallas, one can perceive the weight of these intergen-
erational and intercultural exchanges between men and women in
the author's formation. At the same time, it becomes evident that the
presentation of Inca history and the variety of related topics covered in
these conversations provide the foundation for the narrative's tragic .
structure. All are an integral part of episodes in which the maternal
figure or simply the evocation of her presence becomes the catalyst
for action. For example, the final chapters of the first part of Royal
Commentariesdetail Atahualpa's cruelties toward his half-brother
Huascar's rival clan. The segment narrating the flight of the mother 1
dressed as a commoner shows her as victim, witness and indirect ; 1
rapporteur of such events. Their tragic nature sends the reader to yet
another misdeed in the conclusion of the second part of the chronicle:
Tupac Amaru's death in Cuzco Square, an event that foreshadows
the end of the Inca Empire and the consolidation of Spanish domin-
ion in the Andes. These actions ordered respectively by Atahualpa
and Viceroy Toledo, represented as the evil Inca ruler and the evil
 viceroy, link the two parts of the chronicle and accentuate its tragic
character.
The episode about the assault of Captain Garcilaso de la
Vega's home in Cuzco during the civil wars among the conquista-
dors shows its occupants' allegiance to the Crown as well as that of
their supportive Inca relatives. It also helps to allay doubts about
the Captain's loyalty to the Crown while affirming the significance
of Inca Garcilaso's maternal relatives in rapidly changing times.
Much later, the arrival in Cuzco of Sayri Tupac after accepting a
pact with Spanish authorities, the conversation between him and
Gomez Suarez de Figueroa in the ancient capital, and the allusion to
Chimpu Ocllo in their exchange reiterate the high lineage of mother
and child. At the same time, the episode shows the deep hatred
between Huascar and Atahualpa. When highlighting these rival-
ries, it outlines a different explanation of the Incas' defeat. On the
other hand, although in this account the precarious situation of Inca
buildings displays the ruinous state of the former imperial capital,
the voice of the mother and her many relatives leads us to its glori-
ous past. In this sense the alternation of past and present, wealth
and decay, sovereign and vassal, evil and goodness, implicates the
mother in the narrative structure and imbues it with deep sorrow.
Told in the context of another visit by the uncle to Chimpu
Ocllo's home, the story of the death of Don Francisco, the son of
Atahualpa, condemns the tyrannical ruler. When the narrator extols
the good government of the Incas, he emphasizes the ethical distance
between the clans and contrasts two eras-Inca and colonial-at the
expense of the latter. Again, the episode links the outcome of the
two parts of RoyalCommentariesby stressing the lament by Chimpu
Ocllo and her relatives as to how they were transformed from Inca
lords into vassals of the Spanish king. Seen from this perspective,
and taking into account the importance of recovering the silences
of history, as explained by Troulliot, as well as understanding the
nuances added to the concept of agency by Zamora, I conclude that
the presence of the mother, Chimpu Ocllo, later baptized Isabel
Suarez, enriches the chronicle. Seen in this manner, when fleetingly
passing through or proudly evoked, she ceases to be a shadow and
instead becomes a principal pillar of the ideological framework and
narrative formulations of RoyalCommentaries.
WoRKsCmm
Anadon, Jose, ed. Gnrdlnsode In Vega:An American Humanist. A Trib11t1· lo
/oseDurand. Notre Dame: U of Notre Dame P, 1998.
Chang-Rodriguez, Raquel. Cartogmfiagnrcilnsista. Alicante:Ude Alicante, 2013.
Covarrubias, Sebastian de. Tesorode In /1•ng1111 cnslellnnao es11m111/n.
1611.
Madrid: Turner, c. 1979.
Durand, Jose. "La biblioh.-ca del Inca." N11t·mRt-i•ist11 de FilologinHisJ'tinica
2 (1948): 239-64.
•··. El IncaGnrciillso,clilsicode America.Mexico: ScpSctentas, 1976.
---. El IncaGnrcilnsodt·Anu;rica.Lima: Biblioteca Nacional, 1988.
fl>rnandez Palacios, Christian. El /11c11 Garciillso:imngin11cion, 111e111ori11
t'
identidnd.Lima: UNMSM, 2004.
Foucault, Michl'!. "Nit.'t/_o;che,Gt!nt.'alogy, History." Lllng11nge, Co1111ler-
memon;, Practice:SelectedEssays and l11teniim,s/,y Michel Fo11ca11/t. Ed.
Donald Bouchard. Ithaca, NY: Cornl'II UP, 19i7. 139-64.
Garcil.iso di.' la Vt.'ga,Inca. Relacionde Ind1•scendrncin de Gard Pere:de Vargas.
Ed., reproduccibn facsimilar y prologo de Raul Porras Barrcnt.'chca.
1596. Lima: Jnstituto de Historia, UNMSM, 1951.
•··. Dialogosde nmor. 1590. Ed. Eduardo Julia Martinez. Madrid: Librt.'ria
Gt.'nt.'ralVictoriano Suarez, 1949.
---. Lil Floridade/ Inca. Pnilogo de Aurelio Mini QuL>sada.Estudio biblio-
grafico de Jose Durand. Edicion y notas di.' Emma Susana Spcratti
Pinero. 1605. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Econ1imica, 1956.
---. Comenlariosn·nles. Ed. Angel Rosenblat. Pn'ilogo di.' Ricardo Rojas. 2
Vols.1609. But.'nos Aiws: Emcee, 1943.
---. Historingeneml de/ l'erii. Ed. Angel Ronseblat y Elogio del au tor de Jose
dl' la Riva Aguero. 3 Vols. 1617. Buenos AirL>s:EmL>ee,1944.
---. Primt7nparle de las Co111t·11tnrios reales.Ed. facsimilar sw Migud Angel
RodriguL'Z Re.t y Ric,udo Silva-Santistd,an. 1609. Lima: Univt.'rsidad
Ricardo Palma, Acadt.'mia Peruana di.' la Ll'ngua, BibliolL'CilNacional,
2009.
Gonzalez di.' Holguin, Diego. Vocn/1v/ario de In /engvn ge11em/de todo el
Peni llnm11dn leng11nqq11ich11a o de/ Inca. Ed. y Prologo di.' Raul Porras
Barrcnechea. 1608. Lima: lnstituto de Historia, UNMSM, 1952.
Guaman Poma de Ayala, Fdipe. Primer 1111em coronicay b11engobierno.
1615. Edicion facsimilar digitalizada. BibliotL'CaReal di.' Copcnhague,
2001. Con la ascsoria de Rolena Adorno. Web. <http://www.kb.dk/
clib/mss/poma/.>
Gut.'rra Caminiti, Estrella. "El prl'Cl'pto dcl ordoteml'orumen los Comer,tnrios
renlesde los i11cas."Boleti11 de/ lnstil11tCl
Rivn-Agiiero25 (1998): 227-42.
l·ll'rnandez, Max. Memoritlde/ bienl'erdido.Conjlicto,identidndy 11ostalgin en
el Inca Garci/a::<1d1•la Vt•ga.Lima: lnstituto de Estudios Pt.'ruanos, 1993.
 Kristal, Efrain. "Goths and Turks and the Representation of Pagans and
Infidels in Garcilaso and Ercilla." In Anadon 110-24.
Lopcz-Baralt, Mercedes. El Inca Gnrcilnso,trnd11ctor de cult11rns.Madrid/
Frankfurt: lberoamericana / Vervuert, 2011.
Mazzotti, Jose Antonio. Corosmestiz.osdel Inca Gnrdlnso:resonnncins nndinns.
Mexico/Lima: Fondo de Cultura Econ6mica/Otorongo Publicacioncs,
1996.
Miro Quesada, Aurelio. El lncn Gnrcilnso.Lima: PUCP, 1994.
Rodriguez Garrido, Jose Antonio .. "Garcilaso Inca and the Tradition of
Viri lllustres(DL'Clicationand Prologue of the RoyalCommentaries,Part
II)." In Anadon 71-89.
Rostworowski, Maria. "La mujer antL'Sde Pizarro." La nmjer e11In historia
del Pmi. Ed. Carmen Meza y Teodoro Hampe. I .ima: Fondo Editorial
del Congreso del Peru, 2007. 23-53.
Trouillot, Michel-Rolph. Silencitig the Past. Power and the Prod11ctio11 of
History.Boston: Beacon, 1995.
Uspenski, Boris. A Poeticsof Compositio11. The Structureof the Artistic Text
and Typologyof n Compositio11al Form. Trans. Valentina Zavarin and
Susan Wittig. Berkeley: U of California P, 1973.
Zamora, Margarita. "'If Cahonaboa learns to speak ... .' Amerindian Voice
in the Discourse of Discovery.'' Colo11inl Latin American Review 8.2
(1999): 191-206.
Zanelli Velazquez, Carmela. "The Virgin Mary and the Possibility of
Conciliation of Distinctive Cultural Traditions in the GeneralHistory
of Peru.''In Anadon 59-70.
---. "Providcncialismo, tragedia y gcncalogia: trcs daves para Ia lectura de
la propia historia en los Comentariosrenlesdel Inca Garcilaso.'' Paper
read at the 5th International Congress Letras de) Siglo de Oro Espanol,
Bariloche, Argentina, 10-12 April, 2003.
---. "Significados, acepciones y variacionL>s:usos contradictorios del
concepto de 'tragedia' en los Come11tnrios renlesde) Inca Garcilaso de
la Vega." Lexis:Revistnde Lit1giiisticn y Liternhirn31. 1-2 (2007):391-402.
LA MARQUESA DE CAMPOLATTARO Y EL
VIRREY OSUNA: LOS DIARIOS DE ZAZZERA
Y OTROS RASTROS SOBRE SU ESCANDALOSA
RELACION
ENCARNACION SANCHEZ GARCiA
Universitadi NapoliL'Orientale
Dos de los cincuenta y tres virreyes y lugartenientes que se suce-
dieron en el gobierno del Reino de Napoles durante los doscientos
afios en que form6 parte de la Corona de Espana (1503-1707)dieron
origen a mitos sobre si mismos: el Gran Capitan (1503-1507)y Osuna
el Grande (1616-1620).Mitos fotjados esencialmente en tomo a la
materia "heroica" a que sus acciones como hombres de guerra y
como virreyes dieron lugar. Es decir que fueron sus triunfos mili-
tares y sus actuaciones como dobles del monarca en el reino de
Napoles-el Regno,como se le llamaba por antonomasia-los que
constituyeron la materia prima que alirnent6 la imaginaci6n mitica.
Unas personalidades extrovertidas, muy humanas y con ciertos
ribetes de hybris han sustentado, en su origen, la formaci6n de
narraciones mas o menos legendarias sobre ellos y han imantado
la atenci6n de sus contemporaneos y de la posteridad hacia ambos.
Invariantes identicas de las formulaciones de sus respectivas
imagenes son la vocaci6n guerrera y la destreza verbal de ambos
(reelaboraci6n de los motivos clasicos de fortitudo y sapientia), la
de la acusaci6n de querer hacerse reyes de Napoles asi como sus
crepusculares caidas en desgracia. Las consonancias acaban aqui,
pues mientras que el perfil mitico de Gonzalo Fernandez de Cordoba
reproduce aquellos motivos clasicos siguiendo los m6dulos rena-
centistas (y por lo tanto se mantiene mas apegado al ideal guerrero
greco-romano) el de Pedro Tellez Giron es ya una reelaboraci6n
barroca del modelo antiguo y presenta motivos nuevos, entre los
que destaca el de su vocaci6n "donjuanesca" .1
Sobre Osuna existe una inmensa documentaci6n contempo-
ranea, historica y ficcional, que traduce la importancia del personaje
Sobrc cllo vease Sanchez Garcia, "Nacimiento de un mito" 19-42y "El mito del Gran Capitan"
151-79. Entrc la mas recientc bibliografia dedlcada a Gonzalo Fernandez de C6rdoba pue-
den verse el volumcn colectivo editado por la Cajade Ahorros de Cordoba (Primo Jurado) Y
Ruiz-Domenech 765-7~.