TABLE OF CONTENTs

Title page

Certification

Dedication

Acknowledgement

Abstract

Table of contents

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the Study.

1.2 Statement of the problem.

1.3 Objectives of the study.

1.4 Research questions.

1.5 Significance of the study.

1.6 Research Methodology.

1.7 Scope and limitations of the study.

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Concept of Insecurity

2.2 Security Challenges in Nigeria

2.3 Causes of insecurity in Nigeria

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2.4 Concept of Community policing

2.5 Challenges Of Community Policing In Nigeria

CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH SETTING

3.1. Political history of Nigeria.

3. 2. Geography of Nigeria.

3.3. Socio-cultural setting of Nigeria.

CHAPTER 4: PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA.

4.1. Formation of Community police in Nigeria

4.2. Impact of community policing on communities

4.3. Community policing and insecurity in Nigeria

CHAPTER 5: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

5.1 Summary

5.2 Conclusion

5.3 Recommendation

Bibliography

Appendix

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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1Background of the Study

Nigeria is in the grip of numerous forces which have made living within her territory
difficult. Poverty, unemployment, and inequality in the country have led to frustration,
alienation and ultimately, social discontent that spark violence and insecurity. With a
growing increase in population explosion, and a regrettable decrease in economic
productivity and political accountability, fueled by many years of higher level political
corruption, bad governance, weak institutions and absence of the necessity to transform
their human and material resources, the country has turned into a veritable incubation
centers for the emergence of violent anti-state groups who derive fulfillment in
antagonism against their state.

The state seems to have lost its privileged monopoly of force application. Groups such as
Militants in the south-south, Boko Haram, Bandits and herdsmen in the North, Odua
People’s Congress (OPC) in the West, Indigenous people of Biafra (IPOB) in the East,
and armed robbers and kidnappers plying its highways with impunity have all given
Nigeria the toga of a failing State. Serious national security problems are threatening to
tear the country apart. Crime, violence, anarchy, and lawlessness challenge the state’s
continued cohesion, stability, and territorial integrity.

Successive regimes have made several attempts at reforming the police but the result has
not been encouraging. There cannot be a better time for the Nigerian police to adopt a
community approach to policing than now when they are losing the needed trust and
confidence of members of the public. It is a result of the incessant security concerns and
challenges that citizens of the Nigerian state have called for community policing.

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1.2 Statement of the problem

It is axiomatic to say that a country can exist without one security threat or another.
However, Nigeria’s case is peculiar because her security issues have degenerated over
the years to a point where some have rather described her as being a failed state. This
state of insecurity is worrisome both for domestic and international purposes. At the
domestic level, insecurity is having great consequences on every sector of the nation.
Insecurity plays a huge role in reducing the level of internal economic exchange between
states in the country. Many economic activities have been halted following series of
violent activities in various parts of the country. Many religious houses (Churches,
mosques and shrines) have been shut down due to unexpected attacks on religious houses
and insecurity that has ravaged several parts of the nation. Recent attacks on highways
and major roads have limited the level of mobility in certain parts of the nation. These
and many more are the disadvantages of insecurity at the domestic level.

At the international level, Nigeria’s security is also a matter of vital strategic interest to
other African countries because the collapse of instruments of governance in the country
will have larger regional security implication for the continent than, some other nations.
Her role as Big brother Africa will not be effectively executed if she is overwhelmed by
insecurity and other challenges.

To this end, the state is expected to build and equip both her Police and armed forces
towards achieving the goal of adequate security. At the domestic level, the belief is that
these internal law-enforcement agencies and other instruments of domestic intelligence
are all that is required for a state to be secured. The role of the police particularly in
societies cannot be overemphasized. They are responsible for the maintenance of law and
order in society and also help in the implementation of government policies. The
constitutional roles of the police include: protection of life and property, maintenance of
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law and order and so on. Ironically, the police are often enmeshed in a series of conflicts
with the citizens they are meant to protect.

Okwori (1995: 20) explains that the police seem to have failed in its attempt to provide
security (a state’s capabilities to defend its territorial integrity from threats, actual and
imagined, as well as acts of aggression from other potential enemies). In Nigeria, an
average citizen is of the opinion that the rank and file of the police are incapacitated and
cannot be trusted. This belief has been exacerbated by the mass media, which have
reported incidences of police brutality and injustice at various times in the past alongside
other experiences. For instance, from the south-western parts to the south-eastern parts of
Nigeria, there were periods in the past when armed robbery seemed insurmountable by
the conventional police force.
It was the intervention of local vigilante groups (most of which later evolved into ethnic
militias) that brought the situation to normalcy. In Lagos State and indeed the South
Western parts of Nigeria (Lagos, Ogun, Osun, Kwara, Ondo, Oyo, and Ekiti), the Odua
People's Congress (OPC) formed in August 1994 once took charge of policing the State
when the State was under siege by robbers. Also in other parts of the country, for
instance Anambra State and south-eastern Nigeria, the Bakassi Boys took charge of
security matters in the State after the police had obviously failed in their constitutional
responsibility of maintaining order in the State. In fact, as a result of the popularity and
effectiveness of the Bakassi Boys, the Anambra State House of Assembly enacted an
Act, which legalised the Bakassi Boys, changing their name to Anambra Vigilance
Services (AVS) (The News, 20th August 2001, Onyeonoru, 2001).
In the North likewise there was the establishment of the Kano State Hisbah Corps by the
state government in 2003 with the institutionalization of formerly local and privately
maintained Hisbah security units. The religious police force was saddled with the

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responsible for the enforcement of Shari'a to only Muslims in Kano state and other parts
of the northern Nigeria.

Successive governments at the federal level have made several attempts at reforming the
police to reflect contemporary police ideologies. But the result has not been
encouraging.6

1.3 Objectives of the study

The study hopes to achieve the following:

1. To explain the state of insecurity in Nigeria and show how ineffective the Nigerian
police are in resolving insecurity.

2. To outline the roles of community police in conflict prevention and management.

3. To examine the impact of the activities of community police arrangements on the
security situation in Nigeria
4. To identify the obstacles to community policing in Nigeria.

1.4. Research questions

1. Why is there great insecurity in Nigeria?

2. Is community policing necessary?
3. What role has community policing played so far?
4. How can the Police and community policing units synergize to combat insecurity?

1.5 Research Hypothesis

Hypothesis is propositions about a research which are formulated for empirical testing.
They are tentative statements of an expected Relationship between two or more variables.
It can be seen as an intelligent answer to the problems of research investigations.
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Hypothesis remains tentative until complete investigations are carried out or conducted to
confirm their validity.

The following hypothesis will guide this research work:

1. Community policing have recorded more successes in the management of conflict

and crisis situations in communities in communities where they exist.

2. There is a correlation between relative peace in certain communities and the

involvement of community police units in conflict management in Rivers State.

1.6 Significance Of The Study

This study deals with prevailing unsafe nature of the Nigerian state and the role and
impact of community police structures in combating insecurity in Nigeria. It looks at the
efforts of community policing and the effect it has on the security situation in these
communities and their role in conflict prevention and management as security agents.

This study will help the government and policymakers to understand the importance of
the complementary role that community police play in security management and conflict
prevention and thereby, motivate them (the government) to enact good and favorable
policies that will create a more conducive atmosphere for effective duty discharge and
support existing security agencies with intelligence and information for them to
effectively fight crime and make the state safer.

This study will elicit the importance of using traditional intelligence methods to solve the
local conflict, crisis, and security challenges.

It will help the communities and stakeholders to understand and appreciate the relevance
of community police structures to enhance peaceful cohabitation of community members.
It will also serve as a springboard for the formation of such private security agencies in
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other communities where such effort had not been initiated.

This work is also significant in the sense that it adds more knowledge to the already
existing wealth of knowledge on security issues.

1.7 Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework to be used for analysis in this study is the deterrence theory
propounded by early utilitarian philosophers Cesare Beccaria and Jeremy Bentham. They
used deterrence to explain crime and also see it as a method to reduce crime. The key
assumption underlying deterrence theory is that offenders weigh up the pros and cons of
a certain course of action and make rational choices. According to Dilulio John (1959),
people choose to obey or violate the law after calculating the gains and consequences of
their actions. Deterrence is simply the use of a threat (explicit or not) by one party in an
attempt to convince another party not to upset the status quo. These threats have two
purposes: direct and extended deterrence. Direct deterrence deters a direct attack on the
defender while extended deterrence, on the other hand, deters attack on one's allies
(Snyder 1961). Proponents of this theory includes: Thomas Hobbes, Cesare Beccaria and
Jeremy Bentham.

Thomas Hobbes in his work Leviathan published in 1651 explained that man is
motivated by self interest and desire to satisfy their material and personal gain. This
according to him led to an anarchic state known as the state of nature where the life of
man was Solitary, short, brutish, nasty and poor. He further described this state as war of
everyone against everyone. Man was willing to achieve his interest at the detriment of
others. There was general fear; basically the fear of death, for no one was sure of his life.
It was this condition of uncertainty, fear and insecurity inherent in the state of nature that
led to a social contract that led to a system of deterrence known as the State and
personified by Hobbes in the similitude of the Leviathan.

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The State therefore becomes that deterring force that regulates the behaviour and conduct
of people in society. The state is the only authorized entity with legitimate use of
violence to enforce compliance but comes after every other group or individual who tries
to use violence.
For Cesare Becaria, laws should be judged by their propensity to afford the greatest
happiness shared by the greatest number (Beccaria, 1963:8). In other words, since people
are rationally self interested, they will not commit crimes if the cost of committing
crimes exceeds the benefits. He further argues that punishments are unjust when their
severity exceeds what is necessary to achieve deterrence. His thoughts were contained in
his work, Dei Delitti e delle pene (on crimes and punishments).
Jeremy Bentham on the other hand, proclaimed his famous principle of utility in his work
An introduction to the principles of morals and legislation (1780). For him, nature has
placed man under two sovereign masters which are pain and pleasure (Bentham,
1948:125). The states primary essence was the promotion of the happiness of society by
punishing and rewarding. He argued that all penalties are evil unless punishments are
used to avert greater evil or control the actions of offenders.

They are basically two types of deterrence namely: General deterrence and specific
deterrence. General deterrence is aimed at preventing crime in the general population. It
is designed to make the population aware of official sanctions and discourage them from
committing crimes. The states punishment of offenders for instance serves as deterrence
to others who have not yet participated in criminal activities. Application of death penalty
and the use of corporal punishment are examples. Corporal punishment (which refers to
the physical punishment of a person which is intended to cause physical pain) for
instance, is carried out in public so that others can witness the pain. This method has
been outlawed in the United States and other nations but is still being used by others as a

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means of deterrence. The Sharian laws of Nigeria allow the application of corporal
punishment likewise nations like Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Afghanistan etc.
Specific deterrence on the other hand, is designed to deter only the individual offender
for committing that crime in the future. For instance, a drunk driver would be deterred
from drinking and driving when arrested, when his license is taken away from him/her or
when the car is impounded. For Dilulio John, the state must apply enough pain to offset
the amount of pleasure derived from the crime” when applying this deterrence.

1.8 METHODOLOGY
This study is based on data collected from primary and secondary sources. Interview is
the main research instrument used for generating primary data. Secondary data was
obtained from published texts, journals, as well as internet sources to get information
relevant for the study. Qualitative method of data collection was used in the study.

1.9 SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

This study looks at the security challenges in Nigeria particularly contemporary security
challenges that seem insurmountable despite efforts by successive governments.
In the course of carrying out the research certain limitations were encountered. Some of
them include:
1. Unwillingness of community policing officials to grant interviews and release
necessary data.
2. Inadequate fund.
3. Inadequate research materials.

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 CHAPTER 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Concept Of Insecurity

Insecurity is a major problem facing everyone in Nigeria and this has created a lot of fear
and uncertainty in the country. Every region in the country is battling with various
challenges of insecurity (Mahmoud & Madori, 2013) which include the activities of
Boko Haram and Bandits in which millions of lives have been lost and the increasing
cases of kidnapping. In the last eighteen years, the Federal Government earmarked not
less than N10 trillion for the defense of the territorial integrity and internal security of the
nation (Falana, 2010).The various state governments equally allocated hundreds of
billions of Naira on law and order. In fact, individual citizens and communities pay levies
and salaries to young men and women engaged to secure them and their properties. In
spite of the huge funds spent on security, it is common knowledge that the country is
currently grappling with the menace of kidnapping, hostage taking, terrorism and armed
robbery. Insecurity, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (2017) is a bane of
development stride of Nigeria

According to Ali (2013) Insecurity is the state of fear or anxiety, stemming from a
concrete or alleged lack of protection. It refers to lack or inadequate freedom from
danger. The English dictionary defines insecurity as the state of being subject to danger;
vulnerability. For Onifade, Imhonopi & Urim (2013) insecurity is conceived as a
situation where human and national security of a state is compromised by internal or
external forces or interests exacerbated by the former’s weak or poor economic, military
and/or human resource development conditions. This definition reflects physical
insecurity which is the most visible form of insecurity, and it feeds into many other forms
of insecurity such as economic and social security. Adeola and Oluyemi (2012) second

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definitions of insecurity as the condition of being vulnerable to risk or anxiety, where
anxiety is a vague unpleasant emotion that is experienced in expectation of unfortunate
incident, captures insecurity that does not directly relate to physical harm. First, as the
condition of being subject to danger or threat of danger, where danger is the condition of
being susceptible to harm or injury and secondly, These definitions of insecurity
underscore a major point that those affected by insecurity are not only uncertain or
unaware of what would happen but they are also vulnerable to the threats and dangers
when they occur.
It is of course, general knowledge that insecurity is a breach of peace and security.

2.2 Security challenges in Nigeria.

Conditions of security and safety of life and property seem to be alien to a lot of
Nigerians. Citizens have lived under series of threats to both life and property and are not
used to security. Security however, has been defined as the state of being free from
danger or threat. It refers to the degree of protection to safeguard an individual or nation
against danger, damage, crime and loss. It includes the safety of a state against criminal
activities.

Some of the security challenges Nigeria is currently facing includes:

INSURGENCY
According to the encyclopedia of political science, Insurgency is a form of intra-societal
conflict within a state, in which a non-ruling group attempts to destroy, reform, or
degrade the legitimacy and popular support of the state’s ruling group to effect political
change. Insurgent groups attempt to defeat a stronger military power with political
activism, subversion, propaganda, and intimidation through terror and assassination
tactics. Insurgencies have originated in trackless deserts, dense jungles, or urban settings,

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 typically less familiar to opposing state or international forces and providing a strategic
advantage to local insurgent elements.

Their operations are destructive and manifests in bombing, kidnapping/hostage taking,

destruction of property, creation of fear, to mention but a few. The series of bombings
and killings in the north; kidnapping and armed robbery are usually carried out by the
Boko Haram insurgent group alongside other insurgent allies.

BANDITRY

Banditry is an act carried out by bandits which refers to an unlawful armed group
terrorizing people and confiscating their properties. For Rosenje and Adeniyi (2020), it is
synonymous with the establishment of gang groups who use small and light weapons to
carry out attacks against people. In this regard, banditry could mean a set-up criminal
activity deliberately designed and carried out for personal gains.

Northern and central Nigeria has been the scene of activities by criminal groups, known
locally as "bandits", who attack and loot villages, killing their inhabitants or kidnapping
them for ransom. Series of killings in recent times in Nigeria has been linked to Bandits.
From the train attack, to the raiding of villages, kidnapping of clergy men and passengers
and even series of attacks on places of worship like churches and mosques. They are
mostly responsible for separate attacks on the armed forces mostly through ambush.
Authorities in Northern Nigeria at different times have had to impose lockdowns among
other restrictions aimed at curbing recent attacks by criminal gangs after a peace deal
failed, officials said. In the past, the authorities have attempted several peace deals with
the bandits, offering those amnesties or money, but no truce has lasted.

Banditry has led to a spree of kidnapping, maiming of people, loss of lives, population
displacements, loss of cattle, disruption of socio-economic activities in general,

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MILITANCY

Dozens of militant groups emerged and challenged in the most violent form the authority
of the state. We need to remember the impossibility of establishing peace and order in
any society in which there exists fundamental contradictions in its economic structure. It is
these contradictions, more often, in the third world that provides the manure that nurture
and sustain feelings of alienation, marginalization, frustration and resentment among the
poor class of the society, and which ultimately translate into anger, radicalization and
violence (Oyeshola, 2005: 123). Following the amnesty program implementation by the
government, many of these groups have taken to other vices like pipe line vandalism.

URBAN CRIMES

Urban crimes include armed robbery, kidnappings, ritual killings, and cultism. They are
sponsored by the continuing erosion of the moral authority of religion in which people
engage in acts in open defiance of their religious and moral teachings. This leads to the
culture of impunity that characterizes public affairs; the corruption that has become the
landmark of public and political class; the crippling poverty that is submerging the average
Nigerian; and the collapsing social and political institutions in the country over the last ten
years.

For instance, the quest for quick wealth by many young people in Nigeria has led to the
relegation of morality and religious doctrines to the background while ritual killing for
money (Yahoo plus) has become the order of the day. Unfortunately, family members and
many young ladies are casualties. Many dead bodies have been found in hotels with
missing body parts as a result of this.

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 2.3 Causes of Insecurity in Nigeria

Mackintoch and Emmanuel (2021) in the concluding part of their paper "Conflict
management strategy in Rivers State" maintained that "Nigeria, a nation with many ethnic
entities and different socio-cultural backgrounds is characterized by very serious security
problems and conflict situations due to the absence of definite and shared political culture
among the people resulting in unending and endemically weakened political institutions".
This is not far from the truth as Ethno-religious conflicts have been identified as a major
source of insecurity in Nigeria (Ibrahim & Igbuzor, 2002; Hazen & Horner, 2007; Salawu,
2010; Igbuzor, 2011). Multi-ethnic and multi-religious societies are characterised by lack
of cordiality, mutual suspicion and fear, and a tendency towards violent confrontations to
settle grievances.

These conflicts have also revolved around who gets what and how in the state especially
as it concerns the distribution of scarce resources, power, land, chieftaincy titles, local
government councils, control of markets and expansion of religious territories. These
conflicts have resulted in large-scale killings and violence among ethno-religious groups
in the country (Adagba, Ugwu & Eme, 2012). It is however expedient to note that while
the many ethnic entities and different socio-cultural backgrounds in Nigeria contributes to
national insecurity, it is not the only cause. Nigeria is not the only nation with many Ethnic
entities and different socio-cultural background. However, our insecurity level seems to
exceed that of many other multi cultural nations. This may mean that Nigeria's insecurity
is not dependent on the socio cultural nature of the nation alone. There are other factors
that cause insecurity in Nigeria.

Some of the causes of insecurity as identified by scholars include:

1. Poor national development

2. Religious Bigotry

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 3. Corruption
4. Unemployment/Poverty
5. porous borders
6. rural-urban drift,
7. social irresponsibility of companies resulting in negative externalities which
provoke social unrest within their host communities etc
I argue that lack of adequate deterrence mechanism is the singular most contributing
factor of national insecurity in Nigeria.

2.4 Concept of Community policing.

Community policing is a new philosophy of policing, based on the concept that police
officers and private citizens working together in creative ways can help solve
contemporary community problems related to crime, fear of crime, social and physical
disorder and neighbourhood decay. It is a ‘model’ that would serve other police
organisations well and ‘one of the most far-reaching examples of police reform in the
world today (Bayley, 1989: 31).

Community policing also differs from traditional policing in that members of the
community are at the centrepoint of all efforts at policing them. They are involved in
security decisions, giving them a sense of belonging and responsibility.
Community policing also differs from traditional policing in that members of the
community are at the centre point of all efforts at policing them. They are involved in
security decisions, giving them a sense of belonging and responsibility.

Community policing is a style of policing that requires departments to reshape their

forces into community change agents in order to work with citizens to reduce crime at the
neighborhood level. Community policing is a strong partnership and collaborative effort
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of police and members of the public with a view to protecting lives and property at the
neighborhood level. With effective community policing in place, public safety is
guaranteed. It increases public awareness that victims and their offenders are community
members, and that police are both community members and State agents of social
control, who are concerned about crime prevention and control in society where they are
also members. This policing approach helps police to identify, analyze and incisively
address societal problems with full supports of community members.

However, the police-public relationship has long been estranged, thereby making mutual
supports very difficult to establish between the two social actors. According to Siegel
(2008: 343), to remedy this situation while improving the quality of their services, police
departments have experimented with new forms of law enforcement, referred to as
community policing and problem-oriented policing The art of community policing and
problem-oriented policing are complementary, and none of these approaches can succeed
in policing the community without the assistance and co- operation of the public. This is
so because the most noticeable aspect of crime-transactions usually occurs at the
community level where victims and their offenders live together.

Traditional societies, including Nigeria employed the system of hue and cry, which
literally means angry protests embarked upon by a group of people over something, but
contextually refers to a system of community policing whereby members of the
community unite with State agents of social control to arrest criminals (for a similar
argument, see also Wrobleski & Hess, 2006). Specifically, African societies of old used
their various traditional institutions to achieve and maintain maximum level of public
safety, orderliness and conformity. With the passage of time, these institutions recorded
wide-ranging progress and success in curtailing antisocial conducts by forming a synergy
with the formal policing agencies, particularly the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) through
community policing (Nnam, Agboti & Otu, 2013). Across cultures and civilisations,

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community-policing has always been emphasized, encouraged and recommended by
individuals, State and non-State social control actors as well as crime scholars as a safety
valve for effective policing of society. Community policing entails a systematic
involvement and inclusion of credible local guards, vigilance groups, able-bodied civilian
youths, and traditional rulers and chiefs into the conventional police subsystem for the
purpose of achieving a far-reaching success in crime prevention and control at the
grassroots.

Ordu & Nnam (2017) in their analysis of the three essential practical strategies for
community policing to succeed in Nigeria and perhaps in any society, viz: police-
community partnership, police-community information sharing, and police involvement
in community affairs. highlighted the essence for partnership between the communities
and Nigerian police

"Neighbourhood watch, as community policing is known in some quarters, describes a

situation the police and community members establish citizen advisory committees that
would open up channels of communication between police officers and the community.
They further explain that "the committees meet regularly with police to discuss their
welfare, crime related problems, police-community relationships, and then work out
modalities on how to combat crime to the barest minimum. By implication, the
committee members are equally security agents who pull their resources together with
that of the conventional police in the fight against crime and criminals".

While this narrative is much likely what is obtainable in many community policing
arrangement, it is observed that the authors stressed a vital aspect of community policing
above another equally important aspect which is the enforcement aspect of community
policing. Beyond the planning and advisory role played by the citizen advisory When this
synergy is formed, the general public may find that officers are more respectful of
citizenry; a condition that helps lower the number of complaints and improves
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community relations (Davis, Mateu-Gelabert & Miller, 2005, p. 231). Although,
whatever might be the need to ease tensions resulting from crime and criminalities in the
community, the State retains the ultimate power to deal with offences and offenders
while negotiating both compliance and co-operation with the community.

Citizen advisory committees are not only composed of police personnel, but also
members of the business community, clergy, and some community leaders and members.
In Nigeria, for instance, true representatives of citizen advisory committees are
traditional rulers and members of their cabinet, town union and opinion leaders, and
youth leaders. All these community policing agents are duly recognised in the 1999
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (FRN, as amended) and the 2004 Police
Reform/Police Act, where the importance of this policing mechanism is acknowledged as
a powerful tool for solving crime-problem in the country. Since that period, the country is
still battling to embrace international best practice regarding policing. Hitherto, the
Nigeria police is still developing strategies for improving its vision (modern community
policing) by departing from the non-democratic platform where enforcement of law and
order maintenance utilised coerciveness, brutality and disregard for fundamental human
rights. The global community is transiting from traditional form of policing to a
systematic and formalised community policing (Okiro, 2007). It gets the community
directly involved in solving both criminal and civil disorders and makes the community
involved in judicial settlements of societal problems.

Police-community information sharing is the second significant strategy for effective

community policing. In community policing, information sharing helps the police to
establish the identity of crime suspects. When there is discrepancy between individuals
actual social identity and their perceived identity, it leads to error and social control
agents are not immune to error (Kelly & Clarke, 2003). The essence of this is to involve
the community in the protection of the citizenry and improvement of police-community

19
relationships for effective policing of society. Information sharing provides the facts
necessary for bringing violators before the court, which is an approach that enhances
community policing (Quinney, 1974). Man by nature is security conscious, and are
pushed to seek information so as to answer the why, what, when and how questions
which are tied to police-community information sharing (see also Okogwu & Nnam,
2013). Therefore, citizens participation in sharing information with police will assists in
gathering socio-demographic data that could help to control the errors and difficulties
sometimes encountered in the course of identifying law violators. Maintaining a good
relationship between the police and community remains the primary means of
overcoming the barrier in information gathering and dissemination, which gives rise to
effective community policing. The police-community information sharing tends to
provide police with vital crime information about a suspect and his or her activities and
whereabouts.

The essence of information sharing in community policing is to either deter crime before
it occurs or tracks down offender and at the long-run achieve huge success in crime
reduction.

In its report on the community policing partnership in Seattle, Washington, the United
States National Institute of Justice (1992) claimed that the exercise was successful since
crime statistics showed a dramatic improvement in the quality of life of citizens.

2.5 Challenges Of Community Policing in Nigeria

1. A factor that may pose a challenge to effective community policing in Nigeria is the
concept of God fatherism. This is the funding and abetting of vices and shielding of
connected criminals from justice by government agents and highly placed officials

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entrusted with the power and authority to investigate and prosecute such vices
(Onyeozili, 2005).
Many ‘powerful’ politicians, who constitute most of the membership of these
bodies, often use their position in society to shield criminals who are loyal to their cause.
Most of these miscreants, who are used by politicians during electioneering campaigns
and as body guards, are often shielded from the arm of the law by these political
demagogues.

2. Corruption is another canker which threatens the success of community policing in

Nigeria. Police officers who had benefited from the status quo of traditional policing may
find it difficult to adjust to the radical diversion from the traditional style of policing. This
implies that for community policing to be successful, there is a need for a massive
reorientation of the rank and file of the Nigerian police force.
3. The availability, quality and distribution of social infrastructure also affect both
police performance and relations between the police and the public. These social
infrastructure elements also impact on the extent and severity of crimes as well as the
capacity of police to respond to the security and welfare needs of citizens. The citizens
who live in deprived areas of a country are more likely to be hostile to government and
especially to the police, which they see as a symbol of an insensitive and irresponsive
government.

4. A project carried out by the CLEEN Foundation (2004) observed that partisan
community leaders with political ambition weakened the cohesion of the community-
policing forum. When community leaders are appendages to political leaders, they end up
influencing community policing efforts towards political gains.

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5. Extra-judicial killings: This is one challenge that has been consistent with
community police here in Africa and particularly in Nigeria. For instance, the manner in
which they the Bakassi group in Anambra state knew or discovered if one was evil or not
was by the use of dark magic in which they placed a magical silver-colored machete on
the chest of any suspicious person, and if the machete's color changed from silver to
blood red it meant the person had committed a heinous crime at some point in their life,
and invariably such a person would be killed immediately. This does not conform to the
provision of the constitution and has been a reason for the argument against community
policing.

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 CHAPTER 3

GEOGRAPHY OF NIGERIA

3.1. Political History of Nigeria.

The idea of bringing what later became Nigeria under a political-administrative unit
emanated from the Niger or Selborne committee of 1898 headed by Lord Selborne which
recommended that the amalgamation of the Niger territories be carried out in phases.
Nigeria was merged through the influence of Britain and is thus referred to as a British
creation. Coleman (1986:45) asserts that the artificiality of Nigeria’s boundaries and the
sharp cultural differences among its people point to the fact that Nigeria is a British
creation and the concept of Nigerian Nation is the result of British presence. Ayoade
(1988:101) supports this view when he opined that “Nigeria as an arranged country is a
product of British experiment in political colonies which emerged in piece meal under
different conditions.
When the British came, they forcibly rubber stamped the politically independent states of
the Ethnic groups in Nigeria and maintained the status quo until they left in 1960. Upon
their departure, the people resumed fighting for their political rights.

According to Soyombo (2005), there has been an unprecedented rate of insecurity since
the country returned to civil rule in 1999. The incursion of the military into governance,
and the consequent imposition of military command structure in a federation set the tone
for the distortion of Nigeria's federalism. Thus the practice of federalism in Nigeria no
doubt has been distorted by overwhelming dominance of the own whims and caprices.
Since independence, the demand for true federalism, fiscal and political restructuring by
different ethnic nationalities in Nigeria has raised agitations that have contributed to
violent rebellious reactions by aggrieved ethnic groups in the country, endangering the
security, unity, and corporate existence of Nigeria as one country. Federalism that
23
undermines the independence and autonomy of its federating units will only bring about
conflict, threat to national cohesion and peace, and ultimate disintegration (Chandler,
2007).

The History of Insecurity in Nigeria can also be traced to the early years of military rule
when large quantities of arms were imported into the country for the use of the military
during and after the Nigerian Civil War, some of which got into the hands of civilians.
Soon after the civil war these arms were used by civilians and ex-military men for
mischievous purposes such as armed robbery. There was also the army of unemployed
youths some of whom lost their jobs during the civil war. The level of insecurity assumed
dangerous dimensions in the prolonged years of military rule beginning from 1970 during
which people procured arms and light weapons for personal defense. Some of these arms
and light weapons got into the hands of unemployed youths who used them for deviant
purposes. While some researchers attribute youth violence to peer group influence and
other psychological factors associated with growing up, it seems that Nigeria’s major
contributing factor to insecurity are political and economic factors such as ethnic
agitation, political agitation, unemployment and religious bigotry. Since the return of
democracy in 1999, the security situation in Nigeria has been quite disturbing, and in the
past fifteen years things have been worsening on a daily basis. More recent experience in
violent extremism, insurgency and other forms of banditry especially in the North have
been linked to religious considerations. Many of the terrorist attacks however intensified
after the emergence of Goodluck Jonathan as President of the country. As a result,
scholars like Adeleke Adegbami have insinuated that the power shift from the northern
hegemony to a minority geo-political zone of South-south was on top in the list of issues
that instigated groups and individuals against the interests of the state.

24
3. 2. Geography of Nigeria

Nigeria is a West African country which covers an area of over 339,000 square miles. It
is a land of different tribes and ranges from the desert on the edge of the Sahara to the
cattle grazing pastures, the mineral hills of the central Plateau and the down to the
Swamps and coasts of the River Delta. The geopolitical structuring of the country
presently comprises six geopolitical zones of Northwest (Sokoto, Kebbi, Zamfara,
Katsina, Kaduna, Kano and Jigawa states); Northeast (Borno, Bauchi, Gombe, Yobe,
Adamawa and Taraba states); North central (Niger, Kwara, Kogi, Nasarawa, Plateau and
Benue states); Southwest (Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Ondo, Ekiti and Osun States); South-South
(Edo, Delta, Bayelsa, Rivers, Akwa-Ibom and Cross River); and Southeast (Anambra,
Enugu, Imo, Abia and Ebonyi states).

According to International Crisis Group (ICG) (2020) the Northwest zone is suffering
deadly conflict involving many armed organisations, including herder-allied groups,
vigilantes, criminal gangs and jihadists. Violence in this zone has killed over 8,000
people since 2011, and displaced over 200,000, some into neighbouring Niger Republic.
And for over four decades the zone has witnessed waves of violence including sectarian
clashes, Islamist militancy and electoral violence. From 1980 to 2010, it saw numerous
Christian-Muslim and intra-Muslim riots. Between 2011 and 2015, Kaduna and Kano
states suffered many Boko Haram bombings and shootings (ICG, 2020).
Babatunde (2020) explains that the violence affecting the zone is multi-faceted, but much
of it can be divided among three major categories, which overlap in certain ways as
follows. The first category includes:

25
 1. Violence pitting mainly ethnic Hausa sedentary farmers and vigilantes acting on

their behalf against predominantly Fulani roving herders and associated militias.
2. Violence committed by criminal gangs involved in large-scale cattle rustling,

kidnapping for ransom, armed robbery, pillage, and attacks on gold miners and
traders.
3. Islamist militant groups (Jihadists) which infiltrated and linked to the original

Boko Haram insurgency in 2019.

Since the predominant occupations of occupants of this zone are farming and herding, the
zone has witnessed a surge in violence between pastoralists and allied armed groups
frequently called bandits, on one hand, and farmers supported by community and state-
sponsored vigilantes, on the other. These militias/bandits are motivated first and foremost
by fighting on behalf of herders in their disputes with farmers, but many rogue elements
have taken up criminal activities

The second zone is the Northeast where Boko Haram and Ansaru operate as terrorist
organizations with a radical Islamic agenda with territorial ambitions to create a radical
state governed by Shariah. Boko Haram (BH) has declared a jihad. Its first attack was a
prison break which took place in September 2010 when President Umaru Yar’Adua died
and Goodluck Jonathan becomes president. Insurgents carried out attacks in the
Northeast such as the assassinations of Muslim leaders, bank robberies, bombings of
government buildings particularly, and conquering territories. Boko Haram have
perpetuated violent high-fatality attacks on markets, schools, government establishments
and both Christian and Muslim places of worship (Africa Growth Initiative, 2014). The
other group, Ansaru’s activity was heaviest in Kano state, where the group appears to
have an operating base (Africa Growth Initiative, 2014). Adamawa, Borno and Yobe
states have the highest intensity of violence in this zone with Borno state at forefront

26
(Africa Growth Initiative, 2014). According to The World Bank (2018) households in the
zone are the most exposed to all types of conflict events and the most affected groups are
women, children, and youth. Boko Haram’s tactics have included multiple modes of
attack in form of suicide bombings, seizure and destruction of entire villages, forced
displacement, abductions, sexual violence targeting women, and forced recruitment of
men (The World Bank, 2018). It has conducted terrorist attacks on religious and political
groups, local police, and the military, and indiscriminately attacking civilians in busy
markets and villages (Human Rights Watch, 2019, Global Conflict Tracker, 2020).

The third zone is the North central which according to The World Bank (2018) is
characterised by conflict and violent events, 25% of households have experienced any
type of conflict event and more than half of all reported conflict events were caused by
disputes over access to land or resources, 33% of conflict-affected households had at
least one member displaced. In recent years, conflict in the zone has both escalated and
expanded as tensions between farmers and herders have risen. The conflict usually
centred on agricultural households and nomadic cattle-herding groups who come into
conflict over land access. Also, population increase has caused increases in the amount of
land use for farming extending often into areas that have traditionally served as cattle
grazing areas. In addition, climate change and the Boko Haram insurgency have reduced
the amount of land suitable for grazing, forcing herding communities to expand their
routes into increasingly Southern areas. This competition over land and resources is
compounded by religion and ethnicity (The World Bank, 2018). Plateau state has
experienced very high levels of conflict in this zone, but the incidents are most frequently
long-standing ethno-religious (Africa Growth Initiative, 2014) which has claimed
numerous lives of Nigerians and property worth millions of naira through several attacks
on Christians by Muslims. Nwagboso (2010) alleges that not much is being done by the
government to stop the callous killing because the government knows those behind all

27
these riots, those importing arms into this country. Cases of reprisal attacks are common,
for instance, a case of farmers allegedly killed five herdsmen for allegedly trespassing on
farms was follow with retaliation in which herdsmen attacked villages in the area
(Plateau state), killing 86 and injuring hundreds, including women and children; and in
September, suspected herdsmen killed 51 people and abducted about 24 others in Numan,
Adamawa state. The zone has also witnessed cattle-rustling increases, estimated as
60,000 cattle stolen in 2013 (HRW, 2019)

In the Southern part of the nation, the security situation seems to be different due to
geographical factors. First, it is important to note that the area is divided into three
Geopolitical Zones of South South, South West and South East. The peculiarities of these
regions with regards to insecurity differ from that of the North due to certain factors:
First, Religious bigotry that seem to motivate and sponsor Jihadist and terrorist attacks is
lacking in this area. The indoctrinations and desire to claim territories for religious
reasons are absent. Intense religious Solidarity and bigotry are factors that have
consistently reinforced terrorist attacks in the North.

As opposed to this, the South (especially industrialized areas) has systematically

structured the people towards achievement tendency. Most of what lead people to crime
are the need to meet up and acquire material wealth rather than religious reasons. There is
a need to earn and meet up with the increasing cost of living. The presence of mineral
resources in the South-South has created agitations for a reasonable portion of the
nation’s wealth. Militants have in the past, disrupted activities of oil companies operating
in the Niger delta. Ritual Killings, armed robbery, Kidnapping, and cultism are major
sources of insecurity in the South-South. Although, there are occasional cases of
violence from clashes between Fulani/ Hausa residents in the South, it is not frequent.

28
The rising agitation for the creation of a sovereign state of Biafra has been a great source
of insecurity in the South East. Riots, protests, sit-at-home orders and attacks have been
contemporary methods used by the proscribed IPOB group. Having a lot of compliance
and obedience due to threats the group had become emboldened to boycott elections and
threaten to prevent elections from holding in the south East. These threats have linked the
killing of INEC officers and voters to the group. Though the group claims to be non
violent in its operations, it has been linked to certain killings involving Northerners living
in the South, soldiers and police officer and destruction of Government properties. The
End Sars protest in areas within the South-East and South-South translated from being an
agitation against police brutality into a fight against state forces in solidarity to the
demand for secession.

3.3 The Socio-Cultural Setting Of Nigeria

The history of this great country will be incomplete without reference to the pre-mordial
settlers who lived in the area as early as 1100BC. Ancient kingdoms like Benin Empire,
Nri kingdom, Oyo empire, Kano and Kastina cities settled here with Islam reaching the
territory through the Hausa States during the 11 th century while Christianity came to
Nigeria in the 15th century through Augustinian monks from Portugal. Nigeria has been
described as a collection of independent native states separated by one another by great
distances by differences of history and traditions and by ethnological racial, political,
social and religious barriers. These independent entities maintained some form of
diplomatic relations with the outside world until colonialism was introduced.
However, with independence came the realization that Nigeria ’s diversity has the ability
to cause great insecurity within the people. In other words, nations with many ethnic
entities and different socio-cultural backgrounds are usually characterized by very serious
security problems and conflict situations due to the absence of definite and shared

29
political culture among the people resulting in unending and endemically weakened
political institutions. This unfortunate reality is the case for Nigeria.

30
 CHAPTER 4

PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA

4.1. Formation of Community Police in Nigeria

Most community policing outfits in Nigeria are products of community and regional
arrangements. Various communities and State governments have made efforts to
establish community policing units like Amotekun, Hisbah, Ebubeagu etc. Amid rising
insecurity in the country, many state governments established security outfits to mitigate
attacks and criminality. In the south-west, Amotekun was created by the governors while
their south-east counterparts set up Ebube Agu.

Even though community policing plans have been made by the federal government, they
have never been fully implemented. For instance, in an interview with channels T.V,
Adeleye Oyebade, the DIG in charge of research and planning with the Nigerian Police
explained that the Nigerian police want police to be community driven. The concept of
community policing was adopted by the Buhari administration after a presentation by the
national institute for policy and strategic studies on a research titled: community policing
as a centre focus and the theme: strengthening internal security in Nigeria; Models,
policy options and, strategies. The presentation was made to the President and the
Federal executive council members and community policing was adopted as the method
of tackling the issue of Insecurity.

This Community police will stand on three pillars namely:

1. Police community partnership

2. Problem solving and
3. Organizational transformation.

31
The first stage however, is sensitization of the people at the grass root and alignment with
stakeholders.

There will be an inauguration of the community policing advisory council in every state
which includes the governor, the state community policing committee, area command
community policing committee, the divisional policing committee, and local government
policing committee. These committees will play advisory roles.

The community police officers will serve as special constables and their recruitment
process will be guided by Section 49-50 of the Nigerian police act. They will be auxiliary
police officers and the community policing committees will oversee the recruitment of
community police officers from local government to local government through screening.
Community policing officers will put in about 16 working hours in a week which will be
determined ultimately by the local government community policing committee. They will
be used primarily for intelligence gathering and their remunerations will be paid by the
state government. They are to be trained and also put on Uniforms.

They will be likened to the Saturday and Thursday police in the past who do other jobs
during the day and their policing job in the evening.

They have to be indigenes of the Local governments where they are recruited and are
specifically trained to solve peculiar issues like the issue of serial killers, Farmers/herders
crisis, traffic issues, etc. It is expected that all community police arrangements that other
community policing outfits like the Taraba Marshals and other community policing
efforts be incorporated into will be absorbed into this federal community policing
structure. However, there is no implementation of this community policing structure.

What currently exists are the community policing structures put in place by states and
communities in Nigeria. For the purpose of analysis, we will be looking at four security
policing outfits namely:

32
 1. HISBAH
2. OSPAC
3. AMOTEKUN

1. HISBAH

The Arabic term Hisbah means an act which is performed for the common good, or with
the intention of seeking a reward from God. The concept of hisbah in Islam originates
from a set of Quranic verses and Hadith. It is an obligation placed on every Muslim to
call for what is good or right and to prevent or denounce what is bad or wrong. The
Quran states: Let there arise from you a group calling to all that is good, enjoining what
is right and forbidding what is wrong. It is these who are successful. (The Quran 3:104).
The Hadith states: Whosoever among you sees an act of wrong should change it with his
hands. If he is not able to do so, then he should change it with his tongue. If he is not
able to do so, then with his heart, and this is the weakest of faith. This is the justification
for the existence of the Hisbah group.

Scholars have generally interpreted these verses and traditions as placing duties upon
Muslims at both the institutional level and the personal level. At the institutional level,
the concept of Hisbah is intended as a mechanism to ensure the welfare of society and to
combat harm, including crime. At the personal level, it is intended to instill in each
individual the wish to act to prevent something bad from happening, or, if it is not
possible to prevent it oneself, to denounce it and call on others to act in order to prevent
it.

In most northern states, Hisbah and Sharia implementation committees have been given
the task of enforcing Sharia and ensuring that the population observe it in their day to day
activities.

33
The Hisbah are made up mostly of locally-recruited young men who usually patrol their
own neighborhoods and sometimes instantly administer punishments on people suspected
of carrying out an offense, without, or before, handing them over to the police. Hisbah
members have been responsible for flogging and beating suspected criminals. Most
Hisbah members were recruited at the local level, by traditional leaders and local
governments, who then submitted the lists of names to their state government. Even
though there are some teachers and people versed in Islamic law among the hisbah, the
majority are young men with a low level of formal education, no background in law, and
no training in law enforcement or procedures for arrest, investigation, or gathering of
evidence.

The Hisbah operate openly and are easily recognizable: they are provided with uniforms,
vehicles, and an office, usually by the local or state government. In some states, the
government pays them a small salary. The Hisbah have structures at local government
and state level. Some are directly supported by their local government (materially and
financially), while others, such as the Hisbah in Kaduna, claim that membership and
participation are voluntary and unpaid. The Hisbah operate with the full consent and
support of the state government, although the exact nature of their relationship with the
state government varies and mechanisms for accountability are not always clearly
defined.

State government officials and other individuals interviewed, claimed that the activities
of the Hisbah were governed by regulations and a code of conduct, developed at the state
level. It was said that state governments had only issued legal notices to set up the
Hisbah form of subordinate legislation issued by the state governor, which, unlike laws,
are not submitted for debate to the state houses of assembly. Eventually, the Kano State
House of Assembly passed a law in late 2003 regulating the Hisbah; it includes the
creation of a board composed of representatives of the main security agencies (including

34
the police and the intelligence services) to oversee the Hisbah and ensure that they are
carrying out their duties properly.

Sharia implementation committees were set up just before the Sharia legislation was
introduced. They were given responsibility for overseeing the activities of the hisbah.
Their members were selected by state governors and include religious leaders, lawyers,
and civil servants. In addition to supervising the Hisbah, they also advise state governors
on the implementation of Sharia.

In late July 2003, the Zamfara State governor announced the creation of a new hisbah
commission and several other commissions to regulate and monitor the application of
Sharia in the state. At a public gathering in Gusau on July 28, he outlined the functions of
the Hisbah commission. These included, among others,

i. monitoring the implementation and application of laws relating to Sharia;

ii. ensuring proper compliance with the teachings of Sharia by workers in the
private and public sector;

iii. monitoring the daily proceedings of Sharia courts to ensure compliance with the
Sharia penal code and code of criminal procedure;

iv. reporting on all actions likely to tamper with the proper dispensation of justice;

v. keeping a record of all people in prison with pending hudud cases;

vi. taking every measure to sanitize society of all social vices and whatever vice or
crime is prohibited by Sharia;

vii. taking every measure to ensure conformity with the teachings of Sharia by the
general public in matters of worship, dress code, and social and business
interaction and relationships;

viii. And enlightening the general public on the Sharia system and its application.

35
 2. OSPAC

In ONELGA there were several rival gang groups such as Greenlanders, Icelanders and
Sailors which resulted in several killings some of which include; the killing on 3rd April
2015 of one chief Christopher Nwalinsor Adube and his three children in Obrikom, the
killing of 24 people in Omuku during the legislative re-run election on 12th February
2016, the killing of eleven persons when two cult groups; Icelanders and new
Greenlanders were fighting for supremacy, some suspected cultists cutting off the head of
one Franklyn Obi On 15th March 2016 etc. The APC ward 4 chairman, his wife and son
were also casualties. Consequently, between February and September 2016 the activities
of rival cult groups turned Omoku the local government headquarters of ONELGA into a
ghost town.

A name that evoked fear during this period of heightened insecurity and violence conflict
and crisis in ONELGA is one Ejima Iwedibia (alias don Waney). While he lived, he was
described as a Lord of the manor who dared to walk where angels feared to tread. He
enjoyed patronage from multinational oil companies and politicians and in the cause of
time he became more ruthless and a menace to society. Insurgency in ONELGA became
rife in 2012 as the electoral process was turned into a 'do or die' affair by the politicians,
giving rise to election thugs and subsequently resulting in cultism, kidnapping, robbery,
bunkering, raping, carnage, pillage, and arson. Compounding the issue at hand is the
problem of crude oil and its derivatives. The area became more insecure as various cult
groups led by don Waney and his likes began to fight over compensations from crude oil;
resulting in more loss of lives and properties – people were killed, houses were burnt
down and properties amounting to millions of naira were destroyed. As the crisis
escalated, community members began fleeing to other cities for safety.

36
In 2017, ONELGA Security Planning and Advisory Committee (OSPAC), a militia
security agency, was inaugurated comprising people from the communities that make up
ONELGA. It was not until October 2019 that the bye-law establishing its operation was
assented, according to sub-section (4) of section 1 of the Rivers State neighborhood
&Safety Corps Law No. 8 of 2018. Members were recruited from all the various
communities in ONELGA and they were charged with the responsibility to fight
insecurity and the resulting crisis that accrue from it in the area.

The functions of OSPAC as enshrined in paragraph 2 of its bye-laws include;

a. To assist the police and any other agency in the state to maintain law and order;

b. Prescribe regulations guiding operation of the „Watch Corps‟ and any other local
vigilante in the local government;

c. Establish a uniform ONELGA security,, planning and advisory committee( referred to

as the OSPAC) within the local government with the power to carry light arms subject to
police permit and as recommended by the Rivers State neighborhood Safety Agency;

3. AMOTEKUN

Amotekun was inaugurated on January 9, 2020, in Ibadan, the Oyo State capital, by the
Western Nigeria Governors Forum led by Governor Rotimi Akeredolu of Ondo State. It
was a response to what the governors called escalating insecurity in the region with many
stakeholders calling on them to find a lasting solution to the impasse. After the
inauguration of the security outfit, there was uncertainty in the region as Amotekun could
not take off immediately casting doubt on the commitment of the governors to drive the
initiative. Amotekun emerged due to people’s dissatisfaction with how the Nigerian
security agents were responding to proven cases of conflicts and attacks in their region.

37
It took six months before the Amotekun corps took off in states like Oyo, Ondo, Ekiti and
Osun but it has remained unclear when the initiative would commence in Lagos.

The Majority Leader of Osun State House of Assembly, Tunde Olatunji, said the
Amotekun operatives can carry certain categories of firearms. According to him, Even
individuals can get license and own firearms. Some of the operatives already have licence
for their arms even before the establishment of Amotekun. In Osun, Amotekun operatives
can carry firearms as the law that established the corps permits it. However, we have a lot
of mechanisms to check them and avoid misuse. More so, the Nigeria constitution
stipulates punishment for misuse of firearms.

In Ondo, the Commander of Amotekun corps, Chief Adetunji Adeleye, said though the
corps is working with other security agencies, the Amotekun Law 2020 in Ondo State
allows the operatives to carry arms. The Amotekun Corps Commander in Ekiti State,
Brig. Gen. Joe Komolafe (rtd), said the corps is working hard to curb crimes in the state.

However, in early 2020, shortly after the launching of Amotekun, the Attorney-General
of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, declared the regional
security outfit illegal. He said no state government, whether singly or in a group, has the
legal right and competence to establish any form of organisation or agency for the
defence of Nigeria or any of its constituent parts. Analysts believed that Malami made
the statement because the framers of Amotekun wanted it to be a regional outfit.

After back and forth, most of the governors went back to their state and submitted bills to
their houses of assembly for the establishment of Amotekun. In December 2020, a retired
Inspector General of Police, Sunday Ehindero urged Amotekun operatives to strictly
adhere to the country’s constitution that forbids them from bearing fire-arm in the course
of their operation. Ehindero said the regional corps was to be an information and
intelligence gathering outfit rather than an arm carrying one, stressing that the law that
established the outfit doesn’t make provision for it to be arm-bearing.
38
4.3 Impact of community policing on communities

There are several views on the impact of community policing on the various
communities. There are both positive and negative impacts:

On the positive note, community policing serves as a deterrence mechanism for those
who wish to perpetuate crime in society. These security outfits are known to be terror to
everyone caught in the act of crime and their punishments are both ruthless and
inhumane. On this note, there is a limited rate of crime in communities where they
operate. They are also known to bears arms that are beyond what is provided by the
provisions of law. This illegal handling of arms helps to further deter criminals and
cultists in their respective communities. Ospac for instance, were given arms and so they
patrol with arms and machetes. They use charms and juju to protect themselves and to
identify culprits; they also have informants who inform them of areas where illegal
activities are going on. On capturing the culprits, they hand over the criminals to the
police but sometimes, they mete out jungle justice on their suspects. OSPAC as a
community policing outfit like the defunct Bakassi and O‟dua People's Congress (OPC),
has been known not to compromise. In a personal interview with one of the OSPAC
members on the reason why they are recording unprecedented successes as against the
Nigerian police force, he responded that OSPAC does not compromise their values,
meaning that they were given the mandate to restore and ensure peace and security in the
area; as he stated: "We are focused and serious about carrying out our duties, there is no
compromise".

This non compromising approach to crime has earned these community policing outfits
maximum respect and fear as well on the part of the people. In fact, it is a general notion
that it is better to fall into the hands of the Nigerian Police force than to become a victim
of the Mal-handling approach of the community policing outfits.
39
Another resident of Port Harcourt who was interviewed describes the fierce countenance
of most community police agents who in a bid to deter people from doing wrong, put on
clothes, costumes, facial expressions and general body gesture that suggests danger. This
method according to him deters those who would have chosen crime because they would
weigh options and arrive at logical conclusion of not committing crimes. Sometimes
these security operatives dress like juju priest to scare and deter people from committing
crimes. According to residents of the Eastern part of Nigeria like Enugu, Imo and
Anambra, residents are more willing to obey community police officers like Ebubeagu
than the Nigerian police force operatives. This is due to the level of brutality and the
tendency for implementing jungle justice.

In the preriod that preceeded the Endsars protest, the popular opinion was that these
community policing outfits are really working since the police stopped working after the
EndSARS protest.

However, on a negative note, these community policing units in the country have largely
abused the powers that have been handed over to them. They are mostly on the news for
inhuman treatment, extra judicial killings and all manner of atrocities.

In a personal interview with Mrs Chike Ude who is a widow, she narrated how her only
son was killed by OSPAC security outfit in Umuebule, Etche LGA of Rivers State.
According to her, her son was killed because he has counterfeit notes at his disposal and
refused to follow OSPAC officers to their office. Unfortunately, Justice has not been
done since the killing of her son. In view of the excesses of the OSPAC Security outfit in
Rivers State, Emuohua which is a community where OSPAC was securing, decided to set
up a different security body. The Emohua local government council in Rivers State, set
up a security outfit called the Emohua Vigilante Service (EMOVIS), which will work
with the Nigerian Police and other security agencies to ensure peace and security.

40
Members of the security outfit, were nominated by the various communities in the local
government area, however, will not bear any form of arms. Speaking at the inauguration
of EMOVIS as well as the commissioning of its operational headquarters at Emohua on
Wednesday, the local government chairman, Dr. Chidi Julius Lloyd, stated that the local
government council decided to form its own security outfit after a vigilante group,
popularly known as OSPAC, which was adopted by most of the communities in the area,
failed. The LGA chairman said: There were several reports of breaches of our security in
the same local government area, where OSPAC had been adopted to bring about peace
and tranquility. It was observed that the few communities that didn’t have OSPAC were
enjoying relative peace than those that had OSPAC, because they adopted their own local
policing.

In the North also, there are several cases of jungle justice from community police officers
in the North. This is because in the region, justice is determined by religious
considerations and since even these community police are indoctrinated with the Sharia
laws and principles, they often execute without making reference to the court of Law. In
the first one to two years after Sharia was introduced, from 2000 to around 2002, there
were numerous reports of abuses by the Hisbah. Hisbah members would frequently
arrest people and flog them or beat them on the spot, for a variety of offenses. In states
such as Zamfara which prohibit men and women from traveling together in public, there
were often cases where hisbah would stop vehicles carrying men and women and make
the women disembark. They would also sometimes disrupt conversations between men
and women in public places, on the grounds that such gatherings were immoral. There
were cases where the hisbah used violence when seizing consignments of alcohol,
sometimes destroying the alcohol and damaging the vehicles transporting it. The recent
Killing of Deborah who is a student of Shehu Shagari College of Education on the
ground of Blasphemy is a classical example.

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While Hisbah officers are expected to arrest criminals, they are not supposed to enter
people’s private homes or spy on them merely on the basis of suspicion. In practice,
however, the hisbah have often disregarded these and other guidelines and violated
people’s right to privacy. For example, residents reported that the Hisbah would
sometimes go from house to house, checking that people were not committing offenses,
and in some cases searching for particular individuals on the basis of denunciations from
other residents. Similarly, as in the cases of both Amina Lawal and Safiya Husseini, the
Hisbah were instrumental in apprehending the women after people had denounced them
to the hisbah for committing adultery—even though they do not have the right to
question women on how they became pregnant. However, in at least one case in Zamfara
State in 2000, it was reported that a hisbah member who had reported the case of a
woman seen with a man in a room was himself charged, admitted that he had spied on the
woman, and was flogged.

In Western part of the country, Amnesty International, human rights activists and some
lawyers have urged federal authorities to call to order those behind Amotekun before the
security outfit further degenerates into a militia group. The issues surrounding
Amotekun’s modus operandi appear more disturbing especially in Oyo State, where the
operatives are wielding dangerous weapons, including guns, during their operations.
There are reports of Amotekun killing Killing 11 people In 3 Weeks.

The case of Femi Ilori who was casually killed by Amotekun operatives in Ogun state is
a classical example. The father of late Femi Ilori, a victim of extrajudicial killing,
narrates how his son was chased and killed by Amotekun operatives who thought he was
a cultist. According to him, Amotekun operatives met Femi and other of his friends at the
play field and opened fire on them. Femi ran to the apartment of one of their neighbours
where he was killed. Kafilat Olamilekan who was an eye witness explained that Femi ran
to the apartment of an aged neighbour when the Amotekun operatives came after him.
They search for him and found him. Mrs Kafilat while trying to desuade them from
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shooting Femi, was hit by a gun on her hand while Femi was taken to a corner and shot
dead. That same day, another young boy was killed by Amotekun. According to Femi's
father, Femi's body was taken to the commander of Amotekun who confirmed Femi was
not part of the suspect though the original suspect was also named Femi. The perpetrators
of the extra judicial killing were arrested but later released due to the influence of
politicians.

Daily Trust reports that on December 24, 2020, the National Association of Nigerian
Students (NANS) accused members of Amotekun deployed in Oyo town of killing a 400-
level student of the University of Ibadan, Akolade Gbadebo. Another incident was the
killing of another student, 21-year-old Tosin Thomas at a Total Filling Station at Mokola
roundabout in the evening, in Ibadan, less than 24 hours after Governor Seyi Makinde
defended the operatives of Amotekun when he insisted that they did not kill some
innocent Fulani herders. In the build-up to the killing, two young men had a
misunderstanding, which led to one of them inviting men of Amotekun to the scene.
Also, on January 3, a member of the corps, Ibrahim Ogundele, allegedly shot and
wounded Fatai Yekini, a police officer on attachment with Ojongbodu Police Station as
Special Police Constabulary who was asked to join the security outfit on a joint operation
that day at Isale-Oyo area of Oyo.

Also, on January 3, a member of the corps, Ibrahim Ogundele, allegedly shot and
wounded Fatai Yekini — a police officer on attachment with Ojongbodu Police Station
as Special Police Constabulary who was asked to join the security outfit on a joint
operation that day — at Isale-Oyo area of Oyo.

Many people have been killed by these community policing outfits even as their political
leaders continue to live in denial while defending or justifying the group’s activities.For
this reason,the Nigeria Police Force has said that quasi-security outfits such as South-
East’s Ebube-Agu, and South-West Amotekun and those established by state
43
governments would not be engaged in election security. The Inspector-General of Police,
Usman Baba, who said such security outfits have no legal basis to function during the
2023 elections.

According to him, all quasi-security outfits that were established by the various state
governments and local communities, operating under different nomenclatures, structures
and orientations have no legal roles in the Electoral Act 2022. He urged the officers to
ensure their actions and decisions align with the provisions of the Electoral Act 2022, the
1999 constitution and the Nigeria Police Act 2020, warned that the force was not going to
tolerate any form of abuse. He asked the officers to be fair to all political parties in their
engagement during the election season.

There is a great tendency for community police officials to trample on the human rights
of individuals as there appears to be little or no structured training program for
community policing officers. In some states, their members receive a brief outline of
their duties, but do not receive substantial training, even though they are expected to
monitor implementation of the law.

The synergy between community policing outfits and the Nigerian police is not
encouraging. The primary responsibility of community policing in Nigeria, is to assist the
Nigerian police in the discharge of their duties. However, these outfits act independent
and seem to be controlled by political figures in the state rather than the police force.
This explains why they are cases of conflict between the police and community policie
outfits. On some occasions, the conflicting interests of the police and the hisbah have led
to outright clashes. For example on May 30, 2003, in Hotoro, Nasarawa local
government, Kano State, police officers clashed with members of the hisbah who
disrupted a wedding party on the basis that it was an immoral gathering and that music
was being played. A group of about twenty members of the hisbah group from
neighboring Tarauni local government entered the compound of Abubakar Mohammed
44
Ahmed, who was hosting the wedding ceremony, beat and injured several people,
including some of the musicians and other guests, and smashed musical instruments as
well as the windscreen of a vehicle parked at the house. According to the police, the
hisbah were armed with knives, sticks, cutlasses, and long, curved weapons with a blade
known as barandami. The incident was reported to the police the same day, and the
police arrested about thirty members of the hisbah. However, the police eventually
agreed to release them all without charge.

An interesting fact gathered is the tendency of community policing to deter criminals

from committing crimes. It is gathered that criminals think and weigh available options in
communities where community policing exists and most times, the outcome of their
rational thinking, is to refrain from such criminal act. This is possible due to the non-
compromising approach to community policing.

3.3. Community policing and insecurity in Nigeria

Despite the formation of these security outfits, the cases of Insecurity in Nigeria keep
increasing on a daily basis. Improvement in Security situations are peculiar to
communities where these security outfits exist. However, their existence also creates
other forms of insecurity. If we have more community policing outfits present in all local
governments of the nation, the security situation across the nation will significantly
improve.

Currently, no part of the country is exempted from the wave of insecurity that seems to
overwhelm the nation’s security architecture and, given that the run-up to Nigeria’s
elections tends to be marked by violence, the situation is worsening. Every region is
affected. But the nature of the violence and insecurity differs somewhat from place to
place within Nigeria. Previously, Boko Haram was the country’s biggest security
headache. Its destabilising insurgency, which started in Borno State, was concentrated in

45
the country’s north-east region. Now a number of other non-state armed groups are
spreading the violence all over Nigeria.

The south-eastern region of the country has been engulfed by separatist violence and
criminal opportunism crippling businesses in major trading centres like Onitsha,
Anambra State. Take the activities of the unknown gunmen”, criminals who often
disguise as Biafra separatists to perpetrate gang violence, especially kidnapping for
ransom and armed robbery.

Meanwhile, the North-western part of Nigeria, which includes President Muhammadu

Buharis home state of Katsina, has been enmeshed in crime and terror: kidnappings, mass
abductions, enforced disappearances, cattle rustling and localised raids. Communities in
the region have been displaced and some are essentially held captive in their own homes
by bandits and Islamist insurgents. The North-central region, is still grappling with
the farmer-herder crisis, which became rife from around 1999. The crisis is often
complicated by a mix of herder militancy and jihadi-style banditry, especially in parts of
Niger State. The south-west, including places like Lagos, has witnessed an upsurge of
gang, cult and ritual violence. This is in addition to the piracy and oil theft prevailing in
the Niger Delta area.

Even, religious houses are not spared: On 5 June, more than 30 people were murdered in
another terrorist attack, this one on a church in Owo in Ondo State. At least 7,222
Nigerians were killed and 3,823 abducted as a result of 2,840 violent incidents between
January and July 2022.

There are alleged cases where community policing officials aid crime in communities.
The reason for this can be traced to the lack of insentive and delayed payment by state
governors. For instance, the Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Wike, gave his assent to the
Rivers State Neighbourhood Safety Corps Law No.8 of 2018 in what he said was in a bid

46
to improve the security of communities in the state. He said the Neighbourhood Watch
Safety Corps would support existing security agencies with intelligence and information
for them to effectively fight crime and make the state safer. Operatives of the Rivers
State Neighbourhood Watch Safety Corps Agency however, took to the streets of Port
Harcourt to protest the non-payment of their 12 months salaries by the state government.
It was gathered that the state government had allegedly stopped the payment of the state
security outfit for over one year and that all efforts to get the monies paid was
unsuccessful. Mr. Matthew, the Director of Operations of the corps, said for over one
year that their salaries have not been paid. He claimed that all efforts to get the
government to clear the backlog of salaries had failed, adding that the reason for the
peaceful demonstration was to get the governors attention to their predicaments.

CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

5.1 Summary
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Unlike many other nations, Nigeria faces no existential threat from any of its neighbors,
as is the case with India and Pakistan, North and South Korea, or Iraq and Kuwait before
the first Gulf War. The major sources of threats to Nigeria’s national security are almost
completely internal and predicated upon socio-economic and political imbalances.
The Nigerian police have been poor in the discharge of their duties. This can be attributed
to a number of factors: though the police is traditionally responsible for the maintenance
of peace, law and order within the nation, it appears that its personnel are being
overstretched by the responsibility of securing the political process and political
functionaries of the state apart from the fact that it is ill-equipped to meet the challenges
of contemporary security needs. In addition, Nigeria is under-policed, its personnel are
grossly inadequate, running short of the United Nations requirements or ratio of one
police to four hundred citizens.

The under performance of the police has led to distrust among the people. As a result of
the distrust and suspicion characterizing the public’s perception of the police, the
effectiveness and efficiency of the police in the prevention and combating of crime
becomes threatened. This suspicion is not ideal for society as Alemika and Chukwuma
(2000) observe that the citizens involvement in policing, which encompasses reporting
crimes in progress, giving witness statements, assisting police in solving crimes and so
on, is ineffective as a result of the communication gap existing between the police and
the public.
The communication gap between the police and the community is so wide that members
of the public are often reluctant to report crimes to the police, or stand as witnesses in
courts, as they believe that the police will not protect them in the event of any reprisal
from the criminals or their cohorts. Some members of the public are even of the opinion
that the purported concept of anonymity of anyone reporting a crime to the police is

48
illusive, as one’s identity will often be given away to the criminals or their cohorts, who
will thereafter unleash terror on the reporter.

Citizen’s idea about the police seem to align with that of conflict theorists who opined
that the police exist to perpetuate inequality in society and to further the suppression and
repression of the lower classes, which are alienated from socio-political and economic
resources by the upper classes, which have access to these resources. Several scholars
have written about the police using this perspective. For instance, Bowden (1978:19)
believes that the roles of the police include repression of the poor and powerless in order
to protect the interests of the rulers, while Brogden (1982:203) describes the police in
more radical terms, stating that police forces are structured, organizationally and
ideologically to act against the marginal strata. The foregoing school of thought therefore
believes that the police–community relationship is anything but mutual.

This situation has led to the establishment of several community policing outfits which
seem to be more effective and outshine the Nigerian police force. For instance, in
Anambra State, South-eastern Nigeria, the Bakassi Boys took charge of security matters
in the State after the police had obviously failed in their constitutional responsibility of
maintaining order in the State. In fact, the popularity and effectiveness of the Bakassi
Boys led to the Anambra State House of Assembly enacting an Act, which legalised the
Bakassi Boys, changing their name to Anambra Vigilance Services (AVS) (The News,
20th August 2001, Onyeonoru, 2001). Contemporary initiatives by regional and state
governments have given rise to a number of new community policing outfits among
which are 4 notable structures which were discussed in the work namely: Hisbah,
Amotekun, Ebubeagu and OSPAC. These outfits have contributed immensely to the
improvement of security in their various states.

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However, no sooner had these local militant groups emerged than they were criticized for
their excesses, especially in their system of jungle justice, which some people believed
involved innocent victims. The nature and constitution of most of these local militant
groups pitched them against the police, so most of the time they were at loggerheads with
the Police. This creates another version of violence and unrest in the communities.

5.1 Conclusion

Insecurity which has come in different forms as Boko Haram, Fulani herdsmen, armed
banditry and kidnapping are causing terror to the life of the common people. Regrettably,
crime is in its highest peak now in Nigeria. Troubles, gruesome murders, robberies by
violence, rape, cultism, ritual killings, bribery and official corruption, obtaining
goods/money by false pretense, kidnapping and abductions, child stealing, religious and
political violence associated with bomb blast and use of other sophisticated offensive
weapon to destroy lives and properties. These endless In-human attitudes are enough to
say that Nigeria is a crime injected nation.

In a bid to resolve internal conflicts like kidnapping, terrorism, cultism and the conflict
between Fulani herdsmen and farmers which came into existence as a result of
encroachment of farmlands by the Fulani herders (Ajibefun, 2017), various states have
set up different community policing units to combat insecurity within their territories.

5.3 Recommendation

1. Local participation in security should be encouraged. Neighbourhood, corporate

and community vigilantes, supported and supervised by relevant government
agencies, are an idea worth considering.

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 2. People should learn to take personal responsibility for securing their lives,
households, assets and communities. Individuals, families and corporate bodies
should incorporate safety and security into their plans. Employing trained and
certified private guards is a step in the right direction.

3. Secondly, internal security operations are too often reactive. Troops are usually
mobilised to react to specific incidents in a sort of a fire brigade manner. This has
to give way to a preemptive and proactive approach, driven by intelligence and
capable of preventing threats.

4. Security priorities and concerns must be entrenched in the institutionalised

processes and procedures of governance and development.

5. Lastly, there has been an inclination towards politicising issues of national security
in Nigeria. Farmer-herder conflicts in many parts of the country, for instance, have
been grossly misconceived in either religious or ethnic terms.

6. That makes it difficult to properly understand and defuse the situation.

Depoliticising matters of national security is an imperative in the country’s quest
for peace and coexistence.

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