Ladstatter, Pultz Ephesos in Late Roman and Early Byzantine Period

16
Ephesus in the Late Roman and

Early Byzantine Period:
Changes in its Urban Character from
the Third to the Seventh Century AD
S. LADSTÄTTER and A. PÜLZ
Vienna1
Summary. This paper traces the history of the Metropolis Asiae after the
earthquakes of the third and fourth centuries. The archaeological evidence
proves that rebuilding took place and within public areas, such as agorae or
buildings along the roads and included fountains and baths. The work was not
limited only to the reconstruction of buildings but efforts were made to restore
the splendid appearance of the city, reflecting the restoration of its high urban
status and commercial importance. This paper also describes the city’s numerous
churches that graphically attest to the growing importance of Christianity as the
state religion.
THE THIRD CENTURY marked a profound change in the urban landscape of Ephesus
(Fig. 1) and proved to exert a profound influence on the city’s later development. On
the one hand, towards the end of the second century, a clear decline in private bene-
factions and individual munificence can be observed. There is also conclusive evidence
for catastrophic disasters when the city was afflicted by a series of earthquakes which
led to a temporary downturn in its economic circumstances (Ladstätter 2002, 24).
Without doubt, in antiquity, the Eastern Mediterranean was subject to seismic activity
and this is reflected in the large number of earthquakes mentioned in ancient sources.
Nevertheless, our records of these events are uneven and partial, and certainly not com-
plete because natural catastrophes only appeared in ancient sources and historiography
1
The authors sincerely thank Professor Poulter for translating this paper.
Proceedings of the British Academy 141, 391–433. © The British Academy 2007.
Copyright © British Academy 2007 – all rights reserved

392 S. Ladstätter & A. Pülz

Figure 1. City plan and sites (nach Scherrer 1995b): 1 Artemision; 2 Tribune near the Artemision; 3 Coressus Harbour; 4 Rock shrine
(Meter–Cybele shrine); 5 Byzantine aqueduct; 6 Archaic city walls; 7 Stoa of Damianus; 8 Seven Sleepers cemetery; 9 Armenian place of
worship; 10 Magnesian Gate; 11 Hellenistic city wall; 12 East Gymnasium; 13 Basilica in the East Gymnasium; 14 St Luke’s Grave;
15 Street well; 16 Baths in the State Agora; 17 Fountain; 18 State Agora; 19 Doric gatehouse and south colonnade of State Agora;
20 Temple in the State Agora; 21 Basilica Stoa; 22 Buleuterion/Odeion; 23 Temenos with double monument; 24 Prytaneion;
25 Banqueting House by the Prytaneion; 26 Cathodos of Prytaneion with Embasis; 27 Chalcidicum; 28 Pollio Monument and Fountain
of Domitian; 29 Hydrecdocheion of Laecanius Bassus; 30 Temple of Domitian; 31 Niche monument; 32 Memmius monument;
33 Hydreion; 34 Round monument on the Panayır Dağ; 35 Arch of Hercules; 36 Curetes Street (Embolos); 37 Trajan’s Arch;
38 Nymphaeum Traiani; 39 Bath Street; 40 Temple of Hadrian (Embolos); 41 Varius Baths/Baths of Scholasticia; 42 Academy Street;
43 Latrine and ‘House of Pleasure’; 44 Alytarchs’ Stoa; 45 Hellenistic well; 46 Hexagon/Nymphaeum; 47 Octagon; 48 Androclos Heroon;

49 Hadrian’ s Arch; 50 Terrace House 1; 51 Terrace House 2; 52 Foundation of an altar; 53 Hellenistic Peristyle house; 54 So-called ‘Tube’
or Culvert Gate; 55 Celsus Library; 56 South Gate of the Agora; 57 Grave of Dionysius the Rhetor; 58 Brick vault; 59 Circular monu-
ment with fountain; 60 Marble Street; 61 Tetragonos Stoa (commercial market); 62 Nero’s Basilica; 63 West gate of the Agora; 64 North
gate of the Agora; 65 West Road; 66 Medusa Gate; 67 Temple Precinct (Serapeion); 68 Wall of the quay; 69 St Paul’s Prison (so-called);
70 Round monument on the Bülbül Dağ; 71 St Paul’s Grotto; 72 Theatre with fountain; 74 Hellenistic well-house (theatre); 75 Theatre;
76 Byzantine banqueting house (Panayır Dağ); 77 Byzantine city wall; 78 Theatre Street (Plateia in Coressus); 79 Theatre Gymnasium;
80 Apsidal building; 81 Byzantine palace; 83 East arch on the Arcadiane with adjacent Colonnades; 84 Four-column Monument;
EPHESUS
85 Apsis-ended monument on the southern Arcadiane; 86 Exedra; 87 Middle Harbour Gate; 88 Southern Harbour Gate; 89 Northern
Harbour Gate; 90 Market buildings at the harbour; 91 Atrium Thermarum; 92 Harbour baths; 93 Habour Gymnasium; 94 Xystoi/Halls
of Verulanus; 95 Church of Mary; 96 Baptistery of the Church of Mary; 97 Episcopium; 98 Olympieion; 99 Acropolis; 100 Macellum
(so-called); 101 Byzantine well-house; 102 Late antique peristyle house/Hellenistic fortification; 103 Crevice temple; 104 Stadium;
105 Church in the stadium; 106 Vedius Gymnasium; 107 Coressian Gate; 110 South Road from the Magnesian Gate; 151 Fortress
(Byzantine –Turkish); 152 Basilica of St John; 153 Mycenaean grave;. 154 Classic grave; 155. Prehistoric settlement area; 156 Byzantine
aqueduct; 157 Gate of Persecution; 170 Isa bey-Mosque; 171 Isa bey-Haman.
393
when their destructive effects were of particular importance (Sonnabend 1999, 43).
However, another aspect of these disasters was the extent to which political measures
were taken following a natural disaster, primarily in the form of imperial support given
to help in carrying out a programme of renovation (Winter 1996, 103). These measures
included the provision of financial help, tax relief, and remission of duties as well as the
dispatch of specialists to assist in reconstruction. Official aid, whether provided by the
emperor or the city, appears to have been given throughout the late Roman period but
the lack of private benefactions is reflected in the sharp reduction in the number of
inscriptions which mention natural disasters, especially earthquakes.
Proving whether earthquakes account for signs of destruction depends upon
archaeological evidence and, in particular, upon a careful and critical examination.
However, the difficulty is to find clear proof that buildings were damaged or destruc-
tion levels created by the catastrophic effects of earthquakes: the interpretation of the
archaeological evidence should be used to argue the case rather than assuming that epi-
graphic or literary sources are invariably correct. In the case of Ephesus, until recently,
too little attention had been paid to the need to separate the interpretation of the
archaeological evidence from general explanations based upon historical sources. In the
past, archaeological evidence was frequently confused with literary and epigraphic ref-
erences, and conclusions were not based on a balanced examination of the finds. In the
case of Ephesus, this conflation of evidence meant that it was assumed that the city had
been afflicted by the most serious earthquakes recorded in the literary sources, that in
AD 17 and even more so by those of AD 23, 262, 358, 365 and 368.
It is not possible to examine critically the evidence for all the above earthquakes in
this case study. Here, only those of the third and fourth centuries will be considered.
During the early years of the Austrian excavations in Ephesus, an earthquake recorded
in the Historia Augusta (SHA Gall. II 6, 2; Jordanes, Getica 20) was not simply
accepted as fact, but the invasion of the Goths during the third century, described by
various late Roman writers, was generally believed and it was thought to explain the
discovery of numerous destruction levels within the city (Benndorf and Heberdey 1898,
60). For example, the Gothic sieges were thought to account for the signs of destruc-
tion and collapsed masonry in the harbour area. Benndorf believed that the city was so
severely damaged that its reconstruction took a considerable length of time. What is
more, in Ephesus itself ‘old monuments relatively early on ceased to serve their origi-
nal function and were used for other purposes’ (Benndorf 1906, 102). When excava-
tions started towards the end of the nineteenth century, it was supposed that Gothic
forces destroyed the entire city, but this conclusion was later revised and the effect of
the attack was played down and limited to the destruction and plundering of the
Temenos of the Temple of Artemis. Consequently, the new interpretation of this event
maintained that the Goths had set fire to the Temple of Artemis and had carried off
the temple treasure, but that the city itself may have escaped destruction (Keil 1946,
128; Knibbe 1970, 266; Knibbe 1985, 71–7; Karwiese 1995b, 123). The economic

EPHESUS 395
disaster which followed the plundering of the Artemision, coupled with the inevitable
loss of belief in the ‘Great Goddess’ and her power, must have combined to bring about
lasting changes in the character and life of the city of Ephesus (Knibbe 1998, 185). The
recorded burning and destruction levels found in the harbour area were attributed to a
fourth-century earthquake, although there existed no explicit evidence to substantiate
such an interpretation. However, it was clear that this sequence had to be reassessed
when the coins from unit 7 in Terrace House 2 were published in 1983 (Karwiese 1983;
Karwiese 1985). In the peristyled court (Fig. 2), sixty-eight coins were recovered from
a destruction level, the latest issues dating to the reign of Gallienus. The fact that this
group of coins ended with Antoniniani of Gallienus and that the floor remained buried
by a destruction level of building debris and rubble, and that this could best be
explained as the effects of a catastrophic earthquake, confirmed the account provided
by the Historia Augusta. In the years following this discovery, more evidence was found
which seemed to confirm that the city had been destroyed in the late third century AD
and that the cause must have been an earthquake. The far-reaching consequences of
this new interpretation of the evidence for destruction at Ephesus was at first cautiously
presented, but was then later universally accepted. For example, this late third-century
date for a castrophe was used in the interpretation of the destruction material in the
Hall of Nero on the site of the Temple of Hadrian (Outschar 1999, 447; Thür 1999,
116), the abandonment and the partial destruction of the Library of Celsus, and the
nearby atrium house (Karwiese 1995b, 124), the Hadrianic arch (Thür 1999, 109), the
Tetragonos Agora (Scherrer 1995a, 16), and the Stoa of Damianos (Knibbe 1999, 452),
without there actually being any archaeological evidence to support it. In the end, the
Figure 2. Signs of destruction in unit 7, Terrace House 2 (archive of the Austrian Archaeological
Institute, Vienna).

earthquake, with its catastrophic and widespread effect on Ephesus, found its way into
the guides and the general studies on the city (Scherrer 1995b, 13, 30; Scherrer 2001, 79;
Thür 2003, 260).
The ‘story’ of the earthquake during the reign of Gallienus, previously ignored, was
then simply accepted, even though the only direct evidence came from the archaeologi-
cal excavations on the site of the terrace houses. Subsequently, it was then used to
account for several other destruction deposits in Ephesos. This is a clear example of how
dangerous it can be to rely solely on ancient historical sources when interpreting the
archaeological record. Moreover, during the hundred years of excavations at Ephesus,
research has been based upon the study of buildings and remains of destruction, while
insufficient attention has been paid to finds. Admittedly, a few coin-finds have been used
to provide dating evidence but only in the last two decades of excavation has there been
a contextual evaluation of all finds, especially the pottery. Excavations in Terrace House
2 from 1996 onwards encountered several deposits which provide direct evidence for a
series of earthquakes during the third century, proving for the first time that widespread
destruction had occurred and upon a massive scale. From the late Severan period
onwards, there is increasing evidence for seismic activity which, in the third quarter of
the third century, culminated in a major catastrophe (Ladstätter 2002, 31–8). The
small-finds from the final destruction levels need not necessarily date precisely to the
reign of Gallienus (260–8) but they can be more generally ascribed to c.AD 250 to 280
(Ladstätter 2002, 35–8). It follows, therefore, that within this general period, Ephesus
suffered one of the most catastrophic earthquakes in its entire history. Until recently,
the only certain evidence for this event came from the two terrace houses: elsewhere
within the city, there existed no clear confirmation that it had occurred. However,
during excavations on the site of the Byzantine Palace in 2005, further evidence for an
earthquake was uncovered, proving that it did also affect other parts of the city.2
In the current state of research, we do not know if other monuments in the city of
Ephesus were damaged and nor do we know if its impact was felt in the rest of Asia
Minor and the Greek islands off the coast. But this reappraisal of the evidence at
Ephesus does mean that the true importance of the invasion of the Aegean by the
Goths needs to be reconsidered. Even if the city itself was not sacked, plundering of
the surrounding countryside and the Artemision must have had long-lasting conse-
quences for the economy, especially during the ensuing decades. A few examples can be
used to illustrate just how severely the city was affected. There is no sign that marble
sculptures were produced during the next few decades. In addition, although buildings
were repaired, there is no indication that there was any organized programme of recon-
struction until the beginning of the fifth century. Moreover, the agricultural and indus-
trial economy (for example, the kiln sites in the countryside) struggled to survive the
2
As yet, the material has not been fully analyzed but there is a clear relationship between these finds and those
from Terrace House 2. For example, thymiateria produced in the same moulds came from both destruction levels.

EPHESUS 397
consequences of the disastrous earthquake. The production of Eastern Sigillata B,

which had been manufactured in the region around Ephesus from the late first century
BC, completely collapsed: thereafter the city had to do without local fine tableware.
In conclusion, in the light of current research, there is every reason to believe that
a massive and catastrophic earthquake did hit Ephesus in the third quarter of the third
century. However, it is still uncertain which monuments were directly affected and what
the city looked like after the disaster. Certainly, for decades the inhabitants lived amidst
ruins, piles of rubble and roughly repaired public buildings. Even so, finds from Terrace
House 2 prove that the city centre was not abandoned.
In some respects, the fourth century remains poorly represented in the excavation
record and our sources of information are strictly limited. However, there is no doubt
that many of the signs of destruction, including those from the older excavations, can
probably be linked with the earthquakes of 358, 365, and 368. These include public
fountains, such as Domitian’s Fountain and the Fountain of Laecanius Bassus (Eichler
1961, 73), Trajan’s Nymphaeum (Alzinger 1970, 1607), Scholasticia’s Baths (Miltner
1959b, 340), and the public buildings in the so-called State Agora (Alzinger 1970,
1647), as well as private buildings such as the insula which contained Terrace House 1
(Lang-Auinger 1996). In most cases, the explanation for damage to these monuments
is believed to be the three fourth-century earthquakes recorded in the literary sources,
although it is obviously impossible to determine which of them was responsible for
damage to a particular monument (Thür 2003, 261–5). All that can be reasonably pre-
sumed from the excavations is that most of this destruction, repair and reconstruction
probably did not occur at the same time. An inscription records the decree of the
emperors Valens, Valentinian I, and Gratian for the year 370/1. It refers to an imperial
aid programme and mentions the pitiable state of the city, but without specifying what
the reason or cause was that required the implementation of measures to bring relief to
Ephesus (Heberdey 1906, 71–2; Schulten 1906, 52; IvE 1a, 42). What is more, the for-
mulaic character of the text is reminiscent of the common imperial practice whereby
taxes are remitted and specific assistance is offered to the affected cities, involving
repair of the defences and repairs to public buildings (Foss 1979, 188). Although it is
apparent in general terms that, in Late Antiquity, repairs and reconstruction of individual
monuments occurred, there are no clear instances, at least as yet, where finds can be used
to associate these measures with any one of the earthquakes which are known to have
happened during the third quarter of the fourth century. It is also true to say that another
reason for our lack of certainty is the fact that this period in Ephesus has not been
thoroughly investigated. Targeted research could lead in the future to a re-evaluation of
the evidence and may provide more securely based conclusions.
It must be admitted that the historical evidence for earthquakes in the fourth cen-
tury has often been used to explain signs of destruction without any critical examina-
tion of the excavation records. It is certain that Asia Minor, and Ephesus in particular,
were regularly affected by earthquakes. So it would be wrong to dismiss the possibility

that the earthquakes of 358, 365, and 368 could not have contributed to the ruined state
of the city. But the catastrophic consequences of the fourth-century earthquakes had
been thought to have affected the whole city and marked a clear turning point in the his-
tory of Ephesus. However, these destructions were actually followed by reconstruction
and rebuilding work which redefined the character of the late antique urban landscape.
In some respects, the changes in political, commercial and religious character which
took place during the fourth century must have applied as much to the Metropolis Asiae
as they did to the other cities in the region. They included profound differences in the
urban layout, and affected the imposing public buildings (administrative buildings,
baths, fountains, squares, road network etc.), houses and workshops as well as churches
and other places of Christian worship. Certainly, in the case of Ephesus, these devel-
opments were precipitated by the natural disasters of the third and fourth centuries
when a large number of the buildings were repeatedly damaged by earthquakes and
could no longer serve their original function. The numerous ruins proved a handy
source of building material which could be used for repairs and the construction of new
buildings. These conditions provided a good opportunity for the urban landscape to be
redesigned and made to conform to new circumstances and the current needs of the
inhabitants.
During the restoration of the city, the most important programme involved ensur-
ing the continued efficiency of the water supply for the inhabitants, and providing for
basic economic needs. Next in importance were the fountains, which were included in
the overall scheme of reconstruction that involved, not only the preservation of basic
necessities, but also the restoration of the city’s civic and luxurious appearance.
Consequently, the city was not content to simply use wells but was engaged in erecting
magnificent fountains which demonstrated how the city had regained its prosperity and
economic vitality. A good example is the construction of the Byzantine Well House
(Dorl-Klingenschmid 2001, 190–1) on the south-eastern face of the Ionian acropolis,
during the first half of the fifth century AD (Jobst 1986, 60–1) which adopted the
‘façade type’ of fountain used in the Roman imperial period. This architectural scheme
was not just used for new buildings but was also employed when old buildings were
reconstructed.
A typical example is the Library of Celsus that no longer served its original func-
tion after it was damaged by fire in the third century AD. At the end of the fourth, or
more probably in the early years of the fifth century, it was adapted to serve a new pur-
pose (Alzinger 1970, 1632; Dorl-Klingenschmid 2001, 191). The entrance was walled
up and the inside of the library was filled with rubble. The decorative facade was still
intact and, along with the flight of steps leading up to the former entrance, it formed a
decorative backdrop to a fountain. The magnificent appearance of the structure was
improved by erecting some reliefs taken from the so-called Parthian Monument which
were re-employed as a decorative setting for the fountain (Fig. 3). An inscription above
the middle window of the library’s facade and another on a statue base in the upper

EPHESUS 399
Figure 3. The Library of Celsus, after its discovery 1904 (from 100 Jahre Österreichisches
Archäologisches Institut, 1898–1998, Sonderschriften Bd. 31, Vienna 1998, fig. 112).
storey named a proconsul Stephanos and a man called Philippos as being responsible
for the construction of the fountain (Wilberg et al. 1944, 72; Foss 1979, 65; Bauer 1996,
280–3; Thür 1999, 119, fig. 33).
A very similar case can be found amongst the fifth century street fountains (Dorl-
Klingenschmid 2001, 180–1). The late Republican Heroon of the city founder,
Androclus, on the so-called Curetes Street, was employed as a decorative backdrop for
an early Byzantine fountain. The influence of Christianity on the city can clearly be
seen on the marble facing slabs on its basin which, as in the case of the Byzantine Well
House on the way to the Stadium, were incised with crosses (Jobst 1986, 56–7).
The ‘Heroon Fountain’ also had two basins which were placed in the lateral
passageway through the Hadrianic Arch (Thür 1999, 117 with a reconstruction draw-
ing, pl. 99, fig. 27). The adaptation and transformation of structures into fountains
gave a new character to the whole area (Jobst 1983, 229–36) around the point where the

Marble Street crosses the Curetes Street. Inscriptions attribute these works to an eparch
elect called Andreas.
Apart from the construction of fountains, an attempt was also made to repair the
damaged imperial nymphaea. As examples, there are the so-called Nymphaeum Traiani
(Miltner 1959b, 326–46; Dorl-Klingenschmid 2001, 188–9) on the Curetes Street which,
at the end of the fourth century, was surrounded by a balustrade decorated with herms
(Wrede 1987, 134–5), and the so-called Grave of St Luke on the saddle between the two
hills of the city. Recent excavations, carried out after 1997, discovered that this Roman
rotunda was not a temple, polyandreion, or heroon (Weber 1891, 45; Knibbe 1998, 27)
but a monopteros fountain which had been constructed in the middle of the second
century AD (Pülz 2003, 153). To date, this is the only certain example of this type of
fountain discovered in Ephesus (Fig. 4). It was situated in the centre of a square sur-
rounded by a quadriporticus. The finds suggest that the complex served as a market
(macellum). During the excavations of the rotunda, it was established that the original
water channel within the podium had been repaired as late as the beginning of the fifth
century AD. However, the scale of these repairs cannot be fully appreciated because
substantial changes were later made in the Byzantine period (Fig. 5).
It is clear that there was a significant increase in the number of fountains when
compared with the number existing in the Roman period: not only were the Roman
fountains repaired, but new ones were built and other monuments, which had served
Figure 4. The so-called Grave of St Luke, Schematic reconstruction of the Monopteros Fountain
(B. Olcay).

EPHESUS 401
Figure 5. The so-called Grave of St Luke, schematic ground plan (B. Olcay).
different purposes, were adapted and turned into fountains. This interest in fountains
was inspired, less by the need to supply water, than by a desire to use these monuments
with their carefully planned architectural settings to demonstrate that the city’s pros-
perity and indulgence in luxury had returned (Bauer 1996, 299). This aspiration is also
reflected in the bath complexes which, after the third- and fourth-century catastrophes,
were mostly put back into working order (Auinger and Rathmayr 2006). This applies
to the Gymnasium of Vedius (Keil 1929, 21–42; Keil 1930, 17–20; Miltner 1955, 23–6;
Alzinger 1970, 1615–17; Steskal and La Torre 2001, 221–31), the Theatre Gymnasium
(Keil 1929, 42–5; Keil 1930, 18–29; Alzinger 1970, 1611–13; Foss 1979 54; Yegül 1992,
279–82), the Harbour Gymnasium (Alzinger 1970, 1608–1611; Foss 1979, 59–60; Yegül
1992, 306–08), the Baths of Varius (Miltner 1955, 24–44; Miltner 1956/8, 17–25;
Miltner 1959a, 250–6; Alzinger 1970, 1619–20; Foss 1979, 70), and also the baths by the
so-called State Agora (Keil 1930, 29–31; Alzinger 1970, 1617–19; Foss 1979, 83).
Unfortunately, in the case of the East Gymnasium (Keil 1932, 25–51; Keil 1933, 6–14;
Alzinger 1970, 1613–15; Foss 1979, 83), we still do not know what happened to the

baths after the fourth-century earthquakes. It is also worth noting that there was a bath
suite which was part of the so-called Byzantine Palace, north of the Theatre
Gymnasium. Judging by its size, this would seem to have been a private balneum rather
than a public establishment.
The latest research has provided more precise details about the fate of the
Gymnasium of Vedius. These baths were built in the second century and constituted
the largest and most imposing baths/gymnasium complex in Ephesus (Steskal 2001).
Contrary to the previously accepted view, it has been recently proved that this public
facility was not closed at the start of the late Roman period. Indeed, there was a final,
general refurbishment in the first quarter of the fifth century, when mosaic and marble
floors were laid down and the baths were fully restored. This was clearly an official
operation and it involved no reduction in the number of rooms nor abandonment of
any part of the complex. Excavation within the sub-floor area, used for the hypocaust
heating, beneath the baths demonstrated that the establishment was in continuous
operation until the end of the fifth century. The use of the building as a baths complex
ended in destruction, after which the remains of the structure were largely robbed,
although some rooms remained in use. The material, mainly cooking vessels and
amphorae, indicate that domestic occupation had partially taken over this former
public facility and the site was probably still occupied until the roof collapsed towards
the end of the sixth century. Simple dwellings still existed in the ruins during the early
middle ages (Steskal and Ladstätter 2005, 247).
The case of the Vedius Gymnasium demonstrates that not all the large public baths,
especially the gymnasium/bath complexes, ceased working at the beginning of the late
Roman period. It also proves that the adoption of Christianity as the state religion did
not bring to an end the custom of public bathing. On the contrary, it was still believed
in the fifth century that bathing kept up standards of cleanliness, and great trouble was
taken to maintain the highest standards of luxurious living. In Late Antiquity, visiting
the baths, as an expression of the classical life-style, at least for certain levels of society,
still had its attraction.
From the Theodosian period, apart from the fountains and the baths, there is good
reason to believe that the public streets and squares were also well maintained. Of par-
ticular importance was the Arcadian Street, c.500 m long and 11 m wide, which repre-
sented the main route connecting the theatre with the harbour. It was certainly
extensively rebuilt during the reign of the emperor Arcadius (395–408). A continued
interest in maintaining the fine streets is reflected in the construction of the so-called
Four-column Memorial in the Justinian period, which was not, as was once thought,
decorated with statues of the four evangelists (Wilberg 1906, 139; Alzinger 1970, 1597;
Scherrer 1995a, 22), but probably with statues of members of the imperial family or
important dignitaries at the imperial court. Also dating to the sixth century, there is epi-
graphic evidence for the provision of public lighting (Feissel 1999, 26–7) in the porticoes
flanking the street, which themselves were embellished with polychrome mosaics.

EPHESUS 403
Particularly clear and easy to identify are the repairs and renovations which were
carried out along the Embolos (the Curetes Street) after destruction inflicted by earth-
quakes. This road connected the Upper Agora (so-called State Agora), including the
administrative district, with the Tetragonos Agora (the commercial square) in the lower
city. Particularly important is the late Republican Octagon (Thür 1999, 117), near the
Nymphaeum (Heroon of the ktistes Androclus), and the plaques attached to it,
inscribed with the decrees of the emperors Valentinian, Valens, and Gratian. Major
repair and construction work evidently occurred in the Baths of Scholasticia (Baths of
Varius) and in the Nymphaeum Traiani, within the porticoes along the Curetes Street,
in the so-called Stoa of Alytarches (Jobst 1977, 31–4; Foss 1979, 67–8), the north hall
on the lower Embolos (Thür 1999, 112–17), and in its associated buildings. In the
Theodosian period, the Temple of Hadrian was refurbished and a figurative freeze,
which depicted the mythical foundation of the city (Fleischer 1967; Brenk 1968), was
reused and set up in its entrance.
This reconstruction involved, not only rebuilding or the erection of new structures,
but also the decoration of the outer walls of buildings. The setting up of numerous
honorary statues on inscribed bases within porticoes flanking streets reflects the public
and civic importance of these thoroughfares (Fig. 6). During the fourth century, it was
usually the emperor or members of the imperial family who were honoured whereas,
from the fifth century, there was a marked increase in the number of statues dedicated
to high-ranking officers of state (proconsules etc.) and worthy citizens (Bauer 1996,
297).3 In general terms, the existence of statues, the legal codes, imperial edicts, and
decrees prove that the Embolos was one of the most important parts of late Roman
and early Byzantine Ephesus. There was clearly a concern to recall the mythical foun-
dation of the city and demonstrate its continued importance as the Metropolis Asiae.
The Embolos really served as a kind of art museum and ‘hall of fame’. Documents
describing the city’s history were kept there, imperial rescripts were publicized, notable
individuals honoured. Victory monuments reflected a sense of superiority and implic-
itly emphasized the prosperity of the city of Ephesus (Bauer 1996, 295). The explana-
tion as to why the roads, unlike the agorae, were so well maintained is probably
connected with the very real importance of the streets and the role they performed in
ceremonial processions which we know were very popular in the early Byzantine period
in Constantinople (Bauer 1996, 389–94). Apart from this clearly public function, there
were probably also commercial reasons because numerous shops (tabernae) flanked
these roadways.4 One particular individual who was responsible for the measures taken
to rebuild, repair, and construct new buildings along the so-called Marble Street after
3
See the collection of inscriptions published by Bauer 1996, 422–6.
4
A good overview of the scale of late antique and early Byzantine reconstruction along the Embolos is provided
by the plan published by Thür 1999, plan 1.

Figure 6. The Embolos: view from the west (A. Waldner).
the fourth-century earthquakes was a certain Eutropius, recorded on inscriptions (IvE

IV 1304; Eichler 1939).
A very similar picture is provided by the city’s two agorae. In the State Agora, the
Basilica Stoa was restored during the reign of Theodosius, the temple in its centre was
demolished, and the floor raised by 30 cm. A portico was added to its eastern, narrower
side (Alzinger 1972/5, 295–300). We also know that the baths at the north-eastern
corner of the square were evidently still being maintained in the fifth century and were
partly refurbished with new mosaics noting the benefactor, the proconsul Asklepi(o)s
(IvE IV 1313; Vetters 1972, 85; Foss 1979, 83). In marked contrast with the situation
on the Embolos, it seems that the Upper Agora (the Imperial State Agora) was no
longer used for the erection of statues.
Still unresolved is the question as to where was the political centre (with its associ-
ated administrative buildings), in the late Roman period. Another problem is the loca-
tion of the Theodosian forum, which is mentioned on an inscription (IvE V 1534). It
has been thought that it was in the area of the State Agora where there is good evidence
for reconstruction (Foss 1970, 82 and n. 70; Alzinger 1972/5, 298; Karwiese 1995b 133;

EPHESUS 405
Bauer 1996, 292–3; Feissel 1999, 29).This may still be true but an alternative identifi-
cation has been proposed. The suggestion is that the administrative centre of the city
was relocated to the Commercial Square in the lower city (Scherrer 1995a, 19; Thür
1999, 104), where there were also new building and repairs being carried out down to
the sixth century. The most recent suggestion is that the late Roman administrative cen-
tre was relocated to the palaestra belonging to the theatre Gymnasium (Scherrer and
Trinkl 2006, 11).There is also a fourth possibility which has not been considered before.
That is that, when Ephesus was being rebuilt, the city was provided with a totally new
administrative centre. This could have been the so-called Byzantine Governor’s Palace
in the lower city (Miltner 1955, 44–50; Miltner 1956/8, 3–14; Miltner 1959a, 243–50;
Lavan 1999, 148–9). Located about 70 m east of the Bishop’s Palace (episcopium), this
building complex (c.75 50 m) originally comprised two suites of rooms (baths and an
administrative wing, Fig. 7), conjoined by a vestibule (Fig. 8). The original interpreta-
tion that this building was a Byzantine-type bath complex was soon abandoned. It now
seems more likely that it was a palace belonging to a high-ranking official. Perhaps it
was the seat of the proconsul of the province of Asia and then, later, the headquarters
of the Byzantine strategos (Vetters 1966, 281; Foss 1979, 51). Since 2005, the Palace has
been the site of new excavations.5 Already, the work has produced some interesting
results. It has been established that the building was constructed about 1.5 m above the
Roman occupation level. Complete vessels were discovered in situ up against a wall and
sealed by a massive collapse of roof and wall material. The accumulation of so much
building debris explains why the levelling was so extensive and indicates that it must
have been caused by an earthquake. After this collapse had occurred, the rubble was
not cleared from the site but the whole area was replaned and the palace constructed,
without any regard to the pre-existing insula plan. Once the examination of the sub-
stantial amount of pottery has been carried out and further excavation taken place, we
should be able to come to some conclusions about the building’s function. One partic-
ular question will be to place this clearly administrative building in its immediate set-
ting. Given its location, future attempts to answer this question will have to be directed
to the west, under the modern car park, where a large open square (the Theodosian
Forum?) may have fronted the building. Only future excavation will provide a better
understanding of its character and may establish whether the centres of secular and
ecclesiastical authority stood side by side: the Bishop’s Palace and the Church of Mary
were situated on the other side of the modern car park.
The city’s economic recovery, and with it the reconstruction of its public buildings
during the first half of the fifth century, explains the choice of Ephesus as the venue for
the Third Ecumenical Council of 431.6 In his invitation, emperor Theodosius II gave
5
The excavations are directed by A. Pülz, Institut für Kulturgeschichte der Antike of the Austrian Academy of
Sciences, and with the financial support of the Austrian Science Fund.
6
In the course of the theological debate about the two natures of Christ, Mary was declared to be the Mother of
Christ (Theotokos).

Figure 7. The Byzantine Palace: official quarter, view looking west (A. Pülz).
purely practical reasons for holding the Council in Ephesus: the city could be easily
reached by land and by sea. Moreover, all the foodstuffs which would be needed could
be found in the city or easily obtained through existing trading relations (Harreither
2002, 83).
There is no record of another earthquake, in the second half of the fifth century (Foss
1979, 190), that could explain why the Basilica Stoa on the site of the former State Agora
was abandoned (Bauer 1996, 291). The discovery of a fifth-century marble head under the
floor of a house, erected within the east chalcidicum of the Basilica Stoa, at least pro-
vides a terminus post quem for the date when the Stoa ceased to serve a public function
(Alzinger 1972/5, 299). The excavations also failed to find any signs of a natural catas-
trophe which could explain why the Monopteros Fountain (the so-called Grave of St
Luke) ceased to function and was then converted into a church in the second half of the
fifth century. In additon to these changes, which occurred in the second half of the fifth
century, the Arch of Hercules, connecting the Embolos and the Agora of Domitian
(Bammer 1976/7, 119–22), was built. Because the passageway was narrow, it would have
been impossible for carts to pass through it and so the arch must have represented a clear
division between the city centre, undisturbed by the noise of traffic, and an outer ‘sub-
urb’. The construction of private dwellings on the site of the former State Agora (Bauer
1996, 290–1; Foss 1970, 82) at least proves that the area was still being used.

EPHESUS 407
Figure 8. The Byzantine Palace: ground-plan (after Miltner 1959a, 245–6).
Finally, decisive changes must have occurred after the construction of the Byzantine
fortifications although, since they have not been studied in detail, they can only be ten-
tatively dated to the beginning of the seventh century, an argument based on general
historical grounds and a few archaeological observations.7 Even though the contraction
in the city limits reduced the defended area to the Panayır Dağ hill and the area
7
For various opinions see Müller-Wiener 1961, 89 (seventh/eighth-century); Alzinger 1970, 1599 (eighth century);
Foss 1979, 106ff. (seventh/eighth-century); Brandes 1989, 84 (first half of seventh century); Karwiese 1995b, 140
(fifth/sixth-century); Scherrer 2001, 80 (c.610).

bounded by the Arcadian Street, the harbour and the Gymnasium of Vedius, this did
not necessarily involve the immediate abandonment of the rest of the city — that is the
Commercial Agora, the Embolos with its flanking housing, and industrial quarters.
Rather, the erection of this new circuit was evidently a pragmatic decision to reduce the
defended area when the city was threatened, for example, during the invasions by the
Arabs c.654/5, carried out by the Umaid commander Mua’wija, or by the Arabian
admiral Maslama in 715/16 (Foss 1979, 105–6). By then the Embolos seems to have lost
its imposing aspect although it still served as a thoroughfare, running past simple craft
shops which now lined the street (Thür 1999, 118).
We do not know when the area east of the Arch of Hercules ceased to be a subur-
ban quarter. A large number of slab graves were found on the site of the former
Commercial Agora (Alzinger 1970, 1601) and around the so-called Grave of St Luke
(Wood 1975, 59). Although the burials have not been studied, they clearly indicate that
there existed a cemetery in this part of the site. The graveyard may have been connected
with the church (the so-called Grave of St Luke) which is in the same general area. The
central part of the church overlays a spacious crypt with two opposing access points,
one no doubt used as an entrance, the other as an exit. Furthermore a little staircase in
the crypt gave direct access to and from the church. There are plenty of parallels for
this arrangement which suggest that the building was a memorial chapel. Given that
this was probably its function, the presence of burials ad sanctos would be expected
(Pülz 2001, 22).
As with other great centres of Christianity in the Empire, after the Constitution of
Milan in 313, Ephesus must have acquired an episcopal basilica and no doubt other
churches as well. The churches and sites of Christian worship, which have so far been
identified within the ancient city, differ in size and date. Those that have been at least
partially explored include; the Church of Mary (Reisch, Knoll and Keil 1932; Karwiese
1989; Karwiese 1999), the Church in the Stadium (Karwiese 1994; Karwiese 1995a), the
chapel in the Harbour Baths (Benndorf and Heberdey 1898, 65; Scherrer 1995a, 17),
the chapel in the so-called Byzantine Palace (Miltner 1959a, 248–9), the chapel in the
peristyle house above the theatre (Keil 1932, 7–12; Lavan 1999; 162–3), the church in
the Serapeion (Heberdey 1915, 86–7), the so-called Grotto of St Paul (Pillinger 2003),
the chapel on the Clivus Sacer (Miltner 1959b, 362), the chapel by the rotunda on
Panayır Dağ (Benndorf and Heberdey 1898, 165–6), the chapel in the former west chal-
cidicum of the Basilica Stoa (Miltner 1956/8, fig. 26; Scherrer 1995b, 80), the so-called
Grave of St Luke (Pülz 2001; Pülz 2003), the basilica in the East Gymnasium (Keil
1933, 12–13; Vetters 1982, 71–2; Vetters 1984, 215), and the basilica in the Cemetery of
the Seven Sleepers (Miltner 1937, 18–32; Restle 1971, 192–8). Epigraphic finds provide
still more evidence for Christian worship. One inscribed base from the alleyway by the
theatre, though unfortunately not in situ, proves that there was a church dedicated to
the Archangel Gabriel (IvE VIII 4011). There is a reference, dated c.530, to an as yet
unidentified memorial chapel, dedicated to St Timothy by a pilgrim called Theodosius

EPHESUS 409
(De situ terrae sanctae, CCL 175, 123). Timothy was ordained bishop of Ephesus by St
Paul and was the first of the city’s martyrs. His memorial church with his tomb may
have been on mount Pion (Panayır Dağ). Also worth noting is the existence of a church
of St Paul, a church dedicated to St Luke, and a church of St Marcus, mentioned in the
accounts written by visitors in the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries (Smith 1694,
48; Falkener 1862, 87.112). As yet, none of these references can be associated with any
of the excavated churches.
There are also churches which are still visible today as ruins but which have not so
far been recorded in detail and await investigation. These include a large church com-
plex, east of the palaestra in the Gymnasium of Vedius (Pillinger 1996, 49, n. 125), a
small church on the crest of Bülbül Dağ, close to the walls of Lysimachus (pers. com.
by Th. Marksteiner), and a possible chapel within the so-called ‘House of Pleasure’.8
Another uninvestigated church is on the northern slope of the Bülbül Dağ hill (pers.
com. S. Groh). There is also a man-made cave on the north-eastern face of the same hill
directly above the modern statue of Mary, set up in the early 1970s on the road to
Meryemana. It contains an east-facing niche, cut into the rock, and crosses carved on
the cliff-face which suggest that this site also performed a Christian liturgical function.
Clear traces of soot on the slight traces of plaster which remain on its walls and in the
Grotto of St Paul (Pillinger 2003, 162) point to the use of candles or oil-lamps. Outside
the Roman fortifications, there is also the Basilica of St John (Soteriu 1921/2; Soteriu,
Hörmann, Keil and Miltner 1951; Büyükkolancı 1991; Thiel 2005), a small monastery
on the west side of Ayasoluk Hill (Büyükkolancı 1999), and another basilica built within
the Temple of Artemis (Bammer 1999; Kanitz 1997).
However, some sites have been incorrectly interpreted as places of Christian worship.
These include: the building with a west-facing apse, south of the Arcadian Street
(Heberdey 1902, 60–1), the apsidal-ended structure in the Theatre Street, south of the
Byzantine Palace (Keil 1926, 262–3), and the so-called ‘basilica privata’ in Terrace
House 1 (Asamer 2003, 117). Similarly, a Christian association is equally doubtful for
the site at the west end of the Curetes Street, close to the Baths of Varius, which Thür
(1999, 114; Thür 2003, 272) believed might have been a church because some architec-
tural blocks, decorated with crosses and monograms, were found there.
There remain the Christian sites which clearly belong to the middle or late
Byzantine period, some of which may be of relatively recent origin. Apart from one
possible chapel in a shop (taberna) in the Tetragonos Agora (Foss 1979, 134), all the
rest were beyond the city limits. Worthy of note are the church in Meryemana, and the
churches at Kavaklı Panaya, Bülbül Panaya, and Sütlü Panaya (Pülz 2006). Sources also
record the existence of three Byzantine monasteries on Mons Galesion (Carile 1999,
8
Pers. com. from D. Boulasikis, who dealt with the frescoes in his unpublished thesis, Studien zum ephesischen
Wohnen an der Insula MO1 (Vienna 2005) 278–80.

142–4), a church of Philippus (Foss 1979, 109), and a monastery at Emathia in Ephesus
(Foss 1979, 131).
Very little is known about churches in Ephesus before the radical changes intro-
duced by Theodosius’ religious edicts in the 380s and 390s. So far, the so-called Grotto
of St Paul on the north face of Bülbül Dağ hill is the only Christian site which can be
securely dated to the first half of the fourth century. The earliest wall-plaster, with its
portrayal of a chariot (quadriga), representing the Ascension to Heaven, can probably
even be assigned to the third century AD (Pillinger 2005, 6). The site comprises a c.15 m
long corridor-like chamber, carved out of the north face of Bülbül Dağ hill (Fig. 9)
which, at its southern end, leads to a slightly wider chamber with a raised floor. Outside
the city, the earliest Christian shrine known is the Grave of St John on Ayasoluk hill
which can also be dated to at least as early as the beginning of the fourth century.
It is also reasonable to presume that there must already have existed a church for
the bishop of Ephesus during the first half of the fourth century. After all, the
supremacy of the bishop of Ephesus amongst the cities of Asia Minor is known from
ecclesiastical sources to have existed as early as the end of the second and beginning of
the third century AD (Harreither 2002, 78–80). Following excavation at the beginning
of the twentieth century, there were two alternative chronologies proposed for the
Figure 9. The so-called Grotto of St Paul: internal view (N. Gail).

EPHESUS 411
Church of St Mary, which is mentioned in the proceedings of the Church Council of

431. The first dated the building to the first half of the fourth century (Reisch, Knoll
and Keil 1932, 4–5; Deichmann 1982b, 666; Jobst 1999, 574–5). The second ascribed
the building to the end of the fourth or beginning of the fifth century (Krautheimer
1975, 113–14; Restle 1971, 174; Ulbert 1969, 20). However, more recent excavations in
the 1980s produced a totally new sequence on the basis of which the excavator,
Karwiese, dated the construction of the basilica at the earliest towards the end of the
5th century or about AD 500. It seems therefore that the Council of 431 could not have
met in a church but more probably in the south stoa of the Olympieion which had been
simply adapted for use during the Council and originally had been just dedicated to
Mary (Karwiese 1999, 83). It has been argued by Karwiese that building work must
have taken place between the proclamation of the invitation from Theodosius II in
November 430 and the beginning of the Council in June 431. It is also argued that the
remodelling of the building involved widening the central aisle to 15 m by moving the
stylobate-blocks for the northern colonnade some 3 m northwards. This operation
extended for a distance of 30 m along the north/south axis of the Temple of Hadrian.
The eastern end of the building had ‘a semicircular arrangement of stone blocks which
formed a kind of synthronon’ (Karwiese 1999, 82). Dating was provided by pottery and
coins contained within material under the floor of the reconstructed building. It is
somewhat surprising that, in the short period between the sending out of invitations
and the opening of the council, such a major reconstruction of an existing building
could have taken place when there was so little time to complete the work. The reposi-
tioning of the stylobate, the dismantling of the roof, the rafters, and the colonnade had
all to be done before the central aisle could be widened and the rebuilding completed.
Did the council really need a 3 m-wide central aisle? If so, would it not have been an
easier operation just to increase the length of the meeting hall to provide the necessary
capacity? Actually, it would have been more economical to build the church if the stoa
was no longer standing but had been ruined and left in a dilapidated state during the
successive earthquakes of the fourth century (see also Karwiese 1999, 82 n. 7).
There is other information which relates to this problem. Towards the end of the
fourth century or early in the fifth, Antoninos, the bishop of Ephesus, stripped marble
from the entrance into the baptistery for his private bath and had columns, which had
already been left lying in the church for several years, brought for reuse in his triklinion
(Palladios, Dial. de vita Chrysost. 13, 164–7 [Sources Chrétiennes 341/1, 247]).
Unfortunately, in our present state of knowledge, it is not possible to determine
whether this act applied to the Church of Mary or to another, so far unidentified build-
ing. At all events, it seems that this building had been severely damaged during the
earthquakes which occurred between 358 and 368, and so much so that c.AD 400,
columns were still strewn across the site. Even if Karwiese’s sequence is accepted, it still
leaves open the question as to why the council needed its own assembly hall. Was the
church of the archbishop in Ephesus so unimportant and small that it could not hold

the c.200 members of the council? We can assume that even the archbishop’s residence
itself could have afforded a large enough space of assembly for the second and sixth sit-
tings of the council (Harreither 2002, 85–6). The baptisterium, north of the atrium,
provides some support for dating the construction of St Mary’s Church towards the
end of the fourth century or right at the beginning of the fifth since the style of the
building could easily belong to this period (Restle 1971, 173–4; Krautheimer 1975,
188). Also, the architectural decoration within the baptistery, especially the representa-
tions of the cross on the pillars in the central room (Fig. 10), can be assigned to the end
of the fourth or early in the fifth century (Deichmann 1982b, 667–8; Jobst 1986, 56).
Moreover, the polychrome mosaic floor in the exonarthex of St Mary’s Church can also
be reasonably dated to the fourth century (Jobst 1999, 574–5; Jobst 1968/71, 297).
Figure 10. The Church of Mary: the baptisterium (A. Pülz).

EPHESUS 413
This review covers most of the debate concerning the construction of the bishop’s
church of Ephesus, at least in so far as it relates to the period before the council of 431.
However, nothing proves that it was built before the reign of Theodosius I. Ultimately, it
is also not possible to establish whether the Church of Mary was indeed the first episco-
pal church for the city or whether there was an earlier episcopal basilica belonging to the
first half of the fourth century which existed before the Church of Mary was built.9
Better understood is the period around the end of the fourth and early fifth
centuries, a time when there was intense activity across the whole city, involving both
renovation and the construction of new buildings. Several churches were founded in the
Theodosian period. Amongst these is the first period of the basilica located east of the
lecture hall within the Eastern Gymnasium. This site should produce some important
results just as soon as the finds from the latest excavations in the 1980s have been ana-
lyzed. Of particular interest is the recent suggestion that this may have been the city’s
first episcopal basilica (Restle 1971, 166). The basilica built in the Serapeion, on the
evidence of the excavated finds, could well date to the Theodosian period, as may well
be the case with the Cemetery Church of the Seven Sleepers (Pillinger 2001, 33). The
Acts of the Council of 431 prove that several churches must have already existed by the
beginning of the fifth century. The Acts of the Synod specifically note that Memnon
the archbishop forbade the Nestorians and the adherents of the Antiochene Creed to
enter other churches in the city so as to prevent the opposition party from celebrating
the liturgy (Harreither 2002, 85).
There is very little evidence for the date of the other intramural buildings. The most
that can be said is that they all generally belong to the early Byzantine or Byzantine
period, although this covers a very wide range of possible dates over a period of
several centuries.
Another important period of building occurred in the first half of the sixth century
when existing churches were considerably enlarged or refurbished. Notable is the
church in the Eastern Gymnasium, which was increased in size and decorated with new
polychrome mosaic floors and was provided with a synthronon and a solea. Major
changes also occurred on the site of the Church of Mary where the old, 75 m-long
basilica was divided into two, creating two separate churches, one behind the other:
one became an ordinary church, the other the Episcopal Basilica (Fig. 11). The
church above the Monopteros Fountain was probably also rebuilt at this time. In the
nineteenth century, this church was mistakenly identified as the Tomb of St Luke
because a carved relief, depicting an ox and a cross was found there (Fig. 12)
(Pülz 2003, 149). However, the biggest building project, carried out during the first half
of the sixth century, was the construction of the great Basilica of St John, measuring
9
A resolution of this problem can only be established by further excavations.

Figure 11. The Church of Mary: view looking west (A. Pülz).
130 70 m (Soteriu, Hörmann, Keil and Miltner 1951; Thiel 2005). This was an impe-
rial foundation, built on the site of an earlier basilica, which was constructed during the
early fifth century AD and which, by the sixth century, was too small to accommodate
the large numbers of visiting pilgrims (Proc. Aed. 5.1.4–6) (Fig. 13).
There is no general evidence at Ephesus for the wanton destruction of pagan tem-
ples by Christians to match the energetic periods of church building. It is notable that
only two of the pagan temples in the Metropolis Asiae (the Serapeion and the
Artemision) were taken over for Christian use. The other pagan temples were left alone.
Although they could no longer have performed their original function, as buildings
they were still a dominant feature of the urban landscape. A series of imperial edicts
had forbidden the practising of pagan cults and had ordered the closure of pagan tem-
ples (Cod. Theod. 16.10, 3 (1 Nov. 346); 16.10, 4 (1 Dec. 356); 16.10, 16 (July 399);
16.10, 19 (15 Nov. 408)) even though the destruction of temples was specifically for-
bidden (Cod. Theod. 16.15 (29 Jan. 399); 16.18 (20 Aug. 399)). Despite these laws, there
are plenty of examples from across the Empire of pagan shrines which were destroyed

EPHESUS 415
Figure 12. The so-called Grave of St Luke: pillar with the sculpture of an ox (A. Pülz).
(Deichmann 1982a). Nevertheless there is no explicit evidence that the Olympieion and
the temple in the State Agora met this fate (contra: Karwiese 1995b, 131). Decrees were
also passed which required pagan monuments to be ‘cleansed’ by carving on them the
sign of the cross (Cod. Theod. 16.10, 25). This was also done to pagan statues, as, for
example, in the case of the portrait heads of Livia and Augustus from Ephesus, both
of which had crosses incised on their foreheads (Alzinger 1972/5, 261–2). Crosses

Figure 13. The Church of St John: view looking west (A. Pülz).
appear on public as well as private buildings, arches, and on numerous inscriptions,

many of which bear Christian symbols both at the beginning and the end of the text.
These acts reflect a reaction to the new religious freedom and publicly declare the
population’s commitment to Christianity.
The majority of churches in Ephesus made use of pre-existing public buildings (the
East Gymnasium, the Gymnasium of Vedius, the Harbour Gymnasium, the so-called
Grave of St Luke, the Church of Mary etc.). In none of these cases is there any sign
that this involved a deliberate policy of taking over these structures for Christian use.
Rather, it seems that most of the churches reused buildings which were already ruinous,
and no longer in use. The fourth-century earthquakes were possibly responsible for
creating such derelict sites. Interestingly, only two churches (the Church of St John and
the monastic church on the western side of Ayasoluk hill) were entirely new structures.
This category of new buildings also included chapels within larger building complexes
(the Byzantine Palace, the Round Monument on Panayır Dağ hill, the Peristyle House
above the theatre).
The extent to which the Christian churches affected or reshaped the urban charac-
ter of Ephesus between the fourth and seventh centuries AD is difficult to gauge. It is
likely that the construction of churches was not such an important aspect of the city’s

EPHESUS 417
layout as might be thought. It seems that churches were concentrated along the roads
leading in and out of the city as well as along the main streets. However, this impression
of a city full of churches is probably because it is precisely these areas which have been
cleared and excavated. There is no way of knowing what particular liturgical roles these
churches performed. Those which were probably of particular importance include the
bishop’s church (the Church of Mary) and especially the memorial churches (the Church
of St John, the Cemetery Church of the Seven Sleepers), all of which became famous sites
of pilgrimage. The latest study of the so-called Grave of St Luke suggests that it, too,
should be included in this group. However, the majority of the city’s churches must have
served particular districts in the city. As to the role these churches played in religious
processions (Thür 2003, 273), this remains only a matter of speculation.
As the harbour continued to silt up and marshland increased around Ephesus, the
city was progressively abandoned. On the other hand, from the sixth century, the settle-
ment of Hagios Theologos (Ayasoluk) continued to grow around the Church of St
John until it became a new economic and religious centre. Although the old city must
have recovered some of its importance in the first half of the seventh century, it was
then that the seat of the bishop was finally transferred from the ‘military city’ to Hagios
Theologos. The Church of Mary was still used for services and was regularly visited
by pilgrims until to the late Byzantine period, but it no longer served as the episcopal
basilica, a role then acquired by the Church of St John. An analysis of the stamped
amphora handles suggests that the site was partially reoccupied in the eleventh century,
and several workshops were built in the centre of the ancient city.
Although few excavations have investigated private houses in Ephesus, the two
insulae which contained the terrace houses are of particular importance, not only
because of their excellent state of preservation, but also because it was possible to carry
out large-scale excavations (Lang-Auinger 1996; Krinzinger 2002; Lang-Auinger 2003;
Thür 2005). These artificial terraces date back to the Hellenistic period (Ladstätter
2003, 73) but were redeveloped under Augustus as imposing private houses which,
before their final destruction, were rebuilt and refurbished on numerous occasions. The
history of the terrace houses during the third century reflects the general state of
Ephesus at the time in that, following a continuous series of earthquakes, the site
became progressively more and more impoverished. Archaeological finds suggest that
the first period of significant destruction occurred in the Severan period. Later, c.230,
general reconstruction was carried out for the last time. Almost all the apartments in
Terrace House 2 were provided with new frescoes and marble panelling although the
undamaged floor mosaics continued in use (Zimmermann 2002, 113–15). Even so, the
reconstruction was carried out hastily and the evidence suggests that the owners were
not as wealthy as the earlier occupants: this explains why the repairs were carelessly
carried out and were of poor quality (Ladstätter 2002, 33–5). An example of the
workmanship is provided by the bathroom (SR 3) in unit 1 of Terrace House 2 which,
in the Roman period, had a hypocaust and an extensive system of wall heating using

ceramic spacers (tubuli) to allow hot air to circulate upwards and to fix in position a
decorative, inner facing of marble panels. But when the house was restored, only
makeshift repairs were carried out (Fig. 14). The columns in this latest period of use
were erected over a simple rubble foundation and were themselves spolia. The tubuli for
the wall heating were replaced by a primitive flue system. The walls were painted in imi-
tation of marble. These quick and cheap repairs met basic requirements, in particular
keeping the bathrooms in use, but the building had completely lost its former, sumptu-
ous appearance. Similar repairs were carried out in the other apartments and must
reflect the general conditions at the time. Regular destructions and damage, followed by
repairs, were a consequence of various severe earthquakes during the later third cen-
tury, which culminated in a major catastrophe in the third quarter of that century. The
clearest evidence that this particular disaster must have been caused by an earthquake
is provided by the state of unit 7. Here, the columns in the peristyle court lay broken in
a destruction level of ash and burnt materials. In room 38 D, the mosaic floor had been
subject to horizontal movement, had cracked, and had been badly damaged (Fig. 15).
The western wall was pushed c.10–15 cm northwards whereas the north wall withstood
the pressure, although its marble wall-veneer was forced upwards and broke. The signs
of burning in the room must have been left by the fire which followed the earthquake.
Figure 14. Bathroom in unit 1, Terrace House 2 (N. Gail).

EPHESUS 419
Figure 15. Earthquake damage in the mosaic floor of room 38 D in unit 7, Terrace House 2
(S. Ladstätter).
Another clear demonstration of earthquake damage is the room’s south wall, which
was shattered and shifted southwards.
The massive destruction in this quarter led to abandonment. Large areas were
intentionally filled in with rubble and other parts of the insulae were left in ruins which
must have been clearly visible for a considerable length of time. After the earthquake,
a house with small rooms was built on the site of Terrace House 1, its plan and orien-
tation paying no regard to the layout of the Roman luxury dwelling it replaced (Lang-
Auinger 2003, 332). In Terrace House 2, rubble was cleared out of some apartments,
the rooms reorganized, and the standing remains roughly reused (Ladstätter 2003,
37–8). This period of occupation involved no ornate decoration. The walls were white-
washed and the floors were made of beaten earth. The character of the occupation in
the late third century and into the fourth stands in stark contrast to the Roman build-
ings whose owners must have belonged to the city’s urban elite. Financial ruin and
impoverishment, the departure of the former occupants and/or a change in their for-
tunes must account for this dramatic development. Whatever the explanation, it evi-
dently led to a radical change in the appearance of the city. During the fourth century,
the luxurious and palatial apartments were replaced by simple, roughly rebuilt houses.
The situation hardly changed at all during the course of the fifth century although it is
true that more small, usually single-roomed structures were built but, essentially, the
insulae remained a wasteland (Fig. 16). The area only took on a new lease of life after
the transfer of the city centre and the population inside the new defences. Then, in what
had become an extramural area, the terraces were used as an industrial quarter, with a
series of mills, workshops for working stone (Fig. 17), kilns, and metalworking. This

Figure 16. Late Roman reoccupation in units 1 and 2, Terrace House 2: damaged areas indicated
where places have been filled in with rubble (I. Adenstedt).

EPHESUS 421
Figure 17. Terrace House 2 ‘Stiegengasse’, workshop for cutting stone (A. Pülz).
quarter was, at the earliest, established in the second half of the sixth century as coin-
finds of Justin II prove (565–78). How long the quarter was occupied is not known but
the area is unlikely to have been of any significance in the later history of Ephesus. That
said, after the quarter was abandoned, it was still used: graves without inventory were
cut through the rubble, and there are finds of glazed pottery.
Very little is known about other private houses in the late Roman period. We have
most information about those in the centre, around the former Roman harbour (Jobst
1977, 110). The buildings excavated at the end of the nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries remain largely unpublished but they do mention finely decorated houses with
some figured mosaic floors.10 There were others within the city such as, for example, those
described in the excavation records for the State Agora (Foss 1970, 82). However, there
is no dating for these buildings, nor any reliable information about their appearance.
10
New excavations on the site of these late antique houses commenced in 2006 under the direction of A. Pülz.

Pottery can be used to determine the city’s commercial activity and social conditions,
providing a continuous picture of the its development. This has not been possible at
Ephesus because the excavations have not been published and much of the material has
been lost. That is why only some examples can be given here to illustrate the potential
when all the finds have eventually been scientifically analyzed.
The agricultural hinterland was primarily used to support Ephesus itself but some
products, thanks to the fertility of the soil in the valley of the river Kaystros, were
exported further afield. The nature of land-ownership remains largely unknown
although inscriptions and literary sources refer to extensive landholdings belonging to
the Temple of Artemis as well as to land in private ownership. The most important agri-
cultural products were wine and oil, whereas grain must sometimes have been imported
from Egypt. Transport containers for the local wine were Peacock-Williams 45
amphorae (Peacock and Willams 1986, 188–9). They first appear in the city during the
last quarter of the first century BC (Fig. 18). During the first two centuries AD, a vari-
ety of different fabrics were in use which means that there must have been different,
independent manufacturers. Even so, locally produced vessels can be recognized
because they contained a sparkling, red-to-brown clay with small quartz particles. The
raw materials for this pottery clay exist in the immediate environs of Ephesus, especially
in the valley of the river Kaystros.11 Type Peacock-Williams 45 amphorae were not just
produced in Ephesus, but also in numerous other cities and other regions in the
province of Asia. For example, local products can be distinguished from those of
Sardis (Rautman 1995) and Pergamon12 by differences in form and fabric. It is there-
fore reasonable to regard these amphorae as being a ‘provincial type’ and its origin
would be recognized by everyone because it had such a distinctive shape. Amphorae
were traded through the harbour of Ephesus where excavations have recovered large
quantities of these containers (Zabehlicky 1999, 479–84). During the Roman period,
various changes can be recognized, affecting the form of rims and bases as well as the
general shape of the vessel. Whereas the early types of amphorae had only one handle,
from the fourth century onwards, they had two, one on either side.13 These late Roman
forms (Fig. 19) are usually referred to as Late Roman 3 (LR3) amphorae. From the
fourth century, there is a clear trend towards homogeneity in fabric as well as form: the
use of similar, barrel-shaped amphorae was introduced. Later on, there was a gradual
reduction in the size of amphorae and miniature amphorae (amphoriskoi), which
allowed smaller quantities to be offered for sale (Metaxas 2005, 97–101). There was
also a fundamental change in the export market. Whereas, during the Roman period,
Ephesian amphorae were limited mainly to the Eastern Mediterranean, the late Roman
11
In surveys to locate local materials, carried out by S. Ladstätter and R. Sauer, numerous sources for the
extraction of clay were identified, and samples taken will be analyzed. A publication is in preparation.
12
Unpublished. Our thanks to W. Radt and S. Japp for this observation.
13
In Terrace House 2, which dates to the third quarter of the third century, only one-handled amphorae were
found. Consequently, it is safe to presume that two-handled types were not introduced before AD 280.

EPHESUS 423
Figure 18. Amphora: Peacock-Williams Class 45, second century AD (N. Gail).
types are found throughout the Empire (Bezeczky 2005, 203–4). This reorientation is
most probably connected with a change in the production process, as well as the nature
of ownership of capital and property. After the adoption of Christianity as the state reli-
gion, temple land owned by the cult of Artemis was confiscated and became imperial
property when it could either be passed on to others or administered by the emperor
himself. State organized and supported wine14 production in the late Roman period was
especially important as it ensured that the army had adequate supplies. It seems that the
appearance of LR3 amphorae throughout the Mediterranean and the standardization
of its production must be connected with the new socio-political conditions which
existed in the late Roman period.
The fine Roman tableware used in Ephesus was almost all produced in the valley of
the Maeander. The so-called Eastern Sigillata B was in production from the last two
14
The fact that wine was transported in the Ephesian LRA3 is confirmed by the graffito ‘JOMD’ (i.e.
jomdisiom/conditium) on one example from the Gymnasium of Vedius (unpublished).

Figure 19. Late Roman 3 amphor with graffito ‘jomd’: sixth century AD (N. Gail).
decades of the first century BC and experienced a considerable expansion in production,

with the adoption of western forms and decoration, at the beginning of the first cen-
tury AD (Ladstätter 2005, 232–6). Apart from small quantities of imported ceramics
from Italy and Gaul, Ephesus was supplied exclusively with eastern fine wares, of
which, after Eastern Sigillata B, only Eastern Sigillata C, produced around Pergamon,
appeared in significant quantities. For example, amongst ceramic finds of the second
century AD, Eastern Sigillata B comprises on average 90 per cent of the total assem-
blage of fine wares and Eastern Sigillata C, the next largest supplier, totals 8 per cent.
Already by the first half of the third century, the rate of production in the Maeander
valley had fallen sharply. The importation of African Red Slip Ware was on the
increase and there was a clear boom in imports of Eastern Sigillata C. By the end of
the third century, Eastern Sigillata B has disappeared so the local pottery centres must
have ceased production. In the late Roman period, there was no revival in the local
manufacture of fine ware. This kind of pottery in Ephesus (Fig. 20) was almost exclu-

EPHESUS 425
Figure 20. Plate, form Hayes 3 in late Roman C Ware with cross stamp (N. Gail).
sively represented by imported wares, either African Red Slip or Phocaean Red Slip
(Ladstätter and Sauer 2005). The manufacture of Late Roman C Ware (Hayes 1972,
323–4) followed the ceramic traditions of Eastern Sigillata C and its products swamped
the great markets of the Eastern Mediterranean, presumably because the sale price was
attractively low. The situation of Ephesus, which is situated on the coast, was totally
different from the cities in the interior. In Hierapolis, for example, locally produced fine
wares continued to be sold in the local markets and imports are only represented by
isolated shipments (Cottica 2000, 49; Poblome et. al. 2001). The kilns at Ephesus did
attempt to imitate the imported wares but never achieved the standard of the vessels
they were copying because the local clay on its own is not suitable for the production
of high quality pottery. It needs to be mixed with a special kind of temper for it to

426

S. Ladstätter & A. Pülz
Figure 21. Ampullae from Asia Minor (Institut für Klassische Archäologie der Universität Vienna, Sammlung,
Inv. 1115/1, L. Dollhofer, K. Schaller).
EPHESUS 427
Figure 22. Late Roman unguentarium with a monogram stamp (N. Gail).
acquire the required plasticity (Ladstätter and Sauer 2005, 152–3).15 Only when the pro-
duction of Late Roman C Ware was noticeably reduced at the end of the sixth and early
in the seventh century, was there a brief revival in fine ware manufacture before it
vanished for ever. Amongst the assemblages from the Gymnasium of Vedius and dating
15
This is why, in late Hellenistic pottery, quartz particles were added to the clay which was then suitable for the
production of relief decoration and tableware.

to the seventh and eighth centuries, there are only cooking vessels and plain pottery
although the import of wine and oil amphorae clearly continued in significant quantities.
But Ephesus did not produce just utilitarian ceramics, such as transport amphorae,
but also manufactured souvenirs for pilgrims. Using petrographic analysis, it has been
possible to attribute the so-called Asia Minor pilgrim-flasks (ampullae) to Ephesus (Fig.
21).16 They were manufactured at local kiln sites and served as eulogia and souvenirs for
pilgrims visiting the holy cities. Within Ephesus, isolated examples of these pilgrim-flasks
have been found: for instance, they do not appear amongst the comparatively large finds
assemblages in the Gymnasium of Vedius or in the excavations on the site of the so-called
Grave of St Luke. It seems that these were high-status objects. On the other hand, late
Roman unguentaria, with very few exceptions, were all imported (Fig. 22) and, even so,
were clearly common domestic finds in Ephesus (Metaxas 2005, 102–3). Although the
contents have not so far been positively identified, the sheer quantity of finds from late
Roman domestic contexts in Ephesus proves that they were widely used.17
In conclusion, it is evident that the destructions which afflicted Ephesus during the
third century not only had long-term consequences for the appearance of the city, but
also affected the very foundations of urbanism. For decades, no one was able to clear
away the ruins, revive the economy and restore the city’s former grandeur. Only at the
end of the fourth century and beginning of the fifth century, was there a revival in
urban vitality which expressed itself in repair and renovation. Even so, the existing
space was not intensively occupied and involved no far-reaching scheme of urban
improvement, a decline seen as much in the official buildings as it is in Ephesus’
Christian architecture.
Note. Translated from German by A. G. Poulter.
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EPHESUS 429
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Ephesus in the Late Roman and

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consequences of the disastrous earthquake. The production of Eastern Sigillata B,

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Figure 6. The Embolos: view from the west (A. Waldner).

the fourth-century earthquakes was a certain Eutropius, recorded on inscriptions (IvE

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Figure 8. The Byzantine Palace: ground-plan (after Miltner 1959a, 245–6).

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Figure 9. The so-called Grotto of St Paul: internal view (N. Gail).

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Church of St Mary, which is mentioned in the proceedings of the Church Council of

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Figure 10. The Church of Mary: the baptisterium (A. Pülz).

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appear on public as well as private buildings, arches, and on numerous inscriptions,

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Figure 14. Bathroom in unit 1, Terrace House 2 (N. Gail).

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decades of the ﬁrst century BC and experienced a considerable expansion in production,

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Note. Translated from German by A. G. Poulter.

AASOR: Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research

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ALZINGER, W. 1970: Ephesos, RE Suppl. 12, 1970, 1588–1704.

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