Boys will be boys

Hajrah Mumtaz Published January 28, 2019

THE forever war between the genders refuses to resolve itself. After the #MeToo
campaign, the latest controversy to have hit the media in this regard is the new Gillette
ad. The title, The Best a Man Can Get, is over 30 years old. But the content of the new
piece of advertising is very current.
It concerns the argument of male persons being excused for bad behaviour on the
grounds that ‘boys will be boys’, and places the onus of teaching on men themselves —
boys, the ad says, ought to be taught by their older counterparts to not seek recourse in
violence, harassment and invective, especially against women but also against each
other.
There is in the video a nod to the #MeToo campaign, acknowledging the fact that
women have forever been harassed and violated, and the persons conducting such
activities have been excused. But also to be found are latent references towards men’s
responsibility towards parenting, presenting an example, and chivalry. Boys having a
scrum ought to be reprimanded, the ad says, and the persons who can do that are their
role models and mentors.
Curiously, there seems to have been more criticism of the ad than praise.
All of this subject matter would appear proper and fitting to any right-thinking individual,
one would assume. Curiously, though, there seems to have been more criticism of the
ad than praise. Notwithstanding the many men (and women) that shared the video on
the social media, the ‘dislikes’ were in greater numbers by the thousands. The central
idea of the advertisement being ‘toxic masculinity’, perhaps it is hardly surprising that
many persons across the world found it projecting emasculation and relegating male
persons to a lower, perhaps more ‘feminine’ stature.
The fact, however, is that the company has achieved a world of good — within a limited
sphere, of course — by putting out this ad, acknowledging that the transgression against
rights of any person is outside the limits of acceptable behaviour. Boys, it ought be
assumed, will not and should not be excused on the basis of gender and stereotype —
the rules of good manners are rigid and well known, and they must not be slowed to be
breached. Further, rather than female persons taking it upon themselves to shrilly
forward the cause, it is the thinking male persons themselves who must educate and
civilise their younger counterparts — better sooner than later.
In a country such as Pakistan, though — with high rates of violence against women, a
deeply patriarchal and misogynistic society, and regression that appears to know no
bounds — the ad may seem to have no relevance. That, however, is very far from being
the case. Arguably, it is precisely such milieus that present that most urgent need for
being made to be self-aware, in addition to knowledge of the recognition of basic
human rights (regardless of gender) and the responsibilities that come with it.
Women in modern Pakistan do, undeniably, have a hard time. Leave aside crimes such
as ‘honour’ killings, and the practice of domestic violence, egregious matters of which
nightmares are made. Consider, in their stead, another basic reality. As urbanisation
(and inflation) grows, the number of women attending college increases, and the
participation of females in the workplace adds up. This scenario comes with its own
challenges, such as taking the bus or being in a public space — and hence at the mercy
of men who harass them.
Suffice it to say, then, that ad campaigns such as that put out by Gillette — a corporate,
for-profit though it may be — are essential for chipping away at hidebound ideas:
improper understandings of masculinity, the lack of the ability to understand concepts
of human dignity, and the necessity for the genders to exist in mutual respect.
As the ad quite correctly points out, boys ought not be excused for ill behaviour on these
grounds, and the onus falls primarily on their older counterparts to wean them into the
practices of the men they should one day become.
The fact that the advertisement under debate has drawn such opprobrium from people
across the world — one cannot conclude whether they were all male — means that toxic
masculinity is a global problem, hardly restricted to any region or country.
The tug of war between the genders is as old as humanity itself, and there is no doubt
that women have always had the worst of it — even if some of them have been at some
point complicit. A hardnosed corporate reality though it may be, the company has done
a good job, one that deserves appreciation and resolve. Of the many male persons that
watched and then reacted to it, it is earnestly to be hoped that at least some will dwell
on what is often referred to as ‘the order of things’, and take steps to change it.
What does “boys will be boys” mean?
According to the Collins online dictionary, “If you say ‘boys will be boys,’ for example
when a group of men are behaving noisily or aggressively, you are suggesting in a
light-hearted way that this is typical male behaviour and will never change.”
The problem is that the attitude dismisses accountability for behavior, which may be
more than simply noisy or aggressive. It validates male entitlement, often excusing
discriminatory and even criminal actions against girls and women.

Boys will not be boys, they will have to be accountable

Without a conscious effort by parents to change the way that they raise their sons, men
will continue to rape women

Purniya AwanJuly 24, 2021

Trigger warning: Sexual violence, murder
A patriarchal system, so deeply rooted and enforced through the world’s religious,
school and family systems, is what enables men in our society to act the way they do.
Since birth, sons are encouraged to show masculinity in all its glory through emotions
such as anger and rage in order for them to be part of the solid ‘bro code’ subculture.
Expressing emotions such as grief or being kind and soft are considered to be feminine
traits reserved only for women while the patriarchy has taught us that women are the
inferior sex. This disconnection from all human emotions and the pressure to achieve
this unattainable standard of a specific kind of masculinity is what produces angry men.
To state the obvious, Pakistani culture is painted with extreme patriarchy and when
privilege is an add-on to that, the recipe for exploitation and misuse of power is basically
complete. Textbook examples of how deadly (literally) this system can be are seen in
the recent brutal murders of women. Such incidents are not rare or surprising
considering hundreds of women are assaulted, harassed, acid burned or honour killed or
simply killed for various different reasons in Pakistan every day, but what is
disheartening and worrisome about these few particular cases is the reoccurrence of
cold-blooded murders committed by the victims’ partners. One may wonder why the
state is not acting swiftly to punish the murderers and enforcing legislations that truly
are on women’s side in all aspects possible.
Time and time again, rapists and murderers get away with their heinous crimes against
women while everyone else sits around to decipher flaws in the characters of the
women that were killed to somehow justify what has happened to them. The
irresponsible narrative of ‘boys will be boys’ will continue to keep our homes and streets
unsafe for women. There is a dire need to erase this concept and the narrative of “boys
will be held accountable” needs to be enforced.
The recent murders of women have proved that it is never really about what and how the
victim was dressed or who she was with or at what time of the day she was
out- Quratulain was murdered by her husband in front of her children. In fact, honour
killings are always perpetrated by close family members. When fathers make
discriminatory gendered rules for their sons and daughters in order to somehow protect
the daughter, this very act teaches boys from a very young age that the world is
inherently different for them and for their sisters. The same men, who appoint
themselves as the flag bearers of honour, are raping their children. Moreover, there are
multiple accounts of fathers and brothers raping their daughters and sisters inside
homes for years with the victims do not even have someone to confide in let alone
having the option to escape. So, where is it that women can really feel safe? I’m afraid
there isn’t really a satisfying answer for that question.
If someone like Zahir Jaffer, a so called educated man from an elite family can shoot
and then brutally behead the daughter of a former ambassador, then just imagine the
level of helplessness the women belonging to less privileged communities feel. But this
is not about the poor versus the rich or the educated versus those that are not. This is
simply about male domination and power, a system supported by our culture and
protected by the legal system.
There is a feminicide rampant in a country, and it has already claimed the lives of many
including Saima, Quratulain and Noor, their lives being reduced to hashtags. The state
needs to act fast to address these brutal murders and prevent the loss of more precious
lives. Not only that, this toxic culture needs a total revival where women are seen as
respectable human beings with agency and not mere objects for moral policing or as
people who need to be saved by men.
It is heart wrenching to see the threats, criticism and jokes that surround the annual
Aurat March, with many acting like women are just asking for the right to parade about
naked, even though the entire object of the march is to bring attention to the oppression
of women while demanding that the government provide security through policies and
women centric laws. The march, not to mention, also asks for the basic right to occupy
public spaces without being raped or killed.
Without a conscious effort by parents, especially mothers, to change the way that they
raise their sons, men will continue to rape women and children. We need men to call out
their male friends for casual as well as outright sexism. We need a more sensitised
prime minister who understands that victim-blaming does not solve the issue and rapes
do not happen because of what a girl is wearing; he needs to realise that these bizarre
statements he makes on international television will give heed to more rapes and
murders of women. He needs to realise that amending The Domestic Violence
(Prevention and Protection) Bill according to what the conservatives think (the same
conservatives who do not condemn gender based violence) will not improve a woman’s
quality of life in this country.
Women live with fear every single day. The constant slut shaming, moral policing, sexist
standards inside and outside of our homes are issues that a majority of us have been a
target of ever since we were little girls. This intensifies as we become older because
parents try to protect us from what men are capable of. Yet, these men don’t speak out
enough. Hell, they don’t speak out at all. What we need most and I understand that will
take several decades, is the acceptance of ‘feminist masculinity’, which as bell hooks
argues in The Will to Change: Men Masculinity, and Love, “would have as its chief
constituents integrity, self-love, emotional awareness, assertiveness and relational skill,
including the capacity to be empathetic, autonomous and connected.”

Gender Equality Essay for Students in English

January 25, 2021 by Karan

Essay on Gender Equality: A society free from gender-based discrimination and equal
opportunities for both men and women is termed “Gender equality”. Human
discrimination based on gender in various spheres of political, educational, economic,
and social circles curtails women’s growth and development. We need greater
participation of women in leadership roles, decision making roles and higher positions.
Gender equality increases economic growth and prosperity of its citizens.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
● Essay on Gender Equality 500 Words in English
o Causes of Gender Discrimination
o How is Gender Equality Measured?
o Gender Equality in India
o Efforts to Fight Gender Inequality
Essay on Gender Equality 500 Words in English
Equality of gender or sexual equality is the condition in which all human beings, despite
their biological distinctions, should have easy and fair access to all rights and
opportunities. Equality in creating their own life, equitable economic participation, equity
in the way they work, equitable decision-making, equity in about all they go through
should be given. It is also crucial for global development to maintain gender equality.
Until now, women remain unable to make a significant contribution and do not
recognise their full potential. From the beginning, discrimination between men and
women has been a common problem.

Causes of Gender Discrimination

There are many barriers to ensuring equality for men and women in India. The Indian
mentality survives in the profoundly entrenched structure of patriarchy. Men are granted
higher importance than women who are seen as a liability. That is why girls’ education is
not taken too seriously, which undermines gender equality in India. The lack of gender
equality in India is also leading to children’s marriages and child labour.
Poverty in India is another gender empowerment pitfall as it drives girls into sexual
exploitation, child trafficking, forced marriages and domestic violence. The lack of
empathy towards women exposes them to attacks, harassment, assaults, dangerous
workplaces and roads, which have made it impossible to attain gender equality in India.

How is Gender Equality Measured?

Gender-Related Development Index – It calculates the rate of growth in countries fixed
by perceived gender inequalities. The GDI discusses gender disparities in life
expectancy, employment and wages. GDI is a gender-focused assessment of Human
Development Index.
Gender Equity Index – To quantify circumstances that are unfavourable to women, the
Gender Equity Index has been created. This aims to facilitate international comparisons
between leading countries, based on three dimensions, education, economic
participation and empowerment of gender inequity indicators.
Gender Empowerment Measure – GEM was developed in tandem with GDI. The GEM
was designed to test “whether men and women would engage effectively in economic
and political life and take decisions”.
Global Gender Gap Index – The World Economic Forum introduced this initiative in 2006
and is distributed annually ever since. The index is based on female disadvantage (so it
is not purely equal) and is aimed at measuring the gender difference across countries
and years.

Gender Equality in India

The inequalities in gender equity and their social roots affect India’s sex ratios, women’s
well-being, and economic and country development. In India, gender discrimination is a
multi-faceted problem impacting a wider community. In either case, women are still not
treated fairly with their men counterparts if India’s population is analysed in general.
It has been around for many years, and many people in the world still recognise it as
part of their lives.
Although Indian laws on assault, theology and infidelity provide simple women with
security, the profoundly patriarchal practices also have a troubling impact on many
people’s lives today. In reality, India was ranked 113 in the Gender Gap Index (GGI) of
135 countries polled according to the 2011 Global Gender Gap Report from the World
Economic Forum (WEF). India had also upgraded its Gender Gap Index (GGI) rankings at
the World Economic Forum to 105/136 in 2013. If divided into GGI sections, India does
well with the diplomatic support, but it is as bad as China to remove the sex-specific
foetus.

Efforts to Fight Gender Inequality

The respective governments have pursued several measures to address this imbalance
in gender disparity since independence. For example, some of the schemes have been
initiated by the government under the Ministry of Women and Child Development, to
ensure that women are handled fairly, such as:
● Swadhar and Short Stay Homes to relieve and restore depressed women.
● Rashtriya Mahila Kosh (RMK) provides miniaturised funds for women in
developing countries.
 ● National Mission for Empowerment of Women (NMEW) strengthens general
practices to promote all-round women ‘s development.
● Support to Training and Employment Program for Women (STEP) was introduced
to ensure the salary age of business and income for rustic and urban
impoverished women.
● Sabla Scheme has been announced for young people’s general advancement in
the 11-18 years old age range.
The government has approved the Unorganised Workers’ Social Security Act 2008 with
the overall goal of providing uniform benefits to woman professionals who work in the
unorganised market. Besides, the 2013 Sexual harassment of women in the workplace
(Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act covers all people in all work environments,
whether composed or chaotic, regardless of their age or status.
Smoke rising from the Chullah and the whistles of cooker were indication of the cooked
food. Manoj had just returned from the work and asked his wife Meenu to serve him
food. As Manoj started gulping down chunks of Chapattis, his wife kept standing in a
corner. The end of Manoj’s eating interval marked that Meenu was free to consume
food. But wait! Manoj had eaten almost everything and there was little for Meenu to
consume.
This syndrome of ‘men eating, women waiting’ highlights one of the classical example
of gender inequality and has become a cause for malnutrition among millions of
women. Gender inequality is sprawling across many sectors and spheres that has often
resulted in certain pitfalls.
It is in this regard, that governments across the world are pressing upon the issue of
gender equality. This idea is not just driven by some need to achieve Sustainable
Development Goals (SDGs) but has a great vision behind it- the vision of Peace. Peace,
as we see it, is not just the absence of violence but also involves the presence of
harmony with oneself and with the surroundings.
A relationship between gender equality and the resulting peace can be seen in different
spheres. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act paved way for Panchayati Raj System
with 33% reservation of seats for women. Subseqently, some of the states like Bihar
went ahead and increased the limit to 50% seats. The result of this political gender
equality can be seen in the downfall in Infant Mortality Rates and the Maternal Mortality
Rates at local levels.
While the local levels have derived benefits, even the big corporate have something to
cheer about. A research by Pew Research Foundation shows that maintaining gender
equality at workplaces can result in better workforce management. Women are often
said to possess better Emotional Intelligence manifested in forms of empathy and
compassion. This becomes instrumental in reducing conflicts and developing social
capital at workplaces.
The emotional intelligence among women has been supplemented by the Intelligence
Quotient because of the increasing awareness about society. Recent endeavors of
Bumata Ranragini Brigade in securing entry of women in Shani Shignapur temple shows
that how gender equality for a temple entry can reduce chaos in the society. The gender
neutral temple entry has now reduced level of protests thereby ensuring peace.
Though entry to the temples of God has been secured but entry for women in temples
of technology seems to be lagging behind. A recent report of the World Bank titles
‘Digital Dividends’ showed the existing ‘digital divide’ where women are not allowed to
access gadgets. This has disturbed the harmony of women with their inner self as they
often feel deprived from the luxuries enjoyed by the male counterparts.
The male counterparts also seem to enjoy an advantage when it comes to facing the
brunt of natural disasters. UNESCO reports have revealed that it is the women and the
children that are more affected during disasters due to greater social and economic
vulnerabilities. This has been supplemented by the findings that in post disaster
scenario, some women have become victims of the ‘human smuggling networks’.
Though the smuggling networks have exploited women in the outside world, certain
loopholes have created the situation where women have not been spared inside the four
walls of home. Marital rape is a subject that has not been included in the legal system
despite the recommendations of Justice Verma’s committee calling for the same. This
scenario has opened the doors for atrocities and abuses of women by the hands of their
husband.
This gender inequality in the society has penetrated to an extent where they have
started reflecting in the advertisement space as well. The recent advertisement of ‘Baja
Pulsar’ comes with a tagline of ‘Definitely Male’ that is expected to raise the eyebrows of
the activists involved in achieving gender equality. Such mentality of ‘Definitely Male’
becomes a cause for excluding women from driving vehicles thereby ensuing conflict.
Though such shuffling of taglines may continue in the virtual world, women have set a
heart-winning example in the real world. The successes of PT Usha, PV Sindhu, Mary
Kom and Phogat Sisters in the sports are strengthening the cause of gender equality.
Such achievements have laid the foundation stone of parents encouraging males and
females to participate more in the sports. This will allow the women to participate
equally and remove a stumbling block in path of their goals that often cause stress and
depression among them.
The question of gender equality often sidelines the other two equally important
stakeholders- the males and the transgenders. For the males, the increasing misuse of
Section 498A (dowry demand) of Indian Penal Code and of Domestic Violence Act, 2005
by women has become a nightmare. Subsequent humiliation and embarrassment faced
by males even in false case has become a cause for the reactionary approach which at
times intensify the conflict of men with women.
Even in the case of transgenders, though the NALSA judgment of Supreme Court
recognized them as the ‘third gender’ entitled for equal rights, yet the implementation
remains poor. The final result is that they have been reduced to beggars on street lights
which accentuate their conflict with the drivers of vehicles. Opening doors of
opportunity for them will surely allow them to move up the ladder of development
ensure harmony in the society.
Even though the narrative so far seems to suggest that gender equality is a sure-shot
mean to achieve peace, there have been certain outliers. The start of 21st century
witnessed the trend of feminism for achieving gender equality. However, it soon turned
into pseudo-feminism and resulted in females’ indulgences in activities like smoking
and rash driving just because the male counterparts are doing so. Such activities often
invite death rather than peace.
At the same time, it is to be remembered that gender equality is the not the only cause
responsible for ensuring peace in the society. Even in the presence of gender equality,
conflicts can occur because of the absence of other conducive factors. The continent of
Africa represents a matriarchal society but the presence of civil wars and refugee crisis
coupled with terrorism shows that peace is an elusive outcome.
In this regard, the efforts need to be placed on two fronts- ensuring gender equality and
achieving the conducive environment for peace. Imparting value education promoting
sisterhood and brotherhood along with government schemes like ‘Sarva Shiksha
Abhiyan’ and ‘Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao can allow females to achieve better education.
Gender sensitization camps and media campaigns for ensuring the implementation of
existing programs like ‘Stand Up India’ and ‘Prevention of Sexual Harassment at
Workplaces Act’ can improve their economic prospects. Correcting the gender biases in
law and developing a spirit of cooperation for growth of all can be some other steps.
For achieving a conducive environment, institutions and economy needs improvement.
Democratic institutions giving voice to everyone coupled with citizen-centric governance
reforms like publishing a white paper to invite comments on policy and programs can
allow government to meet aspirations of people and ensure harmony in the society.
Economic growth needs to be made equitable and includive by adhering to bottom up
approach so that vulnerable sections of society- differently abled, elderly and tribals do
not feel alienated.
These reforms have the potential to rectify the existing gender biases in political,
economic, social, technological and other spheres. Improved levels of peace allow the
society to grow in a sustainable manner and ensure the participation of citizens for a
better future. Efforts should be made to ensure that millions of women like Meenu do
not become a victim of gender equality and they are able to improve their conditions.

According to Global Peace Index for the year 2017, Iceland is the most peaceful country
to live.The country has high-level democracy, gender equality and low incarceration. The
literacy rate in the country is 99% and there is no tuition fee for education. The
Icelanders are also one of the well-informed people in the world. They are also top in
reading literacy and book publication.There is the female presence in politics, education,
health and employment in Iceland. It is also the first European country to elect a female
President.
As per sustainable development goals, Goal 5 on gender equality and Goal 16 on
peaceful and inclusive societies. This is sensible and smart: Reducing sexual and
gender based violence (SGBV) and increasing women’s roles in peace and state building
are core objectives of both constituencies. Working toward peaceful societies and
gender equality are important items of discussion in their own right. The poor who live
in conflict-affected areas is set to become the majority of those in global poverty by the
time the SDGs take effect. Clearly, both issues will be of prime importance in nailing
down what will become the SDGs.
The above 2 examples give an idea how gender equality and peace are inter connected
& compliment to each other. Among many other issues, these 2 topics play a significant
role in the sustainable development of a country."Gender equality" also known as sexual
equality, is the state of equal ease of access to resources and opportunities regardless
of gender, including economic participation and decision-making; and the state of
valuing different behaviours, aspirations and needs equally, regardless of gender. In a
country where gender equality has given a priority in all the areas of the society, peace
will follow by default. Because in the current century few of the internal conflicts are
happening because of the gender equality. For instance, LGBT rights, Custody rights,
Discriminatory divorce rights, Freedom of marriage etc are taking a serious turn. Peace
is a lack of conflict and freedom from fear of violence. To attain peace and maintain it in
the long run in the today's world is a difficult task but not impossible.
It is clear that an understanding among many goal constituencies was emerging, that a
one goal approach gets us nowhere. Goals complement each other and targets cannot
be met unless several related targets are clustered as development priorities and find
joint institutional platforms. To advance work on Goal 16, teaming up with Goal 5
constituencies is the obvious first choice of partnership. There is evidence that
societies with high levels of gender equality are more peaceful than others; women are
strong and active peace-builders; more equality also means less SGBV, and gender
equality is an enabler for economic development.
For example, new statistical and case study analysis suggests that where women are
actively involved in peace negotiations, agreements are significantly more likely to be
reached and implemented. Similarly, in cross-country analysis conflict-affected
communities that experienced the most rapid economic recovery and poverty reduction
were found to be those where more women reported higher levels of empowerment. We
also know that violence against women rises both during and after conflict.
Whether gender inequality has an impact on conflict is harder to determine, but there is
strong evidence that the gender norms that underpin inequality can drive conflict and
violence, particularly when cultural notions of masculinity are associated with
domination and control.

Following are the few ways to achieve gender equality, which in turn helps to progress in
peace building in any society:
1.Make education gender sensitive: There has been much progress in increasing
access to education, but progress has been slow in improving the gender sensitivity of
the education system, including ensuring textbooks promote positive stereotypes.
2.Get every gender into power: A proven way to overcome many systemic barriers to an
individual success has been increased participation by every gender in local, regional
and national legislation as empowered change agents.
3.Work together: A reversion to the deep gender qualities that characterised previous
eras. To address this gap, our efforts cannot be done in silos but must involve the
people. Every human knows best what their challenges are in education and it is
imperative to involve them in our discussions to address the gap.
4.Awareness Campaigns: To break a social dogma educating the people on the specific
topic is a game changer. Especially through media, activists, politicians etc. When the
whole society is ready to accept a change for a cause then the rest will follow too. It is a
psychology.
5.Protection and Punishments: Government should provide legal protection for the
whistle blowers and punishments for the wrong doers. People must be given the
freedom to complain about the atrocities and violence against the social stigmas
without any hesitance.
Joining forces amounts to more than doubling strengths – the gender advocacy
community is strong – it includes citizens rights organizations; progressive
governments and donors. Finding the common trigger points with the peaceful societies
agenda of Goal 16 could see a powerful implementation coalition making inroads on the
poverty challenge. Smart men want gender equality (that is everyone having the similar
opportunities, regardless of gender) because it improves their economic position in life
and because it ensures stability for their country. With almost half of the world’s
extreme poor projected to live in fragile and conflict-affected situations by 2030 – it is
our joint responsibility to reach the targets set by the Sustainable Development Goals.
Gender can serve as the conceptual core of a comprehensive study of these issues,
exploring the problems, the possibilities, the institutions, the values, the concepts and
the human experiences that comprise the complexities of the peace problematic. We
hope that the field of gender and peace will become central to all realms of peace
knowledge and that all who seek ways to peace through these realms will join in a
global inquiry into possible alternatives to the patriarchal paradigm. This paradigm
conflates hierarchy with order and command of armed force with virtue as it coerces
others into its own image. An alternative human equality paradigm rests on authentic
democracy, nonviolent approaches to conflict and assurances of the human dignity of
all.

Gender Equality and Peace: Are they connected?

Gender equality is achieved when women and men enjoy the same rights and
opportunities across all the sectors of society including economic participation and
decision making and when the different behaviours, aspirations and needs of women
are equally valued and favoured. However, Peace is an occurrence of harmony
characterized by the lack of violence, conflict behaviour and the freedom from fears of
violence. It also suggests sincere efforts at reconciliation, existing of healthy
interpersonal or international relationship, prosperity in matters of social or economic
welfare, the establishment of equality and a work political order that serves the true
interest of all.
Peace and gender equality are closely linked to each other as the former is vital to
promote the latter. For instance, most of the countries like Sweden, Norway, Finland etc
having gender parity along with good social indicators are some of the most peaceful
nations of the world. However, war-torn countries like Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, South
Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Nigeria etc are among the countries
having worse social indicators and attaining gender equality for them is next to
impossible. In such countries access to basic needs of life and resources required for
overall development of the personality are denied which create adverse situation for the
existence of the gender parity.
As we all know that the Indian society has been infested with various social evils and
discriminatory practices against women which lead to backwardness of women.
Backwardness of the women paves the way for the backwardness of the nation. For
example, our country is running out of resources because of huge population. Besides
huge population, naxalism, terrorism, human trafficking, violence against women etc are
other problems which disturb the peaceful environment of the country. Such problems
can be tackled by empowering women and moving towards gender parity. An
empowered women with access to accessible, affordable education, health and
employment opportunities in gender sensitive milieu can play a crucial role in making
informed decision in family matters like family planning, education of her children,
guiding them and preventing them from indulging in illegal activities.
Woman with no source of earning deprive her from some of her basic needs and also
compromise her say in decisions of family matter. Besides, non-participation of our half
population viz. women population in the labour force our economy has not been able to
attain its full potential. Thus, less economic activity leads to generation of less revenue
to be spend on welfare measures, support schemes for farmers etc which may
sometime lead to unrest thereby threaten the peace. For example, less economic
activity due to non-participation of women may lead to less tax collection. This situation
may compel the Government to compromise some of its interventions in agricultural
sector like waiving of farmers loans which may lead to farmer suicide and ultimately to
public unrest. Such public unrest in the past threatened public order and law & order
situation. Additionally, transgender, recognized as the third gender by the Supreme Court
in the recent past, in the absence of viable job opportunities are compelled to fall in the
illegal activities like prostitution, sex trade, human trafficking etc which ultimately lead
to law & order problem.
Male dominant legislatures with scanty women representation and almost no
representation of transgenders may lead to legislations which are not gender-sensitive.
Though women representation in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) and Urban Local
Bodies (ULBs) have been increased to 33% by 73rd and 74rd Constitutional Amendment
Act but this is not so in case of Parliament and State Legislatures. However, position of
transgenders in this respect is worse as they are having negligible representation not
only in PRIs & ULBs but also in Union and State legislatures. Thus because of absence
of appropriate legislation protecting rights of transgenders they are exposed to violence
and exploitation by miscreants leading to dissatisfaction among them. This
dissatisfaction may ultimately lead to uproar.
There are number of religions prospering in the world. Most of the religion recognized
the role and importance of the women in the society. They call for the upliftment and
betterment of the women. However, their bodies not follow the principle of gender
parity. There are very less religious bodies who are having women members. This trend
led to promotion of practices which are discriminatory to women. For example, few
years back, in Hindu family girls do not claim any share in her father's property.
Likewise, the practices of Triple Talaq and Halala among Muslims deprive women of
this community from right to live with dignity. Moreover, male-dominated religious
bodies most often follow and propagate hard-liner radical ideologies which ultimately
lead to the problem of religious persecution, terrorism which have ruined the peace of
the substantial portion of the world.
Directive Principle of State Policy (DPSP) of Part IV of the Constitution provides that
State may directs its policies to secure right to an adequate means of livelihood equally
to men and women. DPSP also directs the State to attempt to promote international
peace and security. This shows that our Constitutional framers know the importance of
gender equality and peace in the development of the country and therefore framed the
above provisions. Moreover, United Nations also acknowledged their importance by
giving them place as Goal 5 and Goal 16 of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)
which were adopted by the number of countries in 2015.
In view of above discussion, we can conclude that we cannot make long lasting peace
without making our policies and regulations gender sensitive. Government should strive
to attain the goal of gender equality in all possible aspects. However, gender parity is
one of the determinant of the peace and not the only determinant of it.

Women are the real architects of SOCIETY

Woman-Boys will be boys
Hajrah Mumtaz Published January 28, 2019
THE forever war between the genders refuses to resolve itself. After the #MeToo
campaign, the latest controversy to have hit the media in this regard is the new Gillette
ad. The title, The Best a Man Can Get, is over 30 years old. But the content of the new
piece of advertising is very current.
It concerns the argument of male persons being excused for bad behaviour on the
grounds that ‘boys will be boys’, and places the onus of teaching on men themselves —
boys, the ad says, ought to be taught by their older counterparts to not seek recourse in
violence, harassment and invective, especially against women but also against each
other.
There is in the video a nod to the #MeToo campaign, acknowledging the fact that
women have forever been harassed and violated, and the persons conducting such
activities have been excused. But also to be found are latent references towards men’s
responsibility towards parenting, presenting an example, and chivalry. Boys having a
scrum ought to be reprimanded, the ad says, and the persons who can do that are their
role models and mentors.
Curiously, there seems to have been more criticism of the ad than praise.
All of this subject matter would appear proper and fitting to any right-thinking individual,
one would assume. Curiously, though, there seems to have been more criticism of the
ad than praise. Notwithstanding the many men (and women) that shared the video on
the social media, the ‘dislikes’ were in greater numbers by the thousands. The central
idea of the advertisement being ‘toxic masculinity’, perhaps it is hardly surprising that
many persons across the world found it projecting emasculation and relegating male
persons to a lower, perhaps more ‘feminine’ stature.
The fact, however, is that the company has achieved a world of good — within a limited
sphere, of course — by putting out this ad, acknowledging that the transgression against
rights of any person is outside the limits of acceptable behaviour. Boys, it ought be
assumed, will not and should not be excused on the basis of gender and stereotype —
the rules of good manners are rigid and well known, and they must not be slowed to be
breached. Further, rather than female persons taking it upon themselves to shrilly
forward the cause, it is the thinking male persons themselves who must educate and
civilise their younger counterparts — better sooner than later.
In a country such as Pakistan, though — with high rates of violence against women, a
deeply patriarchal and misogynistic society, and regression that appears to know no
bounds — the ad may seem to have no relevance. That, however, is very far from being
the case. Arguably, it is precisely such milieus that present that most urgent need for
being made to be self-aware, in addition to knowledge of the recognition of basic
human rights (regardless of gender) and the responsibilities that come with it.
Women in modern Pakistan do, undeniably, have a hard time. Leave aside crimes such
as ‘honour’ killings, and the practice of domestic violence, egregious matters of which
nightmares are made. Consider, in their stead, another basic reality. As urbanisation
(and inflation) grows, the number of women attending college increases, and the
participation of females in the workplace adds up. This scenario comes with its own
challenges, such as taking the bus or being in a public space — and hence at the mercy
of men who harass them.
Suffice it to say, then, that ad campaigns such as that put out by Gillette — a corporate,
for-profit though it may be — are essential for chipping away at hidebound ideas:
improper understandings of masculinity, the lack of the ability to understand concepts
of human dignity, and the necessity for the genders to exist in mutual respect.
As the ad quite correctly points out, boys ought not be excused for ill behaviour on these
grounds, and the onus falls primarily on their older counterparts to wean them into the
practices of the men they should one day become.
The fact that the advertisement under debate has drawn such opprobrium from people
across the world — one cannot conclude whether they were all male — means that toxic
masculinity is a global problem, hardly restricted to any region or country.
The tug of war between the genders is as old as humanity itself, and there is no doubt
that women have always had the worst of it — even if some of them have been at some
point complicit. A hardnosed corporate reality though it may be, the company has done
a good job, one that deserves appreciation and resolve. Of the many male persons that
watched and then reacted to it, it is earnestly to be hoped that at least some will dwell
on what is often referred to as ‘the order of things’, and take steps to change it.
What does “boys will be boys” mean?
According to the Collins online dictionary, “If you say ‘boys will be boys,’ for example
when a group of men are behaving noisily or aggressively, you are suggesting in a
light-hearted way that this is typical male behaviour and will never change.”
The problem is that the attitude dismisses accountability for behavior, which may be
more than simply noisy or aggressive. It validates male entitlement, often excusing
discriminatory and even criminal actions against girls and women.
Gender Equality Essay for Students in English
January 25, 2021 by Karan
Essay on Gender Equality: A society free from gender-based discrimination and equal
opportunities for both men and women is termed “Gender equality”. Human
discrimination based on gender in various spheres of political, educational, economic,
and social circles curtails women’s growth and development. We need greater
participation of women in leadership roles, decision making roles and higher positions.
Gender equality increases economic growth and prosperity of its citizens.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
● Essay on Gender Equality 500 Words in English
o Causes of Gender Discrimination
o How is Gender Equality Measured?
o Gender Equality in India
o Efforts to Fight Gender Inequality

Essay on Gender Equality 500 Words in English

Equality of gender or sexual equality is the condition in which all human beings, despite
their biological distinctions, should have easy and fair access to all rights and
opportunities. Equality in creating their own life, equitable economic participation, equity
in the way they work, equitable decision-making, equity in about all they go through
should be given. It is also crucial for global development to maintain gender equality.
Until now, women remain unable to make a significant contribution and do not
recognise their full potential. From the beginning, discrimination between men and
women has been a common problem.
Causes of Gender Discrimination
There are many barriers to ensuring equality for men and women in India. The Indian
mentality survives in the profoundly entrenched structure of patriarchy. Men are granted
higher importance than women who are seen as a liability. That is why girls’ education is
not taken too seriously, which undermines gender equality in India. The lack of gender
equality in India is also leading to children’s marriages and child labour.
Poverty in India is another gender empowerment pitfall as it drives girls into sexual
exploitation, child trafficking, forced marriages and domestic violence. The lack of
empathy towards women exposes them to attacks, harassment, assaults, dangerous
workplaces and roads, which have made it impossible to attain gender equality in India.
How is Gender Equality Measured?
Gender-Related Development Index – It calculates the rate of growth in countries fixed
by perceived gender inequalities. The GDI discusses gender disparities in life
expectancy, employment and wages. GDI is a gender-focused assessment of Human
Development Index.
Gender Equity Index – To quantify circumstances that are unfavourable to women, the
Gender Equity Index has been created. This aims to facilitate international comparisons
between leading countries, based on three dimensions, education, economic
participation and empowerment of gender inequity indicators.
Gender Empowerment Measure – GEM was developed in tandem with GDI. The GEM
was designed to test “whether men and women would engage effectively in economic
and political life and take decisions”.
Global Gender Gap Index – The World Economic Forum introduced this initiative in 2006
and is distributed annually ever since. The index is based on female disadvantage (so it
is not purely equal) and is aimed at measuring the gender difference across countries
and years.

Gender Equality in India

The inequalities in gender equity and their social roots affect India’s sex ratios, women’s
well-being, and economic and country development. In India, gender discrimination is a
multi-faceted problem impacting a wider community. In either case, women are still not
treated fairly with their men counterparts if India’s population is analysed in general.
It has been around for many years, and many people in the world still recognise it as
part of their lives.
Although Indian laws on assault, theology and infidelity provide simple women with
security, the profoundly patriarchal practices also have a troubling impact on many
people’s lives today. In reality, India was ranked 113 in the Gender Gap Index (GGI) of
135 countries polled according to the 2011 Global Gender Gap Report from the World
Economic Forum (WEF). India had also upgraded its Gender Gap Index (GGI) rankings at
the World Economic Forum to 105/136 in 2013. If divided into GGI sections, India does
well with the diplomatic support, but it is as bad as China to remove the sex-specific
foetus.

Efforts to Fight Gender Inequality

The respective governments have pursued several measures to address this imbalance
in gender disparity since independence. For example, some of the schemes have been
initiated by the government under the Ministry of Women and Child Development, to
ensure that women are handled fairly, such as:
● Swadhar and Short Stay Homes to relieve and restore depressed women.
● Rashtriya Mahila Kosh (RMK) provides miniaturised funds for women in
developing countries.
● National Mission for Empowerment of Women (NMEW) strengthens general
practices to promote all-round women ‘s development.
● Support to Training and Employment Program for Women (STEP) was introduced
to ensure the salary age of business and income for rustic and urban
impoverished women.
● Sabla Scheme has been announced for young people’s general advancement in
the 11-18 years old age range.
The government has approved the Unorganised Workers’ Social Security Act 2008 with
the overall goal of providing uniform benefits to woman professionals who work in the
unorganised market. Besides, the 2013 Sexual harassment of women in the workplace
(Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act covers all people in all work environments,
whether composed or chaotic, regardless of their age or status.
Smoke rising from the Chullah and the whistles of cooker were indication of the cooked
food. Manoj had just returned from the work and asked his wife Meenu to serve him
food. As Manoj started gulping down chunks of Chapattis, his wife kept standing in a
corner. The end of Manoj’s eating interval marked that Meenu was free to consume
food. But wait! Manoj had eaten almost everything and there was little for Meenu to
consume.
This syndrome of ‘men eating, women waiting’ highlights one of the classical example
of gender inequality and has become a cause for malnutrition among millions of
women. Gender inequality is sprawling across many sectors and spheres that has often
resulted in certain pitfalls.
It is in this regard, that governments across the world are pressing upon the issue of
gender equality. This idea is not just driven by some need to achieve Sustainable
Development Goals (SDGs) but has a great vision behind it- the vision of Peace. Peace,
as we see it, is not just the absence of violence but also involves the presence of
harmony with oneself and with the surroundings.
A relationship between gender equality and the resulting peace can be seen in different
spheres. The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act paved way for Panchayati Raj System
with 33% reservation of seats for women. Subseqently, some of the states like Bihar
went ahead and increased the limit to 50% seats. The result of this political gender
equality can be seen in the downfall in Infant Mortality Rates and the Maternal Mortality
Rates at local levels.
While the local levels have derived benefits, even the big corporate have something to
cheer about. A research by Pew Research Foundation shows that maintaining gender
equality at workplaces can result in better workforce management. Women are often
said to possess better Emotional Intelligence manifested in forms of empathy and
compassion. This becomes instrumental in reducing conflicts and developing social
capital at workplaces.
The emotional intelligence among women has been supplemented by the Intelligence
Quotient because of the increasing awareness about society. Recent endeavors of
Bumata Ranragini Brigade in securing entry of women in Shani Shignapur temple shows
that how gender equality for a temple entry can reduce chaos in the society. The gender
neutral temple entry has now reduced level of protests thereby ensuring peace.
Though entry to the temples of God has been secured but entry for women in temples
of technology seems to be lagging behind. A recent report of the World Bank titles
‘Digital Dividends’ showed the existing ‘digital divide’ where women are not allowed to
access gadgets. This has disturbed the harmony of women with their inner self as they
often feel deprived from the luxuries enjoyed by the male counterparts.
The male counterparts also seem to enjoy an advantage when it comes to facing the
brunt of natural disasters. UNESCO reports have revealed that it is the women and the
children that are more affected during disasters due to greater social and economic
vulnerabilities. This has been supplemented by the findings that in post disaster
scenario, some women have become victims of the ‘human smuggling networks’.
Though the smuggling networks have exploited women in the outside world, certain
loopholes have created the situation where women have not been spared inside the four
walls of home. Marital rape is a subject that has not been included in the legal system
despite the recommendations of Justice Verma’s committee calling for the same. This
scenario has opened the doors for atrocities and abuses of women by the hands of their
husband.
This gender inequality in the society has penetrated to an extent where they have
started reflecting in the advertisement space as well. The recent advertisement of ‘Baja
Pulsar’ comes with a tagline of ‘Definitely Male’ that is expected to raise the eyebrows of
the activists involved in achieving gender equality. Such mentality of ‘Definitely Male’
becomes a cause for excluding women from driving vehicles thereby ensuing conflict.
Though such shuffling of taglines may continue in the virtual world, women have set a
heart-winning example in the real world. The successes of PT Usha, PV Sindhu, Mary
Kom and Phogat Sisters in the sports are strengthening the cause of gender equality.
Such achievements have laid the foundation stone of parents encouraging males and
females to participate more in the sports. This will allow the women to participate
equally and remove a stumbling block in path of their goals that often cause stress and
depression among them.
The question of gender equality often sidelines the other two equally important
stakeholders- the males and the transgenders. For the males, the increasing misuse of
Section 498A (dowry demand) of Indian Penal Code and of Domestic Violence Act, 2005
by women has become a nightmare. Subsequent humiliation and embarrassment faced
by males even in false case has become a cause for the reactionary approach which at
times intensify the conflict of men with women.
Even in the case of transgenders, though the NALSA judgment of Supreme Court
recognized them as the ‘third gender’ entitled for equal rights, yet the implementation
remains poor. The final result is that they have been reduced to beggars on street lights
which accentuate their conflict with the drivers of vehicles. Opening doors of
opportunity for them will surely allow them to move up the ladder of development
ensure harmony in the society.
Even though the narrative so far seems to suggest that gender equality is a sure-shot
mean to achieve peace, there have been certain outliers. The start of 21st century
witnessed the trend of feminism for achieving gender equality. However, it soon turned
into pseudo-feminism and resulted in females’ indulgences in activities like smoking
and rash driving just because the male counterparts are doing so. Such activities often
invite death rather than peace.
At the same time, it is to be remembered that gender equality is the not the only cause
responsible for ensuring peace in the society. Even in the presence of gender equality,
conflicts can occur because of the absence of other conducive factors. The continent of
Africa represents a matriarchal society but the presence of civil wars and refugee crisis
coupled with terrorism shows that peace is an elusive outcome.
In this regard, the efforts need to be placed on two fronts- ensuring gender equality and
achieving the conducive environment for peace. Imparting value education promoting
sisterhood and brotherhood along with government schemes like ‘Sarva Shiksha
Abhiyan’ and ‘Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao can allow females to achieve better education.
Gender sensitization camps and media campaigns for ensuring the implementation of
existing programs like ‘Stand Up India’ and ‘Prevention of Sexual Harassment at
Workplaces Act’ can improve their economic prospects. Correcting the gender biases in
law and developing a spirit of cooperation for growth of all can be some other steps.
For achieving a conducive environment, institutions and economy needs improvement.
Democratic institutions giving voice to everyone coupled with citizen-centric governance
reforms like publishing a white paper to invite comments on policy and programs can
allow government to meet aspirations of people and ensure harmony in the society.
Economic growth needs to be made equitable and includive by adhering to bottom up
approach so that vulnerable sections of society- differently abled, elderly and tribals do
not feel alienated.
These reforms have the potential to rectify the existing gender biases in political,
economic, social, technological and other spheres. Improved levels of peace allow the
society to grow in a sustainable manner and ensure the participation of citizens for a
better future. Efforts should be made to ensure that millions of women like Meenu do
not become a victim of gender equality and they are able to improve their conditions.

Published in Daily Times, March 10th 2018.

The New Emerging Women-Power: Ground Realities
● 26 Jul 2018

Tags:
● GS Paper - 1
● GS Paper - 2
● Social Empowerment
● Indian Society
● Issues Relating to Development
● Issues Related to Women
● Role of Women
“I believe that the rights of women and girls are the unfinished business of the 21st
century.” – Hillary Clinton
Gender issues and ‘women-empowerment’ has become the new buzzword across the
globe in the last few decades. The increased familiarity with this term has resulted in
the slow transformation of most of the ideologies that have justified inequalities in the
social structures for the past so many years. The emerging debates that surround the
concept of ‘empowerment’ have had considerable effects on the well-established roots
of the institutions that provide support to the existing power structures such as family,
state etc. Women have started to become aware of the limitations and confines of the
territories within which they have been placed all these years. They have demanded
control over their own bodies, equal spaces in the social institutions and an
acknowledgment for their identity. Last few years have witnessed a sharp increase in
the strategies of women’s development by the state in order to eliminate the gender
gaps in the work opportunities, political participation, health facilities and distribution of
resources.
India as a nation has taken significant steps to fill the gender gaps existing in the
societies here. The constitution of India provides equality of employment opportunity,
voting rights and equal pay for equal work. It lays great emphasis on the dignity of
women and constitutes several pro-visions like maternity reliefs to maintain a
gender-sensitive environment at the workplace. Government schemes like
‘Beti bachao-Beti padhao’, ‘janani suraksha’, intend to ensure the better health care and
education facilities. Policies like ‘New National Policy for Women’ endeavour to follow
the ‘so-cially inclusive rights-based approach’ for the women empowerment. Apart from
this, the introduction of Gender Budget Statement promises a just distribution of
resources in the country across gender divisions as well.
The past decade has also experienced an expansion of the definitions of terms like
‘rape’ and ‘violence’ in the legal context. Law has enlarged its frame in order to bring the
exploitation of women in private and public sphere through the formulations of laws like
Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005’ and ‘Sexual Harassment of
Women at Work Place (Prevention, Prohibition & Redressal) Act, 2013’. Institutions like
the National Commission for Women have been formed to identify and register the
cases of oppression faced by women. Ministry of Women and Child Development is
specifically dedicated to addressing the issues, policies and their implementations
related to the women and children in the country.
India has observed immense changes in its socio-political and economic conditions by
the introduction of these measures as well as under the impact of globalization and
technological advancements. Census 2001-2011 has recorded a significant rise in the
literacy rate of women. The expansion of the service sector has generated fresh work
opportunities for women. To a large extent, equality in the wages and participating roles
among the women and men can be seen in the urban areas. It is in these areas that the
phenomenon of ‘emerging women power’ is being most acutely observed.
Women are dominating the key positions in many fields that were earlier denied to
them. The emergence of women to the strategic positions in the social structures has
given way to a relatively better understanding and identification of the oppressive
practices. However, these transformations seem to be insignificant when compared to
the number of issues that continue to degenerate the conditions of women in the
society. Also, new challenges have emerged that impede the holistic development of
women.
Crime against women has been on the rampant rise in the country along with the growth
in the number of career-oriented women in the professional space. Cyber crimes such
as sexual harassment and molestation of women through the internet and mobile
devices have gone up along with the technological development in the country. As the
nation basks in the various scientific and economic achievements, half of its population
writhes under the fear of rape, trafficking, domestic violence, honour killing, acid attacks,
and sexual harassments. Child marriage, dowry demands, and female infanticide remain
a harsh reality even after the strict attempts of their prohibition through the law. These
practices are the major reasons behind the skewed sex ratio in the society.
While the country congratulates itself on the achieving the Millennium Development
Goal of gender parity at the primary school level, it has done little to overcome the high
dropout rates of female students. As the country boasts of women holding the
significant chairs in governance like Head of the state, Speaker of Lok Sabha, eminent
ministries and top-notch places in the corporate sectors and strategic positions in
other arenas of productivity, a large number of women are struggling for their
livelihoods as migrant labourers and low paid workers in the informal sector. According
to a recently released Monster Salary Index, there exists a gender pay gap of 27% in the
country. The overlapping of gender issues with several other issues like caste and
poverty worsens the plight of women belonging to these categories. Women workforce
in the rural areas that is more exposed to these tribulations comparatively experiences
larger pay gaps. India records a High Maternal Mortality Rate and a large number of
women suffer from anaemia in the face of the new schemes continuously launched by
the government to improve the health conditions of women. The discrimination and
violence faced by the women also have deep-rooted effects on their mental health
which goes largely unnoticed by the government policies. The concept of ‘emerging
women power’ seems to be eyewash in the context of these ground realities.
Most of the measures adopted by the state follow the top-down approach and
essentially consider women as mere beneficiaries of the welfare schemes. Women are
not empowered to understand and confront the structures of patriarchy. ‘Decision
making’ which is emphasized upon in the process of empowering women, have to
emerge out of knowledge and informed mediation to instill changes in the familial
structures and social arrangements that would help in the evolution of gender roles.
Education plays an important role in the conditioning of the young minds towards the
concept of gender. Schools become one of the initial stages where internalization of the
performance of gender roles takes place. Gender sensitized pedagogy is needed for the
subversion of these roles. Instilling sensitivity towards the dignity of women,
emphasizing the development of ethical stand towards the equality in the boys can
provide the society with responsible and sensitive individuals.
Encouraging the analytical understanding of exploitation and discrimination among girls
shall result in more confident and aware women who can further help in the formation
of a gender just society. Prohibitions, reservations and punitive measures can only be
the immediate and temporary interventions to promote gender equality. Only a shift in
the mindset can facilitate the progress of the society in the longer run. Stricter laws and
their honest enforcements have to be followed up by a change in the attitude towards
social evils like rape, female foeticide, acid attacks along with the better treatment of
the victims. NGOs and SHGs need to be strengthened as part of the empowerment
process. These bodies work at the ground level and encourage the victims to share their
experiences. Punishing the convicts is just a small part of the justice provided to the
victims of gender violence. The major challenge is to help her rehabilitate and to
develop a social environment that would preserve her sense of self-confidence and
dignity. The role of community institutions like khap panchayats which dictate the social
conduct of a community and promote inhuman practices like hon-our killing should be
taken into account. These institutions have a strong hold on the psychology of a
particular community. The fault lines of such structures have to be exposed in a manner
that has a significant impact on the people of the community.
The major role played by women in the economic growth of a country is known
throughout the world. Last year, IMF’s chief Christine Lagarde stated that economic
inclusion of more women workers in India would expand its GDP by 27% which is
massive as compared to the similar impact on the U.S. and Japan which is 5% and 9%
respectively. Progressing towards this, the first step would be to acknowledge the huge
amount of unpaid care work done by women which hold back their possibilities of
boosting the economy in a more productive manner. Moreover, discriminated approach
towards the maternity process leaves women workers at a larger risk of being
less favoured and losing job opportunities as compared to a male worker. These
problems have their roots in the perception and performance of the gender roles
assigned by patriarchy. Sharing of responsibilities and coexistence in an equitable
manner is what should be of the larger concern in society. It is along these lines that
vocational training and skill development should be focussed upon.
In conclusion, it may be said that probing the ground realities of the catchy headlines
like ‘the new emerging women power’ adds more substance and nuance to the
discourse on gender justice. These nuances do not refuse the accomplishments
achieved so far by society but actually point towards the remaining distance which still
needs to be covered. Identification of the problem areas and weaknesses is the first
step towards their eradication. India has shown a dedicated will to bring changes by
pledging to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals which include ideals of gender
justice and women empowerment. Only with constructive planning and comprehensive
changes at various levels in society the new emerging "women power" shall be soon
able to realize its complete potential in India.

Investing in women
Huma Yusuf Published March 6, 2023

The writer is a political and integrity risk analyst.

COULD there be a more heartbreaking tale than that of Shahida Raza? A former national
hockey player forced to pursue illegal emigration, only to lose her life along with dozens
of other refugees in the tragic boat crash off Italian shores last month.
Her story will resonate with most Pakistani women. She dared to dream and make the
most of her talents but was stymied by the lack of opportunity. As a single mother
without a job, she struggled with financial insecurity. Faced with her young child’s ill
health, she had no social safety net to fall back on. If these conditions won’t breed
desperation, what will?
Raza’s trajectory is an indictment of Pakistan’s sports ecosystem, its social welfare and
healthcare systems, its economy with an incapacity to absorb labour and talent —
indeed, of the country itself. But it also highlights the reality that Pakistani women are
direct participants in our dysfunctional society, not merely appendages to it. As such,
the society must be reshaped to cater to their needs and aspirations.
The typical framing of women in Pakistani public discourse as daughters, sisters, wives
and mothers implies that they are secondary — the supporting cast hovering around
men, who are the central characters on our sociopolitical stage. We pretend that women
in their own right — women such as Raza — do not exist.
We pretend that women in their own right do not exist.
This oversight leads to the challenge that women, when they are considered, are
perceived by both the state and society as inconvenient or problematic — quite literally,
a public order problem. That explains why the Lahore deputy commissioner rejected
permission for the Aurat March to proceed on International Women’s Day, citing
concerns about ‘controversial’ banners and the likelihood of these provoking clashes
with those who privilege haya over gender inclusion and equality.
That also explains why the most robust state response to the horrific rape in an
Islamabad park last month was a directive by Pemra banning any coverage of the
incident.
These are just recent examples of what are daily, egregious attempts to erase women
from our social fabric. But women are not going away. And Pakistan only ignores them
to its detriment. At present, the main concern is potential economic collapse. The men
running the economy have made a hash of it. In all their recent machinations, have they
even considered the gains to be had from unleashing Pakistani women’s potential?
In a recent article on ‘Empowering Women in Pakistan’s Economy’, Noorulain Naseem
and Hadiqa Sohail highlight that “despite making up 49 per cent of the total population,
women have a remarkably low participation rate of only 21pc in the current workforce —
with only 25pc of women with a university degree working.” Naseem and Sohail argue
that if the female labour force were to become equal to the male working population,
Pakistan’s GDP could increase by 60pc by 2025. Let that number sink in for a minute.
But this labour force participation cannot be conjured out of nowhere. Pakistan needs to
invest in its women before they can reinvest in the country. Sadly, our country currently
ranks 145 out of 146 countries in the 2022 Global Gender Gap Index (only Afghanistan
ranks worse). In Balochistan, Raza’s home province, the female literacy rate of 24pc is
the lowest among all of Pakistan’s provinces and female labour force participation is a
shockingly low 4.9pc.
In the ‘Health and Survival’ sub index of the gender gap assessment, which considers
access to healthcare, Pakistan ranks 143rd. This is a doubly painful reality in a country
where, according to a 2019 report, 85,000 women have completed a medical degree but
are not part of the medical system — presumably due to cultural and societal
constraints on women working.
If we cannot educate or employ our women, or preserve their health, then both they and
the country at large suffers. Perhaps instead of banning women’s marches, our
government should reflect this week on how they can better serve Pakistan’s female
population. The theme of this year’s International Women’s Day is #EmbraceEquity. It is
highlighting the distinction between gender equality — which the World Economic Forum
describes as the “end goal” — and equity, which is the path you take to get there.
Embracing equity means recognising that different people and groups require different
resources, support and opportunities in order to attain equal outcomes. For Pakistani
women, that means gender-specific policies, including a concerted effort to improve
educational, employment and health outcomes while recognising — but not pandering
to — our misogynistic cultural context. This is essential to ensure that in future women
like Raza believe they can thrive in our country rather than desperately seek salvation
across perilous waters.
The writer is a political and integrity risk analyst.

Spaces for women

Arif Hasan | Dhuha Alvi Published March 14, 2023

EACH year, the Aurat March takes place in cities across Pakistan to protest against the
challenges faced by women and khawaja siras in our society, as well as larger national
issues. Apart from specific themes each year, the recurring slogan of the Aurat March is
‘mera jism meri marzi’, the ultimate expression of human autonomy.
The march has made a number of demands of the state which remain unfulfilled, but
there has been some pro-women legislation in recent years, and, without doubt, the
march has contributed to this. More importantly, the march has politicised people,
especially youngsters, by generating conversations around sociopolitical issues. It has
also highlighted the need for and desire among women and khawaja siras to occupy
public spaces — a right they have been deprived of.
Due to socioeconomic factors, our social makeup has undergone a change over the
years. Family structures, gender relations and the aspirations of the young have
changed. The culture of dating has found more visibility in public. Meeting and
establishing relationships have increased manifold in the last 10 years, especially
because of dating apps. Self-will marriages, including court marriages, have increased.
Conflicts between parents and daughters increasingly revolve around the latter’s
freedom to go out alone, ie, without an escort. It is a battle they are slowly winning as
tens of thousands of women leave their homes for work each day — sometimes even
for non-work purposes. Moreover, the rising demand for higher education among
women is obvious from the fact that thousands of them apply to institutes of higher
learning even though only hundreds can be accepted. This demand is reflected in the
2017 census figures.
Young people who visit us (about three a day) have one thing in common: they want a
space where they can walk without fear and harassment. Such spaces do not exist in
Karachi, except at Seaview — which the real estate lobby is anxious to take over. Weekly
bazaars, parks and the zoo all show that multi-gender spaces can exist, without women
being harassed. A food street at Burns Road brought families, young men and women
together without any overt signs of harassment.
There are new demands of a new generation.
This is where the architect and planner has to come in and cater to the needs of women
through the creation of safe, walkable spaces. Unfortunately, where such spaces have
been created, the local administration has destroyed them because of its failure to
maintain them.
How can architects and planners contribute to the creation of a gender-equitable city?
First, and very important, are toilets — clean, with a regular supply of water, and privacy
— in all public spaces. It is important for toilets to be specifically allocated for women
and khawaja siras for ease of access.
Second is inclusion of women and khawaja siras in the formal economy through
design-based elements. The provision of a crèche in all workspaces where children can
be looked after is crucial, as is the presence of a well-lit and ventilated workspace
(especially in factories), including hygienic spaces for eating. Pedestrianized areas can
be created where women should be allowed to set up kiosks to conduct business.
These spaces should be well-lit and open till late evening. This will tangibly make
women and khawaja siras a part of the city, especially its street economy, and alter
gender relations.
That a major change is taking place in the ranks of the younger generation was reflected
by a survey carried out by Dawood University students of architecture on what college
and high school girls in a katchi abadi wanted to have in a park in their neighbourhood.
They wanted a space for playing cricket and table tennis, gym machines, a space for
performing, and an open-air library. These are new demands of a new generation of
katchi abadi dwellers, and they also resonate with their wealthier, pakki abadi
counterparts. Such demands have been reflected in Aurat March’s manifestos and
slogans over the years and have received support.
It is imperative that those in the architecture and planning profession, including women
professionals, understand these demands in order to create a women-friendly ethos.
This calls for a significant change in the manner in which architects and planners are
trained, and for teachers to be trained as well — which requires a major research and
extension programme. In our understanding, if the vision of the city is a pedestrian- and
commuter-friendly city, as opposed to a ‘world class city’ (the current vision), this
objective can be achieved.

Unlocking women’s potential

Kulsum Ahmed | Farah Said Published August 29, 2022

IN a recent piece, we highlighted the role that women can play in boosting Pakistan’s
productivity, and the sociocultural, safety and financial barriers that stop them from
joining the workforce. The more interesting and challenging question is how to change
this situation and help Pakistan fully achieve its potential.
Much of the current thinking around encouraging women’s economic participation
centres around providing skills training and financial incentives. Lessons from Pakistan
and around the world tell us that neither is sufficient alone. Experience with skills
training offered by the Punjab Skills Development Fund between 2013 and 2016
indicates that business income increases with skills training, but the increase is
manifold when trained women are also linked with sales agents. Similarly, grants and
loans may be provided to women, but women often have little control over the use of
those funds. When the Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP) converted to
biometric verification for disbursement of funds, women were more likely to collect their
cash personally (rather than it be collected in their name by another household member)
and, as a result, had a greater say in how the funds were to be used.
Changing cultural norms around female breadwinners is tough, but not impossible.
Provision of safe and affordable transport is one example of a policy working around a
prevalent norm. Evidence of how much safety considerations can constrain female
mobility comes from a recent study evaluating a subsidised skills training programme in
Punjab. They found women were four times less likely to complete training if they
needed to travel outside the village boundary for it.
In India, peer support systems allowed women to learn from each other and feel safer in
moving about the community. In Saudi Arabia, men revised their own views about
women’s work when they were given credible information about more favourable views
held by their peers. Recent evidence from Pakistan, on the other hand, suggests it may
be possible to shift attitudes around working women using even softer nudges, for
example, by introducing women to other women role models. Since the percentage of
women in the workforce declines proportionately with increasing income, this also
suggests that efforts to keep women in the workforce need to be put in place across
higher income quintiles to foster a change in sociocultural behaviour.
Shifting to a culture that values women’s economic participation will take time.
Yet in the lowest income group, where 24 per cent of women work to augment
household income, these women do not fully benefit financially from their work due to
lack of skills, low wages and gender disparities. Encouraging women borrowers from
these vulnerable households to put loans to productive use could reap significant
development gains. It could also be a mechanism to help increase household income
and shift mindsets in the immediate term, than trying to tackle gender wage disparities
or encouraging formal work at low-income quintile levels, which is administratively
fraught with difficulty.
Drawing on Pakistan-specific and available literature, we suggest that the following
areas are prioritised. First, all financial institutions (from banks to microcredit) that
provide loans need to put in place gender-related Key Performance Indictors. These
KPIs need to be realistic and take into account different sociocultural conditions across
the provinces. Yet they need to be monitored and adjusted upwards over time. Ideally,
this could be coordinated through the creation of a gender-related advisory committee
within the Planning Commission and Ministry of Finance, which could recommend
appropriate KPIs, in line with a future vision for Pakistan. These KPIs, in turn, would
need to be monitored, publically disseminated and enforced by the State Bank of
Pakistan, in line with its regulatory function.
This will help to diagnose the effectiveness of current programmes in achieving their
stated objectives. Several well-intentioned public training and financial initiatives have
met limited success in promoting women’s economic participation. For instance, men
outnumber female applicants for the PM’s Youth Programme by nearly five to one,
despite a stated preference to encourage economic participation by women.
Second, with a focus on the most vulnerable households, financial institutions need to
develop products to attract more female borrowers, particularly from low-income
groups. They also need to design disbursal methods (such as the BISP biometric
verification scheme) that reduces misappropriation of women’s funds.
Third, academic institutions and NGOs need to reduce the stigma of a female
breadwinner in target communities through information interventions, exposure to role
models, and promotion of discussions (via media campaigns and college-based
programmes) that discourage gender discrimination.
Fourth, public and private organisations need to implement transport-related initiatives
that help increase mobility and allay safety concerns for women, so they can participate
more fully in training and/or in the labour force. This could be through the development
and offer of new and improved transportation options for women, including group
transportation from schools, offices, factories, etc.
Fifth, professional and academic institutions need to encourage the development and
implementation of skills training and mentoring programmes specifically for women.
This includes encouraging interaction among working women for information and skill
sharing, as well as a support system and market linkages to reduce barriers to their
mobility.
Six, businesses need to formulate and implement gender-inclusiveness policies. This
could include gender KPIs across corporations but also the provision of childcare
services to retain women in the workforce, and ensuring equal wages for equal work.
These measures could be implemented right away by government institutions, the
private sector and civil society organisations. Over time, results will need to be
monitored, measures adjusted for greater impact, and ultimately cemented through
legislation and regulation.
Shifting to a culture that values women’s economic participation will take time. In
Malaysia, a concerted policy effort for the development of women put in place in the
1990s was particularly effective in increasing female employment. The Quaid pointed
out the importance of the role of women even before Pakistan came into existence. But
we fall very short after 75 years. Could we achieve the Quaid’s vision, of a nation at its
height of glory with women side by side with men, in time for Pakistan’s 100th birthday?

The other half

Rafia Zakaria Published March 8, 2023

The writer is an attorney teaching constitutional law and political philosophy.

TODAY is International Women’s Day. On this single day out of 365 days, women review
the progress that they have been able to make over the past year. In most countries, it is
understood that the single day allotted to women is not a measure of their importance
in society but rather a day of commemoration on which they can regularly assess the
distance they have come (and have yet to cover) in their efforts towards empowerment
and gender equality.
It is the opposite in Pakistan, where even a paltry one day out of 365 days may be too
high a number when it comes to the importance given to women in this country. Many
Pakistani men would argue — in all seriousness — that ‘one-out-of-365’ ignores the
culture of their country, whose central tenet somehow always seems to boil down to the
suppression of women. While other countries may come up with policy measures that
would help their institutions and private enterprises achieve gender parity, Pakistan, or
rather the majority of Pakistani men, are convinced that women do not deserve equality
or empowerment. Instead, the expectation is that women must spend all their lives
apologising for their existence and trying their best to minimise their presence.
Because of this, it would not be at all surprising if girls in Pakistan are born saying ‘sorry’
and die saying ‘thank you’, regardless of how difficult their life may have been. As
daughters, they must make up for their existence by functioning as talented cooks or
cleaners for the household, their good performance allowing them to bargain for one
more year of education. As wives, they must produce children and raise them so that
their maintenance is a paltry surcharge over what would already have been spent on
raising their progeny. As older women, they must manipulate the men of the household
in a manner that ensures that they will be taken for doctors’ appointments and have a
bit of money for themselves. And as if this grim circle of life were not enough, at every
step of the way, women are provided with reminders concerning their inferior or
unwanted status and their inability to make decisions for themselves.
So complete is the devaluation of women in society that our little girls are raised on a
steady diet of misogyny.
So complete is the devaluation of women in society that our little girls are raised on a
steady diet of misogyny that ensures that this state of affairs will never change. From a
young age, they learn that their futures depend on how easily they are able to
manipulate their brothers and fathers. Other women, powerless like themselves, are not
worth the effort of forming an alliance with.
To understand the state of most women in the country, it is necessary to imagine a large
penal colony in some far-flung place. When supplies arrive, the guards look through and
take the best items for themselves, even if they already have enough to eat and drink.
Whatever scraps are left are thrown to the prisoners, who squabble amongst
themselves to get enough to permit them to survive. Others rely on the guards who pick
and choose favourites whom they reward based on their moods and whims.
After a few decades of this routine, no one talks of uniting against the guards. Just like
birds who have forgotten to fly because of their long captivity in cages, they will make
no attempts at freedom.
One thing that Pakistani women know only too well is that the absolutely disastrous
position in which the country finds itself today is entirely the fault of Pakistani men. This
International Women’s Day, Pakistan is teetering on the edge of default; a prospect that
is utterly devastating. Inflation has reached incomprehensible numbers. Some days ago,
it was reported that inflation had reached the highest levels on record and that it was
likely to increase still further. This means that there will be millions of families now who
will also have to compromise on bare necessities, let alone reduce ‘luxuries’ like
education. The rupee continues to depreciate further, making it impossible for the
country to buy fuel and other necessities from the international market.
But while Pakistani women did not make this mess, they will certainly have to bear the
brunt of the consequences. A large number of men laid off from jobs only contribute to
domestic violence, and thousands of them are being asked to leave because many of
the industries dependent on foreign supplies, from textiles to auto manufacturing, have
already shut their doors.
With Ramazan on its way, the rocketing price of foodstuff will make it difficult not only
to manage ill-tempered men, but also to feed families used to eating special foods
during the month of fasting. If the country does default on its debts, the situation will be
even worse; there will be lines for food and more black markets; medicine will be
unavailable. Life, in short, will be barely livable. It is a frightening prospect, whose worst
effects will be avoided by the wealthy — who can leave for Dubai — but which will crush
everyone else.
It follows, then, that International Women’s Day, 2023, is a day of crisis in a year of crisis
in an existence of crisis. As times turn grimmer, instead of looking forward with
renewed energy to conquering new frontiers, Pakistani women can at best wonder
about what more they will have to sacrifice, knowing that the men in charge of the
family and of the country will practically do away with their food, their health and their
welfare before they bother to inconvenience themselves. This, perhaps, is the fate of
countries where the skills, talents, intelligence and acumen of half the population is
wasted because the fragile egos of the other half cannot bear the competition.

Marriage rights
Tahera Hasan Published July 23, 2023

The writer is a lawyer and founder-director of Imkaan Welfare Organisation.

MARRIAGE is a sacred partnership that brings individuals together. However, what is
mostly overlooked in our society and culture is the fact that it is also a legal contract
that governs the rights and responsibilities of both partners.
In Pakistan, the nikahnama is a crucial document that outlines the terms of a marriage.
However, despite its significance, a lack of awareness prevails among women regarding
their rights contained in this document. Where there is awareness, there is a fear of
social and cultural implications of advocating for their rights at the time of marriage.
When the bride or any person on behalf of the bride engages in negotiation or asserts
her rights, it is often frowned upon and perceived as socially inappropriate.
The nikahnama, also known as the marriage contract, serves as a legal agreement
between the bride and groom in Pakistan. It is signed by the couple, the officiating cleric
and witnesses during the wedding ceremony. The document details various essential
elements, including the haq mehr, rights of divorce and maintenance. However, the lack
of awareness among women about the contents of the nikahnama invariably leads to
unfortunate outcomes and a significant power imbalance in a marriage.
Pakistani law recognises the rights of both spouses and the nikahnama is a clear
indication of this. However, the patriarchal norms deeply entrenched in Pakistani society
and culture often result in women being unaware of their legal rights and entitlements.
The right to consent, maintenance and inheritance are fundamental rights that women
should be aware of and assert in their marriages. Unfortunately, due to cultural and
societal pressures, many women find it challenging to exercise their rights, leading to
various forms of discrimination, abuse and inequality within marriages. Women must be
empowered through awareness.
One of the primary reasons for the lack of awareness among women regarding their
rights is the absence of proper education, information, and social and cultural barriers.
In many cases, women are not adequately informed about the terms and conditions
mentioned in the nikahnama. This ignorance places them at a disadvantage, as they
may unknowingly relinquish their rights or agree to unfair terms that are contrary to their
best interests.
Such a lack of awareness perpetuates a cycle of gender inequality and reinforces the
subjugation of women within marriages. Furthermore, even in situations where women
are economically empowered, educated and aware, they are unable to protect
themselves through what is, for all intents and purposes, a prenuptial agreement.
In addition to promoting awareness campaigns that focus on women’s rights, it is
crucial to also target and address men in these initiatives. By doing so, we can work
towards fostering a change of mindset and awareness in society.
Engaging with young men is particularly vital, as they represent the future generation
and have the potential to drive significant societal transformation. One of the primary
objectives of these awareness campaigns should be to sensitise and educate men
along with women about women’s rights as enshrined in both legal frameworks and
religious beliefs. Currently, there exists a great deal of misinformation and
misunderstanding surrounding these rights. By equipping men and women with
accurate information and fostering empathy and understanding, we can lay the
foundation for substantial progress in gender equality.
The nikahnama plays a crucial role in defining the terms and conditions of a marriage.
Unfortunately, the lack of awareness among women about their rights contained in this
document perpetuates gender inequality and reinforces their subjugation.
Empowering women through education, legal aid and community engagement is
essential to creating a society where women can agitate for and protect their rights. The
evolution of social and cultural norms regarding women’s rights within a marriage is a
process that faces considerable resistance and cannot be achieved overnight. However,
heightened awareness is crucial to empowering women so that they can acknowledge
and assert their rights.
By striving for a better understanding of the nikahnama, Pakistani women can protect
themselves. Furthermore, by actively involving men in awareness campaigns and
discussions that focus on women’s rights, we can pave the way for a more just and
equal society. Empowering men with knowledge and sensitivity is paramount if we want
to dismantle harmful gender norms, dispel misinformation, and ultimately realise a
future that embraces equality for everyone.

Tough for women

Huma Yusuf Published May 2, 2022

The writer is a political and integrity risk analyst.

IT is exhausting being a Pakistani woman. Sexism and misogyny are prevalent,
normalised, and too often celebrated as part of our ‘culture’ or ‘values’. In recent days,
the experiences and actions of women from across the socio-economic and ethnic
spectrum, ranging from Dua Zehra and Shaari Baloch to Hina Rabbani Khar and
Marriyum Aurangzeb, have reiterated the challenges women in our country face. To
address them, our policymakers must look through the gender lens and start to tackle
the structural drivers of sexism.
Pakistan’s sexism problem is no secret. A 2020 report by the United Nations
Development Programme ranked Pakistan at the top of list of 75 countries where
people have an anti-women bias, with 99.81 per cent of survey participants expressing
at least one sexist view. The survey touched on various prejudiced tropes: that men
make better political and business leaders than women; that it’s more important for
men to receive a university education; that men deserve preferential access to jobs; and
that it’s alright for men to beat their wives. This is what Pakistani women are up against.
This bias was evident in initial reactions to news that Dua Zehra had ‘fled’ her home to
marry a man of her choosing. She was slammed for being disobedient and
inconsiderate to her parents. Her ‘elopement’ was portrayed as an attack on her family’s
‘honour’. The criticism came from women, including celebrities, and implied that girls
must not be a nuisance or embarrassment for their families.
Less attention was paid to her claim that, according to her, she was fleeing an abusive
domestic situation and the threat of a forced marriage. Or to the fact that the only
recourse a young girl has in Pakistan is to exchange one man’s protection for another’s.
As the sensational news headlines fade, there is little discussion on the serious
questions Dua Zehra’s case raised; questions about youth safeguarding and social
services provision, police negligence and opportunities for girls outside the home.
Sexism was normalised during Imran Khan’s rule.
Shaari Baloch’s case belongs to a different category, but is more problematic. Her
decision to launch a suicide bombing to highlight a socio-political grievance is totally
unacceptable, and marks a dangerous turn in Baloch militancy which must be
understood and carefully managed by our security forces. But embedded in our shock at
this condemnable development in the terror threat landscape is an element of sexism.
Baloch women have increasingly taken to the streets to protest against resource
scarcity, poor service delivery and missing persons. Their peaceful protests against
legitimate grievances have not received an adequate response, implying that their voice
does not matter, and that they are expected to suffer endlessly in silence. Baloch’s
heinous act ruptures that silence, and will unfortunately and counterproductively lead to
further pressure on Baloch women who will now be perceived as potential threats. What
may get missed as security considerations get prioritised is the level of desperation
among non-violent, marginalised Baloch individuals and their lack of political recourse.
The fact that both were drastic acts — relative to their own contexts, and obviously
greatly varying in nature and magnitude — because of the conviction that there were no
other options is a stark warning. But what can you expect when even the most
empowered, privileged women in the country have to accept sexist assault as part of
their lot?
Meanwhile, the minister of state for foreign affairs Hina Rabbani Khar has had to face
vile, demeaning comments on her appearance since being appointed to Shehbaz
Sharif’s cabinet; Aurangzeb had to put up with sexist slurs while on pilgrimage. These
women are praised by their supporters for the grace with which they confront the
constant abuse. But this praise also implies that powerful women must be resigned to
the sexist backlash they provoke.
Sexism was especially normalised during Imran Khan’s tenure, particularly due to his
persistent public claims that women provoke sexual violence with their refusal to veil.
Indeed, gender is another battlefield for Pakistan’s populist politics, with the PTI’s
misogynistic stance frequently pitted against women’s rights defenders. But the blame
does not lie with youthias alone; Khan’s detractors have also indulged in sexist
stereotypes of conniving, manipulative women when criticising Bushra Bibi.
Endemic sexism has real-world consequences: Pakistan last year ranked 153rd out of
156 countries on the World Economic Forum’s gender gap report, which considers
female political empowerment, economic participation, educational attainment and
health. Here’s the catch: waving the gender flag only invites more sexism. It’s therefore
time to reframe gender challenges as a product of structural issues such as social
inequality, resource scarcity and degrading democratic systems. It’s time for a change,
and there’s more at stake than visas to Turkey.

Gender imbalance
Muhammad Khudadad Chattha Published March 9, 2023

The writer has a doctorate from the University of Oxford and is graduate of the Harvard
Kennedy School of Government.
THE annual Aurat March always draws strong, polarising reactions from citizens across
Pakistan. The most bizarre reaction (and unfortunately a common one) is to deny that
gender inequality is, in fact, a problem in the country. I am writing with the hope that if
you are someone who belongs to this category, or knows of someone who does, the
following paragraphs will clearly show the stark gender imbalance in Pakistan. Rather
than make an argument myself, we can let the numbers do the talking.
Let us start with some examples of economic and labour market disparities. House
ownership is one rough gauge to measure gender/wealth disparity. According to the
Demographic and Health Survey [DHS], 2017-18, only 3pc of surveyed women between
the age of 15 and 49 years in Pakistan own a house. On the other hand, the same
number for men is 72pc.
The Pakistani labour market shows similar disparity. The International Labour
Organisation estimates that Pakistan has one of the lowest female labour force
participation rates in the world — only 25pc. The same number for males is estimated at
81pc. Part of the reason why female labour force participation in Pakistan is so low is
that women end up taking on the bulk of unpaid work (for example, childcare) across
the country. This leads to intra-household income disparities where men end up earning
much more than women.
What do we learn from these numbers? Broadly, that men in Pakistan own significantly
more assets and are engaged in the paid labour market in far greater numbers than
women (and hence earn more).
Statistics paint a grim picture of Pakistani women.
Let us look at examples of disparity in education and politics. The adult female literacy
was estimated at 46pc in 2019, while the same number stands at 69pc for males.
Within the realm of politics, male voter turnout in the 2018 general election exceeded
female voter turnout by around 9.1pc, based on the statistics of the Election
Commission of Pakistan. In other words, 11 million more men voted in the election than
women. If you look at the gender disaggregation of our National Assembly,
approximately only 20pc of the parliamentarians are women, and that too in large part
on reserved seats.
What do we learn from this? That Pakistanis invest more in men’s education than in
women’s. That women’s electoral preferences are less well reflected in our governance
system, compared to males’, because of a lower female voter turnout as well as a lower
presence of females in our national parliament.
Let us now try to understand the horrific challenge of violence against women.
According to DHS, 2017-18, a whopping 28pc of women in Pakistan between 15 and 49
years of age have experienced physical violence. Twenty-six per cent of married women
who have experienced spousal physical or sexual violence, have sustained injuries. Let
that sink in. This grim paragraph shows that violence against women remains a huge
challenge in the country.
The gender challenge within Pakistan relates to our values. Let us bring in some data
from the World Values Survey, 2017-2022, that relates to some of the disparities
mentioned in this piece. Starting with economic disparities, 72.1pc of individuals in the
WVS sample either ‘strongly agree’ or ‘agree’ with the statement that there is a problem
if women have more income than their husbands.
A whopping 85.3pc either ‘strongly agree’ or ‘agree’ that men have more right to a job
than women do. Moving on to political disparities, 75.8pc either ‘strongly agree’ or
‘agree’ that men make better political leaders than women do.
There is, of course, much more nuance behind each of the numbers that have been
cited above. There has also been progress on various dimensions of gender disparity in
the country over time, thanks to increasing awareness of the gender disparities. The
slowly rising labour force participation and female literacy rates are among the few
examples of progress.
The objective here has not been to delve deep into each figure but to show that gender
disparities in Pakistan are both pervasive and undeniable. This stark gender imbalance
can be seen across most socioeconomic sectors within the country, including income,
wealth, politics, education and many more.
Hence, before a defensive, knee-jerk reaction to the Aurat March sets in, we should take
a hard look at the gender imbalance that surrounds us. Rather than deny that there is a
problem and come up with all sorts of justifications, we need to accept that gender
imbalance is a huge challenge in our country. Recognising the problem is the first step
towards making progress on this crucial aspect of national life.

Digital technology & women’s labour

Hadia Majid | Maryam Mustafa Published March 25, 2023

ONLY 52 per cent of adult Pakistani women own a mobile phone and Pakistan has one
of the widest mobile gender gaps in the region. Women are 49pc less likely than men to
use mobile internet, and according to some studies, nearly six in 10 women face some
sort of restrictions in using the internet. Clearly, there is a large gender digital divide, and
it has been receiving increasing attention in the past few years. But why is this so? Why
is it necessary to bridge the digital divide and what can we achieve on the back of
greater digital inclusion of women?
The attention to gender gap in digital inclusion owes to the pervasiveness of digital
technologies across a multitude of sectors: education, health, labour and financial
markets to name just a few — a trend that has only accelerated post-Covid. Gaps in
digital access, then, create new inequalities, while also amplifying existing ones.
Lacking access to the digital space means reduced opportunities to network and
connect, to learn new skills and hone existing ones, to branch out and realise new
avenues of increased earnings; to obtain credit, save, and attract customers, domestic
and abroad. In fact, the UN in 2016 recognised the internet and access to it as a catalyst
for the enjoyment of human rights, including but not limited to the right to freedom of
expression which is a fundamental right on its own but also an enabler of other rights
like economic, social and educational rights. Indeed, when leveraged correctly,
technology has great potential for economic and social empowerment.
When it comes to the labour market, we know that women fare significantly worse than
men in terms of economic participation and opportunity: a fact underscored almost
yearly through the WEF Global Gender Gap Report which consistently ranks Pakistan
amongst the lowest on this sub-index. There are several factors at the institutional,
societal and individual household levels that lead to Pakistan’s underperformance
vis-à-vis women’s formal labour force participation levels. A main contributor is the high
reproductive burden combined with mobility restrictions. So is the lack of safe transport
and a hostile public space and workspace that links back to women’s defined roles as
caretakers belonging in the household and not at work. In our cumulative two decades
of gendered research in Pakistan, women from all manner of backgrounds have
repeatedly highlighted both the close monitoring they face in terms of their mobility
beyond the home and the very long hours they spend on housework as well as child and
elderly care. They have also emphasised the hostility and harassment they face both en
route to and at work. All of these factors severely limit their ability and even desire to
work outside the home. Could digital technology help alleviate these constraints?
Improved digital connectivity will not only allow women to work remotely but to also
gain access to international freelance jobs.
Improved digital connectivity would not only allow women to work remotely but to also
gain access to international freelance jobs. We saw this unfold at a mass scale during
Covid and we continue to see women upskilling themselves on platforms like Coursera
and seeking work from home with international companies. There are dedicated
Facebook groups like Women of Diversity whose mission is to ‘empower women’
through online workshops and connect them to remote employers. We find the same
amongst low-income, low-literate women too: using technologies to set up and expand
their home business, as well as an emphasis on their digital upskilling through
community organisations and rights advocacy groups.
We find that women who have access to devices and the internet in Pakistan leverage
the platforms available to them to carve out financial independence, seek social justice,
explore their identities, form collectives to empower each other, and to have fun (a rare
conversation in our context). Technologies like Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter, and
TikTok allow them to negotiate within and around social restrictions without openly
challenging them and to carve out more autonomy and agency for themselves — as they
have always done. We find in our work that when women have the motivation, and
recognise the value of digital spaces and platforms, they are able to adopt, learn and
maximise the benefit of these platforms, regardless of literacy or income levels. The
most significant barriers are often those of technology designs. For example, most
women in Pakistan have access to mobile devices as shared resources. However, most
applications like WhatsApp or mobile wallets assume a ‘one user, one device’ model,
raising serious privacy and adoption barriers for women.
Yet digital technologies are not a panacea, but a complex, nuanced landscape which
requires action on multiple fronts to include women. We have interviewed some 200
low-literate, low-income women in a variety of occupations — factory, domestic, and
home-based work. We have found a great deal of reluctance, even an active shunning, of
using mobile phones amongst these working women when they step out of the home.
They relayed that using the phone outside the home would cause problems for them
with their families. In contrast, women who worked from home were much more active
in their use of phones and the internet. In essence then, our work shows that women
face a trade-off between physical and digital mobility, giving up one space in order to
access the other.
This not only limits the type of upskilling that women in different types of work can do,
but also how technologies can be leveraged for interventions. Relying on designs that
assume all working women will have access to phones and the internet, will exclude
often the most vulnerable. It also places much of the onus on the women themselves
both in terms of their safety and in terms of coming up with innovative ways to increase
their earning potential and capacities. As a society we need to do much more to support
and enable our women to work, normalising women’s use of the internet and online
spaces. Only then will the true potential of the economy be realised.

Time to encourage women in politics

From the Newspaper Published May 1, 2023

WOMEN’S right to engage in politics has generally been restricted and disregarded in
Pakistan despite a lot of rhetoric surrounding the matter. Yes, indeed, we were the first
in the entire Muslim world to have a woman as head of the government, which is
something that even the United States has not been able to register. But that was an
exception rather than the norm.
Despite making up over half of the population, many women are not allowed to exercise
their constitutional right to free and equal participation in decision-making and
governance. Their right to vote, to run for office, and to participate in larger politics has
been sabotaged by various cultural factors and patriarchal beliefs.
The fact is that women’s baseline participation in the electoral process — as a voter — is
still incredibly low, parti- cularly in rural areas of the country. In contrast to 32.6 per cent
of men, only 18.2pc of women cast their ballots in the 2018 general elections, according
to a study by a non-governmental organisation (NGO). This is true even though women
make up over 50pc of Pakistan’s electorate.
There are several reasons behind the low participation of women in the electoral
process, especially in rural Pakistan. The first issue is that rural women are not aware of
their rights or the significance of voting. Second, many women are reluctant to disagree
with the thoughts and beliefs of the male family members out of concern for social
shame.To guarantee that their opinions are heard in the decision-making process, more
and more women must participate in elections in Pakistan in order to encourage larger
participation at the grassroots level.The government must take decisive action and
make it simpler for women to cast ballots and get themselves registered to cast their
vote.This may be accomplished by taking steps like providing free transportation to
polling stations, offering help and educational programmes for voters at large, and
setting up polling stations in areas that are accessible to all.
The government should also make every possible effort to change the set of cultural
beliefs that prevent women from participating in politics and the electoral process so
that they may freely exercise their democratic right.

Women’s mobility
Zofeen T. Ebrahim Published February 11, 2023

The writer is a Karachi-based independent journalist.

LEERING, lewd remarks, being whistled at and touched are part and parcel of a Pakistani
woman’s daily commute on public buses and at bus stops. Restricted mobility, to a great
extent because of this harassment, is preventing her from continuing her education or
seeking work outside of home.
In 2020, it was the bus rapid transit that helped 23-year-old Mahjabeen pursue her
dream of becoming a botanist in Peshawar. Her father allowed her to continue her
postgraduate degree, because the new bus stopped right at her university’s gate.
For far too long, public transport, including its planning and design, and investment in it,
has been looked at through the male lens. That is because the decision-making process
is rarely informed by equity or gender-based mobility needs and experiences. This is
further reinforced by a workforce that is predominantly male.
That is perhaps the reason why the element of safety from harassment has never been
incorporated in designs, if you ask Dr Hadia Majid, associate professor at the Lahore
University of Management Sciences, who has been researching women’s mobility and
its link to their work outside of home. One of the reasons for the dismal labour force
participation score of 22 per cent (a dip from 24pc in 2015), which is among the lowest
in the world according to World Bank data, could be the fact that women feel wary about
travelling alone in public buses and are reluctant to take up paid work. By and large,
urban spaces, transport and services are designed for men as women remain invisible,
explained Dr Majid.
The buses need to continue to cruise.
Women in Pakistan rarely ride bicycles or motorcycles and they often consider
rickshaws and cabs unsafe if they are alone. Shared buses and vans do have separate
sections for women, but the latter say they are always bracing themselves for an
untoward experience. These perceptions discourage them, or in many cases, family
members stop them from travelling on these vehicles.
In fact, had our public transport been clean, efficient and safe, the Sindh government
would not have had to launch a women-only bus service in Karachi earlier this month.
These nine-metre-long six pink buses, equipped with cameras, will initially cruise from
Model Colony to Tower en route to Sharea Faisal, Metropole and I.I. Chundrigar Road,
the business hub of the city, every 20 minutes, during rush hour from 7am to 10am and
then from 4pm to 7pm, for a flat fee of Rs50.
This is not the first time that a province has started this service. Back in 2012, the
Punjab Transport Company had launched a similar service in Lahore, which was
discontinued in 2014. Welcoming the idea of an exclusive bus service for women in a
‘hostile’ public space where women experience high levels of harassment, Dr Majid said
Sindh would do well to ask why it failed in Punjab and how not to make the same
mistakes.
Women-exclusive buses can give confidence to women to study — the route will help
decide the location. These buses will also help women make decisions on taking up
work outside the home, to look for jobs they like rather than just trying to look for one
which is closer to home. The key to the success of the new pink bus service in Karachi
could be continuity in planning. Vision 2025 had proposed an increase in women’s
labour force participation rate to 45pc. If that target is to be achieved, the buses need to
continue to cruise, irrespective of whoever is in government.
But there is a downside to this bus service. It shows we are brushing the unpleasant
cause — men’s behaviour — under the carpet and admitting failure by implicitly
condoning it. There needs to be a firmer way of handling this, as naming and shaming,
mostly by women, on social media alone has certainly not ended men’s unbecoming
conduct. There must be exemplary punishment handed out by the state to these
offensive individuals.
In addition, said Dr Majid, there was a danger that such segregation may strengthen the
notion that men and women have separate spaces, and the twain shall not meet. There
is a need to move towards integration, she suggested.
It would, however, be amiss to invest in making women’s travelling safely by just
providing women with a segregated bus service without infrastructural improvements.
Experts point to improvement of last-mile connectivity — the 15-minute distance that
women must walk between their home and the bus stop — to ensure their travel is
completely secure.
In addition, a well-lit street and bus stop lighting, effective police patrol in lonely streets
and public toilets can help make the last stretch of the travel safer. But to bring about
these changes, it would help to encourage women to join all sections of this very
male-dominated public transit sector itself. If women are placed at the helm, decisions
made will be less gendered.

What women need

Bina Shah Published September 24, 2022

The writer is an author.

AS Pakistan reels from the apocalyptic damage caused by this year’s monsoons, people
are mobilising to help the millions of men, women and children who have been
displaced by the floods. Women and girls make up half of these people, but amid the
scramble to ensure shelter, food, and medicines for them, their specific needs related to
their biological reality are often overlooked.
Not this time, however, thanks to a group of young women — students, mostly — who
have started a movement to collect sanitary products for these women and girls, some
of whom will face their first period in these months. These groups are raising awareness
about period poverty, in a country where not only are women marginalised in the best of
circumstances, but where talking about menstruation openly has long been taboo.
It is a fact that half the world menstruates. The other half doesn’t have to think about
this fact. While one half of the world must buy products to deal with this — think soap,
sanitary pads, special undergarments, painkillers — and have access to clean water and
toilets in order to maintain their health during this time, the other half of the world is free
of these necessities. While one half of the world deals with pain, low blood pressure,
anaemia, and all the effects this may have on their attendance at school or work, the
other half is free of this burden.
Male privilege allows our society to be squeamish about the biological realities of
women. Puberty, menstruation, fertility, conception, pregnancy and childbirth are seen
as women’s issues, not to be discussed publicly or with men or boys present. Not long
ago, advertising for sanitary products on television was controversial. Women and girls
in Pakistan continue to live with human-created shame over a biological function that is
vital to the continuation of life.
Women and girls in Pakistan live with human-created shame over a biological function
that is vital to the continuation of life.
Older generations accepted these conventions as normal and necessary. The younger
generation is not so accepting. Mahwari Justice, the brainchild of two college students
in Lahore, Bushra Mahnoor and Anum Khalid, sends menstrual products out to women
and girls affected by the floods. Private donations enable them to purchase and pack
menstrual kits for the flood affectees. They regularly put out calls on social media for
volunteers in different towns and cities, and Mahnoor has been doing media interviews
with international news outlets, even though she wrote on Twitter that her family
considers her advocacy “shameful”.
But Mahnoor and Khalid carry on, haunted by the woman who called and said she’d
been using leaves during her period. Other displaced women end up staining the only
set of clothing they have been left with, having lost everything else in the flooding.
Even before the floods, rural women used cloths, newspapers or rags to manage their
periods. A luxury tax on sanitary napkins means they’re too expensive for most girls or
women outside the cities of Pakistan. This period poverty, coupled with general
ignorance about menstruation has kept women and girls in the dark ages, even in the
21st century.
When Mahwari Justice began their operations, a patronising debate sprung up about
whether period products were a luxury or a necessity. “Why don’t you distribute shaving
kits to men?” wrote one disgruntled Twitter user, displaying a lack of sensitivity that is
typical of men who have never had to even consider what having a period means.
Others said that since rural women did not use sanitary napkins under normal
circumstances, forcing them to use these products was a form of imperialism enacted
on them by the elite.
It’s true that women in rural areas of Pakistan are used to using cloths that they wash
and reuse, the most ecologically sound manner of dealing with periods. But
emergencies necessitate having to use alternate methods for period hygiene. In the
floods, there is no clean water with which to wash the cloths. Adding biological waste to
the already filthy stagnant water will just increase the spread of disease, the “second
disaster” that the WHO has warned will hit Pakistanis now that the flooding has done its
worst.
“We ask the women what they need and what they are comfortable with,” says Mahnoor.
Kits may contain sanitary pads, underwear, cloth towels, cotton pads, and soap,
depending on what the women themselves request. There is a small diagram to explain
how to use these products. So far they have sent out more than 20,000 of these kits,
and plan to keep going for as long as women need them. Other groups and
organisations have followed suit, distributing period packs and pregnancy packs for
women who are ready to give birth in the most dangerous conditions imaginable.
In more established shelters, like the new tent city established by Roshan Academy in
Karachi to house IDPs for a longer period of time, washing and reusing cloth pads will
be possible with a steady supply of clean water and toilets. Maria Taqdees of Hunar
Ghar in Karachi has taught low-income women to make cloth pads on sewing machines
and is making them available to relief groups. Across Pakistan women are answering
the call to help other women, and not leave them behind in male-led relief efforts.
Relief groups led by women are taking menstrual supplies to the female IDPs and
holding workshops explaining how they work and how they can be disposed of safely.
Using sanitary napkins with belts is something that the rural women have been willing to
try. Sensitivity and respect are very important to help women survive these times with
dignity. But now may be the best time to teach these women and girls about menstrual
hygiene and about how their bodies work, empowering them in unexpected ways.

Women and work

Dure Sameen Akhund Published December 22, 2021

PAKISTAN is facing one of its worst economic crises, with inflation hovering around
10-10.5 per cent for FY2022, resulting in massive hikes in food, energy and consumer
prices. The upward moving trend of commodity prices coupled with a relatively flat
wage trend, has given rise to a definite need for a secondary income for households to
sustain themselves or even survive in this economy.
The transition from a single-income to dual-income family is not as simple as it seems.
In Pakistan, discriminatory patriarchal social norms coupled with the lack of support is a
major factor behind the country’s having one of the lowest labour force participation
rates for women in the region; as per the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, the figure was
only 22.53pc in 2018-19. The traditional role of women as the ‘homemaker’ restricts her
entry into the job market; this is especially true for women with small children. There is
little to no consideration for the need of flexible hours or the availability of affordable
childcare.
Pakistan ranks third from the bottom in 2020 Global Gender Gap Index, having closed
only 56pc of its gender gap. This poor ranking is primarily due to the limited income
contribution made by women — only 18pc of Pakistan’s total income, according to the
Global Gender Gap Report 2020. Labour force participation differs significantly between
the rural and urban areas of Pakistan, where the rural areas make up more than 70pc of
women’s total labour force participation. The informal and flexible nature of rural work
allows children to accompany their mothers to work; joint family set-ups, where all the
women of the household share domestic and childcare duties; and the social
assumption that women will participate in agricultural activities, have played a pivotal
role in the increased representation of women in the rural workforce. All around the
world, women spend more time performing unpaid work versus men. From the
economic perspective alone, tapping into this market of unpaid labour could
significantly boost GDP, which is important during times of near-zero economic growth.
This National Working Women’s Day (today), the fact that women are persistently less
present in the labour market, is a red flag indicating the extremely limited ‘real’
economic opportunities available to women in Pakistan. Keeping in mind the cultural
context where men are regarded as the breadwinners who are providing shelter, security
and cash for household expenditure, whereas the women are seen as homemakers,
taking care of the house and the children, the job market needs to be more
accommodating and flexible.
Measures are needed to remove barriers to women’s contribution.
A rigid working culture along with the lack of affordable, quality childcare, has made a
large percentage of women in the urban areas unproductive, wasting their quality
education by forcing them out of the job market. It is not enough for the government to
claim they are increasing women’s quota for employment or for private organisations to
assert that they do not discriminate against women, the policy needs to be more
thorough, where women are not only promised equal pay but also facilitated as mothers
and provided childcare options and flexible work hours so that they can manage both
their domestic duties and their work.
This current rise in the cost of urban living makes it even more crucial for women to join
the labour force in order to help maintain a certain standard of living. Not only do
dual-income households provide greater financial security to the household, they also
have a positive impact on both intra- and inter-generational mobility. Households with
dual sources of income have a higher average disposable income. In most cases, the
additional income earned by the women not only empowers them but also provides
better health, nutrition and education to their children. Therefore, there is a need for a
paradigm shift in the way women are included in the workplace through flexible hours,
work-from-home options and better and inexpensive childcare facilities.
This barrier to entry for women will not end overnight, but it is time for the government
to help create policies, and to work together with the private sector to create affordable
childcare facilities to ease women’s entry into and retention in the workspace. In the
meanwhile, we must also learn from our Covid-19 experiences where the traditional
nine-to-five desk job has seen transformation, offering more flexible and unique work
prospects for women to help break through this invisible glass door.

Women in peril
Editorial Published September 16, 2022

IT is highly likely that when the cumulative human cost caused by the floods is added up
a few months down the line, the toll would be higher for women than for men. Evidence
gathered in the aftermath of a number of natural disasters around the world clearly
shows that women bear a disproportionate burden of loss in terms of death, disease
and emotional trauma. In fact, according to the UN, “when disaster strikes, women and
children are 14 times more likely than men to die”. Take, for example, the 2004 tsunami
in the Indian Ocean that claimed around 230,000 lives. A staggering 70pc of them were
women. The disparity between the impact of disasters on men and women was also
observed during the Covid-19 pandemic, when deaths and injuries from domestic abuse
spiked because women, although ironically more resilient against the virus, were locked
in with abusive partners.
In this context, while the flood may have seriously impacted Pakistan’s economy,
agricultural output and created serious food insecurity among other things, the
cumulative material, physical and psychological impact being felt by millions of women
cannot even be measured. Having lost their homes and the privacy that afforded, they
are faced with challenges others can scarcely imagine. In a patriarchal society where
women’s needs are often not taken seriously even by their own family members, it is
safe to assume that in these circumstances the general and specific physiological and
even medical requirements of affected women (such as washrooms, sanitary and
childbirth kits) are far from being met. Around 8.2m women of reproductive age have
been affected by the floods, out of which around 650,000 are pregnant: 73,000 are
reportedly due this month. The health of the infants being born during this calamity is
also inherently linked to their mothers’ health. Women and children must be at the core
of the authorities’ relief and medical responses and a coherent strategy developed with
international aid organisations to address their immediate and short-term needs.

Empowering women
Maria Taimur Published July 11, 2021

The writer is a police officer.

THE Anti-Rape (Investigation and Trial) Bill, 2020, opens up many avenues of hope for
victims of rape. It is an all-encompassing law emphasising anti-rape crisis cells, legal
assistance, victim protection and special committees, in order to ensure speedy justice.
However, complex problems require complex solutions and an upstream approach.
Our criminal justice system is based on the English common law, and is ‘adversarial’ in
nature. As opposed to inquisitorial law, adversarial law requires evidence to conform to
a number of rules and restrictions in order to be admissible. This poses a colossal
challenge to investigation and trial in cases such as sexual assaults. A multi-sectoral
approach, like the one envisioned in the bill, is essential but it is not without its
challenges.
The provisions of the bill suggest that the gaping holes in the adversarial criminal
justice system which causes delays and costs to the victim, might be plugged if efficient
and effective methods are employed. From the first point of contact in crisis cells to
prosecution and finally to the courts, the bill defines a protected path for the victims. It
also gives clear guidance about the timelines to be met and the processes to be carried
out.
The first point of contact for the surviving victim is the police. Globally, anti-rape crisis
centres function in three main expert domains. One is forensics, the other is evidence
collection and the third is aftercare needs. It is absolutely necessary for all domains to
accomplish their respective functions and meet their targets simultaneously. However,
there are many stumbling blocks along the way.
Providing safe spaces to women is a collective responsibility.
The moment a victim alleging rape approaches the police, the issue of consent is
immediately brought into question. More often than not, the victim knows the
perpetrator from somewhere and has previously had an unpleasant, though non-violent,
encounter with him but has been advised by others to ignore it. This leads the police to
suspect that the girl/woman is on consensual terms with the perpetrator. The latter
could be a close relative or the girl’s teacher, doctor, driver, class fellow or neighbour —
someone who is known to the victim and her family. This makes it difficult for the girl to
keep her distance from him.
At the other end, instead of calling out the person harassing her, our conservative
culture blames the girl for ‘encouraging advances’. This can result in her being banned
from going out altogether in addition to being blamed for the unwanted advances of the
harasser. Often girls overlook and ignore such advances out of fear that if they complain
they will be blamed and not allowed outside. At the same time, they are brought up to
believe that ‘men will be men’ and it is better to ignore them. The perpetrators take
complete advantage of this enforced modesty and increase the level of harassment. It
is a common finding in many investigations that the perpetrator randomly took a picture
of his victim and blackmailed her. The girl tends to be silent until the perpetrator, on
seeing no reaction, threatens to blackmail her.
If the girl being harassed seeks a trusted family member’s help, the cycle of exploitation
stops right there and the perpetrator moves to the next target. However, if the girl
cannot approach her family who she thinks will not trust her and, instead, blame her, she
will end up getting trapped in a seemingly endless cycle of exploitation. It is at this point
that she will feel compelled to approach the police, another trauma as she has to face
multiple challenges in recounting her ordeal. It is an immense challenge for the police
as well who have to connect the dots and dig out the facts.
It is then the need of the hour, for male family members especially, to trust female
relations and give them the confidence to say no to any form of harassment and
exploitation they may face.
On the preventive side, small interventions at the community level can bring about big
changes. Providing safe spaces to girls and women inside and outside their home is a
collective social responsibility. Public spaces are taken over by men; most women try to
be invisible in a public space to feel safe. Most public spaces are no-go areas for
women after sunset. Fearing harassment and possible assault, parents in a Bangladesh
village were not sending their girls to school. UNWOMEN helped the community identify
the problem; it turned out that the area was too dimly lit and had heavy vegetation and
the girls did not feel secure in this environment. The path was cleared and light posts
were installed along the way. Girls got their security, freedom and education back.
Clearly, it requires society as a whole to rise up to the challenge and everyone to do their
bit to fix the problem.
More women SHOs
Editorial Published December 7, 2022

IT is encouraging to see more employment avenues opening up for women in Pakistan,

with an increasing number of public institutions making a conscious effort to bring
them on board. According to a report in this paper yesterday, the Pakistan Railways
police is planning to hire more women station house officers at several major train
stations, particularly in Karachi. The objective is to ensure that female passengers are
assured of a pleasant, safe and secure journey. Positive feedback from passengers
regarding the first ever woman SHO appointed in Lahore at the Mughalpura station has
prompted PR to recruit more women for the post across the country. Some other
measures, such as the installation of cameras on the trains and a mobile phone app,
have also been announced so that outlaws on board can be apprehended. According to
a PR police spokesperson, the criminal record information of all law-enforcement
agencies has been incorporated with the e-police post app, thereby making for a more
integrated system.
It may be recalled that a few months ago, a young woman travelling alone was
gang-raped on a Karachi-bound train — a shocking incident that highlighted how
extremely unsafe is the public transport system in Pakistan for lone female travellers.
The question to be asked is never why a woman was travelling alone, but rather, what
the government must do to ensure a secure environment on public transport. The recent
move by the PR is thus encouraging. In a conservative society where the public space is
seen as belonging to men by right — which renders females venturing outside the home
even more vulnerable — the government must take proactive steps to increase women’s
visibility in a range of professions seen generally as male domains, such as the police.
Also, with the introduction of metro bus systems along modern lines and with separate
compartments for women, travel has become more economical and perceptibly
widened the avenues for female employment and education. Such a trend can only bode
well for a society’s progress.

The gender gap

Rafia Zakaria Published July 20, 2022

The writer is an attorney teaching constitutional law and political philosophy.

THE World Economic Forum recently released the Global Gender Gap Report, 2022. The
report quantifies how big the gender gap is in areas including educational attainment,
economic participation, health and political empowerment. The news is predictably
awful. Pakistan is placed second last. Out of the 146 countries ranked on the index,
Pakistan is at 145, doing marginally better than Afghanistan.
The news should not surprise anyone. The horror and discomfort of being female in a
country of men has been lamented ever since Pakistan came into existence. The gaps
are huge — and if one has an appetite for exactly how huge, the report is helpful. If you
would like a taste for the numbers they are truly forbidding. Take education: Pakistan is
one of 16 countries in the world where secondary school enrolment has a gender gap of
greater than 10 percentage points. Education figures for females in Pakistan rank
among the worst anywhere — we are in the company of many Sub-Saharan countries.
It is also worth noting that while Western nations are held up as examples of gender
equality in education, there are a host of other nations, such as those in South America,
that also offer equal opportunities to males and females in education. This should be of
note for those who say that the indices are structured in a way that ensures the
supremacy of Western countries. Clearly, real data is not biased in favour of Western
democracies.
The statistics for the section on ‘health and survival’ present an even grimmer picture.
While most of the countries in the world have closed their gender gap and many have
actually reached complete gender parity, Pakistan once again is a cautionary tale. Along
with China, India, Azerbaijan and Qatar, Pakistan has a gender gap of over five per cent
in this area. According to the World Economic Forum, part of the reason for this gap is
the “son preference” in such countries. This means that the natural ratio of male to
female births is artificially altered by either aborting female foetuses or because of
neglect of and lack of care for female infants, resulting in their death before they reach
the age of five years.
The horror and discomfort of being female in a country of men has been lamented ever
since Pakistan came into existence.
In such countries, there is an unnatural ratio between men and women. Percentages by
themselves may not capture the picture; the actual impact lies in the numbers —
millions of women are ‘missing’, killed or allowed to die before they have had a chance
to live. The cumulative number of ‘missing’ women in Pakistan, India and China was
estimated to be around 142.6m in 2020. This number, according to an earlier report, is
“twice as much than in 1970 when the number of missing women was estimated at
61m”.
The story behind economic participation and opportunity is equally dismal if not literally
deadly. The top performers in this category include countries like Burundi and Barbados
all of which have very small gender gaps in terms of economic participation.
Afghanistan scores the lowest in this category and Pakistan is only one notch better.
Globally, however the disparity is also dismally large with a gender gap seen in virtually
all countries on this index. The lowest scorers, along with Pakistan and Afghanistan,
include Iran, India, Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Sadly, according to the 2022 report:
“Pakistan is the country where women have the smallest share of senior, managerial
and legislative roles (4.5pc), compared to Jamaica, where women represent 56.6pc of
workers in that category, or Togo, which has the highest share of women in senior roles,
at 70.1pc.”
Finally, women are being deprived of political empowerment as well. Worldwide, gender
gap on this index is said to be the widest among the four categories on which
performances are judged — the others being education attainment, health and
economic opportunity. It must be said that, as compared to its score on the other
categories, Pakistan has done somewhat better here by not being rock bottom. It has
been ranked 95th. But, judging by the gender gap in parliament and ministerial positions
— and the fact that women in the more conservative areas are held back from voting —
there is great scope for improvement.
A few things can be gleaned from the fact that Pakistan always scores poorly on indices
related to gender. First, it appears that no one in Pakistan, including many women, seem
to care about women’s dismal position. In fact, some educated working women are so
harassed by men, their families and society in general that they have no energy left to
challenge their detractors. Women lawmakers on quota seats are there because their
husband or father or uncle or nephew or some such has had them appointed. These
lawmakers have done little to help the situation of women in the country other than
perhaps demanding that one of the innumerable parliamentary commissions create an
impression of concern. The outcome of such disinterest is sometimes used to convince
foreign governments to give money for projects that are supposed to help Pakistan’s
hapless women.
Most educated women in Pakistan know that unless you have government or family
connections that are solid enough to provide protection from harassment and
appointments to cushy positions, the entire project of becoming an independent woman
is a fantasy. Instead of being able to work to make things better, those who can, leave
for foreign shores where they can work without having leering and harassing men make
every day a living hell. In this way, much of Pakistan’s best talent is lost. Those battling it
out in Pakistan deserve special credit for their courage and for representing the fact that
if it were not for Pakistani men, who create hurdles for them, Pakistani women would be
doing so much better.

Persistent disparity
Nadia Agha Published February 10, 2022
The writer has a doctorate degree in women’s studies.
EQUAL rights are meant for everyone. And yet gender-based discrimination continues to
deprive women and girls of their rights and opportunities. The SDGs aim at achieving
gender equality and urge governments to focus on women’s educational attainment,
participation in the labour market and representation in public through policy
implementation. Unfortunately, the efforts, particularly in low-income countries, are not
successful where disparities in health and education are stronger and bargaining power
in marriages is weaker.
Pakistan has shown progress by investing more in women’s education, creating
economic opportunities and enacting laws to protect women in the public and private
spheres. It has introduced various interventions to reduce gender gaps in education,
health and economic empowerment — for instance, BISP cash transfer, Youth Loan
Scheme, Kamyab Jawan Programme, Waseela-i-Taleem, free education for girls, health
card schemes etc. Yet, the effort has not had the expected results. Social indicators
show how vulnerable women still are. For example, the female literacy rate is 49 per
cent against the male literacy rate of 71pc. The female literacy rate is lower in rural
areas at just 38pc. Pakistan has one of the lowest female labour force participation
rates in the region. Improving maternal health in the country has been a huge challenge.
The Global Gender Gap ranking by the World Economic Forum places Pakistan at 153
out of 156 countries. With a widening gender gap, Pakistan is only better than
Afghanistan.
When we talk about gender equality in the Pakistani context, we must consider what
equality we are looking for and why gender inequality in Pakistan is so persistent even
with development. Many studies show the link between gender equality and economic
growth, particularly through education. The question is, how do society-specific factors
determine women’s status and hamper progress on reducing gender gaps?
In our society, descent is traced through the male line and females have to leave their
parents when they marry. This results in gender discrimination because parents want
sons whom they value more and look upon as their future security. Beliefs and attitudes
to women’s ‘honour’ restrict women’s mobility.
Why are we unable to end gender inequality?
Poverty hampers women’s empowerment. Most of Pakistan’s population lives in the
rural areas in disadvantaged conditions. Poverty explains why the underprivileged opt
for localised practices that undermine women’s status, eg paying bride price, selling
daughters to settle a dispute, etc.
Girl child marriages frequently witnessed among the poor and communities with low
literacy rates are also responsible for women’s disempowerment. It leads to early
maternity which eliminates all possibilities of seeking education. Many girls are barred
from going to school with the onset of puberty. Although Sindh has introduced the Sindh
Child Marriage Restraint Act, 2013, one report shows an increase in girl child marriages
in different districts in Sindh. Jacobabad tops the list with an 8.8pc increase in the
marriages of girls under 15.
There is no denying that gender equality contributes to economic growth, but how can
we reduce the gap without half of the population having access to educational and
economic opportunities? Covid-19 has affected SDG progress and threatened the future
of millions of girls. Closing gender gaps is important because it is not only about
economic growth but also providing social and economic justice to a deprived section
of society.
There are several cultural factors that hinder gender equality and negatively impact a
woman’s well-being. Poverty exacerbates the situation. With an increasing number of
people falling below the poverty line, it is highly likely that the gender gap will widen
further in the country. It is important that interventions to close the gender gap factor in
regressive societal mores. For instance, inclusive policies must be designed in girls’
education — free education on its own won’t solve the problem unless issues such as
mobility are also taken into account. Teachers must be trained to address the challenge
of girls dropping out of school.
Changes in the cultural environment should be undertaken to allow women to capitalise
on economic opportunities. Efforts to regularise the informal economy, particularly in
the rural areas where women’s economic contribution is crucial but invisible, would be a
step in this direction. Promotion of women-specific economic opportunities such as
packaging can also ensure income generation. Increasing women’s access to potential
markets and introducing e-commerce through training can make a significant difference
to the lives of young educated women. Such moves are crucial to removing the
sociocultural barriers that prevent women from getting ahead.

To be a woman in Pakistan isn’t easy

From the Newspaper Published September 25, 2021

FOR well over seven decades, we celebrate our independence while making due efforts
to remember all those who fought not just against political and communal forces, but,
perhaps more importantly, against dread and despair to get a piece of land filled with
peace and opportunities that had been denied to them till then. Do we ever take a
moment to realise that all these seven decades later, women are denied the same
freedom, peace and opportunities on that same piece of land?
To be a woman in a country dominated by men who consider them inferior and weaker
is to live a constant nightmare. To be a woman in a country where cries for help are
shushed or answered with unwanted advices to be patient, is to be led down a dark,
seemingly bottomless abyss, watching the light diminishing, like a flower deprived of
sun.
To be a woman in a world that turns a blind eye and a deaf ear to our suffering is to be
left with a hallow soul battered with wounds and pain. Being a woman today is like
holding our breaths and wondering about our ‘turn’ with each dreadful incident. It is like
living with the echoes of our fallen sisters crying for justice.
Human beings are filled with unpredictable and sometimes unprecedented emotions
that manifest themselves at unexpected times. And when they do they come in waves
and often end up being a ruthless hurricane that destroys the soul. Perhaps, it is a result
of the years of silence we are often forced into, or the years of emotions we suppress.
Regardless, when they reveal themselves, they appear in the form of rage — rage from
the uncertainty surrounding our lives and for the souls that wander in search of justice
for the disfigured bodies they have left behind. There are countless stories we hear
almost on a daily basis of innocent lives being taken away due to their gender and the
predators getting away, perpetuating the cycle of crime and subjugation. All of these
heart-wrenching stories have shaped us into what we are today — vengeful and
indignant.
The fact that men in our midst are aware that they can get away even with the most
unfathomable of crimes, is a proof that we have failed, not only as citizens of the very
country our ancestors incessantly fought for, but as humans. Whether it is Noor, Khadija,
Quratulain, the unbearable weight of the souls we have lost and the souls living in fear
drives us to continue to fight for the same freedom we thought the country had
achieved several decades ago.
Although most of us cannot gather the courage to deal with the trauma our fellow
women have gone through, or muster the strength to speak about it, we must raise our
voice until every criminal is brought to justice, and until we feel safe.
Women must continue to fight the battle that is not just of those we have lost, but for
our own sake. We should talk about their sufferings and make up for the silence we
have been told is an essential part of being a woman. We must hold people accountable
for their actions and remind them of the strength of the body that brings them to life; the
hands that raise them and the voices that once put them to sleep; the warriors they now
deem weak.
We should raise girls without burdening them with the responsibilities of being a
daughter, a sister and, at some point, a wife and a mother, and teach them to live a life
of their own, away from all fears, to be selfish for once and to be free. It is time we
taught our girls and women to fight for their right instead of considering it as their
destiny.

Women empowerment
From the Newspaper Published November 23, 201

QUAID-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah once said: “No nation can rise to the height of
glory unless your women are side by side with you.”
In spite of the low literacy rate of women in rural and arid areas of Dadu district, an
organisation has empowered rural women by establishing independent women
community intuitions at union council level by providing them grants in millions for
life-long survival of their institutions with the objective of average sustainable increase
of poor household incomes. We need more organisations like this.
In a recent workshop, a woman said that this was the first time her husband had been
known/acknowledged by her name, as women here are mostly identified by their father,
husband or son’s name.
Currently their institutions are working for alleviation of poverty by engaging women in
small-medium enterprise (SME) activities. I urge the government of Sindh and
organisations working on women empowerment and economic development of
Pakistan to introduce small projects first time under women leadership to ensure
women empowerment.

TO BE A WOMAN IN PAKISTAN
Womanhood in Pakistan is being born with ashes in your fist.
Raniya Hosain Published November 22, 2020
‘Womanhood in Pakistan is being born with ashes in your fist.’ This year, the Zeenat
Haroon Rashid Writing Prize for Women was awarded to a young Pakistani writer for her
experiential examination of womanhood in Pakistan. Eos is proud to exclusively publish
the winning entry

Womanhood’ is an abstract, formless thing — like an old God, or an undiscovered island.

To me it means waking up at 8 am to dust the living room, open up the window and let
in the light. It means a body that is soft and giving and kaleidoscopic — here are my
bird-boned ankles, here my scarred knuckles, here my floral neck. I met a boy once who
told me he couldn’t joke with women — they were too sensitive. I suppose, to him,
womanhood was the complete lack of a punchline, a serious snail-like thing, curling
away from laughter, and salt.
There are certain symbols of womanhood that have collected in our subconscious, the
detritus of constant mis-definition. A woman is a candy-bar. No, she is a suffering thing,
what poet Kaveh Akbar would call a “poor deer” — run over (and over and over) by every
passing car, and still, still standing in the glow of the headlights. A woman is a
metaphor. Wait no — she is a biological certainty, a fixed chromosomal truth. Wait —
wait — a woman is a Giver Of Life. A woman is silver earrings and five different kinds of
organic conditioner. A woman is salad for lunch, and bile for dinner. A woman is a
touched, untouched, virginal whore.
So if no one really knows what a woman is, what does it mean to be one? Especially in a
country like Pakistan — where the law half-heartedly tries to protect us, and society tells
it to shut its dirty kafir mouth and that’s that. Let me include here two little instances of
my experience of Pakistani womanhood, truthful to me, but perhaps only me, which is
quite alright, because that’s how memory works. Little instances because — there is
comfort in smallness, in lightness, in being able to raise objects, bodies and voices with
ease. Because my sharpest pains are all wordless cries. Because in saying the small
things, carefully, ritualistically, twice — the big things sort of reveal themselves anyway.

Illustrations by Samiah Bilal

I) A Tale Of Two Windows
“In a way,” a male friend of mine once said, “catcalls are compliments.” Every woman in
the room stared at him like he had grown another head, or perhaps, lost his current one.
I was in a car once, with my sister, and we were dressed up in all our Eid finery — the
draped silks, the daringly short sleeves, our mother’s jasmine perfume dabbed on our
collarbones and wrists. We were discussing how much Eidi we’d gotten, and how
the biryani had been under-spiced, and the way that one uncle of ours looked so
tired, na? It’s all his wife’s fault — always nagging, doesn’t even keep a proper house for
him.
We stopped at a traffic light. A man in the car next to us knocked on the window. He
gestured for us to roll down the window. We didn’t. He gestured again, more
emphatically. “Maybe he’s in trouble or something,” I whispered to my sister. “More like
he is trouble,” she replied, firmly avoiding his gaze.
He looked me directly in the eye, and his eyes dropped to my chest. He smiled at me,
made a hand gesture for oral sex, and drove away laughing. This all happened in broad
daylight, in the smoke-filled sedentary bustle of Lahore, basking in Eid lunch afterglow. It
took a minute, perhaps less. I didn’t quite know what had happened — I only know that I
felt the weight of his hands through two car windows. I only knew that I never wanted to
be looked at again.
“Do you think,” I asked my sister, “it was because I was wearing sleeveless?” “No,” she
said unconvincingly, “of course not.” “But maybe,” she added, “you shouldn’t wear
sleeveless out of the house anymore.” And I didn’t, for years. And when I did, I thought of
that man — the crooked width of his smile, the yellow of his teeth, the quick forceful way
his fingers moved, like a bird or a bullet.
Being catcalled, or stared at, or having hands gesture toward you is perhaps the
smallest, most intangible act of violence. When I walked into middle school, with my
newly grown (training bra friendly) breasts, I felt eyes follow me like shadows, like
strangers in dark alleyways, like the ghosts of hands that never stopped touching me.
The thing about any kind of harassment is that it takes things from you — things you
never even knew you could give.
It took sleeveless kameezes from me. It took wandering through my neighbourhood
park alone. It took, for a few seconds, my body — my sense of self — my name. It took,
and it took, and it takes even now.
They say Nero played the fiddle while Rome burned. It’s an indictment more than
anything. But I get it. Sometimes all you have is the urge to make something beautiful.
Maybe womanhood is a constant emptying out. The sound of quickened breath in the
street, as heavy footsteps sound languid behind you. A trembling hand moving to lift up
a neckline, pull down a hemline, brush hair like a concrete bridal veil in front of a face.
And maybe womanhood in Pakistan is being retold the stories of your countless little
traumas as a lilting, joking aside — “I would be happy to be catcalled!” My friend
continued, “It’s the price you pay for being beautiful.” Maybe he’s a little bit right, maybe
womanhood is exactly that — the price you pay for being beautiful.
But I can’t accept that. I can’t equate my identity to all the little acts of violence
committed against me. Qandeel Baloch is metonymic for resistant, empowered
womanhood in Pakistan — posters of her abounded at the Aurat March, her lips pulled
up into a half-smirk. This is the image, and that is the face. It is not the wounds, or the
body, or the perpetrators of a gross and unjust violence that define who she was, is, to
us. Her womanhood is, and must be, extricable from her victimhood.
Feminist criticism has recently highlighted the importance of active versus passive
language, the way we position subjects in sentences — so rather than saying ‘I was
raped,’ you would say ‘he raped me.’ Rather than saying ‘I was catcalled’, you say, ‘He
was a middle aged weirdo who decided to mimic oral sex to a 15-year-old girl.’ In image,
in symbol, in language, and in thought — there is a pressing need to separate who we
are from what is done to us.
Womanhood is 21-year-old me, wearing a sleeveless black jorra, and ashing a cigarette
out of my car window. Womanhood is that precise moment during the Aurat March
where dozens of women donned a mask of Qandeel’s face — as if to say, look, here, you
could not take her from us. Being a woman in Pakistan isn’t — but should be, but is
inching toward — a re-assertion of what we will not give.
II) AGAINST THE TIDE
The thing about patriarchy is that I don’t know who I would be without it. It’s like asking a
child to imagine what it is to be an adult. There’s the faint scent of freedom, a kind of
light at the edges of your vision, but it’s not something that can be known until it is lived.
I will never know who I could have been — unafraid and bare-chested, walking home
alone at 10 pm. I will never know how to enter a room without instinctively hunching my
shoulders and lowering my gaze. I will never know what it is like to love a stranger, alone
and in the dark, without shame and fear gathering force in my lungs. I will never know
what it is like to be unaware, even for a second, of my own damned beautiful body.
The closest I have come to a world without patriarchy is Ladies Hour at the Islamabad
Club Pool (9-10 am). I go with my aunt, and we walk hand in hand, sensible beige towels
slung over our shoulders, my excited chatter undeterred by the stolid unresponsiveness
of her placating “hmms.” My aunt is the sort of woman who could walk into a palace
and immediately zero in on a speck of dust on the side table. She taught me how to
swim — like a parody of embodiment, she slowly uncurved her arms over and over again
to show me exactly how to float. Womanhood is, often, forced meticulousness — and I
think this is the definition my aunt inhabits most comfortably.
The smell of chlorine stings, and my eyes water a little bit because I forgot my goggles
at home — but, oh, is this what it is to be a man? To be weightless, to slice through the
world like it is not a concrete thing, to never worry about having both feet on the ground?
I cannonball into the water and my aunt scolds me, and the waves cascade outward
with slowly diminishing force. I think if I jumped from high enough, I could make a
tsunami. I could make a wave, so large, so brutal, it would wipe out cities. It would
baptise the whole universe. This is the never-ending search — what point is high enough
to drown out the world as we know it?
But the pool is more than a metaphor — it is a kingdom where nobody hurts. A stranger
tells me that I have to kick my legs a bit faster if I want to go anywhere and I am not
afraid. A stranger smiles at me when I catch her eye and I am not afraid. I trip and fall,
and three different elderly ladies cluck and fuss over me, tell me I’m so brave for not
crying, and I am not afraid.
Fear arrives, with a whistle. I don’t recall if there actually is a whistle that announces the
end of Ladies Hour at Islamabad Club, but I can hear it anyway. A sharp staccato thing,
ringing in my ears like a fire alarm — the kind of sound that warns you something bad is
coming. “Five more minutes,” I say to my aunt. “No — come out.” Always, the leaving, the
ushering off, always, the emptying out. The women leave the pool so fast, even the
water is confused — trembling, lapping at concrete edges, a limpid question mark.
“I don’t want to go,” I say. “Please — just this once — five more minutes.” “We can go to
the ladies only pool — now hurry up, get out.” The ladies only pool is cramped, and
lukewarm, with far less room for me to make waves. I do not compromise, fists
clenched at my sides — “I want to stay five more minutes.” “Come on!” My aunt says,
losing her patience, “Do you want all the men to look at your legs? Do you want them to
think you’re that kind of a girl? Get out, NOW.” And with this final commandment, my
little kingdom collapses — I watch Islamabad Club disappear in the rear view mirror like
Nero, watching Rome burn.
They say Nero played the fiddle while Rome burned. It’s an indictment more than
anything. But I get it. Sometimes all you have is the urge to make something beautiful.
Sometimes there is nothing left but sad strains of music, echoing into spaces that can
no longer belong to you. This is, of course, over-dramatic. We would go back to that
middle class sanctuary, Islamabad Club, the next day. There are much more sinister
spaces snatched away from women, far more permanently — schools, hospitals, homes,
bodies. But that’s my point. Patriarchy spreads like an oil spill — choking off all access
to life. Even the smallest space is something we cannot have. So we watch Rome burn
— every day, every hour — womanhood in Pakistan is being born with ashes in your fist.
Is this what it is to be a woman in Pakistan, then? A sliding scale of suffering? Different
garnishes on the same bland bodies? Where, in womanhood, do we make space for joy?
Womanhood is the art of the after-life — of inhabiting a body that creates far more than
it could ever destroy. Not just children, but bonds of friendship, of community, of any
and all kinds of boundless love. But then — that’s not just womanhood is it? That’s just
— it’s just supposed to be — humanity? It’s more obvious in women though. A kind of
forced meticulousness. Women don’t owe the world love, or delicacy, or birth. Women
can be corrupt, can be rapists, can be awful, and evil, and unlovable — but we should be
able to keep swimming. Women should be able to tread water and be unafraid.
Pakistan has a complicated history regarding women and fear. Uzma Khan was beaten
and threatened with rape by another woman, the wife of a man with whom she had an
alleged affair. In the viral ‘Colonel Ki Biwi’ video, a woman yells at, abuses and almost
runs over a male police officer — granted privilege through her proximity to power, rather
than through inhabiting it. Muslim women accuse Christian women of crimes that they
did not commit, crimes that remain unsayable. Aunts will constantly ask when a girl is
getting engaged, in the pestering mindless way of a mosquito bite that stings more than
it should. Women will call a girl a slut for daring to ever desire, a prude for refusing too
many eligible advances. We saw a woman with short hair, in plaid once, and my mother
wisely declared, “She must be some sort of a lesbian.” Which — is patently untrue. She
must not be anything, other than herself.
Women will teach you how to swim, then drag you out of the pool. Women will talk
about the sanctity of marriage, then turn around and ignore the husband in favour of
dishing it out to the mistress. And the colonel’s wife — well that’s all she’ll ever be in our
collective imagination. Someone’s wife. It hurts more coming from women — where did
these sweat-soaked, loud, violent beings come from? We were promised boundless
love.
Women can fit so comfortably in the system of patriarchy, that they learn to ignore the
slices of themselves they cut off along the way. Like Cinderella’s step-sisters — off with
the toes, and down with the heels, a little bit of blood in the shoe is not much of a price
to pay for a kingdom. The thing about kingdoms is that they demand subjects. So
someone, somewhere, is always hurting. And hurt permeates outward — it is the wave
that never stops breaking. Unless we’re all swimming, we’re all drowning. Being a
woman in Pakistan is the constant, impotent struggle to breathe underwater.

SINCERELY, MINE
There are certain “crucibles of difference,” as Audre Lorde so eloquently put it, that are
intrinsic to womanhood. Poor women, Baloch women, women from religious minorities,
transgender women, queer women, dark-skinned women, fat women. The
intersectionality of struggles is what constitutes identity — and the ‘degree of harm’
might differ, but the lived experiential reality of harm holds within it a scarring
permanence, a tendency toward empathy.
I cried when I read about Qandeel Baloch’s murder. I feel personally offended when
people malign Meesha Shafi, in speaking truth to power — I feel she gave us all a voice.
Rights of divorce crossed out in nikahnamas, acid attacks, and honour killings, and the
systemic degradation of trans women — it implicates us all. There is a sense of a joint
struggle, a resurging feminist movement toward an incorporeal, unimaginable future.
And still the constant refrain, by male critics, by cynical family members, by angry
unhappy people online — you, personally, haven’t suffered enough.
Womanhood is a part of me, not the whole of me. Being Pakistani is a part of me, not
the whole of me. My identity is more than a list I fill out in hospital waiting rooms, and
college applications.
Is this what it is to be a woman in Pakistan, then? A sliding scale of suffering? Different
garnishes on the same bland bodies? Where, in womanhood, do we make space for joy?
My experience echoes yours, echoes hers, echoes our grandmothers’ — with a little bit
of fabric loose at the edges, the slight room for movement. But my God — must we all
be so cyclically, perpetually hurt?
Why is the phrase ‘Womanhood in Pakistan’ synonymous with tragedy? My experience
of womanhood in Pakistan is specific to me, my family, all my unearned privilege. It is
the specific blue of my lehnga, the smell of garlic lingering on my fingertips, the smooth
hairlessness of my arms and the frightening thicket of my legs. Womanhood isn’t really
anything solidified, anything that is classifiably the same. It’s just hard to spot the
differences when we’re all bleeding out on the floor, sacrifices to an unappeasable
Unknown.
Womanhood is a part of me, not the whole of me. Being Pakistani is a part of me, not
the whole of me. My identity is more than a list I fill out in hospital waiting rooms, and
college applications. It’s become a joke amongst my friends — how often I say, casually
and insistently, “Gender is a patriarchal social construct.” So are borders. So are words.
Audre Lorde writes “the master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house.” As long
as I limit myself to patriarchal borders of identity, patriarchal modes of self
identification, I will be within the power of patriarchal thought. My womanhood, my
Pakistani-ness — I hold power over them. I choose what to take, and what to discard; no
one else can tell me what it means to be myself.
In honour of armpit hair, and childlessness, in honour of spitting paan and red lipstick, in
honour of bracelets of jasmine and low cut tops, in honour of Badshahi Masjid and
Bahria farmhouse parties, in honour of old gods and undiscovered islands — here I am.
A Pakistani woman. And that means nothing to me, and everything to me, all at once.
The writer is currently pursuing a Master’s degree in English Literature at King’s College,
London and is working on launching a digital literary magazine called Spacebar
This winning essay was originally titled ‘Portrait of a Woman in Pain’
Economy, not culture
Afiya S. Zia Published February 28, 2021

The writer is author of Faith and Feminism in Pakistan.

IN 2002, Gen Musharraf pulled a rabbit out of the hat by substantially increasing quotas
for women’s seats in all legislative bodies. This improved Pakistan’s ranking significantly
on the Global Gender Gap Index. Decades on, political empowerment is the only
indicator ranking us at mid-level, rather than second last for everything else.
The culprits are not democracy or corruption but the historical misdiagnoses that
‘culture’ is a proven obstacle to women’s progress, especially their economic
empowerment. Instead, lack of social prestige, negative community perception, and
work conditions are major impediments to Pakistani women’s waged labour. Gossip and
patriarchal control should not be confused with immutable culture.
The culture cudgel is a convenient excuse used by unimaginative, lazy officials and
politicians who refuse to incentivise women’s waged labour. Offloading responsibility on
culture or waiting for macroeconomic miracles or utopian level-playing-field markets is
erroneous. Change is underway but unmeasured and blocked by the culture argument.
There are no uniform or permanent barriers across communities, districts or provinces.
‘Culture’ is forsaken under extreme poverty when women are driven to distressed labour,
including in construction, although pragmatic microfinance policies and home-based
work reinforce the culture paradigm.
What makes the women’s movement weak?
Many donor-funded reports on women’s empowerment recall colonial-era policies with
local experts advising that ‘cultural and religious norms’ should not be upset. The result
has been decades of poultry rearing and home-based embroidery projects while
preserving the patriarchal gendered order.
Despite their flaws, global ranking reports reveal some stark findings that are needlessly
complicated by international experts and standardised solutions. Some indictments are
as follows.
First, most Pakistani women are not in the workforce. The majority of the 20 per cent
who are, labour in agriculture (without minimum wages) while the rest toil in informal
and unsafe (mostly manufacturing) sectors. Women are not ‘service sector-oriented’ but
confined due to lack of skills for higher paid work. Gender segregated occupations and
lack of market access and mobility are blamed on tradition instead of negligent
planning.
It is not culturally offensive to enforce the living wage for all women agricultural
workers, securitise the informal sector, upgrade domestic (not MNC) labour laws with
vigilant regulatory mechanisms and feminise markets with state support.
Second, the success in mandating anti-sexual harassment laws in the workplace has
gained us valuable points in global rankings. However, slippery patriarchal tactics mean
that workplaces claiming to observe this law use it as a fig leaf to deny basic rights of
maternity benefits, childcare, equal pay etc. It’s become a ‘gender-pass’ for male
employees and owners to curb their harassment habits a little but continue to exploit
women’s labour.
Equal pay and secure facilities for women, affirmative action for minority women, and
quality childcare in state and private sectors must be enacted with strict penalties for
violations.
Third, domestic and care work are disproportionately women’s burdens but not owning
marital or family land and assets lowers our ranking drastically. Religious norms factor
here but mobile phone ownership is a secular concern. Male restrictions on women’s
access to phones is not due to culture but to maintain power over their autonomy. Since
few Pakistanis have physical bank accounts, phones are a critical entry point for
financial learning and economic empowerment.
Another ‘culture’ myth is that women have no decision-making powers in the household.
In fact, data shows gender equality in matters of purchases. It’s a political failure to not
recognise women as economic actors. Rather than infantilising them, women must be
given access to technology and bank account drives should be on a scale similar to
voter registration campaigns.
Fourth, fertility rates are decreasing but are globally high. Unmet contraceptive needs
and lack of childcare is a supply-side failure hindering women’s economic productivity.
The skills and remuneration of Lady Health Workers must be upgraded while extending
their community services to include food insecurity/ nutrition, disabled needs, seniors’
health, and pre-school life skills. A cost-effective grafting with the Ehsaas programme
could be considered.
Weaponising the culture argument makes women’s movements weak and prevents
women from organising collective action or gaining labour rights. When men and the
state use the ‘culture’ sword, they do a disservice to their own future generations and
the nation’s global standing.
It’s time to stop recycling cultural alibis or waiting on complex expertise. Radical
changes in gender policies require political decisions. We have nothing to lose except
our ranking as last in the world.

For women’s empowerment

I.A. Rehman Published May 5, 2016

AS a welcome change, this year’s May Day celebrations, demonstrations and debates
gave considerable space not only to the challenges faced by women workers but also to
the bitter struggle the women of this country have been forced to wage for realising
their elementary rights.
The list of these challenges is quite long and formidable: denial of right to work,
non-recognition of women’s work, non-payment for work done by women, denial of a fair
wage, gaps in the legislation needed to protect women’s rights, non-implementation of
laws that have already been enacted, non-recognition of informal-sector workers, and,
above all, prevalence of an environment that perpetuates and reinforces gender
inequality by the day.
Some of these issues are already on the official agenda. For instance, the demands of
home-based workers for their entitlements. The organisations working for them
estimate their number at 8.5 million but they could be more. Most of them are women.
They are among the worst exploited category of workers. Unexceptionable are their
demands for the ratification of ILO Convention 189, for domestic legislation required for
their recognition as workers, and for creation of a monitoring system to ensure that
what the law provides for is actually available to them.
Even a cursory look at the problems faced by women will reveal that they are
interrelated and interdependent.The Punjab government has at least promised
acceptance of their demands and now it is being pressed to honour its word. There is
no reason why home-based workers should be obliged to keep marching under a
blazing sun for the most basic of their rights.
The fact that organised labour has been in a state of retreat for quite some time means
that the grievances of women in the civil labour force have been multiplying. They will
continue to suffer more than all-male trade unions as the ruling elite is unlikely to be
cured of its obsession with free-market mantras, including the shady deals under the
cover of privatisation.
Even a cursory look at the problems faced by women will reveal that they are
interrelated and interdependent. Each problem has been aggravated by lack of state will
to resolve it.
The time has perhaps come to remove this main obstacle to women’s freedom by
demonstrating the state’s will to go the whole length for achieving gender equality by
adopting a long-term plan for women’s empowerment. What this goal means should
largely be decided by women themselves. During the interregnum the state and civil
society should concentrate on building up women’s capacity to cover the final lap to
their rightful place in society.
The long-term strategy will obviously include a mechanism for filling gaps in legislation
as well as for evaluating implementation of pro-women laws made over the past two
decades, and especially since 2004, in order to make their enforceability certain. In
order to ensure women’s ability to grab their share of jobs it will be necessary to extend
to them educational facilities and an adequate health cover. The failure to realise the
Millennium Development Goals must spur the administration to improve its
performance while addressing the Strategic Development Goals.
An important factor of women’s emancipation can be an increase in their role in local
government institutions. The Sindh government’s decision to increase women’s
representation in local bodies to 33pc is worthy of emulation by other provinces. But
symbolic representation will not be enough; the women local leaders must be helped to
address all of citizens’ problems, including their vulnerability to preachers of hate and
promoters of conflict.
Instead of creating new vehicles for promoting women’s empowerment, the task can be
assigned to the national and provincial commissions on the status of women after
enlarging their scope of work and guaranteeing them the physical and material
resources required. Besides developing and executing their three- or five-year
programmes they should also function as tribunals to receive and address women’s
grievances about the denial of their due.
Death of a scholar-bureaucrat
Our none-too-prosperous world of letters has been rendered poorer by the passing away
of Fazlur Rahman Khan of the Pakistan Administrative Service who served the country
for long years in various capacities, most notably as principal secretary to President
Ghulam Ishaq Khan.
Fazlur Rahman Khan found his urge to express himself on a variety of socioeconomic
issues blunted by his service code of conduct. Learning of this, Mr Mahmoud Abdullah
Haroon, the then federal interior minister and with whom Fazlur Rahman Khan was
working, urged him to write under an assumed name and if nothing else he could use
his initials as his byline.
Thus it was that Dawn started publishing regular columns by MAH. These covered a
wide area of issues in politics, history, sociology and culture that were remarkable not
only for the writer’s breadth of scholarship and incisive reasoning but also for the
fluency of the columns’ prose and style. It was only after Mahmoud Haroon’s death in
2008 that he revealed in his final column the person behind the byline MAH, by way of
acknowledging his debt to the departed benefactor.
Fazlur Rahman Khan belonged to a long line of public servants who did not allow their
duties in areas of civil administration or dispensation of justice or even in police/military
service to suppress their creative talent and found time to enrich contemporary
literature.
The line may not have entirely dried up but it is perhaps necessary to remind the
managers of academies and schools for training civil servants that they must
encourage the budding civil servants to take an interest in the literature, languages and
arts of their people. This will help them develop into wholesome personalities and
augment the country’s literary and cultural capital. This should also enable them to
better discharge their duties and thus promote good governance. Sensitive and cultured
public servants are perhaps more essential to a just dispensation than Plato’s
philosopher kings.

Women empowerment reforms

Salman Sufi Published January 20, 2019

The writer is an international public policy and gender reforms specialist, and former DG
of Punjab CM’s Strategic Reforms Unit.
THE obvious is often obscure, it seems. The state of affairs regarding women’s rights
has hardly ever been a matter of pressing concern for our masters. Yet ornamented
rhetoric has taken over grass-root reforms, and our gradual numbing to screaming
headlines of abuse and assault on the basic dignity of women has reduced most of the
work to mere table talk.
Let’s talk basics. One could argue that women’s rights are intrinsically ingrained in the
Constitution — which they are — and hence the matter is adjudicated. Meanwhile, laws
to protect and empower women passed in Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan employ
ferociously ambitious clauses, which might make even the most cynical observer
hopeful. Yet beneath the overarching landscape painted by these legislative feats, there
is an absence of solid foundations. Excepting Punjab, there are no implementation
mechanisms embedded in pro-women laws, while the architects of criminal justice have
designed a system to address abuses they have never had to face.
Take violence against women, for example: a woman facing abuse has to gear up for
battle on multiple fronts. The notion of her seeking support and justice outside the walls
of her abode is still frowned upon by society. Her agony doesn’t end here. The
poorly-trained state apparatus she must turn to for protection still grapples with moral
dilemmas surrounding her circumstances — from her lifestyle to clothes to domestic
background, all factor into an officer’s deliberations on whether to file a report or to send
her off with a sermon about preserving the sanctity of the home by keeping silent on
‘trivial’ issues like abuse.
Hollow chants of equal rights for all might be enough to keep patriarchal policymakers
content, but at what cost?
On the rare occasion that a case is filed, the burden to prove the abuse — without having
the tools necessary to do so — is on her. Physical abuse requires a medico-legal report,
but getting to a state medical facility in the first place is an uphill battle. Moreover, the
lack of awareness among victims of the crucial impact timely medico-legal
examinations have on investigations often result in delayed reporting, and hence critical
evidence to successfully prosecute perpetrators is lost.
From reporting to evidence collection to the trial itself, the system disenfranchises the
victim every step of the way. The survivor service model of the Violence against Women
Centre in Multan addresses this by providing each service — including police,
prosecution, medico-legal facility and rehabilitation — under one roof, by its all-women
team, despite not being allocated funds and salaries for months.
This bias against women embedded in our criminal justice system has been irrefutably
gauged for decades, but to no recourse. Selective amendments to laws, thrust upon the
public when an incident arouses national uproar, proves that women’s empowerment,
instead of being crafted through policy-based structural reform, is curated according to
populist sentiment.
Herein lies another issue. Political parties often decorate their manifestos with
promises of ushering in a new era for the disenfranchised half of Pakistan’s population,
yet rarely have dedicated teams within their ranks actually working on a roadmap for
implementation. And with no real watchdog to keep a politically neutral check on
elected governments’ election promises, most women empowerment reforms never see
the light of day. For the few that are legislated on, we are faced with the eternal question
that has haunted most of Pakistan’s development agendas: how will it be implemented,
and by whom?
The power to do so rests with the bureaucracy. This reality is in stark contrast to the
belief that elected officials have about their roles when they enter the mammoth
legislatures, with their ability to boost even the most meagre of egos. There is an
inevitable clash between what the people’s representatives want versus what they can
get from the state machinery. It is unfair to demand reform from a system designed to
follow the beaten path and discourage even the slightest course correction. To task
already stretched departments with implementing new agendas and reforms will
inevitably result in a flawed product for the people.
Women development departments in Pakistan are no different. They are barely financed
with budgets to match their ambitions, and thus mostly relegated to planning events for
International Women’s Day. It begs the question: why has a specialised field like gender
been left to career civil servants who are often shifted from one department to another,
triggering a never-ending reinvention of the wheel? To connect with on-ground issues in
real time and provide genuinely implementable solutions, there is a dire need for a
specialised cadre for women-specific development. Though the Punjab Women
Protection Authority Act, 2017, was introduced keeping such views in mind, it has yet to
be made functional.
From criminal justice to societal attitudes that hold women’s basic rights and
development back, a starting point for women empowerment reforms must be the
careful review and corresponding amendment to policies and implementation
mechanisms. Hollow chants of equal rights might be enough to keep patriarchal
policymakers content, but at what cost? How much longer must we pretend that our job
is done with the collective sighs we exhale whenever a rape victim is killed without
justice, or a woman is sexually harassed at her workplace with no recourse, or a woman
simply seeking a divorce is dragged through the courts with never-ending delay tactics?
It’s time to shrug off this immaculate imitation of a just country for women and bring
forth real change — forging a nation where women are equal participants in the
development process rather than the subjects of social experiments. Federal and
provincial governments alike should harness their resources to further the
groundbreaking work already in progress instead of engaging in populist rhetoric that
only serves to strengthen misogyny. The revolution is here and to stay, till the last
woman standing, and — this time — men should stand beside them.

Saving women
Sarah Nizamani Published September 1, 2021

The writer is a research fellow at IBA Karachi.

ON July 20, Noor Mukaddam, the daughter of a former Pakistani diplomat, was killed in
an upscale Islamabad neighbourhood. The incident was particularly reprehensible not
only because of its gruesome nature but also because it was yet another example of
brutality against women.
Cases of violence in recent times have included the killing of a mother of four in
Hyderabad, the torture of a couple in Islamabad at the hands of the accused harasser
Usman Mirza, the shooting of a woman by her husband in Peshawar, the rape and
murder of a beggar and her toddler in Rawalpindi and the assault on a female TikToker
by almost 400 men at Minar-i-Pakistan in Lahore. Once again, the women in the country
are being reminded of how unsafe they are.
According to new data released by the WHO, globally, one in three women have been
subjected to physical or sexual violence in their lifetimes, often by someone they love or
live with. While femicide has been a global crisis for centuries, there is no denying that
the higher society’s tolerance for domestic violence, the more frequently the latter
occurs. Women in Africa are four times more likely to be killed by their partner or family
than those in Europe, while 80 per cent of Afghan women justify beating at the hands of
one’s husband if the wife burns the food or neglects the children. Also, 80pc of women
surveyed in rural Egypt report and justify beating, especially if a woman refuses intimacy
with her husband. This is pre-pandemic data; there is sufficient evidence that the
pandemic has worsened matters. Locked up with their abusers with little or no help,
women are having a tough time protecting themselves.
The idea of disciplining women is not new and is acceptable in many cultures; the cost
is borne by both victims and wider society. Abused women report severe levels of stress
which reduces their output significantly and they are likely to earn less. In a country
where only 20pc of women are in the formal labour force, this is troubling. Apart from
economic concerns, there are healthcare issues. Studies show that babies born to
abused mothers are underweight and likely to grow up to become complex individuals
with the potential to be victims or abusers themselves. Women play a crucial role in
building economies and shaping futures; empowering them is necessary for a nation to
thrive. Still there are ways to help women as explained here.
There are ways to curb violence against women.
It is important to understand why it is difficult for women to quit abusive relationships in
the first place. One cause of women tolerating abuse is poverty. If a mother has to
choose between enduring abuse and having no shelter for her kids, she often opts for
the former. A review of 22 studies reveals that in 16, where women in vulnerable
households were provided with modest but consistent payments with some basic
training in nutrition or childcare, they were attacked less by men. Cash improves their
bargaining power and reduces economic uncertainty in the household.
There are other ways to help as well, and one example comes from Nicaragua, one of
the poorest nations in South America. Foreign researchers in Nicaragua noticed that the
number of women suffering from physical violence dropped from 28pc in 1995 to 8pc in
2016. During the same period, 72pc said they were never beaten by their partner in
2016; the same number was 45pc in 1995.
This success story can be compared to America’s after the Violence Against Women
Act, 1994, but the US government spent billions while Nicaragua managed it cheaply.
The 1979 revolution in Nicaragua allowed women to speak up. The government wasn’t
feminist, but it listened to women’s groups who pushed for laws such as criminalising
violence against women and making five-year plans to curb it. Women activists also
went door to door and to classrooms with their message. This helped increase
awareness that led to more shelters and women police stations.
For society to be less sexist, attitudes need to change. This requires educating young
minds. The curriculum needs to teach women-friendly values and stigmatise violence.
Boys need to be taught young that real men don’t hurt. Girls need to be taught how to
recognise and escape violence before it’s too late. Subsidised programmes for teaching
young couples conflict-resolution skills will help too. However, education cannot do this
alone. Abusers must face punishment and stigmatisation. Violence against women
should be criminalised and reporting for women should be made easier by providing
all-out state support. Women often fear reporting violence as they might not be
believed, or worse, killed. This needs to change.
In a nutshell, solutions to violence against women include cash transfers, training,
supporting women’s movements, education, stricter laws, accountability and
stigmatisation of abusers. The authorities and society at large need to take these
proposals seriously.

Bargaining with patriarchy

Bina Shah Published December 3, 2021
The writer is author of Before She Sleeps.
SINCE partition, Pakistan’s women and girls have been working to forge a nation where
all citizens have equal status, and discrimination on the basis of gender is not just
morally abhorrent but constitutionally illegal in all its guises. So why in 2021 is Pakistan
ranked 153rd out of 156 countries on the Global Gender Gap Index, only one spot higher
than Afghanistan in all the eight countries of South Asia?
The answer is simple: we preach the empowerment of women, but despite all the legal
reforms and awareness campaigns, the economic investments and the educational
programmes geared towards this goal, there are strong, ever-present paradoxes
negatively impacting the lives of Pakistani women. Even in the 21st century, Pakistani
women must bargain with patriarchy for our freedoms.
Globalisation and economic demands have seen Pakistani women mobilise in the
workforce, enter universities, carve out professional careers, all while maintaining the
juggling act of balancing work and family. A multitude of pro-women laws have been
enacted in the last 20 years and well-publicised campaigns highlight the need for girls to
be educated, for gender-based violence to be eliminated, for women to gain financial
independence. This is Pakistan’s long slow march toward the realisation of women’s
social, economic, religious and political rights.
But regressive elements of Pakistani society remain determined to retain control over
women, even while ‘allowing’ girls to go to school, women to build careers, to buy and
sell property, or run companies. Generally, all the major decisions of a woman’s life
either originate from the male head of the family, or they must be approved by the
patriarchy of fathers, brothers, uncles, cousins. This makes the freedom of women
contingent upon the approval and permission of men.
Regressive elements of Pakistani society remain determined to retain control over
women. By requiring a male guardian’s name or male witness’s signature on most of a
woman’s significant documentation — a wedding contract, a financial transaction,
national identification papers, which are required to open bank accounts — women
remain several levels removed from true citizenship and complete autonomy.
Exceptions are usually won only after lengthy battles, as the one Rubina faced at the
Sindh High Court last month to have her single mother’s name entered in the Nadra
database instead of her absent father. Without this ruling, Rubina could not get her
CNIC, barring her from taking any financial, professional or political steps towards her
own independence.
The importance of girls’ education is the single most prevalent social message of the
last 20 years, and the state has enacted laws that all children over the age of five must
be in school. But if a father decides that he doesn’t want his daughter going to school,
the state is powerless to enforce the law. Girls’ education can be stopped at any time,
depending on the patriarch’s perception of the security situation: the ‘war on terror’,
ethnic riots, distance of school, absence of female teachers. Leaving school for
marriage is another factor where girls have little choice but to comply with their family’s
directives.
Another paradox: women’s economic agency is touted by governments, multinationals,
international and domestic development organisations as the key to women’s
empowerment and the nation’s uplift. But Pakistani women’s careers and working lives
depend upon the approval and cooperation of fathers, brothers, husbands. Sexual
harassment at the workplace, glass ceilings, and hiring discrimination are other factors
that cause women to leave the workforce voluntarily if not willingly.
To understand these paradoxes, we find clues in the apparent dichotomy between the
lives of urban and rural women. Our cities are arguably more progressive, tolerant and
modern, while rural areas are more conservative, slower to modernise, and without the
opportunities for education and economic advancement that bigger towns and cities
present. But while Pakistani women in the cities gingerly defy patriarchy, rural women
perform a different routine with it altogether.
The work of Dr Nadia Agha, a professor of sociology at Shah Abdul Latif University in
Khairpur, examines the lives of rural Sindhi women and how they ‘bargain’ with
patriarchy in order to survive. It is a work too complex to summarise here, but it
accurately captures the lives of most rural Pakistani women who, outside the pockets of
urban modernity, negotiate with and submit to patriarchy in order to advance their needs
in a safe way.
The rural Sindhi women know that to ask or agitate directly for their emancipation will
cause rifts in the family and endanger their own access to safety and shelter. Dr Agha
found that these women prefer conformity over resistance, conforming to the
patriarchal system that oppresses them. For example: they work from pre-dawn to dusk
at their chores, domestic tasks and farm labour, as delays earn the verbal and physical
censure of their husbands and mothers-in-law. But getting their tasks done quickly and
efficiently earns them approval and validation, safety and security.
Families appropriate the women’s labour; they win approval and use this as a strategy to
negotiate with patriarchy. By establishing themselves as experts on household
responsibilities, they increase their value and become indispensable, which maximises
the family’s dependence on them. Similarly, submitting to consanguineous marriages or
giving birth to sons also earns them social capital with which they bargain for greater
freedoms and privileges in their lives. Aware of their situation, they make the conscious
decision to comply with others’ demands in order to survive. Dr Agha calls this “agency
through conformity rather than resistance”.
In short, the very system that oppresses women provides them the opportunity to fulfil
their obligations and demonstrate agency through conformity. This is the main paradox
in the lives of Pakistani women, visible to a greater or lesser extent but ever present for
all. This explains why we have slid down the scale even in the face of all the seeming
advances — the three steps forward and two steps back that is our current dance with
patriarchy.
Conditional freedoms for women are not the same as unreserved rights. Only when we
understand that Pakistani women find it more strategic to submit to our strictures can
we truly take concrete steps to dismantle this paradox for good.

Reproductive rights
Sara Malkani Published October 23, 2022

The writer is a lawyer and legal adviser at the Center for Reproductive Rights.
WHEN the US supreme court overturned the long-standing precedent that abortion is a
constitutional right in June, many feared that other countries would draw inspiration.
But a judgement of the Indian supreme court is an example of a growing trend in some
parts where courts are strengthening legal protection of women’s reproductive rights.
On Sept 29, 2022, in ‘X vs Govt of NCT of Delhi’, India’s supreme court ruled that
unmarried women are entitled to an abortion under India’s Medical Termination of
Pregnancy Act. India’s Penal Code criminalises abortion. The MTP Act created
exceptions to criminalisation and set forth circumstances under which some abortions
could be permitted. Amendments to the MTP Act and Rules made in 2021 extend the
time limit for abortion from 20 to 24 weeks of pregnancy. The extension is available to
women who fall in certain categories, including rape survivors, women with disabilities
or who receive a diagnosis of foetal ‘abnormality’, women in disaster or emergency
settings, and women who have a change of marital status during pregnancy. The MTP
Act amendments do not include a specific provision for unmarried women.
The Indian supreme court gave a purposive interpretation of the law considering the
lived experiences of women compelled to carry a pregnancy to term against their
wishes. The court concluded that the intent behind the legislation was to enable all
women, regardless of marital status, to avail safe and legal abortions: “The decision to
have or not have an abortion is borne out of complicated life circumstances, which only
the woman can choose on her own terms without external interference or influence.”
One of the grounds under which the MTP Act permits abortion is when a pregnancy
causes harm to a pregnant woman’s mental health. The court interpreted the mental
health provision broadly, saying it has a “wide connotation and means much more than
the absence of a mental impairment or a mental illness”. The court stated that the
determination must consider the “actual or reasonably foreseeable environment” of the
woman, and declared that married women be permitted to seek an abortion if they have
been subjected to rape by their spouses, stating it is “not inconceivable that married
women become pregnant as a result of their husbands having raped them.”
It stressed that access to abortion services should extend to pregnant adolescents:
“The absence of sexual health education in the country means that most adolescents
are unaware of how the reproductive system functions as well as how contraceptive
devices and methods may be deployed to prevent pregnancies.”
The court noted that “constitutional values” should guide the MTP Act’s interpretation.
The values include the right to reproductive autonomy, which “requires that every
pregnant woman has the intrinsic right to choose to undergo or not to undergo abortion
without any consent or authorisation from a third party.”
To extend constitutional guarantees of abortion to all those capable of being pregnant,
the court noted that it uses the term ‘woman’ to include “persons other than cis-gender
women who may require access to safe medical termination of their pregnancies”.
The judgement’s conclusions are significant for women in Pakistan, where most
abortions take place in clandestine conditions without proper medical guidance and
supervision. According to the most recent study conducted in 2012, approximately
620,000 women were treated in one year in Pakistan for complications arising from
induced abortions. There are exceptions to the criminalisation of abortion in Pakistan’s
Penal Code. In 1997, these were expanded: for the first 120 days of pregnancy, abortion
is permitted to save the life of a woman and for “necessary treatment”.
The term “necessary treatment” should be interpreted in light of Pakistan’s
constitutional values, which include the right to life, dignity as well as equal protection
of the laws. In a decision outlawing ‘virginity testing’ of sexual assault victims, the
Supreme Court declared that the right to dignity under Article 14 of Pakistan’s
Constitution requires that the “independence, identity, autonomy and free choice” of
women be upheld.
Article 14 guaranteeing the right to dignity and Article 9 protecting the right to life entail
that women be able to access abortion services to preserve their physical and mental
health without requiring approvals from third parties. Women will be unable to exercise
their “independence, identity, autonomy and free choice” unless they have control over
their reproductive lives.
The Indian court’s recent judgement is a ray of hope in light of the persistent attacks on
women’s rights around the world. We should hope that courts and lawmakers in other
countries also move towards an interpretation of fundamental rights guided by realities
faced by women and a vision of meaningful equality.

Gender and disaster

Shazia Nizamani Published September 8, 2022
The writer is a lawyer.
PAKISTAN is undergoing the worst of catastrophes due to unprecedented monsoon
rains and the ensuing floods. The exact losses and damage to crops, homes, livelihoods
and animals cannot be ascertained at this stage as the devastation continues.
Natural disasters and calamities on their own are gender-neutral. They affect everyone.
However, the humanitarian crises they cause impact the female population far more
severely. UN Assistant Secretary-General Asako Okai recently said that when disaster
strikes, women and children are 14 times more likely to die than men. According to UN
Women, more than 70 per cent of women suffer various forms of gender-based
discrimination in humanitarian crises.
Women and girls are more vulnerable than men and boys in times of calamity. Even
more so when they are from the low- or no-income section of society. These women and
girls are given least priority when it comes to rescue, relief and rehabilitation. Therefore,
they are the most exposed to devastation.
When disaster abates and (so-called) rehabilitation begins, women are further pushed
into poverty. Their workload increases, they have less access to basic healthcare
services and education. They are given less preference in work and employment
opportunities. More often than not, their wages are lower than their male counterparts’
and many more girls drop out from schools than boys. Last but not least, women and
girls become vulnerable to greater sexual abuse, harassment and human trafficking
under calamitous conditions.
Women and girls suffer most during natural calamities.
Women in agriculture suffer the most having completely lost their livelihoods. With no
income and food scarcity, the levels of malnutrition in women and girls increases. Many
World Bank reports are a testament to this fact. The majority of women farm workers
have never banked their savings, if ever they had any.
In disaster situations, shelter, food and drinkable water are primary needs. Already
malnourished women and girls are an easy prey for waterborne diseases caused by
unhygienic conditions in camps and shelters.
Women in the rural areas already face reproductive health issues due to a dearth of
even basic maternal healthcare facilities as well as trained qualified female doctors.
When natural calamities strike, pregnancy and childbirth put women at great risk and
increase their vulnerability especially if they are displaced, living in camps and tents
which are far from the city centres and without healthcare facilities. The CARE Pakistan
country director has said: “When disasters like this hit, we know from experience that it’s
women, girls and other marginalised groups who face the biggest challenges including
access to humanitarian assistance.”
Pregnant women have nowhere to give birth safely because floods have washed away
their homes and health facilities. Their lives and the lives of their babies are jeopardised
without proper maternal healthcare.
Moreover, the damage to roads and bridges severely compromises girls’ and women’s
access to healthcare facilities, whilst simultaneously reducing access to gender-based
violence prevention and response services. Medical and psychosocial support to the
survivors of GBV is virtually non-existent during such times.
In such dire circumstances, it is imperative that women lawmakers and political
representatives put aside their differences and come forward, along with other social
activists, to support and facilitate the government and relief agencies in reaching out to
the affected women. It is important not only to rescue them from the immediate danger,
but also to ensure that women-friendly camps and shelters fulfil their basic needs and
are equipped with toilets, health and hygiene kits, clothes, menstrual cloth/pads and
nutrition supplements for expectant mothers. Priority should then be accorded to
providing psychological and emotional support to women, who have been hit by the
floods, have lost family members and suffered displacement.
There is a dire need for developing comprehensive gender-segregated data on
devastation and the impact of natural disasters on women and girls. The issues and
needs of women and girls, especially those that the government and relief organisations
have missed, should be highlighted. Mainstream media and social media need to report
on the situation of women and girls who have been displaced and are living in camps.
Despite experiencing several natural calamities, no government has come up with a
concrete disaster preparedness plan for the future. Policies and plans should be based
on lessons learnt. Disaster management plans and disaster-risk reduction plans should
be developed, mainstreaming gender-responsive actions.
The needs of women and girls should be incorporated into rescue, relief and
rehabilitation plans. Opportunities can be identified from the experience of the disaster
to change traditional gender roles and improve women’s participation in rehabilitation
and reconstruction initiatives.

Women and political inequality

Umair Javed Published March 8, 2021

The writer teaches politics and sociology at Lums.

GENDER inequality takes a variety of forms in Pakistan, but a fundamental one — and
one whose rectification may help address all other variants as well — is political
inequality. The constituents of gender-based variation in politics include barriers to
voting, barriers to seeking elected office, barriers to access within political parties, and
barriers to representation in policymaking and governance.
In recent years, there has been a spate of excellent academic and policy research that
captures the baseline context of gender-based political inequality in the country. What’s
being captured, however, makes for grim reading.
Leaving other aspects aside for the time being, it is worth starting with the most basic
act of political participation: voting. Citizens revealing political and ideational
preferences through electoral participation is a central pillar for any democratic polity. If
any citizens are excluded from this act, it means that their preferences are unlikely to
matter in the affairs of government.
What the data tells us is that a large section of the citizenry is being excluded. This
starts with the existence of long-standing gaps in voter registration across gender lines.
Out of Pakistan’s nearly 106 million registered voters, only 44 per cent are women.
That’s at least 6pc less than their actual proportion in the overall adult population.
These issues are compounded at two levels — eligible female voters not being
registered on electoral rolls, and, more fundamentally, women not being registered as
citizens at all (ie with Nadra through a CNIC). Estimates of the latter are said to be
around at least 10pc of the overall female adult population of the country.
Out of Pakistan’s nearly 106m registered voters, only 44pc are women.
Even if women are registered, female turnout tends to be lower than male turnout
across the country. The male-gap in voter turnout in the 2018 general elections stood at
9.1pc, with 11m more men voting than women. There is also considerable regional
variation in this particular gap, with well-documented cases of female voter suppression
in rural areas of western Punjab and in parts of Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
Standard explanations for this phenomenon include excessive restrictions placed on
women’s public participation that are rooted in entrenched cultural norms. The idea is
that as these norms erode, due to cultural, demographic, or institutional shifts, such
gaps may lessen over time.
The most startling aspect on this front, however, emerges from recent research by
Sarah Khan, Shandana Mohmand, Shanze Rauf, and Ali Cheema, titled The Empty
Promise of Urbanisation: Women’s Political Participation in Pakistan on the gender
voting gap in big cities. Their research shows that the largest city in each of Pakistan’s
four provinces did much worse in terms of gender inequality in voter turnout in the 2018
general election compared to the remaining constituencies of each province. The
difference is highest in the Punjab province, with the gender gap in turnout in the
metropolis of Lahore (12.5pc) being double the gap in the rest of the province (6.3pc).
Overall, the researchers “find that women’s electoral participation is between 8–10 per
cent lower in big cities compared to rural areas. We find a much smaller gap in men’s
turnout in big cities compared to rural areas, which means that the gender gap in
participation is higher in cities compared to rural areas. These results persist even if we
control for the differences in women and men’s turnout between provinces and
administrative divisions that on average comprise three to four districts”.
This presents a complex challenge for those trying to understand political inequality
across gender lines, as it is commonly and fairly assumed that urban women are more
likely to exercise autonomy over various aspects of their lives (including political
participation). Yet this does not translate into better outcomes as far as political
participation is concerned.
So what factors are responsible for driving this suppression of women voters, and what
can be done to mitigate it? Evidence from the authors’ prior fieldwork in Lahore
suggests that gatekeeping by male household members remains a persistent factor,
even in urban centres; 8.3pc of male respondents said it was not appropriate for women
to vote in a general election, and this finding is associated with an 11pc lower turnout of
women in these households compared to other households.
Field survey data also shows that 30.4pc of men thought it was not appropriate for
women to speak their minds about politics and 64pc thought it was not appropriate for
women to become political party workers. These households had a 7pc lower turnout of
women in the 2018 general elections.
Outside of household dynamics, the lack of engagement by political parties also
contributes to inequality in voting outcomes. Survey data from 2018 reveals that women
were three times less likely than men to have been mobilised by political parties in the
run-up to the 2013 general election or to have made contact with political
representatives after elections to resolve their issues. When women do make contact
with representatives, it is largely mediated by men of the household.
It is this last factor, which highlights both a central problem, as well as a pathway
towards reduced gender-based political inequality. Political parties, as aggregators and
representatives of citizen interests, face the greatest responsibility in minimising
exclusion. If resolving this issue requires legislation and its implementation, political
elites should work it out through legal reform. If the solution also requires greater
mobilisation and induction of women politicians at the local level to ease concerns of
women voters, then this should be done on an emergency footing. What is clear,
however, is that the current state of exclusion — one that undermines the very essence
of the political process itself — cannot and should not be allowed to persist.
The writer teaches politics and sociology at Lums.

Empowering women
Maria Taimur Published July 11, 2021
The writer is a police officer.
THE Anti-Rape (Investigation and Trial) Bill, 2020, opens up many avenues of hope for
victims of rape. It is an all-encompassing law emphasising anti-rape crisis cells, legal
assistance, victim protection and special committees, in order to ensure speedy justice.
However, complex problems require complex solutions and an upstream approach.
Our criminal justice system is based on the English common law, and is ‘adversarial’ in
nature. As opposed to inquisitorial law, adversarial law requires evidence to conform to
a number of rules and restrictions in order to be admissible. This poses a colossal
challenge to investigation and trial in cases such as sexual assaults. A multi-sectoral
approach, like the one envisioned in the bill, is essential but it is not without its
challenges.
The provisions of the bill suggest that the gaping holes in the adversarial criminal
justice system which causes delays and costs to the victim, might be plugged if efficient
and effective methods are employed. From the first point of contact in crisis cells to
prosecution and finally to the courts, the bill defines a protected path for the victims. It
also gives clear guidance about the timelines to be met and the processes to be carried
out.
The first point of contact for the surviving victim is the police. Globally, anti-rape crisis
centres function in three main expert domains. One is forensics, the other is evidence
collection and the third is aftercare needs. It is absolutely necessary for all domains to
accomplish their respective functions and meet their targets simultaneously. However,
there are many stumbling blocks along the way.
Providing safe spaces to women is a collective responsibility.
The moment a victim alleging rape approaches the police, the issue of consent is
immediately brought into question. More often than not, the victim knows the
perpetrator from somewhere and has previously had an unpleasant, though non-violent,
encounter with him but has been advised by others to ignore it. This leads the police to
suspect that the girl/woman is on consensual terms with the perpetrator. The latter
could be a close relative or the girl’s teacher, doctor, driver, class fellow or neighbour —
someone who is known to the victim and her family. This makes it difficult for the girl to
keep her distance from him.
At the other end, instead of calling out the person harassing her, our conservative
culture blames the girl for ‘encouraging advances’. This can result in her being banned
from going out altogether in addition to being blamed for the unwanted advances of the
harasser. Often girls overlook and ignore such advances out of fear that if they complain
they will be blamed and not allowed outside. At the same time, they are brought up to
believe that ‘men will be men’ and it is better to ignore them. The perpetrators take
complete advantage of this enforced modesty and increase the level of harassment. It
is a common finding in many investigations that the perpetrator randomly took a picture
of his victim and blackmailed her. The girl tends to be silent until the perpetrator, on
seeing no reaction, threatens to blackmail her.
If the girl being harassed seeks a trusted family member’s help, the cycle of exploitation
stops right there and the perpetrator moves to the next target. However, if the girl
cannot approach her family who she thinks will not trust her and, instead, blame her, she
will end up getting trapped in a seemingly endless cycle of exploitation. It is at this point
that she will feel compelled to approach the police, another trauma as she has to face
multiple challenges in recounting her ordeal. It is an immense challenge for the police
as well who have to connect the dots and dig out the facts.
It is then the need of the hour, for male family members especially, to trust female
relations and give them the confidence to say no to any form of harassment and
exploitation they may face.
On the preventive side, small interventions at the community level can bring about big
changes. Providing safe spaces to girls and women inside and outside their home is a
collective social responsibility. Public spaces are taken over by men; most women try to
be invisible in a public space to feel safe. Most public spaces are no-go areas for
women after sunset. Fearing harassment and possible assault, parents in a Bangladesh
village were not sending their girls to school. UNWOMEN helped the community identify
the problem; it turned out that the area was too dimly lit and had heavy vegetation and
the girls did not feel secure in this environment. The path was cleared and light posts
were installed along the way. Girls got their security, freedom and education back.
Clearly, it requires society as a whole to rise up to the challenge and everyone to do their
bit to fix the problem.
The writer is a police officer.

Women in law
Amber Darr Published February 4, 2022
The writer is a barrister, an advocate of the Supreme Court of Pakistan and holds a PhD
in law.
JUSTICE Ayesha Malik’s appointment as a judge of the Supreme Court of Pakistan is to
be celebrated not only because she is the first female to be appointed to this office but
also because she is an intelligent, competent, and quality jurist who has proved her
mettle in her decade-long tenure at the Lahore High Court. However, is it also right to
herald her appointment as the most important, or even the first step in enhancing
women’s participation and standing in the legal profession in Pakistan? Is it truly
possible for a single appointment, no matter how laudable, to magically erase the very
considerable institutional, social, and cultural obstacles faced daily by women lawyers
throughout the country?
One way to answer these questions is by reference to other female appointments to
historically male positions. For instance, the appointment of Rahat Kaunain Hasan
(twice) and Vadiyya Khalil as chairpersons Competition Commission of Pakistan, of
Sadia Khan as commissioner Securities and Exchange Commission of Pakistan, of Dr
Maleeha Lodhi and Abida Hussain as Pakistan’s ambassadors to the US, and of Justice
Ashraf Jahan as the first female judge of the Federal Shariat Court (about which the
then chief justice FSC had claimed: “I took the initiative … as it would send the message
in the world that we are enlightened people and would dispel many misconceptions”).
Each of these appointments represented an important breakthrough for women but
there is nothing to suggest that it also automatically transformed the status of women
even in the organisations in which these appointments took place.
It is of course tempting to blame the women themselves for failing to look out for their
gender. However, it is very likely that if any of these incredibly capable and brilliant
women were to be asked why they did not introduce policies specifically favouring
women, they may say that once appointed to their positions, their first and perhaps only
mandate is to fulfil their responsibilities holistically rather than for the benefit of any
particular group even if related to them by gender. These women are also likely to say
that despite the stature of their positions they too have faced discrimination, whether in
the form of patronising comments from colleagues and even subordinates, in being held
to impossible standards not expected of their male counterparts, or in being silently yet
firmly excluded from centres of real power even within their organisations.

As the only female member of an historically all-male club, Justice Malik is likely to be
confronted with challenges similar to those faced by all other women operating in
traditionally male domains. Her oath of office, as much as the patriarchal culture
prevalent at the Supreme Court, not only demands that she does justice in all matters
that come before her, rather than looking out for women whether as lawyers or litigants,
but also that she resists any attempts that may be made to relegate her to deciding
women-centric cases or to being used as the token woman to signal Pakistan’s
‘enlightenment’ to the world and to pay lip service to gender parity in the legal
profession. In treading this tight rope, Justice Malik is unlikely to be more than a distant
role model for women lawyers, which whilst it inspires does not have the power,
capacity, or indeed the responsibility to change their situation on the ground.
Can a single appointment, no matter how laudable, magically erase the considerable
obstacles faced by women lawyers throughout the country?
Even otherwise, to expect a single judicial appointment to transform the position of
women in the legal profession is to fundamentally misunderstand the reasons which
hold them back. Whilst male lawyers claim that women fail to progress because they
lack commitment and because they are distracted by their family obligations, women
lawyers will argue that it is the unnecessarily toxic male culture of the profession rather
than any lack of acumen, drive or ambition on their part, that prevents them from
making their mark.
Even today there are several well-regarded litigation firms that do not hire women, and
many others that employ them only for secretarial, or worse, ornamental purposes. The
culture of the courts is equally discouraging. Judges often treat female lawyers as
accessories to their male seniors, women lawyers mingle with their male colleagues at
the cost of their reputations and encounter many obstacles even in accessing the basic
amenity of a functioning washroom — sometimes because they need to obtain a key to
the toilet from a remote official and always because they need to cross a corridor full of
staring male lawyers or clerks to do so. Even in corporate law firms which have allowed
far greater space to female lawyers, women do not make partner as easily as their male
counterparts and even when they succeed in doing so, are paid a significantly smaller
percentage of the profits allowed to the men.
The situation therefore can only change if women lawyers themselves take the lead and
co-opt their more truly enlightened male colleagues into their cause. The Women’s Law
Initiative launched nearly six years suggests that women lawyers are increasingly
supporting and mentoring each other in their careers, whilst the increasing involvement
of women in bar politics gives hope that mainstream bar bodies will also become more
sensitive to the needs of their female members. Ultimately, these efforts must generate
enough serious women lawyers that instead of waiting for an Asma Jahangir, Ashraf
Jahan or Ayesha Malik to emerge every few decades, there exists a critical mass of
women lawyers who can come forward and claim not only judicial appointments but
also other positions of power within the profession as their right rather than as
exceptions made or prizes bestowed on them by the generosity of their male
counterparts.

The writer is a barrister, an advocate of the Supreme Court of Pakistan and holds a PhD
in law.
Published in Dawn, February 4th, 2022

Empowering Pakistan’s women is a requisite for nation-building

SEHAR KAMRAN March 07, 2021
“No nation can rise to the height of glory unless your women are side by side with you.” –
Muhammad Ali Jinnah

Women in Pakistan have played a significant role throughout the country’s history.
Whether it was the domain of politics, social work, military, sports or space, they have
made an indelible mark in promoting the country’s soft image in the international arena
and have contributed to the country’s development.
The role that young girls and women have played in the independence movement of the
country is remembered in golden words in history. To name a few, whether it was
Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah, Begum Ra'ana Liaquat Ali Khan, Begum Salma Tassaduq
Hussain, Begum Jahanara Shahnawaz, Lady Abdullah Haroon or the 14-year old Fatima
Sughra who for the first time in 1946, took down the British Union Jack from the Civil
Secretariat Lahore and pulled up an ad hoc Muslim League flag made from a dupatta,
they all set an example of bravery, courage and perseverance for generations of
Pakistani women to follow.
Since the inception of the country, Pakistani women have made their mark in every
walking sphere of life; be it in the field as a farmer, or in the highest echelons of power –
they have climbed the highest mountain peaks and even reached space. They have
made their mark as soldiers and fighter pilots and generals. Globally, the credit for
becoming the youngest female Prime Minister to ever serve in office remains with
Benazir Bhutto who was also the first female Prime Minister in the Muslim world.
According to the national census held in 2017, women comprise 49 percent of the total
population. But the gender disparity and discrimination they face exceed their numbers
by a multifold.
Pakistan’s performance in the domain of bridging gender discrimination is abysmal,
despite the country being a signatory to a number of international conventions owing to
the lack of implementation of existing laws. As per the Global Gender Gap Index Report
2020 index, published by the World Economic Forum, Pakistan ranks 151 out of 153
countries. According to the UNFP, because of the existing gender disparity, ‘women
suffer from pervasive gender-based violence, from domestic abuse, honour killings,
sexual violence to institutional discrimination.’
It should be remembered that women are key to sustainable development, and play a critical
role in ensuring sustainable development globally despite having less access to resources.
Sehar Kamran
Pakistani women also bear the burden of doing hours of unpaid work. According to data
published in the UN Women’s flagship ‘Progress of the World’s Women 2019-2020’
report: “For every one hour a man spends on unpaid care and domestic work, Pakistani
women spend 11 hours doing the same. In contrast to Pakistan, women in fellow
Muslim states Egypt and Oman spend nine hours and two-and-a-half hours on unpaid
work for every one hour men in those countries do the same.’
Women are at a disadvantage as compared to men. They are less educated, own a
small amount of property, and have fewer avenues for seeking higher degrees in
comparison. It is rare for even the majority of female degree holders to work outside
their homes. As per an Asian Development Bank report, only about 25% of Pakistani
women who have a university degree work outside the home.
However, it is unfortunate that over the years owing to patriarchal elements in society,
any legislation, movement or activity which highlights the issues faced by women or
promotes women’s rights or empowerment, are criticized. It should be remembered that
patriarchy not only hampers female empowerment but also hinders national economic
growth and development, as one half of the work force remains un-utilized.
The founder of Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, firmly believed in gender quality and
the empowerment of women and this is guaranteed in the Pakistani Constitution.
Notably in Pakistan, the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) has been the flag-bearer for
women empowerment and bridging gender disparity over the years. The credit for the
creation of the women parliamentary caucus in the parliament of Pakistan also goes to
the PPP. The caucus has ensured effective parliamentary oversight for implementation
of international and regional commitments, national policies and programs, and has
also played a major role in building consensus on landmark legislations on women’s
rights.
Similarly, Benazir Bhutto was a guiding light and a symbol of inspiration for women. She
was a true visionary who truly empowered women and ensured their role in the
sustainable development of Pakistan.
A recent example of following in her footsteps, is the landmark amendment passed by
the Sindh province’s legislative assembly which recognized – for the first time – the role
of women farmers in water management in January 2021. This will help improve their
socio-economic status and elevate their status as decision-makers.
It should be remembered that women are key to sustainable development, and play a
critical role in ensuring sustainable development globally despite having less access to
resources.
Pakistani women have proven their mettle time and again, but now it is time their role
and importance in society is acknowledged and respected. A serious commitment by all
policy stakeholders is the need of the hour.

A Symbol Of Dignity.
Roshan Bhondekar Published in Thrive Global

Our society says, most valuable things on the earth are ‘women’. Let’s salute to every
woman on this earth. ‘Women are the real architects of society, they can create anything
they want’. Dedicated to all women, inspired by my Mother/Sisters/Family members &
loved one.
Despite my 26 years of research into the feminine soul, I have been able to answer the
great question, “What does a woman want”? — Time, Care & unconditional love, etc..
Every woman on this earth is a symbol of dignity, culture & respect.

I do remember those days, when my mother used to train me on “How to walk”, & “How
to talk”. The result of her efforts made me pure human being to understand the value of
women on this earth. Without women, this globe is empty and blind. Women does play
vital role in society. Let’s do revisit our childhood days & feel that “unconditional kisses
& care” from women. Woman taught us about “Punctuality” & Discipline”. Involvement of
woman in personal life is quite impressive.
Respect woman, respect society!

Women: the real architects of a society

In Pakistan’s context, policy advocacy on women’s issues implies changing gendered
social contexts and confront a range of entities and institutions governed by state
policies
Nasir Khan MARCH 10, 2018

When a day is dedicated to a group of people, it means that there is a reason that group
needs to be recognised. Modern society has a big role to play in ensuring that every
woman has access to quality education, that their fundamental human rights are
respected, and in ending all forms of violence against them.
Women’s Day was popular among Socialist and Communist groups for the first half the
20th century. The Soviet Union was the first to declare March 8 as a national holiday
dedicated to women. In 1975, the United Nations declared March 8 to be International
Women’s Day. Today, many countries commemorate this day as a national holiday, while
many others celebrate it in less official ways.
Remember, the umbrella of the term “women” touches people dealing with all paths of
life. Helping women in need will not only be a bonding experience for people and their
ladies, but it will reiterate that no woman is excluded from aid or support because of
their economic situation. Having each other’s back is essential in this world.
Regardless of economic status, ethnicity, language, or political stance; a woman is a
unifying word that symbolises the mass amount of voices that are fighting for a more
feminine-inclusive tomorrow. Many obstacles have been surpassed and milestones
achieved, but the fight is hardly over. International Women’s Day starts with the
togetherness, and there’s more than one way to promote that womanhood with your
girls.
I grew up in a patriarchal society, and I was raised by a woman, my mother. I am
speaking up because I was motivated and inspired by a woman. There are many women
struggling day and night to ensure their children live in good conditions.
Many societies tend to ignore the significant role of women in the homes and
communities. Women’s unpaid labour is often not valued nor factored in GDP, frequently
remaining unseen and unrecognised. It is time to recognise how important their role and
contributions are. Let’s ensure both genders see each other as partners; let’s continue
creating more awareness.

Women in our society have been considered as inferior to men for many years. Because
of such type of inferiority, they have to face various issues and problems in their lives.
They have to go extra miles than men to prove themselves equivalent to men. People in
the middle-ages considered women as key to destruction, so they never allowed women
to go outside and participate in the social activities like men. Still, in the modern age,
women have to face many more problems in their daily lives and struggle a lot to
establish their career. Many parents prefer to have only boy baby and allow education to
boys only. Women for them are only medium to keep the family happy and healthy.
A woman is seen in the society with more intense ridicule sight and faces a higher risk
of honour killing if she is involved in the love marriage or inter-caste love marriage.
Women in Pakistan do not have equal access to autonomy, mobility to outside the
home, social freedom, etc. than men. Some of the problems faced by the women are
because of their domestic responsibilities and cultural and social specified roles.
The major issues which women have to face in Pakistan are sexual harassment, dowry,
the disparity in education, domestic violence, child marriages, inadequate nutrition, the
status of widows and divorced women, women health issues, women employment
issues and women’s gender-based issues.
The society has not accepted the autonomy and independent status of the women yet.
They are not appreciated at all in Pakistan. The females who are working in different
organisations have to face the problem of their marriages and social respect. The
families in Pakistan normally prefer the non-working woman for the marriage. The
working woman is more confident than others. Therefore, they are not preferred for the
marriages in middle-class families.
Women are the easy victims of oppression and crime. Due to the lack of awareness and
weak law and order, in every ten rapes, six are of minor girls. In every 30 minutes, a
crime is committed against the women. Every single day, single women, young girls,
mothers and women from all walks of life are being assaulted, molested, and violated.
The streets, public transport and public spaces, in particular, have become the territory
of the hunters. While the ones already hunted down weep in silence or disdain, the rest
fight their way to a basic life with dignity.
There is an unspoken war on the streets. Young school and college going girls use
books to shield themselves. Other women wear full-covered attire to protect their
bodies, and others avoid the mere glance of the roving gaze.
Pakistan belongs to those countries where a newly born girl is not accepted with great
pride and happiness. The role of women is highly underestimated in the country. The
deeply rooted traditions put women a step lower than men. This picture, however, was
not always the same in past centuries. After turning into a patriarchal society, the role of
women gradually became inferior.
Today, women’s rights in Pakistan are in an upsetting level condition. According to a
number of statistics, women are in an essential need of empowerment. Education,
unemployment, health and gender discrimination are the leading women’s rights issues
in the country.
Equality comes with rights, but rights can’t be sustained without performing the duties.
If most men in the families, irrespective of the country of residence, suddenly said they
want to choose not to earn or provide for the family, will that be acceptable to most of
us? Will we rise to the occasion and step into shoes of primary breadwinners?
Gender inequality continues to exist in every sector of life in this country
Feminism is about equality of men and women in terms of power, access, and voice in
social, political and economic matters. It is required to keep holding jobs and keep
earning no matter how little. It is essential to make sure women don’t turn around what
has been achieved, and need to keep on building up and maintaining their numbers in all
fields.
We need to understand that if an uneducated woman may handle home properly then
why not a well-educated woman can lead the whole country like men. The contribution
of a woman is everywhere from taking birth and giving birth to a child to the care for
whole life and other areas. The societies can never neglect all the roles and
responsibilities of the women. Without education and women empowerment, no
development is possible in the family, society and country. A woman knows how to
handle all the situations because she knows well the fundamentals of a good society
and plays her role politely as a main contributor in building a strong society.
Social, moral, ethical, political and economic equality is the right of the women. This is
the pre-requisite for the socio-economic and political development of the country. In
Pakistan, policy advocacy on women’s issues involves context-specific challenges due
to politico-religious society and institutions. Social workers are challenged by different
gendered beliefs across public and private systems while promoting gender equality in
Pakistan.
Women have always been contributing to enable the economy to achieve tremendous
progress. But it is the gender bias that still exists in every social stratum, even in the
most educated and developed society, which is unable to digest this visible contribution
of women in all walks of life. In some regions, patriarchal societies diminish the role of
women in important matters. This masochist thinking is, however, beginning to fade
gradually with the passage of time.
Women in rural Pakistan, despite suffering from various problems, engage themselves
in direct and allied agricultural activities, run small shops, sell by-products or handcraft
products and thus generate additional income for the family. A government of Pakistan
study shows that more than 40 percent of rural women directly or indirectly contribute
to the uplift of their families, thereby bringing social change. Gone are the days when
women were considered only the household entities commanded by males.
Women play a great role in the growth and development of the society and making it an
advanced and modern society. There is a famous saying by the Brigham Young that ‘You
educate a man; you educate a person. You educate a woman; you educate a generation.’
Educating and giving power to the women is of great importance which needs to be
followed in the society to bring women empowerment and development of society.

Published in Daily Times, March 10th 2018.

Investing in women
Huma Yusuf Published March 6, 2023
The writer is a political and integrity risk analyst.

COULD there be a more heartbreaking tale than that of Shahida Raza? A former national
hockey player forced to pursue illegal emigration, only to lose her life along with dozens
of other refugees in the tragic boat crash off Italian shores last month.
Her story will resonate with most Pakistani women. She dared to dream and make the
most of her talents but was stymied by the lack of opportunity. As a single mother
without a job, she struggled with financial insecurity. Faced with her young child’s ill
health, she had no social safety net to fall back on. If these conditions won’t breed
desperation, what will?
Raza’s trajectory is an indictment of Pakistan’s sports ecosystem, its social welfare and
healthcare systems, its economy with an incapacity to absorb labour and talent —
indeed, of the country itself. But it also highlights the reality that Pakistani women are
direct participants in our dysfunctional society, not merely appendages to it. As such,
the society must be reshaped to cater to their needs and aspirations.
The typical framing of women in Pakistani public discourse as daughters, sisters, wives
and mothers implies that they are secondary — the supporting cast hovering around
men, who are the central characters on our sociopolitical stage. We pretend that women
in their own right — women such as Raza — do not exist.
We pretend that women in their own right do not exist. This oversight leads to the
challenge that women, when they are considered, are perceived by both the state and
society as inconvenient or problematic — quite literally, a public order problem.
That explains why the Lahore deputy commissioner rejected permission for the Aurat
March to proceed on International Women’s Day, citing concerns about ‘controversial’
banners and the likelihood of these provoking clashes with those who privilege haya
over gender inclusion and equality. That also explains why the most robust state
response to the horrific rape in an Islamabad park last month was a directive by Pemra
banning any coverage of the incident. These are just recent examples of what are daily,
egregious attempts to erase women from our social fabric.
But women are not going away. And Pakistan only ignores them to its detriment. At
present, the main concern is potential economic collapse. The men running the
economy have made a hash of it. In all their recent machinations, have they even
considered the gains to be had from unleashing Pakistani women’s potential?
In a recent article on ‘Empowering Women in Pakistan’s Economy’, Noorulain Naseem
and Hadiqa Sohail highlight that “despite making up 49 per cent of the total population,
women have a remarkably low participation rate of only 21pc in the current workforce —
with only 25pc of women with a university degree working.” Naseem and Sohail argue
that if the female labour force were to become equal to the male working population,
Pakistan’s GDP could increase by 60pc by 2025. Let that number sink in for a minute.
But this labour force participation cannot be conjured out of nowhere. Pakistan needs to
invest in its women before they can reinvest in the country. Sadly, our country currently
ranks 145 out of 146 countries in the 2022 Global Gender Gap Index (only Afghanistan
ranks worse). In Balochistan, Raza’s home province, the female literacy rate of 24pc is
the lowest among all of Pakistan’s provinces and female labour force participation is a
shockingly low 4.9pc.
In the ‘Health and Survival’ sub index of the gender gap assessment, which considers
access to healthcare, Pakistan ranks 143rd. This is a doubly painful reality in a country
where, according to a 2019 report, 85,000 women have completed a medical degree but
are not part of the medical system — presumably due to cultural and societal
constraints on women working.
If we cannot educate or employ our women, or preserve their health, then both they and
the country at large suffers. Perhaps instead of banning women’s marches, our
government should reflect this week on how they can better serve Pakistan’s female
population. The theme of this year’s International Women’s Day is #EmbraceEquity. It is
highlighting the distinction between gender equality — which the World Economic Forum
describes as the “end goal” — and equity, which is the path you take to get there.
Embracing equity means recognising that different people and groups require different
resources, support and opportunities in order to attain equal outcomes. For Pakistani
women, that means gender-specific policies, including a concerted effort to improve
educational, employment and health outcomes while recognising — but not pandering
to — our misogynistic cultural context. This is essential to ensure that in future women
like Raza believe they can thrive in our country rather than desperately seek salvation
across perilous waters.

The writer is a political and integrity risk analyst.

Spaces for women
Arif Hasan | Dhuha Alvi Published March 14, 2023

EACH year, the Aurat March takes place in cities across Pakistan to protest against the
challenges faced by women and khawaja siras in our society, as well as larger national
issues. Apart from specific themes each year, the recurring slogan of the Aurat March is
‘mera jism meri marzi’, the ultimate expression of human autonomy.
The march has made a number of demands of the state which remain unfulfilled, but
there has been some pro-women legislation in recent years, and, without doubt, the
march has contributed to this. More importantly, the march has politicised people,
especially youngsters, by generating conversations around sociopolitical issues. It has
also highlighted the need for and desire among women and khawaja siras to occupy
public spaces — a right they have been deprived of.
Due to socioeconomic factors, our social makeup has undergone a change over the
years. Family structures, gender relations and the aspirations of the young have
changed. The culture of dating has found more visibility in public. Meeting and
establishing relationships have increased manifold in the last 10 years, especially
because of dating apps. Self-will marriages, including court marriages, have increased.
Conflicts between parents and daughters increasingly revolve around the latter’s
freedom to go out alone, ie, without an escort. It is a battle they are slowly winning as
tens of thousands of women leave their homes for work each day — sometimes even
for non-work purposes. Moreover, the rising demand for higher education among
women is obvious from the fact that thousands of them apply to institutes of higher
learning even though only hundreds can be accepted. This demand is reflected in the
2017 census figures.
Young people who visit us (about three a day) have one thing in common: they want a
space where they can walk without fear and harassment. Such spaces do not exist in
Karachi, except at Seaview — which the real estate lobby is anxious to take over. Weekly
bazaars, parks and the zoo all show that multi-gender spaces can exist, without women
being harassed. A food street at Burns Road brought families, young men and women
together without any overt signs of harassment.
There are new demands of a new generation.
This is where the architect and planner has to come in and cater to the needs of women
through the creation of safe, walkable spaces. Unfortunately, where such spaces have
been created, the local administration has destroyed them because of its failure to
maintain them.

How can architects and planners contribute to the creation of a gender-equitable city?
First, and very important, are toilets — clean, with a regular supply of water, and privacy
— in all public spaces. It is important for toilets to be specifically allocated for women
and khawaja siras for ease of access.
Second is inclusion of women and khawaja siras in the formal economy through
design-based elements. The provision of a crèche in all workspaces where children can
be looked after is crucial, as is the presence of a well-lit and ventilated workspace
(especially in factories), including hygienic spaces for eating. Pedestrianized areas can
be created where women should be allowed to set up kiosks to conduct business.
These spaces should be well-lit and open till late evening. This will tangibly make
women and khawaja siras a part of the city, especially its street economy, and alter
gender relations.
That a major change is taking place in the ranks of the younger generation was reflected
by a survey carried out by Dawood University students of architecture on what college
and high school girls in a katchi abadi wanted to have in a park in their neighbourhood.
They wanted a space for playing cricket and table tennis, gym machines, a space for
performing, and an open-air library. These are new demands of a new generation of
katchi abadi dwellers, and they also resonate with their wealthier, pakki abadi
counterparts. Such demands have been reflected in Aurat March’s manifestos and
slogans over the years and have received support.
It is imperative that those in the architecture and planning profession, including women
professionals, understand these demands in order to create a women-friendly ethos.
This calls for a significant change in the manner in which architects and planners are
trained, and for teachers to be trained as well — which requires a major research and
extension programme.
In our understanding, if the vision of the city is a pedestrian- and commuter-friendly city,
as opposed to a ‘world class city’ (the current vision), this objective can be achieved.

Tough for women

Huma Yusuf Published May 2, 2022

The writer is a political and integrity risk analyst.

IT is exhausting being a Pakistani woman. Sexism and misogyny are prevalent,
normalised, and too often celebrated as part of our ‘culture’ or ‘values’. In recent days,
the experiences and actions of women from across the socio-economic and ethnic
spectrum, ranging from Dua Zehra and Shaari Baloch to Hina Rabbani Khar and
Marriyum Aurangzeb, have reiterated the challenges women in our country face. To
address them, our policymakers must look through the gender lens and start to tackle
the structural drivers of sexism.
Pakistan’s sexism problem is no secret. A 2020 report by the United Nations
Development Programme ranked Pakistan at the top of list of 75 countries where
people have an anti-women bias, with 99.81 per cent of survey participants expressing
at least one sexist view. The survey touched on various prejudiced tropes: that men
make better political and business leaders than women; that it’s more important for
men to receive a university education; that men deserve preferential access to jobs; and
that it’s alright for men to beat their wives. This is what Pakistani women are up against.
This bias was evident in initial reactions to news that Dua Zehra had ‘fled’ her home to
marry a man of her choosing. She was slammed for being disobedient and
inconsiderate to her parents. Her ‘elopement’ was portrayed as an attack on her family’s
‘honour’. The criticism came from women, including celebrities, and implied that girls
must not be a nuisance or embarrassment for their families.
Less attention was paid to her claim that, according to her, she was fleeing an abusive
domestic situation and the threat of a forced marriage. Or to the fact that the only
recourse a young girl has in Pakistan is to exchange one man’s protection for another’s.
As the sensational news headlines fade, there is little discussion on the serious
questions Dua Zehra’s case raised; questions about youth safeguarding and social
services provision, police negligence and opportunities for girls outside the home.
Sexism was normalised during Imran Khan’s rule.
Shaari Baloch’s case belongs to a different category, but is more problematic. Her
decision to launch a suicide bombing to highlight a socio-political grievance is totally
unacceptable, and marks a dangerous turn in Baloch militancy which must be
understood and carefully managed by our security forces. But embedded in our shock at
this condemnable development in the terror threat landscape is an element of sexism.
Baloch women have increasingly taken to the streets to protest against resource
scarcity, poor service delivery and missing persons. Their peaceful protests against
legitimate grievances have not received an adequate response, implying that their voice
does not matter, and that they are expected to suffer endlessly in silence. Baloch’s
heinous act ruptures that silence, and will unfortunately and counterproductively lead to
further pressure on Baloch women who will now be perceived as potential threats. What
may get missed as security considerations get prioritised is the level of desperation
among non-violent, marginalised Baloch individuals and their lack of political recourse.
The fact that both were drastic acts — relative to their own contexts, and obviously
greatly varying in nature and magnitude — because of the conviction that there were no
other options is a stark warning. But what can you expect when even the most
empowered, privileged women in the country have to accept sexist assault as part of
their lot?
Meanwhile, the minister of state for foreign affairs Hina Rabbani Khar has had to face
vile, demeaning comments on her appearance since being appointed to Shehbaz
Sharif’s cabinet; Aurangzeb had to put up with sexist slurs while on pilgrimage. These
women are praised by their supporters for the grace with which they confront the
constant abuse. But this praise also implies that powerful women must be resigned to
the sexist backlash they provoke.
Sexism was especially normalised during Imran Khan’s tenure, particularly due to his
persistent public claims that women provoke sexual violence with their refusal to veil.
Indeed, gender is another battlefield for Pakistan’s populist politics, with the PTI’s
misogynistic stance frequently pitted against women’s rights defenders. But the blame
does not lie with youthias alone; Khan’s detractors have also indulged in sexist
stereotypes of conniving, manipulative women when criticising Bushra Bibi.
Endemic sexism has real-world consequences: Pakistan last year ranked 153rd out of
156 countries on the World Economic Forum’s gender gap report, which considers
female political empowerment, economic participation, educational attainment and
health. Here’s the catch: waving the gender flag only invites more sexism. It’s therefore
time to reframe gender challenges as a product of structural issues such as social
inequality, resource scarcity and degrading democratic systems. It’s time for a change,
and there’s more at stake than visas to Turkey.

Gender imbalance
Muhammad Khudadad Chattha Published March 9, 2023

The writer has a doctorate from the University of Oxford and is graduate of the Harvard
Kennedy School of Government.
THE annual Aurat March always draws strong, polarising reactions from citizens across
Pakistan. The most bizarre reaction (and unfortunately a common one) is to deny that
gender inequality is, in fact, a problem in the country. I am writing with the hope that if
you are someone who belongs to this category, or knows of someone who does, the
following paragraphs will clearly show the stark gender imbalance in Pakistan. Rather
than make an argument myself, we can let the numbers do the talking.
Let us start with some examples of economic and labour market disparities. House
ownership is one rough gauge to measure gender/wealth disparity. According to the
Demographic and Health Survey [DHS], 2017-18, only 3pc of surveyed women between
the age of 15 and 49 years in Pakistan own a house. On the other hand, the same
number for men is 72pc.
The Pakistani labour market shows similar disparity. The International Labour
Organisation estimates that Pakistan has one of the lowest female labour force
participation rates in the world — only 25pc. The same number for males is estimated at
81pc. Part of the reason why female labour force participation in Pakistan is so low is
that women end up taking on the bulk of unpaid work (for example, childcare) across
the country. This leads to intra-household income disparities where men end up earning
much more than women.
What do we learn from these numbers? Broadly, that men in Pakistan own significantly
more assets and are engaged in the paid labour market in far greater numbers than
women (and hence earn more).
Statistics paint a grim picture of Pakistani women.
Let us look at examples of disparity in education and politics. The adult female literacy
was estimated at 46pc in 2019, while the same number stands at 69pc for males.
Within the realm of politics, male voter turnout in the 2018 general election exceeded
female voter turnout by around 9.1pc, based on the statistics of the Election
Commission of Pakistan. In other words, 11 million more men voted in the election than
women. If you look at the gender disaggregation of our National Assembly,
approximately only 20pc of the parliamentarians are women, and that too in large part
on reserved seats.
What do we learn from this? That Pakistanis invest more in men’s education than in
women’s. That women’s electoral preferences are less well reflected in our governance
system, compared to males’, because of a lower female voter turnout as well as a lower
presence of females in our national parliament.
Let us now try to understand the horrific challenge of violence against women.
According to DHS, 2017-18, a whopping 28pc of women in Pakistan between 15 and 49
years of age have experienced physical violence. Twenty-six per cent of married women
who have experienced spousal physical or sexual violence, have sustained injuries. Let
that sink in. This grim paragraph shows that violence against women remains a huge
challenge in the country.
The gender challenge within Pakistan relates to our values. Let us bring in some data
from the World Values Survey, 2017-2022, that relates to some of the disparities
mentioned in this piece. Starting with economic disparities, 72.1pc of individuals in the
WVS sample either ‘strongly agree’ or ‘agree’ with the statement that there is a problem
if women have more income than their husbands.
A whopping 85.3pc either ‘strongly agree’ or ‘agree’ that men have more right to a job
than women do. Moving on to political disparities, 75.8pc either ‘strongly agree’ or
‘agree’ that men make better political leaders than women do.
There is, of course, much more nuance behind each of the numbers that have been
cited above. There has also been progress on various dimensions of gender disparity in
the country over time, thanks to increasing awareness of the gender disparities. The
slowly rising labour force participation and female literacy rates are among the few
examples of progress.
The objective here has not been to delve deep into each figure but to show that gender
disparities in Pakistan are both pervasive and undeniable. This stark gender imbalance
can be seen across most socioeconomic sectors within the country, including income,
wealth, politics, education and many more.
Hence, before a defensive, knee-jerk reaction to the Aurat March sets in, we should take
a hard look at the gender imbalance that surrounds us. Rather than deny that there is a
problem and come up with all sorts of justifications, we need to accept that gender
imbalance is a huge challenge in our country. Recognising the problem is the first step
towards making progress on this crucial aspect of national life.

Digital technology & women’s labour

Hadia Majid | Maryam Mustafa Published March 25, 2023
ONLY 52 per cent of adult Pakistani women own a mobile phone and Pakistan has one
of the widest mobile gender gaps in the region. Women are 49pc less likely than men to
use mobile internet, and according to some studies, nearly six in 10 women face some
sort of restrictions in using the internet. Clearly, there is a large gender digital divide, and
it has been receiving increasing attention in the past few years. But why is this so? Why
is it necessary to bridge the digital divide and what can we achieve on the back of
greater digital inclusion of women?
The attention to gender gap in digital inclusion owes to the pervasiveness of digital
technologies across a multitude of sectors: education, health, labour and financial
markets to name just a few — a trend that has only accelerated post-Covid. Gaps in
digital access, then, create new inequalities, while also amplifying existing ones.
Lacking access to the digital space means reduced opportunities to network and
connect, to learn new skills and hone existing ones, to branch out and realise new
avenues of increased earnings; to obtain credit, save, and attract customers, domestic
and abroad. In fact, the UN in 2016 recognised the internet and access to it as a catalyst
for the enjoyment of human rights, including but not limited to the right to freedom of
expression which is a fundamental right on its own but also an enabler of other rights
like economic, social and educational rights. Indeed, when leveraged correctly,
technology has great potential for economic and social empowerment.
When it comes to the labour market, we know that women fare significantly worse than
men in terms of economic participation and opportunity: a fact underscored almost
yearly through the WEF Global Gender Gap Report which consistently ranks Pakistan
amongst the lowest on this sub-index. There are several factors at the institutional,
societal and individual household levels that lead to Pakistan’s underperformance
vis-à-vis women’s formal labour force participation levels. A main contributor is the high
reproductive burden combined with mobility restrictions. So is the lack of safe transport
and a hostile public space and workspace that links back to women’s defined roles as
caretakers belonging in the household and not at work. In our cumulative two decades
of gendered research in Pakistan, women from all manner of backgrounds have
repeatedly highlighted both the close monitoring they face in terms of their mobility
beyond the home and the very long hours they spend on housework as well as child and
elderly care. They have also emphasised the hostility and harassment they face both en
route to and at work. All of these factors severely limit their ability and even desire to
work outside the home. Could digital technology help alleviate these constraints?
Improved digital connectivity will not only allow women to work remotely but to also
gain access to international freelance jobs.
Improved digital connectivity would not only allow women to work remotely but to also
gain access to international freelance jobs. We saw this unfold at a mass scale during
Covid and we continue to see women upskilling themselves on platforms like Coursera
and seeking work from home with international companies. There are dedicated
Facebook groups like Women of Diversity whose mission is to ‘empower women’
through online workshops and connect them to remote employers. We find the same
amongst low-income, low-literate women too: using technologies to set up and expand
their home business, as well as an emphasis on their digital upskilling through
community organisations and rights advocacy groups.
We find that women who have access to devices and the internet in Pakistan leverage
the platforms available to them to carve out financial independence, seek social justice,
explore their identities, form collectives to empower each other, and to have fun (a rare
conversation in our context). Technologies like Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter, and
TikTok allow them to negotiate within and around social restrictions without openly
challenging them and to carve out more autonomy and agency for themselves — as they
have always done. We find in our work that when women have the motivation, and
recognise the value of digital spaces and platforms, they are able to adopt, learn and
maximise the benefit of these platforms, regardless of literacy or income levels. The
most significant barriers are often those of technology designs. For example, most
women in Pakistan have access to mobile devices as shared resources. However, most
applications like WhatsApp or mobile wallets assume a ‘one user, one device’ model,
raising serious privacy and adoption barriers for women.
Yet digital technologies are not a panacea, but a complex, nuanced landscape which
requires action on multiple fronts to include women. We have interviewed some 200
low-literate, low-income women in a variety of occupations — factory, domestic, and
home-based work. We have found a great deal of reluctance, even an active shunning, of
using mobile phones amongst these working women when they step out of the home.
They relayed that using the phone outside the home would cause problems for them
with their families. In contrast, women who worked from home were much more active
in their use of phones and the internet. In essence then, our work shows that women
face a trade-off between physical and digital mobility, giving up one space in order to
access the other.
This not only limits the type of upskilling that women in different types of work can do,
but also how technologies can be leveraged for interventions. Relying on designs that
assume all working women will have access to phones and the internet, will exclude
often the most vulnerable. It also places much of the onus on the women themselves
both in terms of their safety and in terms of coming up with innovative ways to increase
their earning potential and capacities. As a society we need to do much more to support
and enable our women to work, normalising women’s use of the internet and online
spaces. Only then will the true potential of the economy be realised.

Time to encourage women in politics

From the Newspaper Published May 1, 2023

WOMEN’S right to engage in politics has generally been restricted and disregarded in
Pakistan despite a lot of rhetoric surrounding the matter. Yes, indeed, we were the first
in the entire Muslim world to have a woman as head of the government, which is
something that even the United States has not been able to register. But that was an
exception rather than the norm.
Despite making up over half of the population, many women are not allowed to exercise
their constitutional right to free and equal participation in decision-making and
governance. Their right to vote, to run for office, and to participate in larger politics has
been sabotaged by various cultural factors and patriarchal beliefs.
The fact is that women’s baseline participation in the electoral process — as a voter — is
still incredibly low, parti- cularly in rural areas of the country. In contrast to 32.6 per cent
of men, only 18.2pc of women cast their ballots in the 2018 general elections, according
to a study by a non-governmental organisation (NGO). This is true even though women
make up over 50pc of Pakistan’s electorate.
There are several reasons behind the low participation of women in the electoral
process, especially in rural Pakistan. The first issue is that rural women are not aware of
their rights or the significance of voting. Second, many women are reluctant to disagree
with the thoughts and beliefs of the male family members out of concern for social
shame.
To guarantee that their opinions are heard in the decision-making process, more and
more women must participate in elections in Pakistan in order to encourage larger
participation at the grassroots level.
The government must take decisive action and make it simpler for women to cast
ballots and get themselves registered to cast their vote.
This may be accomplished by taking steps like providing free transportation to polling
stations, offering help and educational programmes for voters at large, and setting up
polling stations in areas that are accessible to all.
The government should also make every possible effort to change the set of cultural
beliefs that prevent women from participating in politics and the electoral process so
that they may freely exercise their democratic right.

Women’s mobility
Zofeen T. Ebrahim Published February 11, 2023

The writer is a Karachi-based independent journalist.

LEERING, lewd remarks, being whistled at and touched are part and parcel of a Pakistani
woman’s daily commute on public buses and at bus stops. Restricted mobility, to a great
extent because of this harassment, is preventing her from continuing her education or
seeking work outside of home.
In 2020, it was the bus rapid transit that helped 23-year-old Mahjabeen pursue her
dream of becoming a botanist in Peshawar. Her father allowed her to continue her
postgraduate degree, because the new bus stopped right at her university’s gate.
For far too long, public transport, including its planning and design, and investment in it,
has been looked at through the male lens. That is because the decision-making process
is rarely informed by equity or gender-based mobility needs and experiences. This is
further reinforced by a workforce that is predominantly male.
That is perhaps the reason why the element of safety from harassment has never been
incorporated in designs, if you ask Dr Hadia Majid, associate professor at the Lahore
University of Management Sciences, who has been researching women’s mobility and
its link to their work outside of home. One of the reasons for the dismal labour force
participation score of 22 per cent (a dip from 24pc in 2015), which is among the lowest
in the world according to World Bank data, could be the fact that women feel wary about
travelling alone in public buses and are reluctant to take up paid work. By and large,
urban spaces, transport and services are designed for men as women remain invisible,
explained Dr Majid.
The buses need to continue to cruise.
Women in Pakistan rarely ride bicycles or motorcycles and they often consider
rickshaws and cabs unsafe if they are alone. Shared buses and vans do have separate
sections for women, but the latter say they are always bracing themselves for an
untoward experience. These perceptions discourage them, or in many cases, family
members stop them from travelling on these vehicles.
In fact, had our public transport been clean, efficient and safe, the Sindh government
would not have had to launch a women-only bus service in Karachi earlier this month.
These nine-metre-long six pink buses, equipped with cameras, will initially cruise from
Model Colony to Tower en route to Sharea Faisal, Metropole and I.I. Chundrigar Road,
the business hub of the city, every 20 minutes, during rush hour from 7am to 10am and
then from 4pm to 7pm, for a flat fee of Rs50.
This is not the first time that a province has started this service. Back in 2012, the
Punjab Transport Company had launched a similar service in Lahore, which was
discontinued in 2014. Welcoming the idea of an exclusive bus service for women in a
‘hostile’ public space where women experience high levels of harassment, Dr Majid said
Sindh would do well to ask why it failed in Punjab and how not to make the same
mistakes.
Women-exclusive buses can give confidence to women to study — the route will help
decide the location. These buses will also help women make decisions on taking up
work outside the home, to look for jobs they like rather than just trying to look for one
which is closer to home. The key to the success of the new pink bus service in Karachi
could be continuity in planning. Vision 2025 had proposed an increase in women’s
labour force participation rate to 45pc. If that target is to be achieved, the buses need to
continue to cruise, irrespective of whoever is in government.
But there is a downside to this bus service. It shows we are brushing the unpleasant
cause — men’s behaviour — under the carpet and admitting failure by implicitly
condoning it. There needs to be a firmer way of handling this, as naming and shaming,
mostly by women, on social media alone has certainly not ended men’s unbecoming
conduct. There must be exemplary punishment handed out by the state to these
offensive individuals.
In addition, said Dr Majid, there was a danger that such segregation may strengthen the
notion that men and women have separate spaces, and the twain shall not meet. There
is a need to move towards integration, she suggested.
It would, however, be amiss to invest in making women’s travelling safely by just
providing women with a segregated bus service without infrastructural improvements.
Experts point to improvement of last-mile connectivity — the 15-minute distance that
women must walk between their home and the bus stop — to ensure their travel is
completely secure.
In addition, a well-lit street and bus stop lighting, effective police patrol in lonely streets
and public toilets can help make the last stretch of the travel safer. But to bring about
these changes, it would help to encourage women to join all sections of this very
male-dominated public transit sector itself. If women are placed at the helm, decisions
made will be less gendered.

What women need

Bina Shah Published September 24, 2022
The writer is an author.
AS Pakistan reels from the apocalyptic damage caused by this year’s monsoons, people
are mobilising to help the millions of men, women and children who have been
displaced by the floods. Women and girls make up half of these people, but amid the
scramble to ensure shelter, food, and medicines for them, their specific needs related to
their biological reality are often overlooked.
Not this time, however, thanks to a group of young women — students, mostly — who
have started a movement to collect sanitary products for these women and girls, some
of whom will face their first period in these months. These groups are raising awareness
about period poverty, in a country where not only are women marginalised in the best of
circumstances, but where talking about menstruation openly has long been taboo.
It is a fact that half the world menstruates. The other half doesn’t have to think about
this fact. While one half of the world must buy products to deal with this — think soap,
sanitary pads, special undergarments, painkillers — and have access to clean water and
toilets in order to maintain their health during this time, the other half of the world is free
of these necessities. While one half of the world deals with pain, low blood pressure,
anaemia, and all the effects this may have on their attendance at school or work, the
other half is free of this burden.
Male privilege allows our society to be squeamish about the biological realities of
women. Puberty, menstruation, fertility, conception, pregnancy and childbirth are seen
as women’s issues, not to be discussed publicly or with men or boys present. Not long
ago, advertising for sanitary products on television was controversial. Women and girls
in Pakistan continue to live with human-created shame over a biological function that is
vital to the continuation of life.
Women and girls in Pakistan live with human-created shame over a biological function
that is vital to the continuation of life.
Older generations accepted these conventions as normal and necessary. The younger
generation is not so accepting. Mahwari Justice, the brainchild of two college students
in Lahore, Bushra Mahnoor and Anum Khalid, sends menstrual products out to women
and girls affected by the floods. Private donations enable them to purchase and pack
menstrual kits for the flood affectees. They regularly put out calls on social media for
volunteers in different towns and cities, and Mahnoor has been doing media interviews
with international news outlets, even though she wrote on Twitter that her family
considers her advocacy “shameful”.
But Mahnoor and Khalid carry on, haunted by the woman who called and said she’d
been using leaves during her period. Other displaced women end up staining the only
set of clothing they have been left with, having lost everything else in the flooding.
Even before the floods, rural women used cloths, newspapers or rags to manage their
periods. A luxury tax on sanitary napkins means they’re too expensive for most girls or
women outside the cities of Pakistan. This period poverty, coupled with general
ignorance about menstruation has kept women and girls in the dark ages, even in the
21st century.
When Mahwari Justice began their operations, a patronising debate sprung up about
whether period products were a luxury or a necessity. “Why don’t you distribute shaving
kits to men?” wrote one disgruntled Twitter user, displaying a lack of sensitivity that is
typical of men who have never had to even consider what having a period means.
Others said that since rural women did not use sanitary napkins under normal
circumstances, forcing them to use these products was a form of imperialism enacted
on them by the elite.
It’s true that women in rural areas of Pakistan are used to using cloths that they wash
and reuse, the most ecologically sound manner of dealing with periods. But
emergencies necessitate having to use alternate methods for period hygiene. In the
floods, there is no clean water with which to wash the cloths. Adding biological waste to
the already filthy stagnant water will just increase the spread of disease, the “second
disaster” that the WHO has warned will hit Pakistanis now that the flooding has done its
worst.
“We ask the women what they need and what they are comfortable with,” says Mahnoor.
Kits may contain sanitary pads, underwear, cloth towels, cotton pads, and soap,
depending on what the women themselves request. There is a small diagram to explain
how to use these products. So far they have sent out more than 20,000 of these kits,
and plan to keep going for as long as women need them. Other groups and
organisations have followed suit, distributing period packs and pregnancy packs for
women who are ready to give birth in the most dangerous conditions imaginable.
In more established shelters, like the new tent city established by Roshan Academy in
Karachi to house IDPs for a longer period of time, washing and reusing cloth pads will
be possible with a steady supply of clean water and toilets. Maria Taqdees of Hunar
Ghar in Karachi has taught low-income women to make cloth pads on sewing machines
and is making them available to relief groups. Across Pakistan women are answering
the call to help other women, and not leave them behind in male-led relief efforts.
Relief groups led by women are taking menstrual supplies to the female IDPs and
holding workshops explaining how they work and how they can be disposed of safely.
Using sanitary napkins with belts is something that the rural women have been willing to
try. Sensitivity and respect are very important to help women survive these times with
dignity. But now may be the best time to teach these women and girls about menstrual
hygiene and about how their bodies work, empowering them in unexpected ways.
Women and work
Dure Sameen Akhund Published December 22, 2021

PAKISTAN is facing one of its worst economic crises, with inflation hovering around
10-10.5 per cent for FY2022, resulting in massive hikes in food, energy and consumer
prices. The upward moving trend of commodity prices coupled with a relatively flat
wage trend, has given rise to a definite need for a secondary income for households to
sustain themselves or even survive in this economy.
The transition from a single-income to dual-income family is not as simple as it seems.
In Pakistan, discriminatory patriarchal social norms coupled with the lack of support is a
major factor behind the country’s having one of the lowest labour force participation
rates for women in the region; as per the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, the figure was
only 22.53pc in 2018-19. The traditional role of women as the ‘homemaker’ restricts her
entry into the job market; this is especially true for women with small children. There is
little to no consideration for the need of flexible hours or the availability of affordable
childcare.
Pakistan ranks third from the bottom in 2020 Global Gender Gap Index, having closed
only 56pc of its gender gap. This poor ranking is primarily due to the limited income
contribution made by women — only 18pc of Pakistan’s total income, according to the
Global Gender Gap Report 2020. Labour force participation differs significantly between
the rural and urban areas of Pakistan, where the rural areas make up more than 70pc of
women’s total labour force participation. The informal and flexible nature of rural work
allows children to accompany their mothers to work; joint family set-ups, where all the
women of the household share domestic and childcare duties; and the social
assumption that women will participate in agricultural activities, have played a pivotal
role in the increased representation of women in the rural workforce. All around the
world, women spend more time performing unpaid work versus men. From the
economic perspective alone, tapping into this market of unpaid labour could
significantly boost GDP, which is important during times of near-zero economic growth.
This National Working Women’s Day (today), the fact that women are persistently less
present in the labour market, is a red flag indicating the extremely limited ‘real’
economic opportunities available to women in Pakistan. Keeping in mind the cultural
context where men are regarded as the breadwinners who are providing shelter, security
and cash for household expenditure, whereas the women are seen as homemakers,
taking care of the house and the children, the job market needs to be more
accommodating and flexible.

Measures are needed to remove barriers to women’s contribution.

A rigid working culture along with the lack of affordable, quality childcare, has made a
large percentage of women in the urban areas unproductive, wasting their quality
education by forcing them out of the job market. It is not enough for the government to
claim they are increasing women’s quota for employment or for private organisations to
assert that they do not discriminate against women, the policy needs to be more
thorough, where women are not only promised equal pay but also facilitated as mothers
and provided childcare options and flexible work hours so that they can manage both
their domestic duties and their work.
This current rise in the cost of urban living makes it even more crucial for women to join
the labour force in order to help maintain a certain standard of living. Not only do
dual-income households provide greater financial security to the household, they also
have a positive impact on both intra- and inter-generational mobility. Households with
dual sources of income have a higher average disposable income. In most cases, the
additional income earned by the women not only empowers them but also provides
better health, nutrition and education to their children. Therefore, there is a need for a
paradigm shift in the way women are included in the workplace through flexible hours,
work-from-home options and better and inexpensive childcare facilities.
This barrier to entry for women will not end overnight, but it is time for the government
to help create policies, and to work together with the private sector to create affordable
childcare facilities to ease women’s entry into and retention in the workspace. In the
meanwhile, we must also learn from our Covid-19 experiences where the traditional
nine-to-five desk job has seen transformation, offering more flexible and unique work
prospects for women to help break through this invisible glass door.

Persistent disparity
Nadia Agha Published February 10, 2022

The writer has a doctorate degree in women’s studies.

EQUAL rights are meant for everyone. And yet gender-based discrimination continues to
deprive women and girls of their rights and opportunities. The SDGs aim at achieving
gender equality and urge governments to focus on women’s educational attainment,
participation in the labour market and representation in public through policy
implementation. Unfortunately, the efforts, particularly in low-income countries, are not
successful where disparities in health and education are stronger and bargaining power
in marriages is weaker.
Pakistan has shown progress by investing more in women’s education, creating
economic opportunities and enacting laws to protect women in the public and private
spheres. It has introduced various interventions to reduce gender gaps in education,
health and economic empowerment — for instance, BISP cash transfer, Youth Loan
Scheme, Kamyab Jawan Programme, Waseela-i-Taleem, free education for girls, health
card schemes etc. Yet, the effort has not had the expected results. Social indicators
show how vulnerable women still are. For example, the female literacy rate is 49 per
cent against the male literacy rate of 71pc. The female literacy rate is lower in rural
areas at just 38pc. Pakistan has one of the lowest female labour force participation
rates in the region. Improving maternal health in the country has been a huge challenge.
The Global Gender Gap ranking by the World Economic Forum places Pakistan at 153
out of 156 countries. With a widening gender gap, Pakistan is only better than
Afghanistan.
When we talk about gender equality in the Pakistani context, we must consider what
equality we are looking for and why gender inequality in Pakistan is so persistent even
with development. Many studies show the link between gender equality and economic
growth, particularly through education. The question is, how do society-specific factors
determine women’s status and hamper progress on reducing gender gaps?
In our society, descent is traced through the male line and females have to leave their
parents when they marry. This results in gender discrimination because parents want
sons whom they value more and look upon as their future security. Beliefs and attitudes
to women’s ‘honour’ restrict women’s mobility.
Why are we unable to end gender inequality?
Poverty hampers women’s empowerment. Most of Pakistan’s population lives in the
rural areas in disadvantaged conditions. Poverty explains why the underprivileged opt
for localised practices that undermine women’s status, eg paying bride price, selling
daughters to settle a dispute, etc.
Girl child marriages frequently witnessed among the poor and communities with low
literacy rates are also responsible for women’s disempowerment. It leads to early
maternity which eliminates all possibilities of seeking education. Many girls are barred
from going to school with the onset of puberty. Although Sindh has introduced the Sindh
Child Marriage Restraint Act, 2013, one report shows an increase in girl child marriages
in different districts in Sindh. Jacobabad tops the list with an 8.8pc increase in the
marriages of girls under 15.
There is no denying that gender equality contributes to economic growth, but how can
we reduce the gap without half of the population having access to educational and
economic opportunities? Covid-19 has affected SDG progress and threatened the future
of millions of girls. Closing gender gaps is important because it is not only about
economic growth but also providing social and economic justice to a deprived section
of society.
There are several cultural factors that hinder gender equality and negatively impact a
woman’s well-being. Poverty exacerbates the situation. With an increasing number of
people falling below the poverty line, it is highly likely that the gender gap will widen
further in the country. It is important that interventions to close the gender gap factor in
regressive societal mores. For instance, inclusive policies must be designed in girls’
education — free education on its own won’t solve the problem unless issues such as
mobility are also taken into account. Teachers must be trained to address the challenge
of girls dropping out of school.
Changes in the cultural environment should be undertaken to allow women to capitalise
on economic opportunities. Efforts to regularise the informal economy, particularly in
the rural areas where women’s economic contribution is crucial but invisible, would be a
step in this direction. Promotion of women-specific economic opportunities such as
packaging can also ensure income generation. Increasing women’s access to potential
markets and introducing e-commerce through training can make a significant difference
to the lives of young educated women. Such moves are crucial to removing the
sociocultural barriers that prevent women from getting ahead.
Economy, not culture
Afiya S. Zia Published February 28, 2021
The writer is author of Faith and Feminism in Pakistan.

IN 2002, Gen Musharraf pulled a rabbit out of the hat by substantially increasing quotas
for women’s seats in all legislative bodies. This improved Pakistan’s ranking significantly
on the Global Gender Gap Index. Decades on, political empowerment is the only
indicator ranking us at mid-level, rather than second last for everything else.The culprits
are not democracy or corruption but the historical misdiagnoses that ‘culture’ is a
proven obstacle to women’s progress, especially their economic empowerment. Instead,
lack of social prestige, negative community perception, and work conditions are major
impediments to Pakistani women’s waged labour. Gossip and patriarchal control should
not be confused with immutable culture.
The culture cudgel is a convenient excuse used by unimaginative, lazy officials and
politicians who refuse to incentivise women’s waged labour. Offloading responsibility on
culture or waiting for macroeconomic miracles or utopian level-playing-field markets is
erroneous. Change is underway but unmeasured and blocked by the culture argument.
There are no uniform or permanent barriers across communities, districts or provinces.
‘Culture’ is forsaken under extreme poverty when women are driven to distressed labour,
including in construction, although pragmatic microfinance policies and home-based
work reinforce the culture paradigm.

What makes the women’s movement weak?

Many donor-funded reports on women’s empowerment recall colonial-era policies with
local experts advising that ‘cultural and religious norms’ should not be upset. The result
has been decades of poultry rearing and home-based embroidery projects while
preserving the patriarchal gendered order.
Despite their flaws, global ranking reports reveal some stark findings that are needlessly
complicated by international experts and standardised solutions. Some indictments are
as follows.
First, most Pakistani women are not in the workforce. The majority of the 20 per cent
who are, labour in agriculture (without minimum wages) while the rest toil in informal
and unsafe (mostly manufacturing) sectors. Women are not ‘service sector-oriented’ but
confined due to lack of skills for higher paid work. Gender segregated occupations and
lack of market access and mobility are blamed on tradition instead of negligent
planning.
It is not culturally offensive to enforce the living wage for all women agricultural
workers, securitise the informal sector, upgrade domestic (not MNC) labour laws with
vigilant regulatory mechanisms and feminise markets with state support.
Second, the success in mandating anti-sexual harassment laws in the workplace has
gained us valuable points in global rankings. However, slippery patriarchal tactics mean
that workplaces claiming to observe this law use it as a fig leaf to deny basic rights of
maternity benefits, childcare, equal pay etc. It’s become a ‘gender-pass’ for male
employees and owners to curb their harassment habits a little but continue to exploit
women’s labour.
Equal pay and secure facilities for women, affirmative action for minority women, and
quality childcare in state and private sectors must be enacted with strict penalties for
violations.
Third, domestic and care work are disproportionately women’s burdens but not owning
marital or family land and assets lowers our ranking drastically. Religious norms factor
here but mobile phone ownership is a secular concern. Male restrictions on women’s
access to phones is not due to culture but to maintain power over their autonomy. Since
few Pakistanis have physical bank accounts, phones are a critical entry point for
financial learning and economic empowerment.
Another ‘culture’ myth is that women have no decision-making powers in the household.
In fact, data shows gender equality in matters of purchases. It’s a political failure to not
recognise women as economic actors. Rather than infantilising them, women must be
given access to technology and bank account drives should be on a scale similar to
voter registration campaigns.
Fourth, fertility rates are decreasing but are globally high. Unmet contraceptive needs
and lack of childcare is a supply-side failure hindering women’s economic productivity.
The skills and remuneration of Lady Health Workers must be upgraded while extending
their community services to include food insecurity/ nutrition, disabled needs, seniors’
health, and pre-school life skills. A cost-effective grafting with the Ehsaas programme
could be considered.
Weaponising the culture argument makes women’s movements weak and prevents
women from organising collective action or gaining labour rights. When men and the
state use the ‘culture’ sword, they do a disservice to their own future generations and
the nation’s global standing.
It’s time to stop recycling cultural alibis or waiting on complex expertise. Radical
changes in gender policies require political decisions. We have nothing to lose except
our ranking as last in the world.

For women’s empowerment

I.A. Rehman Published May 5, 2016

AS a welcome change, this year’s May Day celebrations, demonstrations and debates
gave considerable space not only to the challenges faced by women workers but also to
the bitter struggle the women of this country have been forced to wage for realising
their elementary rights.
The list of these challenges is quite long and formidable: denial of right to work,
non-recognition of women’s work, non-payment for work done by women, denial of a fair
wage, gaps in the legislation needed to protect women’s rights, non-implementation of
laws that have already been enacted, non-recognition of informal-sector workers, and,
above all, prevalence of an environment that perpetuates and reinforces gender
inequality by the day.
Some of these issues are already on the official agenda. For instance, the demands of
home-based workers for their entitlements. The organisations working for them
estimate their number at 8.5 million but they could be more. Most of them are women.
They are among the worst exploited category of workers. Unexceptionable are their
demands for the ratification of ILO Convention 189, for domestic legislation required for
their recognition as workers, and for creation of a monitoring system to ensure that
what the law provides for is actually available to them.
Even a cursory look at the problems faced by women will reveal that they are
interrelated and interdependent.
The Punjab government has at least promised acceptance of their demands and now it
is being pressed to honour its word. There is no reason why home-based workers
should be obliged to keep marching under a blazing sun for the most basic of their
rights.The fact that organised labour has been in a state of retreat for quite some time
means that the grievances of women in the civil labour force have been multiplying.
They will continue to suffer more than all-male trade unions as the ruling elite is unlikely
to be cured of its obsession with free-market mantras, including the shady deals under
the cover of privatisation.
Even a cursory look at the problems faced by women will reveal that they are
interrelated and interdependent. Each problem has been aggravated by lack of state will
to resolve it.The time has perhaps come to remove this main obstacle to women’s
freedom by demonstrating the state’s will to go the whole length for achieving gender
equality by adopting a long-term plan for women’s empowerment. What this goal means
should largely be decided by women themselves. During the interregnum the state and
civil society should concentrate on building up women’s capacity to cover the final lap to
their rightful place in society.
The long-term strategy will obviously include a mechanism for filling gaps in legislation
as well as for evaluating implementation of pro-women laws made over the past two
decades, and especially since 2004, in order to make their enforceability certain. In
order to ensure women’s ability to grab their share of jobs it will be necessary to extend
to them educational facilities and an adequate health cover. The failure to realise the
Millennium Development Goals must spur the administration to improve its
performance while addressing the Strategic Development Goals.
An important factor of women’s emancipation can be an increase in their role in local
government institutions. The Sindh government’s decision to increase women’s
representation in local bodies to 33pc is worthy of emulation by other provinces. But
symbolic representation will not be enough; the women local leaders must be helped to
address all of citizens’ problems, including their vulnerability to preachers of hate and
promoters of conflict.
Instead of creating new vehicles for promoting women’s empowerment, the task can be
assigned to the national and provincial commissions on the status of women after
enlarging their scope of work and guaranteeing them the physical and material
resources required. Besides developing and executing their three- or five-year
programmes they should also function as tribunals to receive and address women’s
grievances about the denial of their due.
Death of a scholar-bureaucrat
Our none-too-prosperous world of letters has been rendered poorer by the passing away
of Fazlur Rahman Khan of the Pakistan Administrative Service who served the country
for long years in various capacities, most notably as principal secretary to President
Ghulam Ishaq Khan.
Fazlur Rahman Khan found his urge to express himself on a variety of socioeconomic
issues blunted by his service code of conduct. Learning of this, Mr Mahmoud Abdullah
Haroon, the then federal interior minister and with whom Fazlur Rahman Khan was
working, urged him to write under an assumed name and if nothing else he could use
his initials as his byline.
Thus it was that Dawn started publishing regular columns by MAH. These covered a
wide area of issues in politics, history, sociology and culture that were remarkable not
only for the writer’s breadth of scholarship and incisive reasoning but also for the
fluency of the columns’ prose and style. It was only after Mahmoud Haroon’s death in
2008 that he revealed in his final column the person behind the byline MAH, by way of
acknowledging his debt to the departed benefactor.
Fazlur Rahman Khan belonged to a long line of public servants who did not allow their
duties in areas of civil administration or dispensation of justice or even in police/military
service to suppress their creative talent and found time to enrich contemporary
literature.
The line may not have entirely dried up but it is perhaps necessary to remind the
managers of academies and schools for training civil servants that they must
encourage the budding civil servants to take an interest in the literature, languages and
arts of their people. This will help them develop into wholesome personalities and
augment the country’s literary and cultural capital. This should also enable them to
better discharge their duties and thus promote good governance. Sensitive and cultured
public servants are perhaps more essential to a just dispensation than Plato’s
philosopher kings.

Women empowerment reforms

Salman Sufi Published January 20, 2019

The writer is an international public policy and gender reforms specialist, and former DG
of Punjab CM’s Strategic Reforms Unit.
THE obvious is often obscure, it seems. The state of affairs regarding women’s rights
has hardly ever been a matter of pressing concern for our masters. Yet ornamented
rhetoric has taken over grass-root reforms, and our gradual numbing to screaming
headlines of abuse and assault on the basic dignity of women has reduced most of the
work to mere table talk.
Let’s talk basics. One could argue that women’s rights are intrinsically ingrained in the
Constitution — which they are — and hence the matter is adjudicated. Meanwhile, laws
to protect and empower women passed in Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan employ
ferociously ambitious clauses, which might make even the most cynical observer
hopeful. Yet beneath the overarching landscape painted by these legislative feats, there
is an absence of solid foundations. Excepting Punjab, there are no implementation
mechanisms embedded in pro-women laws, while the architects of criminal justice have
designed a system to address abuses they have never had to face.
Take violence against women, for example: a woman facing abuse has to gear up for
battle on multiple fronts. The notion of her seeking support and justice outside the walls
of her abode is still frowned upon by society. Her agony doesn’t end here. The
poorly-trained state apparatus she must turn to for protection still grapples with moral
dilemmas surrounding her circumstances — from her lifestyle to clothes to domestic
background, all factor into an officer’s deliberations on whether to file a report or to send
her off with a sermon about preserving the sanctity of the home by keeping silent on
‘trivial’ issues like abuse.

Hollow chants of equal rights for all might be enough to keep patriarchal policymakers
content, but at what cost?
On the rare occasion that a case is filed, the burden to prove the abuse — without having
the tools necessary to do so — is on her. Physical abuse requires a medico-legal report,
but getting to a state medical facility in the first place is an uphill battle. Moreover, the
lack of awareness among victims of the crucial impact timely medico-legal
examinations have on investigations often result in delayed reporting, and hence critical
evidence to successfully prosecute perpetrators is lost.
From reporting to evidence collection to the trial itself, the system disenfranchises the
victim every step of the way. The survivor service model of the Violence against Women
Centre in Multan addresses this by providing each service — including police,
prosecution, medico-legal facility and rehabilitation — under one roof, by its all-women
team, despite not being allocated funds and salaries for months.
This bias against women embedded in our criminal justice system has been irrefutably
gauged for decades, but to no recourse. Selective amendments to laws, thrust upon the
public when an incident arouses national uproar, proves that women’s empowerment,
instead of being crafted through policy-based structural reform, is curated according to
populist sentiment.
Herein lies another issue. Political parties often decorate their manifestos with
promises of ushering in a new era for the disenfranchised half of Pakistan’s population,
yet rarely have dedicated teams within their ranks actually working on a roadmap for
implementation. And with no real watchdog to keep a politically neutral check on
elected governments’ election promises, most women empowerment reforms never see
the light of day. For the few that are legislated on, we are faced with the eternal question
that has haunted most of Pakistan’s development agendas: how will it be implemented,
and by whom?
The power to do so rests with the bureaucracy. This reality is in stark contrast to the
belief that elected officials have about their roles when they enter the mammoth
legislatures, with their ability to boost even the most meagre of egos. There is an
inevitable clash between what the people’s representatives want versus what they can
get from the state machinery. It is unfair to demand reform from a system designed to
follow the beaten path and discourage even the slightest course correction. To task
already stretched departments with implementing new agendas and reforms will
inevitably result in a flawed product for the people.
Women development departments in Pakistan are no different. They are barely financed
with budgets to match their ambitions, and thus mostly relegated to planning events for
International Women’s Day. It begs the question: why has a specialised field like gender
been left to career civil servants who are often shifted from one department to another,
triggering a never-ending reinvention of the wheel? To connect with on-ground issues in
real time and provide genuinely implementable solutions, there is a dire need for a
specialised cadre for women-specific development. Though the Punjab Women
Protection Authority Act, 2017, was introduced keeping such views in mind, it has yet to
be made functional.
From criminal justice to societal attitudes that hold women’s basic rights and
development back, a starting point for women empowerment reforms must be the
careful review and corresponding amendment to policies and implementation
mechanisms. Hollow chants of equal rights might be enough to keep patriarchal
policymakers content, but at what cost? How much longer must we pretend that our job
is done with the collective sighs we exhale whenever a rape victim is killed without
justice, or a woman is sexually harassed at her workplace with no recourse, or a woman
simply seeking a divorce is dragged through the courts with never-ending delay tactics?
It’s time to shrug off this immaculate imitation of a just country for women and bring
forth real change — forging a nation where women are equal participants in the
development process rather than the subjects of social experiments. Federal and
provincial governments alike should harness their resources to further the
groundbreaking work already in progress instead of engaging in populist rhetoric that
only serves to strengthen misogyny. The revolution is here and to stay, till the last
woman standing, and — this time — men should stand beside them.

Saving women
Sarah Nizamani Published September 1, 2021

The writer is a research fellow at IBA Karachi.

ON July 20, Noor Mukaddam, the daughter of a former Pakistani diplomat, was killed in
an upscale Islamabad neighbourhood. The incident was particularly reprehensible not
only because of its gruesome nature but also because it was yet another example of
brutality against women.
Cases of violence in recent times have included the killing of a mother of four in
Hyderabad, the torture of a couple in Islamabad at the hands of the accused harasser
Usman Mirza, the shooting of a woman by her husband in Peshawar, the rape and
murder of a beggar and her toddler in Rawalpindi and the assault on a female TikToker
by almost 400 men at Minar-i-Pakistan in Lahore. Once again, the women in the country
are being reminded of how unsafe they are.
According to new data released by the WHO, globally, one in three women have been
subjected to physical or sexual violence in their lifetimes, often by someone they love or
live with. While femicide has been a global crisis for centuries, there is no denying that
the higher society’s tolerance for domestic violence, the more frequently the latter
occurs. Women in Africa are four times more likely to be killed by their partner or family
than those in Europe, while 80 per cent of Afghan women justify beating at the hands of
one’s husband if the wife burns the food or neglects the children. Also, 80pc of women
surveyed in rural Egypt report and justify beating, especially if a woman refuses intimacy
with her husband. This is pre-pandemic data; there is sufficient evidence that the
pandemic has worsened matters. Locked up with their abusers with little or no help,
women are having a tough time protecting themselves.
The idea of disciplining women is not new and is acceptable in many cultures; the cost
is borne by both victims and wider society. Abused women report severe levels of stress
which reduces their output significantly and they are likely to earn less. In a country
where only 20pc of women are in the formal labour force, this is troubling. Apart from
economic concerns, there are healthcare issues. Studies show that babies born to
abused mothers are underweight and likely to grow up to become complex individuals
with the potential to be victims or abusers themselves. Women play a crucial role in
building economies and shaping futures; empowering them is necessary for a nation to
thrive. Still there are ways to help women as explained here.

There are ways to curb violence against women.

It is important to understand why it is difficult for women to quit abusive relationships in
the first place. One cause of women tolerating abuse is poverty. If a mother has to
choose between enduring abuse and having no shelter for her kids, she often opts for
the former. A review of 22 studies reveals that in 16, where women in vulnerable
households were provided with modest but consistent payments with some basic
training in nutrition or childcare, they were attacked less by men. Cash improves their
bargaining power and reduces economic uncertainty in the household.
There are other ways to help as well, and one example comes from Nicaragua, one of
the poorest nations in South America. Foreign researchers in Nicaragua noticed that the
number of women suffering from physical violence dropped from 28pc in 1995 to 8pc in
2016. During the same period, 72pc said they were never beaten by their partner in
2016; the same number was 45pc in 1995.
This success story can be compared to America’s after the Violence Against Women
Act, 1994, but the US government spent billions while Nicaragua managed it cheaply.
The 1979 revolution in Nicaragua allowed women to speak up. The government wasn’t
feminist, but it listened to women’s groups who pushed for laws such as criminalising
violence against women and making five-year plans to curb it. Women activists also
went door to door and to classrooms with their message. This helped increase
awareness that led to more shelters and women police stations.
For society to be less sexist, attitudes need to change. This requires educating young
minds. The curriculum needs to teach women-friendly values and stigmatise violence.
Boys need to be taught young that real men don’t hurt. Girls need to be taught how to
recognise and escape violence before it’s too late. Subsidised programmes for teaching
young couples conflict-resolution skills will help too. However, education cannot do this
alone. Abusers must face punishment and stigmatisation. Violence against women
should be criminalised and reporting for women should be made easier by providing
all-out state support. Women often fear reporting violence as they might not be
believed, or worse, killed. This needs to change.
In a nutshell, solutions to violence against women include cash transfers, training,
supporting women’s movements, education, stricter laws, accountability and
stigmatisation of abusers. The authorities and society at large need to take these
proposals seriously.

Women in law
Amber Darr Published February 4, 2022

The writer is a barrister, an advocate of the Supreme Court of Pakistan and holds a PhD
in law.
JUSTICE Ayesha Malik’s appointment as a judge of the Supreme Court of Pakistan is to
be celebrated not only because she is the first female to be appointed to this office but
also because she is an intelligent, competent, and quality jurist who has proved her
mettle in her decade-long tenure at the Lahore High Court. However, is it also right to
herald her appointment as the most important, or even the first step in enhancing
women’s participation and standing in the legal profession in Pakistan? Is it truly
possible for a single appointment, no matter how laudable, to magically erase the very
considerable institutional, social, and cultural obstacles faced daily by women lawyers
throughout the country?
One way to answer these questions is by reference to other female appointments to
historically male positions. For instance, the appointment of Rahat Kaunain Hasan
(twice) and Vadiyya Khalil as chairpersons Competition Commission of Pakistan, of
Sadia Khan as commissioner Securities and Exchange Commission of Pakistan, of Dr
Maleeha Lodhi and Abida Hussain as Pakistan’s ambassadors to the US, and of Justice
Ashraf Jahan as the first female judge of the Federal Shariat Court (about which the
then chief justice FSC had claimed: “I took the initiative … as it would send the message
in the world that we are enlightened people and would dispel many misconceptions”).
Each of these appointments represented an important breakthrough for women but
there is nothing to suggest that it also automatically transformed the status of women
even in the organisations in which these appointments took place.
It is of course tempting to blame the women themselves for failing to look out for their
gender. However, it is very likely that if any of these incredibly capable and brilliant
women were to be asked why they did not introduce policies specifically favouring
women, they may say that once appointed to their positions, their first and perhaps only
mandate is to fulfil their responsibilities holistically rather than for the benefit of any
particular group even if related to them by gender. These women are also likely to say
that despite the stature of their positions they too have faced discrimination, whether in
the form of patronising comments from colleagues and even subordinates, in being held
to impossible standards not expected of their male counterparts, or in being silently yet
firmly excluded from centres of real power even within their organisations.
As the only female member of an historically all-male club, Justice Malik is likely to be
confronted with challenges similar to those faced by all other women operating in
traditionally male domains. Her oath of office, as much as the patriarchal culture
prevalent at the Supreme Court, not only demands that she does justice in all matters
that come before her, rather than looking out for women whether as lawyers or litigants,
but also that she resists any attempts that may be made to relegate her to deciding
women-centric cases or to being used as the token woman to signal Pakistan’s
‘enlightenment’ to the world and to pay lip service to gender parity in the legal
profession. In treading this tight rope, Justice Malik is unlikely to be more than a distant
role model for women lawyers, which whilst it inspires does not have the power,
capacity, or indeed the responsibility to change their situation on the ground.
Can a single appointment, no matter how laudable, magically erase the considerable
obstacles faced by women lawyers throughout the country?
Even otherwise, to expect a single judicial appointment to transform the position of
women in the legal profession is to fundamentally misunderstand the reasons which
hold them back. Whilst male lawyers claim that women fail to progress because they
lack commitment and because they are distracted by their family obligations, women
lawyers will argue that it is the unnecessarily toxic male culture of the profession rather
than any lack of acumen, drive or ambition on their part, that prevents them from
making their mark.
Even today there are several well-regarded litigation firms that do not hire women, and
many others that employ them only for secretarial, or worse, ornamental purposes. The
culture of the courts is equally discouraging. Judges often treat female lawyers as
accessories to their male seniors, women lawyers mingle with their male colleagues at
the cost of their reputations and encounter many obstacles even in accessing the basic
amenity of a functioning washroom — sometimes because they need to obtain a key to
the toilet from a remote official and always because they need to cross a corridor full of
staring male lawyers or clerks to do so. Even in corporate law firms which have allowed
far greater space to female lawyers, women do not make partner as easily as their male
counterparts and even when they succeed in doing so, are paid a significantly smaller
percentage of the profits allowed to the men.
The situation therefore can only change if women lawyers themselves take the lead and
co-opt their more truly enlightened male colleagues into their cause. The Women’s Law
Initiative launched nearly six years suggests that women lawyers are increasingly
supporting and mentoring each other in their careers, whilst the increasing involvement
of women in bar politics gives hope that mainstream bar bodies will also become more
sensitive to the needs of their female members. Ultimately, these efforts must generate
enough serious women lawyers that instead of waiting for an Asma Jahangir, Ashraf
Jahan or Ayesha Malik to emerge every few decades, there exists a critical mass of
women lawyers who can come forward and claim not only judicial appointments but
also other positions of power within the profession as their right rather than as
exceptions made or prizes bestowed on them by the generosity of their male
counterparts.

Marriage rights
Tahera Hasan Published July 23, 2023

The writer is a lawyer and founder-director of Imkaan Welfare Organisation.

MARRIAGE is a sacred partnership that brings individuals together. However, what is
mostly overlooked in our society and culture is the fact that it is also a legal contract
that governs the rights and responsibilities of both partners.
In Pakistan, the nikahnama is a crucial document that outlines the terms of a marriage.
However, despite its significance, a lack of awareness prevails among women regarding
their rights contained in this document. Where there is awareness, there is a fear of
social and cultural implications of advocating for their rights at the time of marriage.
When the bride or any person on behalf of the bride engages in negotiation or asserts
her rights, it is often frowned upon and perceived as socially inappropriate.
The nikahnama, also known as the marriage contract, serves as a legal agreement
between the bride and groom in Pakistan. It is signed by the couple, the officiating cleric
and witnesses during the wedding ceremony. The document details various essential
elements, including the haq mehr, rights of divorce and maintenance. However, the lack
of awareness among women about the contents of the nikahnama invariably leads to
unfortunate outcomes and a significant power imbalance in a marriage.
Pakistani law recognises the rights of both spouses and the nikahnama is a clear
indication of this. However, the patriarchal norms deeply entrenched in Pakistani society
and culture often result in women being unaware of their legal rights and entitlements.
The right to consent, maintenance and inheritance are fundamental rights that women
should be aware of and assert in their marriages. Unfortunately, due to cultural and
societal pressures, many women find it challenging to exercise their rights, leading to
various forms of discrimination, abuse and inequality within marriages.
Women must be empowered through awareness.
One of the primary reasons for the lack of awareness among women regarding their
rights is the absence of proper education, information, and social and cultural barriers.
In many cases, women are not adequately informed about the terms and conditions
mentioned in the nikahnama. This ignorance places them at a disadvantage, as they
may unknowingly relinquish their rights or agree to unfair terms that are contrary to their
best interests.
Such a lack of awareness perpetuates a cycle of gender inequality and reinforces the
subjugation of women within marriages. Furthermore, even in situations where women
are economically empowered, educated and aware, they are unable to protect
themselves through what is, for all intents and purposes, a prenuptial agreement.
In addition to promoting awareness campaigns that focus on women’s rights, it is
crucial to also target and address men in these initiatives. By doing so, we can work
towards fostering a change of mindset and awareness in society.
Engaging with young men is particularly vital, as they represent the future generation
and have the potential to drive significant societal transformation. One of the primary
objectives of these awareness campaigns should be to sensitise and educate men
along with women about women’s rights as enshrined in both legal frameworks and
religious beliefs. Currently, there exists a great deal of misinformation and
misunderstanding surrounding these rights. By equipping men and women with
accurate information and fostering empathy and understanding, we can lay the
foundation for substantial progress in gender equality.
The nikahnama plays a crucial role in defining the terms and conditions of a marriage.
Unfortunately, the lack of awareness among women about their rights contained in this
document perpetuates gender inequality and reinforces their subjugation.
Empowering women through education, legal aid and community engagement is
essential to creating a society where women can agitate for and protect their rights. The
evolution of social and cultural norms regarding women’s rights within a marriage is a
process that faces considerable resistance and cannot be achieved overnight. However,
heightened awareness is crucial to empowering women so that they can acknowledge
and assert their rights.
By striving for a better understanding of the nikahnama, Pakistani women can protect
themselves. Furthermore, by actively involving men in awareness campaigns and
discussions that focus on women’s rights, we can pave the way for a more just and
equal society. Empowering men with knowledge and sensitivity is paramount if we want
to dismantle harmful gender norms, dispel misinformation, and ultimately realise a
future that embraces equality for everyone.

Digital technology & women’s labour

Hadia Majid | Maryam Mustafa Published March 25, 2023

ONLY 52 per cent of adult Pakistani women own a mobile phone and Pakistan has one
of the widest mobile gender gaps in the region. Women are 49pc less likely than men to
use mobile internet, and according to some studies, nearly six in 10 women face some
sort of restrictions in using the internet. Clearly, there is a large gender digital divide, and
it has been receiving increasing attention in the past few years. But why is this so? Why
is it necessary to bridge the digital divide and what can we achieve on the back of
greater digital inclusion of women?
The attention to gender gap in digital inclusion owes to the pervasiveness of digital
technologies across a multitude of sectors: education, health, labour and financial
markets to name just a few — a trend that has only accelerated post-Covid. Gaps in
digital access, then, create new inequalities, while also amplifying existing ones.
Lacking access to the digital space means reduced opportunities to network and
connect, to learn new skills and hone existing ones, to branch out and realise new
avenues of increased earnings; to obtain credit, save, and attract customers, domestic
and abroad. In fact, the UN in 2016 recognised the internet and access to it as a catalyst
for the enjoyment of human rights, including but not limited to the right to freedom of
expression which is a fundamental right on its own but also an enabler of other rights
like economic, social and educational rights. Indeed, when leveraged correctly,
technology has great potential for economic and social empowerment.
When it comes to the labour market, we know that women fare significantly worse than
men in terms of economic participation and opportunity: a fact underscored almost
yearly through the WEF Global Gender Gap Report which consistently ranks Pakistan
amongst the lowest on this sub-index. There are several factors at the institutional,
societal and individual household levels that lead to Pakistan’s underperformance
vis-à-vis women’s formal labour force participation levels. A main contributor is the high
reproductive burden combined with mobility restrictions. So is the lack of safe transport
and a hostile public space and workspace that links back to women’s defined roles as
caretakers belonging in the household and not at work. In our cumulative two decades
of gendered research in Pakistan, women from all manner of backgrounds have
repeatedly highlighted both the close monitoring they face in terms of their mobility
beyond the home and the very long hours they spend on housework as well as child and
elderly care. They have also emphasised the hostility and harassment they face both en
route to and at work. All of these factors severely limit their ability and even desire to
work outside the home. Could digital technology help alleviate these constraints?
Improved digital connectivity will not only allow women to work remotely but to also
gain access to international freelance jobs.
Improved digital connectivity would not only allow women to work remotely but to also
gain access to international freelance jobs. We saw this unfold at a mass scale during
Covid and we continue to see women upskilling themselves on platforms like Coursera
and seeking work from home with international companies. There are dedicated
Facebook groups like Women of Diversity whose mission is to ‘empower women’
through online workshops and connect them to remote employers. We find the same
amongst low-income, low-literate women too: using technologies to set up and expand
their home business, as well as an emphasis on their digital upskilling through
community organisations and rights advocacy groups.
We find that women who have access to devices and the internet in Pakistan leverage
the platforms available to them to carve out financial independence, seek social justice,
explore their identities, form collectives to empower each other, and to have fun (a rare
conversation in our context). Technologies like Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter, and
TikTok allow them to negotiate within and around social restrictions without openly
challenging them and to carve out more autonomy and agency for themselves — as they
have always done. We find in our work that when women have the motivation, and
recognise the value of digital spaces and platforms, they are able to adopt, learn and
maximise the benefit of these platforms, regardless of literacy or income levels. The
most significant barriers are often those of technology designs. For example, most
women in Pakistan have access to mobile devices as shared resources. However, most
applications like WhatsApp or mobile wallets assume a ‘one user, one device’ model,
raising serious privacy and adoption barriers for women.
Yet digital technologies are not a panacea, but a complex, nuanced landscape which
requires action on multiple fronts to include women. We have interviewed some 200
low-literate, low-income women in a variety of occupations — factory, domestic, and
home-based work. We have found a great deal of reluctance, even an active shunning, of
using mobile phones amongst these working women when they step out of the home.
They relayed that using the phone outside the home would cause problems for them
with their families. In contrast, women who worked from home were much more active
in their use of phones and the internet. In essence then, our work shows that women
face a trade-off between physical and digital mobility, giving up one space in order to
access the other.
This not only limits the type of upskilling that women in different types of work can do,
but also how technologies can be leveraged for interventions. Relying on designs that
assume all working women will have access to phones and the internet, will exclude
often the most vulnerable. It also places much of the onus on the women themselves
both in terms of their safety and in terms of coming up with innovative ways to increase
their earning potential and capacities. As a society we need to do much more to support
and enable our women to work, normalising women’s use of the internet and online
spaces. Only then will the true potential of the economy be realised.