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The Whole-of-Nation Approach: The Case of Brunei Darussalam, Wawasan

2035, and the 4th Industrial Revolution

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DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-4978-0.ch015

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Chapter 15
The Whole-of-Nation Approach:
The Case of Brunei Darussalam, Wawasan
2035, and the 4th Industrial Revolution

Abdul Malik Omar

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7623-8969
Univeristy Brunei Darussalam, Brunei

ABSTRACT
Microstates face innumerable challenges in braving the 21st century. Limited resources, a small geog-
raphy, and a small population are just some of the constraints faced. None is more so pressing that the
case of Brunei Darussalam, where its heavy reliance on Oil and Gas may have afforded it economic
prosperity and political stability since its independence in 1984, but the changes in market structure
and global forces have resulted in it facing serious issues, such as its increasing unemployment rate.
The Government of Brunei have taken steed in the advice of Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah to unify the
body politic through the “Whole-of-Nation” approach and bring about the harmonious constellation of
state actors and non-actors, from both the formal and informal sectors, to realizing the country’s ambi-
tious Wawasan 2035 and to adapt to the 4th Industrial Revolution. This work will unpack whether the
Government has been successful in its efforts to do so. Policy recommendations will also be presented.

INTRODUCTION

The prospects to discover a workable and appropriate form of governance has been a perennial question
that has tested scholars since the days of Plato and Socrates. Whereas significant advancements have
been made in the area, much remains to be answered in regards to those relating to microstates. With
the wave of globalization and the technological changes that come with what is called the 4th Industrial
Revolution, microstates are particularly affected by these significant changes. Brunei Darussalam is
no exception to the impact of the fourth industrial revolution (Cheong, 2019). Despite being blessed
with Oil and Gas, Brunei Darussalam is now facing the prospects of high levels of unemployment and,
as such, will seek to secure solutions to tackle the trend (Cheong and Milojevic, 2017). As a Wicked

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-7998-4978-0.ch015

Copyright © 2021, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.
 
The Whole-of-Nation Approach

Problem (Head, 2008) facing any society, high levels of unemployment, if left unchecked, may result in
socio-economic and political unrest as can be evidenced by the case of Nigeria (Kayode, et. al, 2014).
To overcome, or, at the very least, to buttress the issue, the Government of Brunei under the leadership
of the Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah has come to call for the concerted effort among ministries, private
sectors and NGOs through what is termed as Whole-of-Nation approach (Mtic.gov.bn, 2019). One of the
first times the Whole-of-Nation approach appeared in public was in a speech delivered by Haji Awang
Abu Bakar bin Haji Apong, then the Minister of Education, on the 25th Teachers’ Day Celebration in
2015 (MOE, 2015). In his speech, he advised teachers and parents and general society to gel together to
enhance progress among students through the Whole-of-Nation approach. Ever since then, the concept
has grown and been utilized considerably among the Brunei policy intelligentsia community, and it is
fast catching up with the private sector organizations and NGOs.
Whereas the concept has been lauded and been promoted, there has been little or no effort to academi-
cally define what the concept really is. Currently, the concept seems elusive, possibly making it confusing
for anyone to grasp upon the idea. It is the principal significance of this work in attempting to define what
Whole-of-Nation is and to substantiate it with empirical and theoretical evidence through a case study
done on Brunei Darussalam. International researchers will find this work valuable to understanding how
Brunei Darussalam operates and how much it has to offer when it comes to the areas of Public Policy.
More specifically, the concept of Whole-of-Nation itself can not only be applied by microstates but big
states as well, that is when it comes to painting a hegemonic narrative that can bring about alignment in
coordination among public sector agencies as well as private sector organizations and NGOs towards an
agreed cause. This work will also work to bring about the enrichment of inclusive development when it
comes to society and community development, for Whole-of-Nation is not just a theoretical framework
that brings together stakeholders but it offers an inclusive approach so that everybody who is interested
in the process of community or nation-building can directly participate. Doing so would contribute to
the body of academic work that is severely lacking, and as such brings about greater coordination among
various stakeholders to address issues facing global society.
In order to define and enrich the theoretical and empirical insights on Whole-of-Nation concept, this
work has exercised an in-depth literature review touching on three themes, namely microstate theory, the
challenges to public sector coordination, and the evolution of Whole-of-Government to Whole-of-Nation
in the 21st century. Next, this work has extensively built up the concept through qualitative approach,
namely through Grounded Theory (Charmaz, 2006) as well as Content Analysis (Hsieh and Shannon,
2005). Given that the concept has yet to be adequately defined in the Brunei context, this work has
used Grounded Theory as a means to crystallize meaning to the idea. A comprehensive analysis of the
content of readily available secondary data on the Whole-of-Nation approach has been used as a basis
to define the idea. The secondary data involves the Sultan’s Titah (Speeches), ministers’ speeches, lo-
cal council’s press releases and other information over the web. The objectives of the Content Analysis
will then serve to investigate if all the ministers have used ‘Whole-of-Nation’ – as a code - in its press
releases or communication output. The next code would be Wawasan 2035 or Vision 2035, which will
serve to verify further if all the ministries are in alignment. Extending beyond the government would
be an analysis of press releases by business and NGO sectors. Overall, this work strives to discover the
themes that are related to substantiate or nullify the Whole-of-Nation concept. The results have shown
several exciting findings, which would then be critically discussed. The conclusion followed by several
policy recommendations would be the final stage in this book chapter.

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BACKGROUND AND HISTORY OF BRUNEI GOVERNANCE

This section contains a historical detour that serves to educate and share with readers of Brunei’s unique
past and how such a past, also called path dependency (David, 1994; Petermann et. al, 2019), has a huge
influence in its contemporary public policy. Moreover, this section hopes to shed light for readers of
the country and to look past negative global headlines that may mar the perception of those genuinely
wanting to learn about Brunei Darussalam.
“Brunei is a modern country with an ancient history,” these were the words written by Malcolm Mc-
Donald close to a century ago in the seminal report on Brunei in 1904, a report which has given birth to
modern Brunei today (McArthur, 1987). Its ancient history saw its prominent rise with its golden age
under its fifth Sultan, Sultan Bolkiah (not to be confused with the current Sultan), who through sheer
diplomacy and astute stratagem saw the country achieving its magnificent height with a territory encom-
passing the entirety of Borneo - an island named after Brunei - and as far as in the North of the Philip-
pines, including Palawan island and Selurong or modern-day Manila (Gin, 2015). The tragic downfall
of the Brunei polity saw its powers shrunk to its modern size today, with all its former territories lost
to external powers, primarily from the Western powers when it arrived in the Southeast Asian region.
While it became a protectorate to Britain in the early 18th century, the adventurer James Brooke and
his nephew Charles Brooke seized Sarawak, while the North Borneo Company took Sabah. It is in its
teetering moments that saw the arrival of Malcolm H.S. McArthur, who came to save Brunei. Through
his report, Brunei was resuscitated and with all the modern government introduced to shape the course
of the polity’s future towards modernization (Hussainmiya, 2006). The difficult periods faced by the
polity pressed upon it a psychological outlook to maintain the survival of the Sultanate (Singh, 1984,
Sufri et. al, 2002), which includes the need to bring about unison from all pockets of society to tackle
the challenges facing the country.
The most influential leader in the 20th century of Brunei history is SOAS III. Antonio Gramsci had
written in his seminal work on the modern prince or the institutional entrepreneur (Levy and Scully,
2007; Gramsci, 2009). The term refers to a leader who is able to push through innovation in public
policy and maintain tradition and customs to practically shape the course of a nation’s destiny. SOAS
III played his hand in shaping Brunei Darussalam and helping the country overcome the challenges to
set the course of the country towards independence as Gramsci’s modern prince. In his poem, the late
Sultan called upon the need to deliberate and the need to take into account people’s opinions and ideas
when it comes to public policy (Al-Sufri, 2010). He even appointed seven key members (known as the
Tujoh Serangkai) to consult the people from all the four districts of Brunei to write the first national
constitution, one that was finally adopted in 1959 (Horton, 1986; Hussainmiya, 2006). He was the one
who introduced the first English public schools in Brunei and to take on the policy to reinvest the oil
wealth to the people. Through a series of Five Year National Development Plans, starting in 1955 – 3
years after becoming Sultan – he allocated $100m to national development projects, a large sum in those
days, that has indeed shaped the course of Brunei’s history and development. Prior to this, public finances
were heavily controlled by the British, who were austere in its national expenditures. By galvanizing the
people and empowered through the 1959 Constitution, SOAS III was able to wrestle control from the
British colonial power, reinvest the national wealth to the people, and led the country to independence
in 1984 (Bakar, 2014).
The changes wrought by SOAS III have several impacts. First, the changes have afforded the citizens
of Brunei continued peace and stability. Though punctuated by a series of internal challenges, SOAS

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III was able to outmaneuver them by diplomatic means. His rule soon came to an end when he passed
the baton to his son, the current ruler of Brunei, Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah. The ruler is now in the
unique position to rule Brunei with all the oil wealth in his disposal, and indeed he has invested heavily
in public works and general development. Billions of dollars are being spent on public welfare, afford-
ing the people universal primary access to healthcare and education, subsidies of food necessities and
fuel, scholarships for students and more. Indeed, these policies can be traced back when the voices of
the people were taken into account in drawing up the 1959 constitution by the Tujoh Serangkai. In the
meetings across Brunei, the people presented their requests, and the government has since striven to
meet them. As such, it led to the second impact, which is a tacit understanding between citizens and the
monarch to operate in a social contract, where the people will continue to be loyal to the latter and where
the monarch will take care of the people’s welfare. International critics may be suspicious of Brunei given
how it operates in its neo-traditional framework (Brown, 1973), but Bruneians are generally content with
the King’s rule because he takes good care of the people. In an interview done in 2016, Brunei’s foreign
minister explained the Sultan’s policy:

“I’m going to explain to you the policy His Majesty has been following. I once told him, “We have
spent a lot of money on welfare. We have spent a lot of money on education.” His emphasis is: “I want
education. I don’t care what you all do, ministers. I want everyone to be educated from A to Z. I want
everyone to have access to medical care. If you can’t get it in Brunei, we’ll fly the patients out. I want
everybody to have housing—cheap housing, or free housing. In fact, in the end, it’s all free housing.”
So I said, “You can’t sustain it!” He said, “All the money that comes from oil and gas and everything to
the government—it’s for the people. So spend it on the people.” (Worldpolicy.org, 2016)

Nevertheless, in recent years, the country is now facing prospects of high levels of unemployment
and a general drop of income. In the 2017 Labor Force Survey (DEPD, 2017), Brunei’s unemployment
rate stood at 9.3%, accounting 18,200 locals unemployed. Bruneians also earned almost $400 less than
they did in 2014. Such problems would have a negative socio-economic and political impact on the state.
As a response, the Sultan and his cabinet ministers have embarked on a Whole-of-Nation approach to
bring about the constellation of government agencies together to tackle the issues, as well as to engage
with the private sectors, NGOs and youths of the country in the realization of its grand vision called
Wawasan 2035 (Hashim, 2010). Wawasan 2035 (“Wawasan” is a Malay word for Vision) is a vision to
turn Brunei Darussalam into a nation widely recognized for, 1) the accomplishments of its well-educated
and highly-skilled people as measured by the highest international standard; 2) quality of life that is
among the top 10 nations in the world; 3) and dynamic and sustainable economy with income per capita
within the top countries in the world (Bruneiembassy.org, 2020). The vision serves primarily as a North
Star that brings about the coherence and unity of the various stakeholders to move towards. It will be the
principal duties of the organizations to fit the overall vision towards their operational contexts. Never-
theless, the move towards a Whole-of-Nation approach can be treated as a uniquely Brunei governance
approach that can be traced back to the leadership of the late SOAS III, who brought unity to his people
then to tackle the challenges of his day. It is then the conscious or unconscious move by the Government
of Brunei now to channel the spirit in which unity is promoted in upholding the Sultanate’s survival in
the 21st century and to tackle the unemployment levels, to realize Wawasan 2035, and to adapt to the
4th Industrial Revolution.

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LITERATURE REVIEW

Microstates face perennial challenges when it comes to advancing and protecting its interest in the chang-
ing global order (Klak, 2000; Easterly and Kraay, 2000). The constraints can come from very limited
geography, market size, population, and military, which may hamper its ability to counterbalance the
forces of globalization. The case of Brunei Darussalam is no exception to this regard. What is unique
about Brunei Darussalam, however, is how under a benevolent King and with a political economy ori-
ented towards a rentier state has afforded the populace a decent living since attaining its independence
in 1984 (De Vienne, 2015; Croissant and Lorenz, 2018; Belbawi and Luciani, 2015; Cheung, 2017).
The richness through its abundant Oil and Gas exports have enabled the state to cruise through the
challenges that marked the 90s and early 2000s, from the 1998 Asian Financial Crisis to the Global
Financial Meltdown in 2008. As of 2013, however, when Oil prices plunged, it caused the government
to be more concerned of its fiscal capacities, and have as a result worked to carry out strategic means
to boost public policy outcomes and redouble economic diversification efforts (Lawrey, 2010) whilst
tightening its fiscal discipline (Basir, 2017). These are all natural responses to making the most from the
nation’s microstate position (Grydehøj, 2011). What makes Brunei Darussalam as a good case study in
this regard, despite its size, is how relatively possible to pinpoint the direct causes that led to its grand
policy decisions, which in this case is to embrace Whole-of-Nation approach, compared to say to other
big states where the variables are often elusive, making it challenging to identify the real causes of policy
decisions. Moreover, the case of Brunei Darussalam can produce specific policy recommendations, as
can be derived from other microstates when it comes to facing internal and external challenges.
At the forefront of the policy architectonic that Brunei has chosen to adopt root at the ideological
level, that is the national vision of 2035 or Wawasan 2035, which then translates to the hegemonic out-
comes that now defines its policy approach namely the Whole-of-Nation approach. Antonio Gramsci
(Mouffe, 2014) has expanded the concept of hegemony in his seminal work, and it is these works that
would serve as the philosophical underpinning to draw up the framework of ideological and hegemonic
direction Brunei takes. The supremacy of ideals or hegemony would then weave the strands of outcomes
from a constellation of forces, causing a unified and coordinated movement towards the achievement
of the said ideals or hegemony. Indeed, the principal responsibilities of statecraft in defining a grand
vision and to move ministries towards an ideal is not a new idea. Such a process can be traced back all
the way to the Tunisian sociologist Ibn Khaldun, who through his work the Muqaddimah (2015) has
elaborated rather eloquently on how Statesmen have to galvanize different forces towards an idealized end
in what he called the Asabiyya (Sümer, 2012). Meanwhile, the works of Plato like that of The Republic
(Lee, 2003) – itself an idealized state – have also been influential in the political sciences and statecraft.
Whereas the national philosophy of Brunei Darussalam is Melayu Islam Beraja (Croissant & Lorenz,
2018), such philosophy has been flexible in keeping up with the times, in such that it becomes a force
that helps to maintain the survivability of the socio-cultural and political architecture of the country,
while at the same time empowering the people and government to work towards realizing Wawasan 2035
through the Whole-of-Nation approach.
On this note, the subject of public policy and public administration has its influence in Max Weber’s
bureaucracy (Albrow, 1970; Whimster Lash, 2014). The work was definitive in shaping the discourse
and outcomes in how government should be formed, in such that the whole process of public policy
has to be rationalized and systemized with resources and human resources injected to produce desirable
outcomes, or what Foucault (1991; Burchell et. al, 1991) would call govern-mentality. The desirable

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outcome would necessarily be the conscious choice by the government to tackle wicked problems or
policy problems besetting a polity. In the process of systemizing the whole public policy framework and
process, the state will then have the capacity to be transparent in its public policy approach and policy
development. The need to keep records and the need to deliberate openly how the government processes
ought to be done contribute a large degree to the development of a modernized government structure
and administration. It must be noted that prior to Max Weber and the spread of bureaucratization, much
of the Third World in the early 20th century was pretty much lacking in the much-needed government
structures and processes. Indeed, the process that governments operate in the world currently is at times
taken for granted, given how sporadic, subjective and chaotic the process of “policy-making” in the
past. Max Weber and his bureaucratic theory provided the necessary order to the development of the
policy process, which in turn has played a vital role in ushering the world towards a more rational world
(Greenwood and Lawrence, 2005).
Ever since then, theories have come and go. In the 1970s, for example, the theory of New Public
Management (NPM) came into ascendance when Margaret Thatcher came into power and directed
government agencies to have a degree of autonomy and decentralization (Dunleavy and Hood, 1994;
Frederickson, 1980). The global hegemonic forces that are now known as free-market neoliberalism,
propounded through the Washington Consensus approach have led to a higher degree of decentralization
and limitation of government role in society and state (Williamson, 1993). The ideological underpinning
to the movement towards NPM was the need for the government to roll back its involvement in people’s
affairs and to let market forces solve the issues facing society. Such an approach has necessarily led to
the inhibition of the welfare state, which has understandably at that time-constrained the government’s
budget. High levels of privatization of state industries came, later on, a policy that was controversial
during Thatcher’s time given how much instability it caused to the society then. Nevertheless, Margaret
Thatcher power through and made the necessary changes. In doing so, NPM resulted in the descaling
of government operations, along with greater autonomy from the involvement of other ministries as a
means to empower and streamline policy processes. The concept of NPM gained ascendance among
Anglo-Saxon countries, followed by Scandinavian and later developing nations (Drechsler, 2005).
However, the erosion of legitimacy for free-market neoliberalism and Washington Consensus have made
policy-makers and economists suspicious. Suspicion turns into vehement opposition (Stiglitz, 2004),
with principal thinkers such as Joseph Stiglitz and Naomi Klein leading the charge against the ideology.
Some academics even proclaim NPM as being dead and has been replaced with Digital Era Governance
(Dunleavy et. al, 2006).
The response towards a more humane society was built on the failures of the Washington Consensus
and the Neoliberalism agenda, most markedly manifested by the 1990s financial crisis. In the process
of these failures, statesmen led to rethinking the approach to reorient state governments to serve on
behalf of the people again. Tony Blair’s rise to power in 1998 has brought the focus of the public sector
towards society. Whereas Tony Blair’s reputation may have been marred by the Iraq War, his leader-
ship and his New Labor’s various social achievements remain a legacy that will no doubt continue to
be studied by researchers. Among his achievements was the government’s introduction of the GLA
London Mayoral system, Minimum Wage Policy, Devolution of Parliaments in Scotland, Ireland and
Wales and other key policies to enhance democratic and inclusive governance in the United Kingdom.
One of his key legacies was his dedication to repurposing the state to serve society effectively through
what is now coined as Whole-of-Government or Joined-up Governance (Pollitt, 2003; Christensen and
Lægreid, 2006). Whole-of-Government saw further expansion of the state in both its operations and

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funding through a high level of coordination among various ministries. The constellation of ministries
is a far cry to NPM which sought to separate and build single-purpose organizations among ministries.
In the process of championing Whole-of-Government, Tony Blair and New Labor provided the added
ideological impetus to overturn the Neoliberal agenda and to bring about greater coordination and unity
among key government sectors in solving critical issues facing the nation. The idea caught popularity
among the academic and policy world, leading thus to a preordination to how governments can be re-
structured in the post-neoliberal world (Treffgarne, 2019).
Ever since the evolution of concepts from Weber’s bureaucratization to NPM and Whole-of-Govern-
ment, governments have continued to innovate in ways to govern society. It is from these inspirations that
may have led to the articulation, extension, and enrichment of the concept into becoming what Bruneian
policy-makers and policy universe coins as the Whole-of-Nation approach. Since the British Residency
period that saw Britain having a hand to shape the state of Brunei, effectively modernizing the nation in
the early 19th century, Weber’s bureaucratic concepts were imposed in an otherwise structure-less polity.
Where old Brunei may have the shadows of her past ancient government, fashioned after her intricate
Malay customs, religion, and traditions, it was the British who had the influential hand in modernizing
the country. The British instituted changes which include the setting up of land codes, prisons, police
system, establishing a proper town, delineating districts, and developing industries, most markedly with
the development of the rubber industry, and subsequently Oil and Gas starting as early as the 1930s. Fast
forward to the nation’s independence, the government – now led and run by local natives – have operated
the state machinery upon the institutions handed down by the British. Given that Brunei-British relations
have continued to prosper, it is not difficult to speculate that much of the state operations in Brunei were
influenced by UKs, namely NPM and Whole-of-Government between the 1980s and early 2000s. It was
not until after the year 2010 that Brunei now have experimented its own ways to incorporate a Whole-of-
Nation approach to its public policy architectonic and E-Government Operations (Anshari, et. al, 2018).
Where Whole-of-Nation differs from the three aforementioned concepts is how the approach sets out
to press the involvement of general society and community towards the realization of a single vision. It
is then up to the various sectors to come up with their own operational agendas and missions, and even
their own individual visions, so long as their organizational realization fits the hegemonic contexts that
are set out by the state. As such, the chief definition of the Whole-of-Nation approach is, therefore, the
approach to bring about the constellation of government, private sector and NGO agencies to achieve a
set vision articulated by the state. Private sectors and NGOs are limited in their capacity to define the
state’s vision, given the resources and legitimacy constraints that they may face. However, if a public
sector does it, especially when it originates from the apex of power in which this case is the Sultan and
the ministers, then it will have the telling effect of bringing together the different strands of society in
unison of achieving the ideal. While the state does articulate the vision, this does not mean that the
state shuts its doors when it comes to having a dialogue with the public. In contrast, the government or
state will have to work within the framework of the Whole-of-Nation approach to give an opportunity
for actors to join in the effort to realize the vision. What Whole-of-Nation has to offer is the ability to
quickly match agencies, private sector organizations and the third sectors when it comes to the process
of nation-building. The inclusive approach would further cement the relations between the different
stakeholders of the nation, unlike Whole-of-Government or Joined-up Governance which may limit its
actors within the government agencies only.
The contribution of Whole-of-Government adds to the enrichment of the literature surrounding in-
clusive development. As set out in major international organizations, such as the OECD and the World

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Bank (Mahon, 2019), creating an inclusive global society has become an emerging and recurrent theme,
primarily when new challenges have arisen. Amongst the issues highlighted are the rise of global eco-
nomic inequality, the persistent poverty issues, and the unemployment problems that will have an effect
of undermining global security and prosperity. To tackle these complicated problems requires a dynamic
approach from every stakeholder. Whole-of-Nation offers a theoretical framework that can be applied
by state governments in maximizing partnerships through an inclusive approach to social change and
economic development. In the deployment of the concept, led by the nation within a nation, would then
increase the likelihood of moving the much-needed stakeholders into action. Such a move would then
produce dividends in solving key and complicated issues facing countries and cities (Lee, 2019). Indeed,
the Whole-of-Nation concept is just one of many attempts to substantiate the literature on inclusive
development, and as such can hope to move policy-makers, academic researchers, and political leaders
to action to further involve and empower people towards social change at the national level. Perhaps,
the concept can be further expanded to encompass the regional or global level, but it is not the scope of
this work to pursue such ends. What this chapter then is to offer, from the case of Brunei Darussalam,
the application of the theory to the challenge of nation-building.

METHODOLOGY

The methodology to ascertain or nullify veracity of the application and effectiveness of the Whole-
of-Nation approach is through Grounded Theory (Lambert, 2019). Grounded Theory is appropriate in
this context as it involves an inductive approach to research, which in its current form is still lacking in
substance and definition in the academic field and in the context of Brunei Darussalam. It is from the
searches that the collection and repetition of data become more apparent through coding, and as such
are grouped into themes. The general themes would then contribute to the construction of the basis of
the concept of the Whole-of-Nation. Next, Content Analysis (Kyngäs, et. al, 2020) will be used as the
principal means to pursue this research. This work will analyzed data searched over the internet, such
as Brunei’s local news sites including Borneo Bulletin, the now-defunct Brunei Times, Brudirect.com,
Scoop.co, RTB, and Information Department’s Pelita Brunei. The Sultan and Ministers’ speeches, Min-
isterial websites, the Brunei Parliamentary Hansard, and BizBrunei.com and blogs will be explored as
well. The words, “Whole of Nation” and “Whole-of-Nation” will be searched over these resources in
order to identify codes, so as to identify emerging themes relating to the concept of the Whole-of-Nation.
Due to limited resources, an extensive study involving interviews and quantitative analysis could not be
done as of yet nor will this study investigate the concept at the global level, but this author hopes this
chapter can inspire others to explore and advance the concept in more detail.

RESULTS

The results of the work that while the concept of Whole-of-Nation approach was popularized by the then
Minister of Education during the teachers’ day celebration, it was not until it was delivered by the Sultan
of Brunei in 2015 that it became a nationally renowned term. Indeed, as the symbolic Head of State, His
Majesty is the greatest champion of the idea. In his Titah, His Majesty spoke of the need to have a holistic
approach in nation-building and of the realization of Wawasan 2035. His Majesty further stated in his

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2019 speech that “if the frontline comprising Ministers, Deputy Ministers, Permanent Secretaries and
Senior Government Officers does not show solid cooperation and consensus in realizing the Wawasan
Negara, then all the planning will be in vain.” (RTB, 2019). The rising levels of unemployment and the
need to tackle them are also significant reasons to push towards greater coordination among the various
stakeholders in society. The resulting effect of the speech has led to the wide-spread application of the
Whole-of-Nation language among the ministries and parliamentarians. Notably, the national parliament
became a powerful conduit to the spread of the approach as evidenced by the numerous times the words
have been used in every parliamentary session since. The Ministers and Parliamentarians further became
the champion of the approach, and as such have embedded the language in all the ministries, GLCs and
NGOs they are involved in. At times, the concept has explicitly appeared in Ministerial White Papers
and Strategies, such as MOTI’s Digital Economic Master plan and MOD’s Strategic Plan 2018-2023.
The concept of Whole-of-Nation has also appeared in DARe (or Darussalam Enterprise), a state-run
business and economic development agency to promote MSMEs and capacity building among local busi-
nesses (BizBrunei.com, 2019). It became a defining approach to its policies to involve the private sectors
as well. Such participation in the semi-government sector can be evidenced by its BMEN programme
(a mentoring programme for entrepreneurs) that has now involved people from the private sectors as
mentors. Apart from the business sector, the Whole-of-Nation language has also been used by youth
leaders. Parliamentarian YB Iswandy Ahmad emphasized the concept in a media press release when
announcing BYLC or the Brunei Young Leaders Convention in 2019 (Scoop, 2019a), a convention that
brings and empowers young people across Brunei towards social change and personal development.
In the National Youth Congress 2019 (held months after BYLC), the Minister of Youth, Culture and
Sports have emphasized the concept in order to build a working committee to oversee the development
of creative industries in Brunei. In a dialogue session, the Minister said: “This would require a “whole
of nation” approach involving stakeholders from diverse sectors, as well as research on economic growth
potential and sustainability” (Scoop, 2019b). Meanwhile, village local councils such as the VCC (Village
Consultative Council) or MPK Junjongan have released several press releases that included the Whole-
of-Nation approach (Borneo Bulletin, 2017).
Overall, the hegemonic push towards a Whole-of-Nation approach can be traced by the Sultan’s call
to the ministries to come together to tackle the economic challenges facing the country and to sustain
economic growth (Anaman, 2004). The results have shown how the ministries have taken heed of the
application of the approach, at least based on the use of the language published in print and online media,
as well as others in government White Papers and Strategic Plans. The approach is further popularized
at the business, NGO and local council level, resulting in a common language they can share among the
galaxy of stakeholders in the country. While the theory has been successfully popularized at the national
level, questions remain as to its practical application. A critical discourse will be expanded on in the next
section to fulfil this objective as with how Brunei has successfully popularized the idea in the first place.

DISCUSSION

Whole-of-Nation as Hegemony

Based on the results, it is clear and evident that the government under the heed of the Head of State has
successfully established hegemony over the concept of the Whole-of-Nation as a common language or

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centrality to the public policy architectonic to solve pressing national issues, such as unemployment. The
universal language of Whole-of-Nation then further prepares organizations to work with one another.
The call to unite various stakeholders ranging from the public sector to the private sector, and from
NGOs to the youths have been galvanized in the path of nation-building. The North Star that engages
them towards a common cause is the national vision of 2035, which paints a narrative upon which
stakeholders should center their strategic development or long-term plans. Notably, this narrative is set
out clearly by all the ministries, including the Ministry of Defense and Prime Minister’s Office. The
centrality of the vision and the need to establish higher coordination primes them towards greater and
open cooperation at the strategic level, instead of working in ‘Silos’ that is atypical of the New Public
Management (NPM) ethos. Indeed, the state has improved upon the Weber-nerian bureaucratic approach
by further streamlining the public policy delivery system. Then the government is now looking past its
interest in involving stakeholders from the public sector only, which is a form of Whole-of-Government.
In any case, the cooperation is further extended into the GLCs, private sectors, NGOs and youths of
the country, which further broadens the base of cooperation and involvement in nation-building. As a
result, the concept of NPM and Whole-of-Government can now evolve to a Whole-of-Nation approach.
Indeed, the case of Brunei Darussalam being used as a means to test the theory suits the purpose given
the convenience of bringing the pieces of stakeholders together based on the qualitative dataset as men-
tioned in the methodology. As such, the work has proved that Whole-of-Nation can work as an approach
to governance, especially if it is initiated from the top-down.
The application of the theory to unify the development of the nation-state necessitates the need to
solve pressing challenges, or Wicked Problems facing society. In a speech given by the Sultan in the New
Years, His Majesty called upon the need to tackle unemployment. Embracing the 4th Industrial Revolu-
tion and the creation of a new manpower council committee to look to improve the employability of the
graduates and human capital of Brunei were the policy results (Borneo Bulletin, 2020). To successfully
overcome the said issues, the council was created and saw the recruitment of leaders from a variety of
sectors, from education to healthcare, digital economy to public policy, in shaping a new strategy. Indeed,
these individuals come from not just the public sector but the non-public sectors too. A similar case can
be made when the Digital Economy Council was established to facilitate the ‘Smart Nation’ drive. In a
speech given by the Minister of Transport and Info-Communications at the Legislative Council meet-
ing has said that the ministry has carried out involved the Prime Minister’s Office; Ministry of Energy,
Manpower and Industry; as well as the Ministry of Finance and Economy, which have coordinated on
a policy basis (Mtic.gov.bn, 2019). He further added how in the 4th Industrial Revolution, “Everything
we do revolves around Internet access”, and to facilitate the country’s smooth transition towards this
technological transformation; the country needs to increase accessibility to the technologies, which
include applications such as the Internet of Things (IoT) (Borneo Bulletin, 2019).
In 2018, the government under the Ministry of Culture, Youth, and Sports together with the think-
tank the Centre of Strategic Policy and Studies furthered its efforts to engage with one of the nation’s
most important stakeholders, the youths. As of 2020, those belonging to the category of youth should
be aged 15-40 (as of Brunei standard), and the group constitutes up to 70% of the national population.
Seeing the need to increase participation, the government has appointed CSPS to carry out a National
Youth Policy survey (Csps.org.bn, 2018). The survey consists of offline and online surveys, and which
has garnered over 3,000 responses. Moreover, the Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports have furthered
its initiative by working and supporting NGOs and organizations that organized the BYLC or the Bru-
nei Youth Leaders’ Convention (Scoop, 2019a), a convention that brings together young people in the

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country. The successful drive has also built up the momentum in the realization of the National Youth
Congress (Scoop, 2019b), organized by the Brunei Youth Council which has involved change-makers
from the public sector, private sector and NGOs, not least the youths. The initiative attests to the com-
prehensive and conscious choice by the ministry to engage with young people as a means to socialize
and prime them up to tackling national challenges with the government and other relevant stakeholders.
By doing the above, the state can be seen to have successfully strategized its engagement with the public
under the Whole-of-Nation concept. It must be further added that the Nationwide Youth-led Review and
Consultation of the National Youth Policy are set to be published in the near future, containing input and
recommendations from youth and youth stakeholders all over Brunei. In one event, the Brunei Youth
Council has even invited the youth to give their thoughts to the paper, which demonstrates an NGO-led
change from the ‘bottom-up’ not just from ‘top-down.’

Role of Champions of Whole-of-Nation

The principal reason for the successful application and promotion of the concept is the existence of
‘champions’. These individuals take the conscious effort to reiterate and promote the idea at their orga-
nization. The chief champion of the notion is none other than His Majesty, the Sultan himself. Through
his Titah or speeches, he played a symbolic role to implant the concept at the national level. Notably,
the ministries have come to promote the approach as evidenced by the extensive use of the concepts in
the speeches delivered by ministers – who are themselves champions of the approach – and in their own
organizational or long-term strategic plans. The Legislative Council members, who are not necessarily
from the government, promote the concept at the business and NGO level, or to whichever stakeholder
groups they represent or identify with. For example, YB Iswandy Ahmad (Scoop, 2019a) and YB
Khairunissa Ashari (Asia News Network, 2017), both youth members of parliament, periodically pro-
moted the concept in their speeches which reaches out to the youth groups. The common language or
hegemonic approach to governance is strengthened through the repetition of the idea that coordination
among the various levels of groups in the nation are crucial in tackling the problems facing the country.
Had the concept not been promoted actively then it may have become just yet another passing fad. But
given that it was and has been able to gain such an outreach at the national-level showcased the impor-
tance of champions on the importance of promoting hegemony.
Interestingly, one phenomenon that should not be understated in this regard is how often the concept
is promoted from the top-down. The key decision-makers and elites, such as the ministers, parliamen-
tarians, businesses, NGOs, and youth leaders were mostly involved in the promotion of the concept.
Attesting to the definition of Whole-of-Nation as a state-run ideal, it is then no surprise that the elites
and leaders of society are responsible for stewarding society towards embracing the idea. By extension,
the state is the most powerful and influential institution in Brunei Darussalam, has the best chance to
affect national governance and its stakeholders. Naturally, such a change has to come from the top-down.
Although the concept of top-down may be at odds with the idea of a comprehensive approach to solve
national problems, it can be safe to say that Whole-of-Nation may not be popularized or get hold of
Brunei society as it is as of 2020 had other non-state or foreign actors champion the idea. But given that
the Head of State, the Sultan himself lent credibility and his symbol to the idea only served to fortify
and cement the approach at the national level. The process of internalization of the notion then reaches
out to the relevant stakeholders, in such that the governance structure would be more accommodative to

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a more participatory approach from the mass public. As such, the attempt by the Minister of the MCYS
in its policy engagement with youths attests to the manifestation of the Whole-of-Nation approach.
There is also a historical influence that may have been a crucial element in the successful promotion
of Whole-of-Nation. Prior to the Whole-of-Nation concept promoted in the 21st century, the former Sul-
tan, SOAS III, has continued to call for unity among his people. In his poem, also as a polemic written
for his son, he called upon leaders to work with the people to overcome issues facing society (Al-Sufri,
2020). Deliberation and consultation with the people are held as the paramount value in governing a
country. Not only do higher levels of participation among the public result in greater accountability,
but it opens doors for partnership and synergistic development. As such, this chapter argues that the
‘original’ champion of what is known as Whole-of-Nation can be traced back to SOAS III. Indeed, the
concept is readily embedded in the national psyche, especially after confronting significant challenges
that Brunei faced in the 20th century. In the 21st century now, the current Sultan of Brunei is set on the
task to fulfil his role to protect the welfare of the people. Drawing up lessons from His Majesty’s late
father’s rule, the Whole-of-Nation concept has crystallized and been used as a galvanizing force to
ensure the survival of the nation-state, especially amid the economic problems the country is currently
facing. As such, a microstate such as Brunei has no other choice but to tap into the full potential of her
people’s human capital.
Doing so then requires the need for His Majesty and every leader in Brunei society to internalize and
express the ideals of Whole-of-Nation to the people, transforming them from being passive benefactors
of the state into the champions of national change.

Mass Media Factor

The Mass Media factor in the promotion of the Whole-of-Nation approach is key to the successful inter-
nalization of hegemony to the Brunei polity. The official and formal Mass Media in Brunei Darussalam
is tightly controlled by the government. As such, the government is able to channel through various
channels its agenda. These channels include the national television, radio waves, and even the Friday
Prayer Sermons. An extensive discussion of the impact of mass media has been expanded upon in a
book chapter titled, “Employing Digital Technology in Brunei: The Case of Information Department”
(Omar, 2020), where the dynamic approach to the government in contesting and maintain control over
the information channels amid the growing influence of the internet is one of the key highlights that
is offered in the book. In this case, the Information Department, a department controlled by the Prime
Minister’s Office, has an influential role in the dissemination of government-controlled and sanctioned
information. Its control over non-state media operating in Brunei or in cyberspace is also substantial.
Its success in making the media channels subservient to the interest of the government is necessary in
order for the microstate to survive and thrive as a polity. The wave of fake news or viralled false media,
for example, were highlighted as crucial hindrances and challenges that it could pose to the economic
and political stability of the state, in that it has embraced a conservative model of governance that seeks
to expand its control over the fourth estate.
The implications of the control over the mass media enable Brunei Darussalam or the government
to centralize and communicate a unified vision, which is Wawasan 2035 and the approach, namely
Whole-of-Nation. Since His Majesty’s Titah in 2015, numerous news publications have highlighted
the “Whole-of-Nation” concept. Ensuing government officials, and business and NGO leaders have
further utilized the concept in their press releases and interviews, thus embedding further the approach

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in public consciousness. It is not a stretch to imagine that the concept is “understood” by the public as
governance that involves everyone in the nation in the pursuit of nation-building, given that the state
media machinery was galvanized for the purpose. From the analysis, the concept was promoted through
RTB or Radio Television Brunei, Pelita Brunei, Media Permata, Brudirect.com, Borneo Bulletin, Scoop,
the now-defunct Brunei Times, Pelangi FM, Kristal FM, and many more. From TV programmes to print
media, from radio stations to blogs, the concept has been promoted, indeed through a comprehensive or
holistic media strategy directed or supported by the government. Indeed, the sharing and even discussion
of the Whole-of-Nation has even appeared in social media sites, such as Facebook and Reddit. The impact
of the state media is further strengthened by the fact that more than 60% of the working population in
Brunei serves the public sector, so the concept really does resonate with the middle class. Following that
is the private sector and NGOs, as with the various stakeholders in society upon which the state serves.
The only issue that may arise from the concept itself is the vagueness of the concept, which translates
to a host of issues, including the need to define it officially and to have it explained so that the ordinary
public can further understand it beyond it being treated as another government tagline. The persistent
usage of the language has nevertheless influenced the state and society in manifold ways, and while the
influence and results of the language may be difficult to track at the operational level, the ever everyday
use of it has nevertheless, as mentioned in the previous section, primes the stakeholders to work together
under a universal language.

CONSTRAINTS OF WHOLE-OF-NATION

While the concept has been successfully embedded into the national polity, the question remains in
regards to the operationalization of the approach among various organizations. For instance, it may be
too early to tell whether “Whole-of-Nation” could have a substantial effect on improving government
coordination, effectiveness, and public policy results, especially when it comes to promoting meaning-
ful and dynamic participation among non-state actors. This will call for further studies to be made in
Brunei’s Public Policy. Moreover, there is the issue of defining the concept itself. This work would
hopefully answer the challenge, but then again, the constraints to the failure to define the concept may
result in ‘paralysis by analysis’. Next, the issue of unemployment and lack of economic diversification
have been two wicked problems haunting the Sultanate since independence. It would take a robust,
evidence-based Public Policy approach to tackle the issue. Furthermore, too much coordination may
hamper innovation through “groupthink” at the national level, in such that the diversity of ideas may be
discouraged on the pretext of promoting and maintaining national “unity”. Then there is constraint of the
diffusion of responsibility held by an organization. Unlike a Single Purpose Organization, (Wollmann,
2004) operating at a “holistic level” may reduce the ability to pinpoint weaknesses, ones that could
otherwise be identified quickly and amended, and as such, causing a fall in productivity. Finally, there
is the hard work necessary to promote genuine engagement with all levels of society. In an interview,
YB Khairunissa shared how there is still a lack of youth engagement in the national level (Scoop, 2017).
Much to her credit, she and her team have been extremely active to solve the issues of engagement by
holding more public forums and dialogues since. Nevertheless, Whole-of-Nation is useful for a microstate
such as Brunei, as economic and political stability and unity are now prioritized more than ever amid
the pressing challenges facing the country.

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CONCLUSION

The issues of unemployment and lack of economic diversification continue to become issues that have
to be solved by the Government of Brunei. In response, the state under the Head of State has called
upon the various stakeholders of the country to unite in what His Majesty calls the Whole-of-Nation
approach, to move towards the realisation of Wawasan 2035 by embracing the 4th Industrial Revolution.
By inviting and gelling various strands of organizations and individuals in every level of society and
sectors of the country, the government has now demonstrated the willingness to become more open and
participatory in its approach to governance. Indeed, participatory governance can be an opportunity for
the government to finally solve the issues facing the country, as evidenced by its past experience in its
unique history in the 20th century (Saunders, 2013). This work has shown that the government has suc-
cessfully pushed the idea at the national level. Starting with the Sultan’s Titah in 2015, the Ministers
and Parliamentarians ensued to follow and replicate the rhetoric all the way down to the other leaders,
including those in the private sector, NGOs, and the youths. Indeed, the top-down nature of the narrative
promoted by these champions is especially a potent observation that lends to the success, especially given
the nation’s context as a microstate. Mass Media has also been galvanized as a means to instill into the
public consciousness the idea of Whole-of-Nation. Nevertheless, more evidence has to be worked on
in order to ascertain the efficiency and effectiveness of the concept at the operational level, especially
when it comes to promoting meaningful and dynamic participation at the national level.

POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

Several policy recommendations presented in this work pertaining to the issuance of the Whole-of-Nation
governance concept are as follows:

1. A clear-cut definition and deep understanding of what Whole-of-Nation means is crucial for
policy champions to promote the idea effectively. This book chapter, drawing from the experience
of Brunei Darussalam, would hopefully present to students, researchers, and policy-makers from
various fields a deeper understanding of the concept so it can be socialized to key actors in society.
Indeed, this book would hopefully inspire more readers to look at other lessons that can be derived
from Brunei’s unique Public Policy domain, i.e. the state’s ability to successfully employ and embed
digital technology, Social Media, and e-Government channels (Zulkarinian and Anshari, 2016) into
its mass media architectonic.
2. Whole-of-Nation must be articulated to a nation’s unique socio-political and historical context. It
is the vital duty of the Modern Prince (or institutional entrepreneur in this case) to fashion upon
changes that align to the interest and appropriateness of a nation or organization if it is ever going
to achieve effective results. To deviate from what is acceptable may only result in staunch rejection
by the policy universe, either on ideological or political grounds, or both.
3. Policy champions from various sectors are vital to promoting and sustaining the idea at the national
level. A message that can be repetitively shared is needed in order for the concept to be embraced
and promoted in turn by other organizations. Given the constraints that may face organizations,
it may be incumbent to identify and socialize policy or thoughts leaders to the idea of Whole-of-
Nation, so that they can then promote it to their respective organizations. Failure to do so would

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only result in the diffusion and even confusion of the message, which only would undermine the
idea.
4. Mass media should be continually galvanized to promote and perpetuate the ideal so as to reach
the public consciousness or to the average person. Whereas it would be unrealistic to assume that
the spread of the Whole-of-Nation concept would promote genuine participation and partnership
from all levels of society overnight, one should not underestimate how the coded language could
reach out to the minority population who are already primed to make changes. As such, these in-
dividuals can come in and join in the shared language so as to become change-makers or partners
of change. In return, the government or the organization must be ready to engage with them.
5. Finally, the Whole-of-Concept approach has to impinge as a solution upon a defined issue. In order
to expand and extend the conceptual reach to the polity, it has to be framed as a solution that can
fix a given issue or issues. In the Brunei context, Whole-of-Nation has been framed as a public
management and governance solution to fixing unemployment and lack of economic diversification.
Other countries, such as the Philippines have used the concept as a means to solve internal military
conflicts with the Communist Party of the Philippines (Pia.gov.ph, 2018), whereas Singapore used
it to realize a ‘Smart Nation’ (Smartnation.sg, 2018; Hoe, 2016).

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