1

Storyteller’s note

By Željko Zidarić, June 2024.

This seven-part story tells of major events during the Fourth Austro-
Turkish War (1663-4), with the main characters of the story being
Nikola VII Zrinski (1620-64) and Petar IV Zrinski, great-grandsons of
Nikola IV Šubić Zrinski (1508-66), who, in 1566, honourably lost his life
while valiantly defending the fortress of Szigetvár.1 The story focusses
on how Habsburg military and diplomatic failures during the Austro-
Turkish War, led to the development of the Magnate Conspiracy
(1664-71) in Croatia and Hungary, in which high nobles sought to
regain their sovereignty from the Habsburg rulers who failed to protect
them. The story starts with Nikola Zrinski’s construction of the fort of
Novi Zrin, in 1661, and ends with Nikola’s death, on November 18, 1664.
This story includes the following parts:
1. 1661: Nikola Zrinski’s new fort - Novi Zrin
2. 1663: Austro-Turkish War - Fall of Érsekújvár
3. 1663: Battles near Otočac and Novi Zrin
4. 1664: Zrinski’s winter campaign - burning the Osijek bridge
5. 1664: Zrinski loses his new fort - Novi Zrin is lost
6. 1664: Victory in war, defeat in peace - Szentgotthárd and Vasvár
7. 1664: Zrinski and the wild boar - Nikola’s mysterious death

1The story of Nikola IV Zrinski and Szigetvár is told in the book “As Only True Men
Can: Nikola Zrinski's Last Stand at Sziget”, by Željko Zidarić, 2019.
 3

Historical setting between two empires

In 1299, a tribal leader of Oğuz Türks named Osman founded a beğlik

(emirate, principality), based in the town of Söğüt, in northwestern
Anatolia. Descendants of Osman, after expanding their beğlik in
Anatolia, crossed the Bosporus Strait into Europe, and invaded into
Thrace. By 1366, they took Adrianople, which they renamed Edirne,
and designated as their second capital. The beğlik grows into a
sultânate and from Edirne, the emirs (sultâns) with their armies begin
to march up the Via Militaris, a 1,500-year-old Roman road that
connects Beograd1 and İstanbul.
A mere 27 years later, in 1389, the Osmanlıs shocked Europe by
defeating the Christian armies2 at the Battle of Kosovo. Soon after,
much of Serbia was subjugated. In 1453, Constantinople fell, the
Byzantine Empire ended, and the Osmanlı Sultânate became an
İmparatorluğu (Empire). By 1459, most of Serbia was conquered, and
by 1463, most of Bosna was under Osmanlı control. In 1476 Wallachia
became a vassal state. In 1493, the Croatian nobility suffered a great
defeat at the Battle of Krbava Field. The Osmanlı conquest continued
and Hungary suffered a great defeat in 1526, at the Battle of Mohács,
during which young King Lajos II was killed. Weak and without a king,
the Croats and Magyars elected Ferdinand I of the House of Habsburg,
who promised to protect them, as their king.
By the end of the 16th century, Croatia was reduced to one-tenth of its
original size, with a territory of only 16,800 square km, and a
population of about 400,000. Croatia was said to be: Reliquiae
reliquiarum olim magni et inclyti regni Croatiae (Remnants of
remnants of a once great and glorious Kingdom of Croatian).
Wars between the Osmanlı and Habsburg Empires continued. The
Long Turkish War (1493-1606) ended with the Peace of Zsitvatörök.
The Thirty Years' War, which started in 1618, was fought primarily
between German Catholics and Protestants in northern lands. After the
death of 4.5 to 8 million people, due to battles, famines, or diseases, the
war, one of Europes most destructive wars ends in 1648, with the Peace
of Westphalia.
For 50 years after the Peace of Zsitvatörök, though peace between the
Holy Roman and Osmanlı Empires had been maintained at the imperial
level, border skirmishes, attacks on small places, and raids continued
across Croatia and Hungary.

1 In Serbian Beograd is ‘White City’. In Hungarian it is Nándorfehérvár.

2 Including Croats, Bosnians, Magyars, Albanians, and the Knights Hospitaller.
 4

Avcı (Hunter) Mehmed IV, born on January 2, 1642, has been the
Osmanlı Sultân since August 8, 1648. Köprülü Mehmed Paşa, born in
1575, has been the Grand Vezir since September 15, 1656. Leopold I of
Habsburg1 was crowned King of Hungary in 1655, of Bohemia in 1656,
and, after the death of his father, Kaiser (Emperor) Ferdinand III, on
April 2, 1657, King of Croatia. On July 18, 1658, upon reaching 18 years
of age, Leopold I was elected2 Kaiser of the Holy Roman Empire, and
crowned on August 1. Nikola VII Zrinski has been the Ban (viceroy3) of
Croatia since December 27, 1647, and Ferenc Wesselényi the Nádor
(viceroy) of Royal Hungary since March 15, 1655.
On August 14, 1658, the Rheinische Allianz (League of the Rhine) was
formed. Led by King Louis XIV of France, more than 50 German
princes, with cities along the River Rhine, formed a defensive union to
prevent anti-French Habsburg armies from passing through their
territory to attack French lands. The ultimate goal of the alliance is to
weaken the Austrian House of Habsburg and the Holy Roman Empire.

1 Leopold was born on June 9, 1640. His older brother Ferdinand IV died of
smallpox on July 9, 1654. He was crowned Kaiser on Aug 1, 1658.
2 In the election, one of the conditions of the German Prince-Electors is that
Leopold commences military operations against the Ottomans, but Leopold sees
the French as a greater threat and thus seeks to avoid war in Hungary.
3 Since 1527, the king of Croatia and Hungary is of the Habsburg dynasty. Each
kingdom has a viceroy: with title Ban in Croatia and Nádor (Palatine) in Hungary.
 5

1660: Osmanlı conquest of Erdély

In 1655, King Karl X Gustav of Sweden, encouraged by King Louis XIV

of France, invades and occupies the western part of the Polish–
Lithuanian Commonwealth. In response, a large coalition that includes
the Habsburgs, Russia, Brandenburg-Prussia, and the Crimean Tatars,
mobilizes against him. King Gustav calls on György II Rákóczi, Prince
of Erdély (Transylvania), to join him, and offers Rákóczi a region in
south-central Poland where he can establish a new kingdom.
György II Rákóczi, a vassal of the Ottoman Empire, without the Sultân’s
approval, joins King Gustav and invades Poland–Lithuania but, after
being abandoned by his allies, is defeated and forced to pay war
reparations. During his retreat to Erdély, on the orders of Grand Vezir
Mehmed Paşa, Crimean Tatars attack Rákóczi’s army, kill about 500
men, and take up to 11,000 captives to Crimea. While Mihály Apafi and
János Kemény are taken captive, Rákóczi escapes but has lost his army.
Kemény is ransomed in August 1659 and Apafi in November 1660.
For the unauthorized campaign into Poland-Lithuania, the High Porte
deposes György Rákóczi and, on November 2, 1657, moves the Diet of
Erdély to elect pro-Osmanlı Ferenc Rhédey the Prince of Erdély.
Rákóczi returns to Erdély and, on January 9, 1658, Rhédey resigns. On
January 28 the Diet of Erdély recognize Rákóczi as Prince. In response,
to solidify control of Erdély, the High Porte sends a large army into
Erdély, which leaves a long trail of destruction behind it. On September
14, Grand Vizier Mehmed Paşa appoints Ákos Barcsay as Prince and
forces the Diet of Erdély to pay a high tribute to the High Porte.
In 1659, Rákóczy again takes control of Erdély and, in August, Barcsay
flees to the protection of the Paşa of Temeşvar (Timișoara). Two years
later, on May 22, 1660, Rákóczi’s army is defeated by the Osmanlıs at a
battle near Szaszfenes (close to Gyalu, Gilău). During the battle,
Rákóczi receives a grievous head wound and dies1 on June 7. On July
14, an Osmanlı army besieges Várad (Oradea), the main fortress of
Erdély. On August 1, 1660, Jenő (Ineu) falls. After 44 days of siege, on
August 27, Várad falls, and Erdély loses its independence.
News of Rákóczi’s death and the loss of Várad shocks Christendom and
fear grows that the road into central Europe, and ultimately Wien
(Vienna), is now open to the enemy. Kaiser Leopold receives much
criticism for allowing Várad to fall, and Habsburg generals Jean-Louis
de Souches and Raimondo Montecuccoli, who were near the battle but
only observed, are accused of cowardice.

1 He leaves behind a son, Ferenc I Rákóczy, the future son-in-law of Petar Zrinski.
 6

The Croatian and Hungarian Frontier

The Habsburgs, during the Thirty Years' War, while at peace with the
Osmanlıs at the Imperial level, cut funding to their southeastern
frontier resulting in the number border forts decreasing from 120 to 88,
and the soldiers garrisoned in those forts dropping from 22,000 to
17,000. As the defence of the border that runs through Croatia,
Slavonia, and Hungary weakens, border skirmishes and raids by
Osmanlı provincial and irregular forces1 escalate. In southwestern
Hungary, the fortress at Kanizsa, taken on October 22, 1600, becomes
the centre of the Kanije Eyalet,2 and a rallying point for raids into
Christian lands.
Either late in 1660 or early 1661, lightning strikes the Kanije fortress
and starts a fire that ignites a store of black powder, which explodes and
destroys a part of the fortress. In January 1661, Nikola VII Zrinski, the
Ban of Croatia, and owner of Čakovec (Csáktornya), besieges, assaults,
and takes the weak city, but Kaiser Leopold I, who fears fears provoking
Sultân Mehmed IV, orders Nikola to end the siege of Kanije and
withdraw. In a rage, Nikola throws his sabre on the ground and returns
to Čakovac with a broken heart.
Disappointed with the lack of support provided by Wien (Vienna),
Nikola decides to strengthen, at his own expense, the defence of
Čakovec and the Međimurje (Muraköz) region. Near the end of January
1661, Zrinski orders ten cannons cast in Wien and buys a large quantity
of war equipment. While strengthening Čakovec, Nikola Zrinski
continues raiding, returning with much booty and captives for whom he
collects high ransoms. In April, he burns down nine Osmanlı villages,
killing some people and taking a few thousand head of livestock.
In May, Nikola’s men observe the Paşa (governor) of Kanije, with 2,000
men, on the border region, near the Drava River, inspecting the terrain
and leaving markings on a hill. Nikola tracks their movements and
realizes that the Paşa plans to build a new fort by which to not only stop
his raids but also to more quickly launch his own raids, not only against
Zrinski in the Međimurje region, but also Styria and Carniola.

1 The peace agreement between the empires but does not limit raids and attacks
by provincial soldiers and other irregular soldiers not paid for by the Sultân.
2 On September 9, 1601, the Habsburgs tried to liberate Kanizsa, but failed. The
city was joined with Zigetvar (Szigetvar) and some sançaks of Budin Eyalet, to form
the Kanije Eyalet. From Kanije, raids were often launched into Croatia.
 7

A map of the land (island) between the Mura and Drava rivers, known
as the Međimurje (Muraköz) region. Extracted from a map drawn by
Giovanni Giuseppe Spalla in 1670.
 8

Status of Međimurje in 1603

After the fall of Kanizsa to the Osmanlıs in 1600, Osmanlı raids and
attacks into the Međimurje (Muraköz) region increase. Nikola Zrinski,1
writes to Matthias2 of Habsburg:3
[Excerpt] Please consider, Your Majesty, the enormous damages,
dangers, robberies, arsons and incursions that have taken place
against this island [Međimurje] since Kanizsa unfortunately fell, and
since this island has been, so to speak, in the throat of the enemy. It
is certainly plausible to believe that these acts of violence will not
stop until the island, together with the castle of Čakovec
(Csáktornya), is either completely under his control or at least forced
into submission. May Your Majesty also consider that there is no
frontier (border region) that has resisted the enemy for a longer time
than this island, and that there is no one that has repulsed the
enemy as many times, on so many different occasions, as I have.
With the merciful help of God, I have hitherto succeeded in keeping
the enemy at bay until now, and I hope with certainty that this will
also continue in the future, if Your Majesty does not forget me, and
obtains from His Imperial and Royal Majesty the help that I cannot
do without under any circumstances.
One can say that the two rivers, the Mura and Drava, which
surround the [river] island, greatly contribute to its protection; but it
is certain, and well-known to all, that the water level is usually so
low throughout most of the year, that the enemy can penetrate,
anywhere and any time, in winter and summer, and invade the
island as he pleases. But even at high water levels, it happened very
often, especially in the present times of war, that the Türks crossed
the river without any hindrance. From this, it follows, and is certain,
that Međimurje (Muraköz), and the neighbouring regions and
borders, were not secure in the past, and will not be in the future,
against the incursions of the enemy, against its robberies,
plundering, and conquests, unless, like a closed fortress, it is
constantly and persistently defended by a good number of
Hungarian soldiers and all those places and forts, which my dear
father, who was still partially successful (prosperous), raised here

1 It is not certain if it was Nikola V (1559–1605), or Nikola VI (c.1570 - 1625).

2 Matthias (1557–1619), is a son of Maximillian II, and younger brother of Rudolf II,
Kaiser since 1576. He is Archduke of Austria from 1608 and Kaiser from 1612.
3 Translation of this excerpt to English is by this storyteller. Source: “Zrínyi-iratok a
cs. és kir. hadi levéltárában 1603-ból.” in Hadtörténelmi Közlemények, 6., 1893.
 9

and there on the banks of the river, they are now not possessed and
they are not furnished for defence.
But as God is my witness, I have done everything that a man can do,
and I have, for this heavy burden, using the income of my other
small holdings, paid the huge expenses for protection of this island.
Once the claims (debts owed), passed down from my prosperous
father are settled, I will be in a position so that I can continue to
defend the island,1 the neighbouring regions, and the borders
against the violence of the enemy, which I intend to do with the
gracious help of God.
Nicolaus Comes de Zrinio,
Dated January 20, 1604
To react more quickly to Osmanlıs crossing the Mura River, the Zrinskis
build seven watchtowers, along 12 km of the meandering river, between
the village of Kotoriba and fortress at Legrad. Unfortunately, manning
the watchtowers is expensive and most soldiers are garrisoned too far
away for a rapid response. During one Osmanlı raid, from the time a
signal mortar was fired, to when Croatian soldiers arrived, 2,000 of the
enemy had crossed the Mura.

1 In the letter, Zrinski also asks for the four months' wages of
200 horsemen and 300 hajduks, owed since September 3, 1603.
 10

Bio: Nikola VII Zrinski (1620-64)

Nikola VII, born on, May 3, 1620, at Čakovec, is the son of Juraj V
Zrinski1, and Magdolna Széchy, of a noble Hungarian family, and thus
he is of the first generation of the Zrinski family to have both Croatian
and Magyar (Hungarian) blood. On June 6, 1621, his brother Petar IV is
born. Soon after, Magdolna dies.2
In 1626, Juraj V Zrinski,3 at age 23, is called to join General Albrecht
von Wallenstein in a campaign during the Thirty Years' War. After an
unsuccessful campaign, in the army camp near Pozsony, Juraj and
Albrecht, a mediocre man, get into an argument and throw insults at
one another. Juraj’s wit and tongue, as sharp as his sword, causes
animosity between him and Wallenstein. Soon after the campaign, on
December 18 or 28, 1626, Juraj dies. Suspicions circulate that at the
last dinner held by the generals, Wallenstein served Juraj poisoned
radishes, resulting in Juraj’s death a few days later.4
After Juraj’s death, Nikola and Petar are
placed under the guardianship of Péter
Pázmány, Archbishop of Esztergom,5
Pázmány gives advice to the king, who
then appoints Petar Domitrović, the
Bishop of Zagreb, and Stjepan Patačić,
Prothonotary of the Croatian Sabor.
After the death of Domitrović (1628)
and Patačić (1630), the boys are
entrusted to a four person guardianship
committee and their direct guardian is
Franjo Batthyány, a grandson of
Nicholas IV. Zrinski. In European
universities, he receives a humanistic
education, and graduates in rhetoric.

1 Nikola IV Zrinski (1508-1566), had three sons, Juraj IV Zrinski (1549-1603),

Nikola V (1559–1605), and Ivan III (1565-1612). Eldest son Juraj IV had two sons:
Nikola VI (c.1570-1625), who had no children, and Juraj V (1599-1626).
2 Little is known about Magdolna but she might have died in 1621,
after the birth of Petar IV, either of puerperal fever or a lightning strike.
3Juraj V, born on January 31, 1599, is the son of Juraj IV and Sofia Stubenberg.
Wealthy and valorous, he is appointed Ban of Croatia on November 15, 1622.
4Some speculated that Juraj died of disease. In 1625, an epidemic hit central
Germany. The summer of 1626 is very hot, and a plague moved south.
5 Péter Pázmány, born in 1570, is one of Hungary’s greatest priests, called by
some the Hungarian Richelieu, is made a cardinal in 1629. He dies in 1637.
 11

He also studies military science and speaks fluently seven languages:

Croatian, Hungarian, Latin, German, Italian, and Türkish.
In 1637, after being declared of legal age, the brothers divide the large
family estate, with Nikola receiving the estates north of the Drava and
Petar receiving those south of the Drava. Though they co-own Čakovec
(Csáktornya), Nikola VII lives there and Petar IV lives in Ozalj. The
division is finalized in 1649. Though Čakovec is in Slavonia, where
Croatian is spoken, it is in the sphere of influence of Hungarian culture
and Nikola becomes more Hungarian, while Petar remains fully
Croatian. About his lack of expertise in Croatian literature, in 1658,
Nikola writes to Ivan Ručic, the podžupan (sub-prefect) of Zagreb, that
he regrets that he does not know well the language of his grandfather
but that he will always be a true Croat, because he knows that he is a
Zrinski. In Latin, he writes: “Ego mihi conscius aliter sum, etenim non
degenerem me Croatam etquidem Zrinium esse scio”.1
In 1646, he answers the call of his king, Kaiser Ferdinand III,2 joins
Ivan III Drašković, the Ban of Croatia, and enters the Thirty Years’ War.
In battles against the Swedes and György I Rákóczi, he distinguishes
himself so well that the king awards him the title Croatorum Omnium
Generalis (General of all Croats). After his return to Croatia, Nikola
continues to fight against the Osmanlıs and, in 1647, at age 27, he is
appointed Ban (Viceroy) of Croatia.
In 1655, he petitions to become the Nádor (Palatine) of Hungary but,
though he has the support of the nobility, Ferdinand III appoints Ferenc
Wesselényi —the reason being that Nikola VII has a good relationship
with the Protestants of Hungary, the nobles of Erdély, and the
Venetians. As were his forefathers, Nikola is loyal to the Habsburg king
and a great fighter against the Osmanlı occupation.

1 Informal translation: “I am aware otherwise, for I know that I am not a low-born (of
inferior stock) Croat and that I am indeed from Zrin!”. He wrote: “Ego mihi conscius
aliter sum, etenim non degenerem me Croatam et qvidem Zrinium esse scio.
Homo qvidem sum, nec sine naevis, verum illorum Judicio illud Maximum habeo,
qvod non sim Heliotropium, nap utan jaro fü, vel Pap után jaro fű. Utinam audiret et
me Rex meus dicerem certe ipsi sine arrogantia, illud Aiacis: Denique qvid verbis
opus est, Spectemur agendo.”
2 Ferdinand III of Habsburg (1608–1657) is King of Hungary from 1625, King of
Croatia and of Bohemia from 1627 and Holy Roman Emperor from 1637.
 12

Evliya Çelebi’s observations of Nikola VII Zrinski

In 1656, an Osmanlı army from Bosna raided near Karlovac. During a

battle near Turanj,1 an outpost of Karlovac, the Zrinskis defeated the
raiders and captured a captain from Bihaç. Though not directly named,
the captain is possibly Mustaj Beğ Hasumović.2 For this captive, a
violent man that has caused much harm, Nikola demands a high
ransom resulting him being captive captive for years in Čakovec.
In 1660, Nikola Zrinski and Melek (Angel) Ahmed Paşa (1588-1662),
the Beğlerbeğ of Bosna since 1658, who have an amicable relationship
and communicate cordially, negotiate a ransom for the captain. Ahmed
Paşa commissions Evliya Çelebi, a famed Osmanlı traveller, to deliver
the ransom. Near the end of 1660, Evliya Çelebi arrives in Čakovec with
an entourage and the ransom comprised of twelve wagons full of
valuable goods.
Of his experience in Čakovec, Evliya Çelebi records that he, and his
entourage, was not only in awe but also intimidated by Nikola’s strong
personality. During their conversations, Nikola shows a functional level
of fluency in the Türkish language. Of Nikola’s nature, Evliya Çelebi
writes that he was an extremely generous host who lavishly hosted and
fed Evliya and the members of his entourage, and also took Evliya on a
rich hunt in the vicinity of Legrad.
Upon the release of Mustaj Beğ, Nikola continues to show his generosity
by giving Mustaj Beğ a suit and a horse, and to Evliya Çelebi he gives
money, a fur cloak, furs, a suit, a horse, fabrics, carpets, and decorated
weapons. To Melek Ahmed Paşa, Nikola sends a carriage, decorated
weapons, carpets, furs and other valuables. Upon the release of his
captive, Nikola also shows a harsh and fierce side when he threatens
Mustaj Beğ that if he continues to burn, enslave, and ravage Zrinski
estates, he will kill him and skin him.
Though Evliya Çelebi uses the term Zirin küffârı (Zrinski infidels), for
the brothers that cause much harm to Osmanlı interests in the area,
nether he, nor other Osmanlıs, hates the Zrinskis but, in the culture of
chivalry, prevalent on both sides f the border, they are held in high
regard, even respected, for being valiant, daring, and honourable men.

1 Turanj (Tower), later named Križanić Turanj, is now a district of Karlovac. The
settlement was founded, in 1582, as a wooden tower that protected a bridge over
the Korana River, and served as an outpost of the fortress at Karlovac.
2 Also identified as Mustaj Beğ Lički (of Lika). He was a fierce fighter
and one of the most celebrated frontiersmen in Bosnian folktales and songs.
 13

Do not harm the Magyars

During the winter of 1648-9, Nikola VII Zrinski, as skilled with the quill
as with the sword, writes an epic poem titled Obsidionis Szigetianæ1
(Siege of Sziget), commemorating Nikola IV Zrinski’s defence of Sziget
in 1566. In 1651, the poem, with other prose, is published in the book
Adriai tengernek Syrenaia (Siren of the Adriatic Sea). In 1661, he
writes a patriotic thought piece titled Az török áfium ellen való
orvosság2 (A remedy to the Türkish opium).
In the first part of török áfium, Zrinski warns that in Hungary’s struggle
for independence from the Türks, the Magyars cannot expect help from
their neighbours: the Poles are weakened by war with the Swedes and
Cossacks, and while his German Majesty, the elected king, without
doubt wants to help but the Electors are not too loyal to him and their
wealth has been consumed by many wars. The Italian neighbours are
wealthy and wise but they are divided and there is no hope for their
help. The French are strong and warlike but they have no interest in an
independent Hungary, while the far-away Spaniards are fighting many
battles, especially in Lusitania (Portugal). The English are of another
world, with a different nature, and different style of warfare which we
neither need nor want. The Muscovites are far away, the people are
rude, their wars pointless, their policies foolish, and their empire
tyrannical - who needs their help? Help will not come from anyone,
because they are concerned with their own interests. Hungary is alone.
In the second part, he states that the Magyars must protect themselves
— there is no other option. He says that, “We are not inferior to any
nation, and though we are few in number, we are not so few as not to
make the Türkish dogs regret that they considered us to be nothing.”
He states that since no one will come to their aid out of goodwill, and
flight is not possible, the Magyars must unite in the fight against the
foreign conquerors and establish a permanent Magyar army. With such
an army, the Magyars could liberate their homeland, from both the
Ottomans and Habsburgs, and restore Magyar greatness.
In the closing, Nikola states that he will not gain fame by his quill alone
but by his pain-bringing sabre, and that, for as long as he lives, he will
fight the enemy, happily blanketing his Homeland with their ashes.

1 The title is later changed to Hungarian as Szigeti Veszedelem. Veszedelem is

typically translated as peril but the archaic definition of veszedelem is catastrophe
or calamity, thus the Hungarian title is Catastrophe of Sziget.
2 The article is published for the first time as a political pamphlet in 1705, during
the Rákóczi War of Independence, and reprinted in 1790 with title Ne bántsd a
magyart (Do not harm the Magyars). There are no known English translations.
 14

Cover of Adriai tengernek Syrenaia and

a sample of Nikola VII Zrinski’s handwriting.
 15

1661: Construction of Nikola Zrinski’s new fort

Six decades after the fall of Kanizsa, renamed Kanije, the old Zrinski
prediction to King Matthias is proven true as raids and attacks from the
Osmanlı-held city escalate. The objective of the Osmanlı frontier force
is to weaken a region economically so that it weakens militarily. Either
on September 20, or October 18, 1656, a man named Ali Paşa1 is
appointed governor of the Kanije Eyalet, which has three sançaks:
Pojega, taken in 1537, Peç, in 1543, and Zigetvar, in 1566. During his
tenure, Ali Paşa,2 who claims to be a distant relative of the Zrinski clan,
develops a cordial relationship with Nikola Zrinski. After him, the
governors are Söhrab Mehmed Paşa3 and Yakovalı Hasan Paşa.4
Prohibited from taking Kanije, to defend the Međimurje region, Nikola
considers strengthening Legrad (Légrád), located on the right bank
(south side) of the Mura where the Drava flows into it but a recent flood
eroded the river banks, removing so much soil, all the way to the fort,
that its foundations are threatened. Preferring to have a fort on the left
bank (north side), by which to stop raiders before they cross the Mura
and enter Međimurje, Nikola selects the ruins of an old fort and river
crossing at Kakonja (Kecskevár), upriver from the confluence of the
Drava and Mura Rivers, on the left bank (east side) of the Mura, where
the Kanizsa Creek flows into it. The old fort, which stood until 1566,
was owned by a noble in the inner circle of Nikola IV Zrinski.5 The
location is about 35 km east of Čakovec and 21 km southwest of
Kanizsa. From there, with the fort protecting a bridge over the Mura,
Nikola can more easily and quickly hit Osmanlı targets, including
supply trains, forts, and the vicinity of Kanije.

1 There is no other identification of who this Ali Paşa was. In Ottoman history, there
are many men with the name Ali, Hasan, or Mehmed. As they are moved from
sançak to sançak, it is difficult to keep a track of who is who.
2 There is no other identification of who this Ali Paşa was. In Ottoman history, there
are many men with the name Ali, Hasan, or Mehmed. As they are moved from
sançak to sançak, it is difficult to keep a track of who is who.
3 Söhrab Mehmed Paşa, previously a Yeniçeri Ağa, in 1660, is appointed governor
of Kanije Eyalet and. In 1663, he is governor of Zülkadriye/Dülkadir Eyalet, in 1664,
he is sançakbeğ of Herzegovina, and in November 1665, governor of the Bosna.
4 Yakovalı might mean “of Ðakovo”. He is of the Sokolović clan as his mother was
the elder sister of Buda Paşa and later Grand Vizier Mehmed Lala, and the cousin
of Grand Vizier Mehmed Sokolović, the most prominent member of the family.
5 Some stories state that the land was owned by Nikola IV Zrinski, but Nikola VII
writes in a letter: “this place belonged to one of my great-grandfather's inner men,”
 16

In mid-January of 1661, a bright comet1 appears in the sky, which

Nikola and others consider a good omen for their fort-building
endeavour. At the end of January, Nikola orders 10 cannons to be cast
in Wien, and buys a large amount of equipment and supplies.
By law, the king must grant approval for the construction of a new fort
but for Nikola speed is of the essence and therefore, since the fort is on
his own land, he decides to build now and wait for permission later. To
avoid arousing suspicion among the enemy, he asks a local Osmanlı
governor for the Sultân’s permission to build a sheepfold on the left
bank of the Mura, so that he can keep his sheep safe from wolves.
After receiving the Sultân’s permission to build a sheepfold, Nikola
carries out a land survey and commissions Guislain Segers d'Ideghem
von Wassenhoven, the chief military engineer of Inner Austria, a
servant of the Kaiser, to design the fort. The main stronghold, large
enough to hold 300 to 500 soldiers, will be on the left bank (east side)
of the Mura, and a small fortification, able to hold 50 soldiers, which
some call a redoubt and others a barbican, will be on the right bank, and
the two parts connected by a pontoon bridge supported by 50 boats. At
this location, the river is 90 fathoms (165 m) wide. The bridge is of
great importance because there is no bridge across the Mura, for 100
km upriver to Radkersburg, nor on the Drava, for over 125 km
downriver, to the Süleymân Bridge at Osijek.
While planning his new fort, Nikola does not stop raiding across nearby
Osmanlı lands. In April, an Osmanlı çavuş (high-ranking messenger)
arrives in Wien and submits a complaint to the Habsburg Court stating

1 The comet, today named Ikeya–Zhang), reaches perihelion on January 29.

 17

that Nikola Zrinski has attacked into the Sultân’s lands, set fire to nine
villages, killed many of the Sultân’s servants, and stole a few thousand
head of cattle. The çavuş requests the Kaiser to prohibit Zrinski from
further attacks, but Nikola continues to raid a few more times.
At a Sabor of Croatia, held in Varaždin, at the end of April 1661, Nikola
Zrinski presents his plan for a new fort at the Croatian Sabor. The
nobles, desiring protection Croatia and Slavonia against Kanije, approve
Nikola’s plan.
In May, an army of about 1,000 Osmanlı raiders from Kanije enters
Medimurje and raids in the vicinity of Čakovec, but Nikola defeats
them. Later, Nikola attacks an Osmanlı supply convoy, protected by a
few thousand soldiers, bringing ammunition and provisions to Kanije.
Nikola is victorious and returns home with goods worth over 100,000
thalers (German silver coins).
On May 14, the Papal Nuncio in Vienna reports to Rome that a Croatian
army had made a large raid into Bosna, attacking and plundering,
returning with up to 140,000 thalers worth of goods and livestock, but
it is feared that Ali Paşa, who is nearby with a large army, will seek to
avenge the raid.
On June 14, Nikola Zrinski, at his own expense, begins construction of a
new fort. The Croatian Sabor orders thousands of peasants from the
Međimurje, Križevci, and Varaždin regions into feudal labour (corvée)
to build the fort. As a true leader, to raise the spirits of the workers,
Nikola picks up a spade to dig and a wheelbarrow to move earth used to
build the ramparts. While the peasants work, soldiers, possibly in the
thousands, stand guard to protect them from Osmanlı attacks.
In the first days of July, after noticing that Nikola’s sheepfold is growing
into a fort, the Paşa of Kanije sends two envoys to Nikola. The envoys
ask if the fort is being built on the orders of the Kaiser or by his own
initiative. Nikola responds that it is not worth the effort to ask for
permission to build, on his own property, a pen for livestock, so that if
the Kaiser’s cattle mix with those of Kanije they will not suffer any
harm. He warns the Paşa not to have any cattle on the fields of Kanije
because there will soon be large hounds protecting Nikola’s pen. When
the envoys ask why a cannon is positioned on a bastion, Nikola replies
that it is to shoot the wolves and bears that stalk the area.
The Paşa of Kanije sends a report to the High Porte, stating that the new
fort is not only a local threat but one that will hinder the Sultân’s
campaigns against Wien. In response, the High Porte orders the Paşa to
prevent the completion of the fort and to defend Kanije from Zrinski's
raids. The High Porte also submits a complaint to the Habsburg Court,
stating that Zrinski's new fort contravenes the terms of the peace
 18

agreement and demands that it be demolished. The complaint alleges

that the fort is built in a demilitarized area and is offensive rather than
defensive in nature.
After three bastions have been completed, Nikola receives an order
from King Leopold to stop construction and destroy half of the ramparts
but Nikola ignores the order and continues to strengthen the fort by
adding palanka (palisade with earth) walls, an artificial lake, and a
moat. On July 5, in a letter to the Imperial War Council [the letter
follows], Nikola explains his reasons for building the new fort, stating
that: Međimurje is threatened by Kanizsa, he cannot pay to man the
watchtowers between Legrad and Kotoriba, a flood has damaged
Legrad, and from the new fort he will be better able to protect the
region, including Styria, from enemy attacks. He adds that from the
fort he will be better able to harass the supply lines to Kanije, and, in
case of war, more easily attack the forts at Segesd, Berzence, Kanizsa,
and Szigetvár. Near the end of the letter, he writes: “I am available and
am able to shed the last drop of my blood for Christendom ... those who
think with empty heads I commend to the judgment of God.”
 19

Letter from Nikola VII Zrinski to the Council of War

To: The [Imperial] Court Council of War1

Legrad, July 5, 1661.

Your Excellencies!
Everything is quiet with the Türks and there are no reports of any
movement, that is why I cannot help but wonder from where Your
Excellencies received reports about the machinations of the Türks
and the preparations of the Paşa of Buda against me and my castle, of
which Your Excellencies warned against the construction of this
castle (fort). Engineer Wassenhoff also tried to do this when he
returned to me. I can see from these that Your Excellencies do not
have accurate information about the status of this matter. Therefore,
I respectfully request that you also examine my arguments more
thoroughly. If you do this, I am certain that you will not dissuade me
from this work, but will rather willingly help with advice and action.
The place itself, I cannot describe the suitability of its geographical
location in a letter, and Mr. Wassenhoff is better able to inform Your
Excellencies about this. From a military point of view, however, I can
say that the place is a shield or bastion of the entire Međimurje
(Muraköz), even the entire border region of Slavonia. From here
down along the Drava, whoever is the master of this mountain2 is the
master of the Muraköz and the two rivers; Mura and Drava. If the
Türks (as they want) capture this mountain, neither Koprivnica
(Kapronca) nor any other fort cab disturb them in the possession of
Slavonia.
The truth is that, for 60 years, no one has looked at this place, except
the current Paşa, who came here in the last month of May, with two
thousand people and personally examined everything most
thoroughly, and he would not have failed to occupy this place if I had
not preceded him in time. So that was the first reason why I could
not put it off. If the Paşa’s intention had not forced me to do so
anyway, of course I would have waited for a better opportunity.
But even if the Türk had not wanted to occupy that place, I should
still have taken possession of it for the following reasons:

1 Informal translation of a Hungarian translation of the letter written in Latin. Source

“Zrínyi Miklós összes művei”, edited by Sándor Iván Kovács, 2003.
2 Novi Zrin is not on a mountain but a hill that is only about 15 m above the river.
 20

1. Because the flooding of the Drava damaged Legrad so much

that many houses fell into the river, and the castle (fort) itself is
barely twenty feet from the river, I could not have been sure
whether, in a half year, the castle would not sink into the river.
Where could I have gone then, and where could I have moved the
castle, when there was no place at all which would have been safe
from the floods.
2. The place is so close to Legrad that a cannonball can reach
from there to here. In addition, since I have been staying in the
Muraköz, more than two hundred people have been abducted
from here, and from that hill, like a watchtower, you can see every
single person who goes to Legrad or Kotoriba, and can be caught
with impunity.
3. From Legrad to Kotoriba there are nine watchtowers (guard
posts), which I maintain partly at my own expense and partly by a
royal salary. But the payment comes so late, and so little, that it is
next to nothing. Therefore, I can no longer protect this line at my
own expense. That hill is a great saving for me, because it
replaces six watchtowers, and although more soldiers will be
needed here than in those six watchtowers, it is easier to maintain
soldiers here, because they are provided with vineyards, fields,
and everything necessary. However, the area around Legrad was
so devastated by the floods that many soldiers are thinking of
leaving.
4. If we suspect that war threatens, or at least peace as it has been
so far, or if the Türks attack Komárom (as they did a few years
ago), or if they want to cause trouble in other regions of the
country, I cannot take help anywhere, if even only five hundred
Türks invade this mountain. This is true even if they do not build
a fort here. Now, however, if I set my foot there, the path of the
Türkish retreat can be immediately blocked, even towards Styria
or wherever else they want to raid; so they dare not attack under
any circumstances.
5. If there were to be a war with the Türks, there is no other safe
place in the entire hinterland to accommodate an army than this,
from which Kanizsa, Berzence, Segesd and Szigetvár can be safely
attacked. I wish this place had been known when Kanizsa was
besieged! Germany and Italy would not remember Kanizsa so
mournfully now.
6. If this place, as I hope, is fully completed and the Imperial
Majesty gives only a little help, I can assure Your Excellencies,
Kanizsa will soon be in a difficult situation and many thousands of
Christians will be freed from the yoke of Türkish tyranny, Styria
 21

will be able to enjoy peace and tranquility without fear, even if

Kanizsa remains with the Türks.
7. If this castle is built, it [Styria] will never again be easily
attacked through Muraköz and Csáktornya.

These reasons drive me to build the castle (fort) and inspire every
good Christian who defends the Homeland and is a faithful servant of
the Emperor.
But, if there are objections and apparent obstacles, let's examine
them. Thus:
1. They say that the Türk will complain about the breach of the
peace, because it is included in the terms of the peace that no
more castles should be built.
2. The undertaking is obviously already late, because the Türk is
so much stronger than us that if he starts an attack here on the
basis of some pretext, we will definitely not be able to cope with
him.
3. Without His Majesty's knowledge, I should not have embarked
on this work.
I answer:
To the 1st: The Türks cannot complain at all. For, what is allowed
to him, can he reproach us? They built three or four castles (forts),
and they are also preparing to rebuild the castle at Behigat, which
was burned down by the Hungarians last year. In Croatia, they
built more castles than I did. And moreover, I, unlike them, am
not building this castle on Türkish territory, but almost on my
own property, barely ten steps from the Mura and only a cannon
shot from Legrad. After all, this place belonged to one of my
great-grandfather's inner men, who fell with him during the siege
of Szigetvár. I would like to add that a quarter of a mile from here
there was a small castle called Bajcsa,1 in which there was also a
garrison after the capture of Kanizsa, but it was abandoned due to
the unsuitable location. It is easy to show that it is the same
place.
For the 2nd: I deny that the Türks are stronger than us. I deny
that they were so presumptuous as to change all their plans for
just such a thing, to give up Erdély (Transylvania), to leave the

1 Bajcsavár was a palanka fort built in 1578, 8 km southwest of Kanizsa at the

expense of the Styrian estates. With a 500-man guard, it was one of the strongest
places in the area of Kanizsa. It was abandoned in 1590 due to structural defects.
 22

Venetians, and to come here with their whole army, just to avenge
the construction of this castle.
To the 3rd: I certainly do not deny that I should have informed
Your Majesties about this matter before I started, but the Paşa's
plan got in the way. I planned to send information to Your
Majesties at a more suitable date. Besides, I know that every good
subject is obliged to take care of such a nuisance (unpleasant
matter) himself and useful matters for the country, and not pass
them on to his master (lord). I was also guided in my actions by
trust and loyalty.
I now return to the letter of Your Excellencies. It is written that this
is why the Paşa of Buda started against me, but Your Excellency must
by no means believe this. I'm closer to this danger and I am more
vigilant to my troubles, but I have not heard anything about it yet.
However, if it does come, and if I receive no help from anyone, I will
still be willing to serve Christendom to the last drop of my blood, as
much as God allows me to know and do. And those who would leave
me alone in this useful enterprise out of abject fear, or even would
hinder me, I summon before the judgment seat of God and his
terrible judgment. If the engineer is no longer available to me, I will
send him back to Your Excellencies and continue the work as God has
inspired me.
I leave it to Your Excellencies to judge, what is better, since this work
must be done: to build this castle, well or badly, which is already half
finished, and cannot be stopped because the Türks, based on the
marked lines, would finish it in two weeks, and I could not tear it
down even if I wanted to, because the work has already progressed so
much. Rather, I await the grace and goodwill of Your Excellencies in
the matter of returning the engineer, who may be safely left with me
until Your Majesties give orders to the contrary.
May Your Excellencies for a long time live happily.
Dated in Legrad, July 5, 1661
 23

Completion of Novi Zrin

By early August, a large number of Osmanlı soldiers are massing at

Kanizsa for the goal of attacking and destroying Novi Zrin, which is still
being built, but reports state that the fort is already strong enough to
defend itself. After realizing that Novi Zrin can be taken only by a large
siege, the attack is cancelled.
By the start of September, reports arrive in Vienna that the Paşa of
Bosna has received orders from the High Porte to destroy Novi Zrin.
The War Council orders all Habsburg soldiers in Styria to immediately
move to the Croatian border, not only to protect the fort but to prevent
any attempt by the Osmanlıs to attack into Styria.
In the first week of October, Nikola Zrinski comes to Vienna and
informs the Kaiser about the status of Novi Zrin. He reports on the
progress being made in the construction and the provisioning of the fort
which will slow the progress of the enemy. The War Council begins
discussions on how to proceed.
On November 12, 1661, Carlo,1 Bishop of Aversa,
from Vienna, reports by letter to Rome that:
Letters of the 24th of October, from Edirne, yesterday evening were
brought by a fast courier, sent in diligence by the Imperial Resident,
giving an account to His Majesty that although the main vezirs of the
Porte threatened revenge and great resentment for the raids and
incursions made by general Souches within sight of Esztergom and
Buda. Nevertheless, the Grand Vezir declared that the Great Lord
(Sultan) wished to continue the peace, and that he would forget
about the alleged insults (offences), if His Majesty promptly returns
the four occupied forts in Erdély, no longer interferes in the affairs
of that principality, and immediately demolishes the fort, which the
Count of Zrinski has again built, not far from Kanije. Indeed there is
a rumour that an ağa is already on the way for this purpose.
But since similar proposals have always been rejected, I hold firm
that they will not be accepted now either. It is quite true that if the
peace between the two crowns were to be broken, as appearances
cause us to greatly fear, Your Majesty could in that case be forced to
make another resolution. This is what I must report to Your
Excellency while I remain with the utmost humility.

1Carlo Carafa della Spina (1611–1680) is a Roman Catholic cardinal,

Bishop of Aversa, 1644–1665, and Apostolic Nuncio to the Kaiser, 1658-1664.
 24

Of Your Eminence, humilmo divotmo servant obligo

Carlo, Bishop of Aversa.
By December, the ramparts with parapets of Novi Zrin are completed,
and cannons are positioned. Inside the fort, a courtyard, a stronghold
made of stone, 47 buildings for soldiers, several mills, stables, and a
pigsty have been completed. As a warning system, the fort is equipped
with a large horn into which air is blown by large blacksmith bellows.
When danger arises, the horn is sounded and soldiers must arrive
quickly at Novi Zrin or Legrad.
Above the main gate, Nikola places the coat of arms of the Zrinski
family with Nikola’s personal motto inscribed: Sors bona, nihil aliud
(Good fortune, nothing else). Above the coat of arms is inscribed: Nemo
me impune lacesset (No one attacks me with impunity). In Croatian, he
names the fort Novi Zrin1 (New Zrin), to commemorate the estate of
Zrin, from which the family took its name.2 Zrin was taken in
December of 1577, by Ferhad Beğ Sokolović3 (Sokollu), the Sançakbeğ of
Bosnia.
On Christmas Day of 1661, Nikola temporarily moves into the new fort
and sends a letter to the governor of Kanije, taunting him: “My wife is
now in Novi Zrin - the Paşa of Kanizsa may come to Novi Zrin, she will
give him a rubac (kerchief worn on head) and an apple.”

1 Zrinyiújvár (Zrinski’s New Castle) in Hungarian, Serinwar (Zrinski castle) in German.

2 Before 1347, the Šubić family name included de Breberio (of Breber, now Bribir)
because the Šubić family ancestral castle and lands were centred in Bribir, on the
Adriatic coast about 25 km north of modern-day Šibenik, in the province of
Dalmatia. In 1347, due to the growing Venetian threat to the Dalmatian coastline,
Magyar King Lajos I exchanged the family lands in Bribir for lands in Zrin. The
Šubić family moved and changed its name to Zrinski (of Zrin). In 1546, continuing
Osmanlı invasions forced the family to again move north from Zrin to Csáktornya
(Čakovec) but the name Zrinski remained.
3 Ferhad Beğ is a relative of Grand Vezir Sokollu Mehmet Paşa (1505-79), who
commanded the army at the siege of Szigetvár in 1566.
 25

1662: Raids from Novi Zrin

By January of 1662, it is clear to many that if Međimurje falls then

Slavonia will fall, and the Osmanlıs will have a direct route into Croatia,
and the provinces of the Habsburg Hereditary Lands: Steiermark
(Styria) and Krain (Carniola). The strongest supporters of Novi Zrin are
noble families with nearby estates, which are protected by the new fort.
On February 27, in Zagreb, the Sabor of Croatia meets and approves
support for Novi Zrin, and orders the local peasants of Križevci and
Varaždin to work to strengthen Novi Zrin. Also among his supporters
are the Venetians, who fear that if Međimurje falls, the Osmanlıs will
take Karlovac, and then easily attack Friuli, the region between the
Istrian Peninsula and Venice.
Eventually, Kaiser Leopold comes to see the value of Novi Zrin and
orders his generals to support Zrinski when needed. Hans Erasmus
Graf von Tattenbach, governor of Styria, orders General Walter Graf
von Leslie,1 Governor of the Croatian-Slavonian Military Frontier, to
keep his troops in readiness to help Zrinski if the Osmanlıs attack him.
As we already know, Nikola had often stated publicly that Novi Zrin is
defensive in nature but his true desire is to go on the offensive against
the Osmanlı occupation, using the fort as a launching point for his
attacks. Nikola, with his brother Petar, with soldiers from Novi Zrin
and Legrad, begin to attack and raid into Osmanlı occupied lands, going
as far as Kanije, defeating Osmanlı armies.
By February, the Zrinski brothers set off on a campaign, during which
they set fire to three Osmanlı trading towns and up to 27 villages, killing
many of the enemy.2 They return to Novi Zrin with many captives,
including severals ağas, much booty, and about 1,000 head of cattle. At
another time, Nikola, disguised as a serf, enters Kanije to pay a tax to
the defterdar (tax register). While there, he assesses the strength of the
place, leaves behind a mace, and later sends a letter letting the Paşa
know where to find it. Advisers in the Habsburg Court reproach Nikola
for his stubbornness and warn him not to provoke the Sultân.

1 Walter Leslie was born in 1606 or 1607 to a Scottish noble family from the Clan
Leslie. Walter traveled to Europe, became a mercenary, and by 1630 was in the
entourage of Habsburg generalissimo Albrecht von Wallenstein and, in 1634, was
involved in Wallenstein’s assassination. In 1637, he was ennobled as a Habsburg
Count. By 1650, he was appointed a field marshal and governor of the Military
Frontier, and in 1657, vice-president of the Imperial War Council.
2 Some stories say the Croats burned three strongholds and fifteen villages.
 26

Ali Paşa’s warning to Nikola VII Zrinski

Due to Hasan Paşa’s failure to stop Nikola’s completion of Novi Zrin, in

1662, the High Porte sends Ali Paşa back to Kanije to leverage his good
relationship with Nikola Zrinski. Upon his arrival, Ali Paşa writes a
letter to Nikola, asking him to cease in his activities, and warns him of
what will happen if he does not. After reading the letter, Nikola Zrinski
sends a copy to Kaiser Leopold and asks for help.
The letter written by Ali Paşa of Kanije1
to Count Nikola of Zrin, Ban of Croatia, May 24, 1662.
Friendship and greetings I offer you, to whom I am related,
a most excellent friend and soldier. May God grant us all health.
I, as a true friend and close kinsman (blood relative) of his, desire to
know how and what shape you are now in. As for me, praise be to
Allāh, I am well, and I wish the same for my dearest brother.
After I left the Generalate of Kanije, I received the dignity of a pașa
over Eger, Temesvár, Jenő and, beyond the sea, I held such a
principality that I would not exchange it for Buda nor any other
vezir. But our most powerful Sultan has received so many
complaints and lamentations against my brother that when they
arrived His Majesty deemed it necessary that I again come into your
neighbourhood. And behold, I have now come and seen the state of
his province, and indeed, as I passed by, I saw with the greatest pain
of my heart all that has been done by you in this Türkish province.
My dearest brother! Surely you are of that most ancient noble
lineage, but I do not know by whose design (advice) you built that
new castle of yours. Considering that God had placed at your
disposal so much as was sufficient for you, you could have avoided
the building of that castle, and so many complaints and tumults
would not have reached the High Porte and the entire kingdom. I
have also heard that you had captured and burned Szlatin (Zalatna)
with two other fortresses, but in this matter you have done little
harm to my Most Powerful Lord. You must know that you do not
have such power that you may resist our Most Powerful Emperor,
that when a kingdom is attacked, who can possibly stand against
him? I do not know. It will not be far from the same for you as you
see examples. Look at what was done to Jenő, to Várad, to the entire
Principality of Erdély. Where is Rákóczi now? Where is János

1 This is an informal translation to English, from Latin and German copies of the
letter, by the storyteller, using translation services by Bing, Google, and Yandex.
 27

Kemény? Where is Boğdan1 Beğ, who had given help to Rákóczi?

Where are they now? You know well, my dear brother, that no one
can resist the Türkish Caesar when he moves!
Those things which have been done by you would have sufficed, if
Kanije had remained yours, and Sziget your stronghold, and if the
Caesar of the Germans held court in Buda, then he would not have
been ashamed of your deeds. But you have burned down those
castles and erected a fortress against us, but though you have done
this, Kanije, Sziget, and Buda remain in your future;
Therefore I say, by my holy and true faith in Muhammad, that in this
way you gain nothing else other than that the power of Caesar
should move against you, whose army is now in readiness near
Temesvár and is only waiting for orders from me about what must
be done.
I confess, indeed, that it seems a disadvantage (burden) for our
Türkish subjects because, starting from Osijek to Buda and Kanije,
the whole of that province will be miserably devastated by the
coming army because the Tatars make no distinction between
tributaries and enemies. Why then does that whole province,
oppressed by you, nevertheless cry out for vengeance?
It would certainly would have been sufficient to do what you are
doing, if Rákóczi had defeated the Türkish army, and had himself
established his residence in Alba Graeca (Beograd). Of course you
imitate Rákóczi, who, if he had followed my advice, and not that of
flatterers, would now also have life and a kingdom. And, High Lord
(Esteemed Brother), you should take good notice about whose plans
you follow, for I will have to, reluctantly, move against you, and I am
afraid that you will have the same end that Rákóczi met with.
Yes, dearest brother! I want you to know that at Osijek I met with
the ambassadors of the Germans. They said that whatever Zrinski
does, the German Caesar knows nothing about this matter, nor does
he want to know. They affirm this everywhere, both in Buda and
elsewhere, and I swear to you, by the one True and Holy
Mohammedan Faith, that they say so, just as I write to you.
I wish you well, and this again I assert by the Türkish Faith of
Muhammad, that as I was your friend before, I now remain the
same, for indeed (Praise be to Allāh) I am not such a man that would
wish ill to any one, but I am faithful to the Most Invincible Emperor
(Sultân), and desirous of peace to you, as I walk in an upright life.

1 Boğdan is the Ottoman name for Moldova

 28

Therefore, since the most powerful Caesar (Sultân) has entrusted me

with all these things to do, and knowing well my duty, I will
faithfully write of everything I find in this place and what what
happens. Therefore, I expect from you an answer as soon as
possible.
To you, my esteemed brother, and to your beloved (blessed) wife, I
send a small gift there, and wish that you may be well.
The Vezir of the Most Powerful Türkish Emperor
on the borders of Kanije.
Ali Paşa.

[The letter in Latin and a German translation is included.]

 29

Political battles in the Imperial Court

During the political battles fought in Wien, opinions about Novi Zrin
often shift: when anti-Osmanlı voices prevail, Zrinski is supported, but
when opponents of war with the Osmanlıs prevail, orders are sent to
destroy the fort. Among Nikola’s opponents, the most vocal is
Habsburg General Raimondo Montecuccoli,1 from Modena by birth,
who holds much personal animosity for Nikola. Raimondo is an
intelligent and eloquent man, an ideal courtier. He is an expert in
military science, and, in the headquarters, highly capable in developing
strategic plans, but the Croats and Magyars have little respect for him
because the battlefield requires practicality and valour.
Since at least 1657, the rivalry between Nikola and Raimondo has
escalated from a war of words to antipathy. Raimondo looks down
scornfully on Nikola’s down-to-earth frontier nature and heroic deeds,
which he considers to be of little lasting value, and wishes that his rival
falls as did Rákóczy. Like other frontier soldiers, Nikola has no respect
for the Italian general, who is meticulous in analysis and planning but
lacks boldness. After the fall of Várad (Oradea), on August 27, 1660,
Nikola reports that Habsburg generals merely watched the siege rather
than attack the enemy and criticizes Raimondo for his lack of daring.
Nikola, in his stronghold, far from the debates in Wien, continues to
send his men on raids into Osmanlı lands, and complaints continue to
be sent by the High Porte to Kaiser Leopold I. Later, the Sultân offers to
destroy eight large Osmanlı forts if Novi Zrin is destroyed.
Kaiser Leopold I, who fears King Louis XIV more than he does Sultân
Mehmed IV, to appease the Sultân during peace negotiations, again
changes his mind and orders that Novi Zrin be destroyed but Zrinski
continues to strengthen it. More cannons are placed on the bastions,
bringing the total to 24, and the storehouses are filled with food, black
powder, and ammunition (cannon and musket balls).
At the Imperial Reichstag in Regensburg, Nikola Zrinski proposes a
plan by which Kanije will be retaken, followed by other places in
southwestern Hungary, primarily along the Drava, and the Osmanlı
occupation slowly pushed eastward. This plan is approved by the
League of the Rhine at the Imperial Reichstag.

1 Raimondo Montecuccoli, was born in 1609, in the Duchy of Modena and

Reggio. At age 16, he entered the army as a private and fought in the Thirty Years’
War. By 1632, he was a lieutenant-colonel of cavalry, in 1644, he was promoted
to lieutenant field marshal, and in 1661, tasked with the protection of Austria.
 30

Suzerainty over Erdély

On January 1, 1661, the Diet of Erdély elects pro-Habsburg János

Kemény as Prince of Erdély, and later, in April, the Diet proclaims
secession from the Ottoman Empire. Grand Vezir Mehmed Paşa,
desiring to muster his forces against the Venetians, seeking to avoid war
with the Habsburgs, sends a peace proposal to Wien. The Grand Vezir
offers that the Sultân will desist from actions against Royal Hungary, if
Kaiser Leopold recognizes Osmanlı ownership of Várad and other
recent conquests, destroys a new fort named Novi Zrin, ends his
support of Kemény, and supports the election of a new Prince for
Erdély. Though the conditions are difficult to bear, Leopold, afraid of
war, at the end of May, signs the secret accord.
Sultân Mehmed IV appoints Köse Ali Paşa as commander of a campaign
to restore, by force, Osmanlı suzerainty over Erdély. In June, Ali Paşa
invades the Székelyföld region of Erdély, defeats Kemény, who flees to
Royal Hungary, and then seeks a compliant prince but István Petky, Pál
Béldi, and István Lázár all refuse. As Crimean Tatars invade and raid
the region, pillaging the countryside, Ali Paşa asks Mihály Apafi, who
does not dare refuse. Apafi appears to be only ostensibly pro-Osmanlı
and has a true desire to protect the limited independence of Erdély.
By the end of August, János Kemény, supported by Habsburg general
Raimondo Montecuccoli, is on the border of Erdély. Kemény enters
Erdély but is soon deserted by Montecuccoli, who has received orders to
avoid engaging in battle. On September 14, 1661, under threat by Ali
Paşa, the Diet of Erdély elects Mihály Apafi as Prince of Erdély, even
though some nobles resist. Montecuccoli then marches away from
Erdély, leaving some soldiers in Habsburg forts. Kemény, unaware of
the secret Habsburg-Osmanlı accord, not realizing that he will not
receive Habsburg support, continues his effort to liberate Erdély, and
mobilizes regiments of Hungarian, Croatian, and German soldiers.
Grand Vezir Köprülü Mehmed Paşa dies on October 31, 1661, at 85
years of age, and is replaced by his 27-year-old son Köprülü Fâzıl (Wise)
Ahmed Paşa, who is the leader of the warhawks in the High Porte. Köse
Ali Paşa tasks Küçük (short) Mehmed Paşa, governor of Temeşvar, to
protect Mihály Apafi. On January 23, 1662, at a battle near Nagyszőllős
(Seleușul Mare), Mehmed Paşa defeats János Kemény’s army. During
the battle, Kemény is killed. Kemény’s severed head is later found in a
pile of heads and his sword and some belongings are found in a
Yeŋiçeri’s (Janissary’s) sack.
Later, to ensure that Mihály Apafi understands who is in control, Ali
Paşa invites Apafi to the castle of Várad (Oradea), where he
 31

ceremoniously adopts Apafi as his son. Ali Paşa then forces Apafi to
watch a gruesome spectacle during which about 30 captured soldiers,
who fought for Kemény in the Battle of Nagyszőllős, carry and display
468 severed heads, and then take the skins off the skulls, salt them, and
stuff them with hay. When the grim task is completed, the 30 soldiers
and their captain are beheaded on the spot.
Though Kemény was defeated, his followers do not give up the fight to
liberate Erdély. On February 16, 1662, a Diet is held and nobles decide
to continue, with German support, the war against the Osmanlıs.
Following the death of János Kemény, on January 23, 1662, his son
Simon wants to acquire the principality for himself. Though he does
not take any military action, he writes letters to nobles who oppose the
Osmanlıs, hoping to incite them to rebel against the occupying force.
The escalating desire for sovereignty in Erdély, and growing Habsburg
boldness in Hungary, worries the vezirs of the High Porte. Küçük
Mehmed Paşa learns of Simon Kemény’s letters and, on “Juny” 11, 1662,
in Cluj (Kolozsvár), writes a letter to Kemény, in which he states:
“Let it be known to you, little son of a great devil, with a devil’s soul,
half-dog, half-pig, that I received the doggish letter that you wrote
and I understand why you write to the nation of Erdél, to the poor
people. Know you that our Mighty Ruler [Mehmed IV], owner of
Erdél, can, by ancient right, appoint whomever he desires as Prince,
and he sent me here to Erdél to protect him against such a [creature
with a] devil's soul. You do not command in Erdél. First, let us
fight, and if you drive me out of the country, then you may
command. Do not threaten the serfs of our mighty Sultân with
burning and looting.
You, Kemény Simon! Your father was a great devil, who called the
German and Hungarian devils to him. I prayed to Allāh that we
could see each other face to face, and he heard my pleas. I sent your
father to hell, and you, the son of the great devil, I want to know
where you are. Even now, I beg Allāh, and I know he will hear my
pleas, that while I wait for you, you will come to me, because we
must see each other. But in the True Faith of the nation of the
Türks, one should not wait for such a devilish soul but must go
forward to it. May Allāh grant that, following your villain father, to
the devil in hell, I will send your head.
You will be a bad man if you do not wait for me. Do you not know
that your father tasted the sword of the warriors of our Mighty
Sultân, and if Allāh grants it, you will also. Reply to my letter and
wait. Allāh be with us.
 32

Nikola Zrinski’s letter to Montecuccoli

Between Zrinski and Montecuccoli, antipathy becomes animosity.

Montecuccoli, in 1662, after receiving much criticism for his inaction
during the campaign into Erdély the previous year, publishes an
anonymous pamphlet that is widely distributed, including among the
participants of an Imperial Reichstag held in Pozsony. Montecuccoli
states that he accomplished his objectives because János Kemény was
brought back to Erdély, and a military presence was established in the
principality. He blames the fall of Erdély on Kemény and the Magyars,
whom he calls cowardly and unreliable, stating that the army was in
disarray, Kemény’s tactics unprofessional, and his conduct of the battle
was disastrous. Montecuccoli claims that his lack of entering battle was
a strategic retreat from a fight that could not be won. He also accuses
the nobles of Erdély, who had rebelled against the Kaiser, of being inept
and useless in a fight against the Osmanlıs. He concludes with a litany
of criticisms against the Magyars who, he reports, met the German
troops with hostility. [Letter in Latin follows]
Nikola Zrinski, angered and embittered by Montecuccoli’s insults,
responds in an anonymous letter, by which he removes the laurels from
the triumphātor’s head. He writes mockingly:
Excellent leader,1
Since you consider yourself, and the whole army, to be worthy of
glory, nay of a triumphal procession, I beseech you, as I remember
the Roman custom that allowed the soldiers, to say to the
triumphant leader what they pleased, that I may enumerate some
things for you.
Thus, [I ask] did you repulse fifty thousand Türks beyond fifty
miles? Did you restore Kemény as prince? Have you put up new
defences? Did you save Erdély? Our Father (Wow)! These are great
deeds, indeed the greatest! But with the utterance of these lofty
words, does the glory end? Tell me, what benefit does Hungary have
from your campaign? Tell me, will you return to us the entirety of
Erdély, which you received whole (intact)? Did you restore Prince
Kemény of Erdély, to whom you promised faith and protection,
restore the happiness, peace, and abundance, which you drove out
by introducing your army and garrisons, and then triumph, and use
for yourself those three words: veni, vidi, vici (I came, I saw, I
conquered). And we gratefully and gladly call you Mars, Hercules,

1 This is an informal translation of an excerpt from the 1,700 word letter.

Due to the flowery eloquent nature of the writing, it is difficult to translate.
 33

generous father, who descends among us in a chariot from fragrant

India. But alas! We are deceived (beguiled), you philosophizer1: but
philosophers are wise only in speech, but in other matters of conduct
are most stupid (endlessly foolish).
You say that action cannot be exerted at a distance, and, indeed, if
you cannot heat the earth, like the sun from the heavens, you must
come closer. If you want to strangle the enemy by the throat, you
must not be far from him, but like the Moor, Regulus Barthol,
during the war between the Moors and the Spaniards, to a certain
Spaniard reproaching him for having a short sword, replied: “I will
make at least one longer step (one step closer)!” Likewise, you
should approach the enemy, if you wish to take glory from him.
You affirm that you entered in the month of August, if only you had
taken an omen from the name of the month, but not only did you
forget the name of August, indeed, subverting the order of your most
august Lord, of the name alone (when you have done no actions) you
swell with vain glory (puff yourself up in glory): certainly not
augustly, but you have dishonourably tarnished the fame of the
Christian name. Indeed you took a magnanimous journey, but you
returned ingloriously.
… [paragraphs from this long letter describing recent events are not
included in this translation]
Why do you vex your undeserving hosts, you cur (inferior dog,
man), coward against wolves? Why not turn your vain (having no
substance) threats, if you can, against me, who bites back.
- Horatius, Epodes 6: A cowardly libeller
Please do not go in a roundabout way, listing the mistakes made by
Rákóczy and Kemény so many times during the war, because it is
quite certain that they were punished for their mistakes; but at least
they gave a bright testimony of their patriotism and Christian zeal
with the shedding of their blood, and even with death itself…
So, these are your deeds, most invincible hero, but what was the
outcome of your brave fight? Hector leaves profaned, without any
injury, and for these deeds, you expect thanks to be paid by the
Hungarians?
… not even the lowest captain of the Hungarians will come forward
to you while things are not conducted with the reed (quill) in the
academy, but with swords and on the field. Lastly, what is the need
for words, let us see action.

1 Derogatory: One who creates superficial arguments, or impractical solutions.

 34

From the first page of Nikola VII Zrinski’s handwritten letter.

 35

Resources: Letters of interest

Letter of Montecuccoli against Zrinski

Scriptum Montecuculianum contra Zrinium. Respondetur

Calumniantibus, quibus, quod Arma Caesarea Anno retroacto
parum, aut nihil boni praestiterint, disseminare placet.
Montecuccoli’s letter against Zrinius. An answer is given to the
calumniators, who like to spread the word that the Caesarian
Arms have done little or no good since the previous year.

Plurimum studij acquiri credebat Exercitus Germanicus in

exquirendo Verba, quibus Encomia, honoresque publicos, sibi ab
Hungaris deferendos potuisset reponere, quando Laudes cum
Opprobrijs, ac Gratias sentit compensari cum Maledictionibus, et
haec Gratitudo sit Hungarica, pro eo, quod quinquaginta Turcarum
millia, trans Tibiscum omnia Ferro, Flammaque devastantium
Conatus averterit, et ultra quinquaginta milliaria repulerit, quod
Principem Kemény in Transylvaniam reduxerit, eundemque per
Immissionem Praesidiorum, ad despectum Turcae Principatui
restituerit, quod medio eorundem Praesidiorum Hungariam
superiorem vastissimo Propugnaculo obduxerit, quod tum Inimicos,
cum amicos Enses extra Regnum in partes Transylvaniae tulerit;
Quod denique haec omnia, et tamen juxta Opinionem horum
ingratorum Hominum nihil effecerit; Quod posuerit Praesidia, dico
quae Inimicus, licet ex propinquo saepe saepius minatus, nunquam
quid ausus aggredi, donec ab hoc Exercitu fuerunt protecta;
Praesidia, quae Do. Kemény Possessionem totius Transylvaniac
tradidissent, si ille rebus, et tempore scivisset, uti Praesidia, quae
contra omnes Hostiles Insultus in hanc horam fortiter tenent, non
obstante miserrima Clade Kemenyiana, non obstante
Transylvanorum ferme omnium Rebellione, et non obstante
longissima distantia, qua vix potuisset succursus ferri, juxta illud,
quod Actio non detur in distans. Enim Aero (igy) Superior Hungaria
omni benevolentia spreta, et posthabitis quibuscunque
Admonitionibus, ac Mandatis Suae Mattis nunquam voluit hospitari,
aut recipere Exercitum. Quibus accedit, quod Exercitus sub Initium
Mensis Augusti primum moverit, quod minima necessariorum
Provisio antecedenter facta non fuerit, quod dimidia Exercitus Pars
infirmabatur, nec locus deponendis aegrotis, qui in impedimento
 36

inexplicabili debuerunt trahi, designatus non fuerit, quod Hungari

trucidaverint, quotquot milites parumper a Corpore Exercitus
separatos deprehenderunt; Quod Equites Hungari dum iretur ad
Confinia Transylvaniae, non tantum nostris se non conjunxerint,
verum etiam Ducenti illi, et quinquaginta eatenus conscripti fuerint
revocati; Quod Copiae Kemenyianae fuerint male ordinatae, et
timore ob passas recenter Clades perfusae, nostris (sicut ipse
Kemény fassus est, et postmodum ipsa Experientia docuit) nihil
fiderint; Quod status Transylvaniae nulla promiserint Auxilia, quin
potius unitis Vocibus. postularunt, ut ne contra propriam eam
Voluntatem suppeditatac fuissent.
Fructus jam dictarum Operationum Mentibus ab omni Passione
alienis videbitur magnus, et respectu Circumstantiarum maximus,
verum tamen ars perfecta ab Artifice dignosci, sed Colores a Coeco
discerni non debent; Quis, quaeso horum Dominorum (paucos
excipio) intelligit rem militarem, paucos dico excipio, quia
Ecclesiasticos non offendero, si dixero illos non intelligere, id quod
eorum Professionis non est; Nec junioribus Dominis est
ignominiosum ignorare, quae nunquam didicerunt; Aliqui, qui
antehac in Bello serviverint, vix duos, aut tres Campiductus (per
brevem Terminum pro arte tam longa) egerunt; multi etiam levis
Armaturae militi, aut Croatis, qui ordinarie a Corpore Exercitus
sistere, et solummodo in Excursionibus adhiberi consveverunt,
saltem praefuerunt; Et quia talium Militum Duces ad Sanctiora Belli
Cousilia non vocantur, ideo penetrare non possunt, cur unum fiat,
alterum omittatur, et cur potius hoc, quam alio modo Bellum
geratur.
Transylvania tam magnos, et continuos perpessa est Belli motus, ut
merito in ea Capitanei expertissimi esse deberent, sed ubi
consideraverimus eorum Arma ducta, primum a Rakoczio in
Poloniam, inde prope Claudiopolim, postea Barczaio superato a
Kemény, denique ab ipso Kemény prope Segesvár videre erit, utrum
arte, aut casu sciverint bellare, juxta illud Romani: Qui secundos
optat exitus, dimicat arte, non casu. Bonus Princeps Kemény
profligaverat Abaffium ad quinquaginta milliaria ex loco, in quo eum
deprehenderat, omnia Fortalitia ille, et contra Abaffius nec unicum
tenebat, universi Status et Ordines ex Volubilitate naturali rediere
ad se, quin imo ipsam Civitatem Segesvariensem, in quam Abaffius
confugerat, ante adventum Auxilij Turcici poterat expugnare, sed
neglexit, poterat post Inimici Conjurationem factam, bonis modis
retrogredi, sed non fecit, poterat Acie bene composita Pugnam
attendere, sed ad Proditorum Suggestionem emisit Copias
pabulatum, et commoratus in Pago, ubi deinde invasus, mactatus, et
 37

divisus fuit. Quale per amorem Dei ex omnibus hisce actis apparet
Vestigium militaris prudentiae? Ergo ii Transylvani, qui in continuo
fuerunt, et sunt Annorum motu, adeo parum intelligant, quid de
remotioribus a Bello, qui nihilominus toti volunt esse Critici, et
vilipendere id, quod caeteroquin aliasque ad Astra extollerent, erit
sentiendum. Dicunt Dni Hungari, quod Bellum ex alia parte moveri,
quod Pugna institui, et Turca profligari debuisset, quod extra
Superioris Hungariae Confinia non fuisset eundum, et quod
Regnum Hungariae nullas Extorsiones, Violentias et Damna plurima
perpessum sit.
Respondetur primo ad Damna illata: Exercitum nec in Aëre stare,
nec Vento pasci, nec Regioni ubi commoratur ulli Commodo esse
posse, haec enim sunt Accidentia a Bello inseparabilia, praesertim
ubi Domus Annonariae non sunt, ubi necessitas pabulari cogit, ubi
nulla praecessit requisitorum Dispositio facta, ubi Incolae omnes
profugi, Domus eorum inanes reliquerunt; ubi insuper Tubae,
Tympanorumque sono sub Poena Capitis vetitum fuit, nulla
Animalia, aut Victualia vi ex Campo diripiendi, quod idem Regno,
Civitatibus et Transitibus omnibus intimatum, et omnes insolidum
scriptotenus commonefacti fuerunt, quatenus ipsimet hujus Decreti
vellent esse Executores, et non tantum quod abductum foret, pro se
accipere, sed et Contraventores ad manus Justitiae Militaris sistere
vellent Docebunt Prothocola Auditoratus Generalis unumquemque
qualiter per severissima reiterata Edicta semper prohibita,
antequam patrata fuerint mala, et quod Contraventores semper
rigorosissimas commissi Criminis Poenas luerint, sed et contrario
etiam docebunt, quod ex Centum Lamentationibus per Hungaros
factis vix una verificata est, Et quod ipsimet Hungari mille
Homicidia, Martyria, et Crudelitates contra milites Germanos
patrarint.
Quoad 2-dum videlicet, quod Bellum ex alia parte moveri debuisset,
semoveamus hanc questionem, cum enim noster discursus satis
fundetur super praeteritorum Certitudine operaepretium non est
futura Contingentia trutinare, et super iis Sermocinari, quin potius
certo supponamus, quod ille, qui habuit potestatem sie demandandi,
etiam cognoverit rationes, ob quas sic jusserit, sicuti autem Homines
in desiderijs eorum insatiabiles solent contemnere id, quod factum
fuit, et velle, quod non factum fuit, ita etiamsi Bellum ex alia parte
gestum fuisset, vellent, ut non fuisset ita actum : E contra quod fieri
necessum fuerit, ut non fuisset factum desiderant : Arma fuerunt
mota ad requisitionem Transylvanorum et Hungarorum, ut
Transylvaniae Suppetiae ferri possent, Succursus autem mediatus
fuit, at Exercitus recta in Transylvaniam tenderet, Frontemque
 38

Fronti Turcarum opponeret, successit porro juxta vota (dummodo

Vota rationabiliter concepta sint) fuit enim Turca repulsus, Kemény
Principatui restitutus,
Hungaria Superior, et Ditiones Suae Mattis patefactae, denique pes
adeo firme in Transylvania positus, ut hucusque nec Cubitus Terrae
amissus sit.
Quoad Conflictum, res est facillima dictu; sed ut bene discurramus,
opportet Vires, et Circumstantias aequiponderare, difficile enim
vincitur, qui vere potest de suis, et de Adversariis Copijs judicare,
ideoque talis, qui sine Locorum, Situum, Temporum,
Circumstantiarumque Consideratione ad Certamen voluisset
procedere, nimium foret praesumptuosus, ubi affectum Gloriae,
quem singuli nutriunt non continuavisset, omnis quidem Belli Dux
dissolutis habenis in aciem curreret, non considerando utrum
Victor, an victus foret, nam sortis qualitercunque jactae fama aut
bona, aut minus bona, semper manet immortalis, sed qui publicum
privato bono anteponit, et qui totus ab Ordinantijs majorum
dependet, nihil incipit absque jam dicta Directione. Domini
Generales Harczfeldt, et Gösz duplicata habuerunt mandata cum
Sveco penes Tankow) confligendi, priusquam fortunam tentassent.
Non est haec actio vilis quaedam Velitatio, ut quis proprio Instinctu
sine mandato Pugnam ineat, si usquam valet, in hoc genere maxime
valet ; Non licet bis peccare, et maxima est inveterata, quod boni
Duces publico Certamine nunquam, nisi ex Occasione, aut nimia
Necessitate confligant; Ast quae bona erat Occasio in nostro Casu?
pauci contra multos fatigati, et infirmi contra restauratos, et sanos
extenuati, et exhausti contra vigorosos, et fortes pertaesi, et Regno
exosi contra amatos, et fomentatos, nunquid sufficiebat brevissimo
temporis Spatio Centum quinquaginta milliaria confecisse, et
Inimico usque ad quinque, aut sex milliaria approximasse; Nunquid
Hostis ex Officiositate per 5 aut 6 milliaria debuisset obviam venire
illi, qui totus Sui Causa venerat, forsan debuissemus Inimicum in
proprio, et commodiori situ aggredi, forsan debuissemus per octo,
per unum diem, nec dico per horam processisse sine Victualibus et
Munitionibus, quibus Inimicus abundabat, et pridem
considerabilem Massam aggregaverat? forsan debuissemus absque
ulla Linea Cohoerentiac, absque Infirmorum receptaculo deportato,
absque omni Provisione, et quasi Summa Necessitate adacti, in
hostium Cuspides currere, et nos praecipitare? ubi nec tantum Loci,
temporis supererat, ut Situm, et Conditionem Castrorum Inimici
potuissemus Scrutari, forsan per medium Campi inter Claudiopolim
et Vásárhely Intervallo dissiti, ubi Inimicus degebat, debuissemus
transire, vel sistere ad Claudiopolim, ubi sistendo consumpsissemus
 39

nos ipsi ea Victualia, quae postea per novem Menses illud

praesidium intertenuerunt ; Et per consequens nosmetipsos hae
Occasione tam insiguem Arcem Barbarorum Inundationi parendi
privassemus, progrediendo vero ulterius nunquid ex proposito, et
propria sponte in Miseriarum, Penuriaeque Pelagum praecipites
ivissemus? Qui enim Frumentum, Necessariumque Commeatum
non praeparat, vincitur sine ferro. Ad haec posito quod ulterius
fuisset progrediendum, vel Claudiopoli debebat relinqui Praesidium,
vel non relinqui? Si relinqui, adminus 1500 Pedites erant necessarij,
et quo jure diminuendae Vires, quando est confligendum; si non
relinqui, quae post terga fuisset Securitas, qui tumultuantibus
Rusticis, et ipsi Civitati Claudiopolitanae jamjam Turcis dedendae
fiendum, dum fuisset, ubi aegroti. quorum tanta erat Copia, ut
Exercitus Xenodochio potius, quam Exercitui comparandus
videretur, deponendi; Eratne fortassis in Transylvanis, quod nec
unicus ad nos excipiendum comparuit, aut in Hungaris, qui retro
manserant, spes ponenda, si Confinia Superioris Hungariae non
erant excedenda, unde Exercitus integro Trimestri, quo stetit in
Transylvania, sumpsisset media videndi, quomodo Regnum
congregasset Messem et Vindemiam, quomodo Turca a Confinijs
avelli, quomodo Kemény stabiliri, et quomodo Praesidia
Transylvanica, velut Superioris Hungariae Antemurale, potuissent
constitui.
Hisce itaque sic stantibus, resolvant Dni Hungari 1-0 pro Exercitu
Germanico Stationes fixas, ut Vires, quae agere, aut succurrere
deberent, sint unitae, et in promptu. 2-0 Considerabilem Numerum
levis Armaturae, et bene disciplinati militis. 3-0 Domus tam
Annonarias, quam Armamentarias, et Hospitalis, quorum Victualia,
et Munitiones, pro temporis exigentia, et inutile infirmorum pondus
reponi possit. 4-0 Principaliores Civitates, et Loca praesidijs
muniant, quo Linea Communicationes fieri, quo temporis
opportunitas serviri, et occasio in fronte, ac ut ita dicam Capillis
apprehendi, ut nunc cum integro, nunc cum parte Exercitus, nune
recta, nunc per diversionem, nunc clam, nunc palam, nunc furtim
per Stratagemata, nunc per Excursiones, et semper cum Harmonia
possit agi; Et insuper res ita constituant, ut ne opus sit contra
propriam Occasionem, et contra propriam voluntatem, sed libere, et
juxta beneplacitum, cum Inimico quando debilis, et confusus esset,
dimicare, sic proinde fient Acies, et Pugnae, sic formabuntur
Obsidiones, et sic Progressus Belli tentabuntur per omnes Vias, et
modos, quos Occasio, et Artis Regulae demonstrabunt.
Hace ut putant Opere Gralis Montecuculi conscripta sunt sub Diaeta
Posoniensi et Loco Pasquilli divulgata Anno 1662.
 40

Letter by Nikola VII Zrinski to Raimondo Montecuccoli

Optime Dux.1
Cum itaque Te, totumque Exercitum Triumpho Dignum esse
existimas, imo triumphas, patiare quaeso, ut Ego Romanae
Consvetudinis memor, et Licentiae qua militibus permittebatur ut
triumphanti Duci ea, quae vellent, objicere possent, Tibi aliqua
possim enumerare.
Ergo quinquaginta millia Turcarum, ultra quinquaginta milliaria
repulisti, Principem Kemenyium restituisti? Nova Praesidia
posuisti? Transylvaniam conservasti? Pape! magna haec sunt, imo
vero maxima; sed saltem in ampullatis istis verbis haec finitur
gloria: Die mihi, quid utilitatis habet ex Tua Expeditione Hungaria?
dic, reddisne nobis integram Transylvaniam, quam certe integram
accepisti? redde Principem Kemenyium Transylvaniae, eui Fidem, et
Tutelam promisisti, redde Beatitudinem, Pacem, et abundantiam,
quam per tuum Exercitum, et Praesidia introducto expulisti, et tune
triumpha, et usurpa tibi tria illa verba: Veni, vidi, vici. Nos vero ultro
Te Martem, Te Herculem, et liberum Patrem, Qualis odoratis Curru
descendit ab Indis grato, et lubenti Animo compellabimus; Sed
eheu! Nos fallimur, Tu philosophans: atqui Philosophi solo sermone
sunt sapientes, coeterum in rebus agendis stultissimi; Dicis
Actionem non dari in distans, utique profecto si Tu instar Solis ex
Coelo Terras calefacere non potes, propius accedere debes, si
jugulare Inimicum vis, non stadijs ab illo procul esse debes, sed sicut
Maurus ille Regulus Barthol. rogat De Bello Maurorum, et
Hispanorum, cuidam Hispano exprobranti, quod brevem Gladium
haberet, respondit: uno saltem passu longiorem ipsum efficiam, ita
tu accedere parumper ad Inimicum debueras, si Gloriam ab illo
reportare desiderasti. Augusto Mense te intrasse affirmas, utinam ex
nomine mensis omen sumpsisses, sed Tu non solum Augusti mensis
oblitus, imo Augustissimi Tui Domini ordinem pervertens, solius
nominis (cum nullas Actiones feceris) Vana Gloria intumescis: Non
certe auguste, sed anguste famam Christiani nominis circumtulisti,
nam magnanimus quidem Iter arripuisti, sed inglorie redux factus
es, nec ire illuc debueras, si cum tanto dispendio Famae Christiani
Exercitus, nec evaginato Gladio redire debuisti, Turpe enim est
Belliduci dicere: non putabam. Quid ergo fecisti? Imposuisti in
Fortalitia Germanum militem, utique, sed si non imposuisses,
Credis ne Turcas illico abalienaturos fuisse, mihi saltem per

1 Latin source: “Hadtörténelmi közlemények: Hadtörténelmi Intézet és Múzeum

Folyóirata” Volume 3, compiled by Jenő Rónai-Horváth, 1890
 41

exemplum. argumentari placebit, quod si alia Fortalitia Turcae, in

quibus Praesidia Tua non erant, intacta Transylvanis reliquerunt,
nec quidem illa tria, si non Praesidiata fuissent, occupaturos fuisse.
In militem Kemenyianum inveheris acerbissime, quod
Calamitatibus attriti timore panico confusi omnes fuerint, Credam
hoc tibi libenter, sed si altius harum Calamitatum Originem
deducere voluerimus, non in illos miseros Culpam redundari
videbis, sed ab altiori forte illa decurrunt, quando Deus permittit, ut
plectantur Achivi. Quaero nunc ex te Dux inclyte, quale pro tali
timida militia remedium adhiberi debeat? Ego saltem sic credo,
quod hic Rhodus, hic saltus sit, egregij Ducis vigor debet illis
martiales spiritus infundere. Petrus Matthaei in Vita Henrici 4.
Regis Galliarum Illius virtus debet ad instar Facis ardentis esse,
quae Centum alias absque sui defectu illuminare potest, et talem Te
ibi requirebam, saltem nifallor probare illos debueras, antequam
tam temerarie de illis judicares, sed cum illos nec alicubi in Actione
videris, quomodo Tibi credi desideras? dicis illis multo pauciores
fuisse, quam Turcas, imo fuerunt ; sed video, quod Tu ex
Arithmetica Bella geras, et pauciorem numerum infallibiliter majori
cedere credis: Ast non talis olim fuit Epaminondas, audi, quid suo
militi Hostium multitudinem exaggeranti respondit. Plutarchus in
Vita Principum : Ego vero Paucitatem meorum supplebo.
Quia vero per totum Panegyricum tuum celare non potuisti odium,
quod contra totam nationem Hungaricam habes, multam Iguaviam
de illa falsissime effutiendo. Ades dum Generose, si Cor habes,
unum aliquem ex Hungaris alloquere, ut audiaris, et responsum
habeas, relinque nationem, quae laudes suas in tutum recipit
Sed quin immerentes Hospites vexas. Canis
Ignavus, adversum Lupos, quin huc immanis
Verte minas, et remorsurum pete. (Horatius)
Dicis non haberi in Hungaria Belliduces, imo nec Capitaneos, qui
Sanctiora Arcana Belli sciant, qui multorum Annorum habeant
Experientiam, qui denique Artem militarem perfecta calleant. Finge
haec tibi omnia concedi; At vero tibi nihil Gloriae accederet, si alii
inertes erunt, et tu ignavus sis, certe harum rerum Comparatione,
quas tu praeterito Anno fecisti, nec Hungaria, nec Hungarus
quisquam vilescet; Quod enim floridissimum Exercitum ad manus
acceperis, et illum ad nihilum redegeris, quod plus Amicos, quam
Inimicos vexaveris, quod toti Regno deplorabilem Tui memoriam
reliqueris, quod tot Centena millia Animarum in Captivitatem
Turcarum abducta siccis oculis, et siccis Gladijs (qui tamen ad
defensionem nostram ordinati fuerint) aspexeris, quid minus
 42

expectari potuit a Vilissimo quodam Carnido? equidem non

inficiabor paucos nunc Hungaros esse, qui illem exactam Belli
Scientiam habeat, quae pro uno magno Belliduce requireretur. Hoc
tamen te assecurare omnino volo, quod nullus Confiniarius in
Hungaria Generalis sit, imo nee Capitaneus, qui hunc florentem
Exercitum, quem Tu habebas tibi commissum, tam ignave perire
permisisset, sed si omnino pereundum fuisset, saltem cum duplici
ruina Inimici perijsset. Non scimus equidem Hungari Artem Bellum
procrastinandi, Inimicum impune grassari permittendi, Amicis, et
Confoederatis non succurrendi, Patriam magis quam Exercitum
destruendi, Pecunias in Bello corradendi; si ista Sanctiora Arcana
Belli esse dicis, profecto nihil scimus. Sed nec haec olim sciverunt
nostri Kinisi, Báthori, Hunyadi, illi tamen pro conservata Patria, pro
liberata Christianitate, ejecto Ottomano divi (?) jacent. Et nos, qui
Posteritas illoruin sumus, Laudes eorum nihil agendo non
macularemus, nec Patriam ignave amitteremus, si nobis vel tantilla
pars agendi concederetur. Dico itaque, quod etsi Disciplina Militaris
(siquidem nostri Culpa) ex Hungaria exulavit, tamen restituere illam
facillimo Negotio omnino mihi persvadeo, si aliquis Dux
Maguanimus Hungarico Exercitui praefigatur; Etenim nec Lucullus
Romanus alicujus Experientiae fuit, antequam applicaretur, sed
immediate evasit, quamprimum ad Exercitum venit, sic unus
quisque bonorum Hungarorum si non in illum praeclarissimum
Belliducem, sicut Alexander magnus fuit, evadere poterit, saltem ad
defendendam Patriam suam, quae psi magis cordi est, quam
cuiquam extraneo, aptus erit.
Ne divagare quaeso, multum Errores Belli, qui per Rakoczium, pr
Kemenyium commissi sunt, enumerando, certum est enim illos
suorum Errorum Poenas luisse; Illi tamen Amorem Patriae, Zelum
Christianum, quem in Corde habebant, sangvinis effusione, et morte
ipsa luculenter contestati sunt, Tu vero magno Documento Nobis
ostendisti Frigiditatem Tuam, et Zelum Christianae Compassionis eo
saltem tempore non calefieri posse, quando Vituli volaturi sunt.
Rakoczium non tueor, ille per ambitionis Praecipitia in ultimam
Desperationem devenit, ostentans illud Homericum esse verum:
Jupiter quem perdere vult, dementat. Si tamen ipse Princeps, ut
praeceps fuerit, egregie adjutus fuisset, non illa Desperatione res
Hungara, imo Christiana nunc jaceret, nec Varadinum tot
Sanctorum Regum Sepulchrum et tanta Coronae nostrae Gloria sub
Turcico jugo gemeret, nec Manes Sanctissimorum Regum
nostrorum ignominiosissimam Captivitatem paterentur.
Ad Kemenyium quod attinet, illumne adjutum, et restitutum esse
dicis, cujus nunc Liberi, et Uxor miserabilis luget, quem
 43

Transylvania simul cum omnibus Bonis Christianis amissum (et

quidem per te amissum) plorat, sane si haec restitutio, et auxilium
est, nullus a te unquam adjuvari petet; Dedisti ipsi duo Millia
Militum Tuorum, sed ad quid Exercitus totus tibi datus est, si opera
tam paucorum efficere hoc te sperabas; Tu tamen tuam Culpam
Kemenyio attribuis, et omnes Hungaros imbelles esse asseveras; sed
siquidem ingrato Judice Causa Nostra perit, (Lucanus) contra tuum
Judicium merito excipiemus; Dicat autem Europa, si Ungaria ignava
est, quae nullum diem unquam videt absque suorum sangvinis
effusione, nulla Famillia est, quae aliquem ex suis non deploret,
denique quae a Ducentis jam Aunis toti Potentiae Ottomannicae per
se sola resistit, et quae unum Palmum Terrae nunquam sine
sangvine Turcis cessit, post Nos sicut sub scuto Ajacis Diomedes,
tota Christianitas latet, et quod secure vivat, Nobis imputare debet.
Coeterum omnes Hungaros errare dicis, qui de tuis Actionibus nihil
judicare sciunt; Ego autem me recordor aliquando legisse, quod plus
sapit interdum Populus, quia tantum, quantum opus est, sapit,
saltem hoc certe cognoscere poterunt, quod ad ardentem
Hungariam Tu non aquam, sed oleum attulisti, pro Schola
Auditoratus Tui certe nihil te excusabant, si quis spoliatam
Hungariam Jumentis, et tua Castra repleta fuisse considerabit.
Ab Hungaris objici tibi dicis, Bellum tibi ex alia parte fuisse
gerendum, et confligendum, ego credo, quod per hoc non peccant,
quod meliora Vota tuis Actionibus habeant, Tu quidem illa discutis
per solitam fluxibilitatem Vulgi, quae semper aliud quam fit
desiderat. Et profecto bene dicis, nam etsi ad aliam partem movisses
Bellum, si et illinc taliter administrasses, tunc nec ibi Vota
Hungarorum substitissent. Magnifice etiam de Pugna Discurris, sed
tantas difficultates, et circumspectiones annectis, quas si olim
Belliduces, et nostri Hungari semper observassent, nec Hungariam
unquam obtinuissent, nec eam obtentam tanto tempore
defendissent, sed postquam haec Arcana Scientiarum ratio
nunquam pugnandi intravit. amisimus tam magnam Partem
Hungariae.
Te quidem incolumem Generalem ad feliciora tempora reservatum
habemus, proinde et tibi Respublica Gratias agere deberet instar
Romanorum, qui Paulo Emilio effugienti congratulati sunt, et tunc
quidem ita esse potest, quod vir fugiens pugnabit iterum. (Titus
Livius Ecclesiasticus) Generalium Hatzfeld, et Gösz recordaris, et
laudas, quod pluries ipsis erat commissum, et data ordinatio,
antequam pugnassent, sed Ego tibi gloriosiora Exempla
commemorabor, nec ullum Ungarorum tamen nominare volo:
Aspice Gebhardum ab Ausperg, qui gloriosissime in Croatiae
 44

Confinijs, licet infeliciter cum Turcis conflixit, et Suam Animam

Deo, famam vero aeternae Memoriae Hungarorum consecravit;
Respice Mansfeldios, Schvarczenburgios, Tieffenpachios, qui una
cum, et pro Hungaris pugnaverunt, et si etiam saltem unius Veris (?)
Aves fuerint, aeternum tamen sui nominis desiderium duraturum
reliquerunt.
Nos quidem nec tuam Celeritatem improbamus, etenim Centum
quinquaginta Milliaria percursa enarras, cui si bonum exitum
adjunxisses, et Inimicum debellasses, Julio te certe Caesari
compararemus, qui Pharnacem solo nominis fulgore attrivit;
(Comment. Caesar.) Sed heus me! Secus tibi accidit, nam tu
postquam Inimicum attigisti, stas attonitus oblitus Officij tui, et
Expectationis, quam mundus de te conceperat, et non insulse
quispiam attribuerit illud, quod de Vitellio olim scriptum erat: Tanta
torpedo invaserat Animum, ut si Principem eum coeteri non
nominassent, ipse oblivisceretur. (Cornelius Tacitus)
Et haec sunt tua facta Invictissime Heros, sed tamen Eventus
Vestrae fortissimae Pugnae quis fuit? Hector abit violatus Vulnere
nullo, et propter haec facta, expectas tibi Gratias rependi ab
Hungaris; Redde quod ipsis immeritissime detrahis, et ingratos illos
nominas Avis, Avium ingratissima. (Ex Metamor. Ovid. in Contin.
Ajacis, et Ulissis.) Scias porro, quod et illa omnia haberemus, quae
Tu ad obteutionem Victoriae recenses, non tamen a quopiam Tu
deliberareris, dum minimus Colonellus Germanus vel Italus in
mundo superesset, namque memoriam tuam immortalem effecisti.
Non erit in memoria Stulti similiter insipientis par obitus, memoriae
dispar. Sed nec minimus Capitaneus Hungarorum Tibi cessurus
erit, dum non Calamis, et in Academia, sed Gladiis, et in Campo res
geruntur. Denique quid verbis opus est, spectemur agendo.
Dixi.
 45

Letter sent by Ali Paşa to Nikola VII Zrinski

The letter written by Aly Bassa of Canisius

to Count Nicholas of Zrin, Ban of Croatia, May 24, 1662.

Latin version1

Amicitiam et salutem offero tibi, illme dñe agnate, sicut amico et militi
praestantissimo. Deus det nobis omnibus sanitatem.
Ego V. dom. illmae amicus fidelis et consanguineus desidero scire,
quomodo et qualiter valeas; ego quidem, deo laudes sint, bene valeo , et
tibi hoc idem desidero sicut fratri charissimo. Postquam ego ex meo
Canisiensi generalatu discesseram, fui Bassa in Eges, Temeswar, Jenno
et ultra mare tenui talem principatum, quem nec cum Budensi nec cum
ullo vizeriorum commutassem;sed quia ad potentissimum meum
imperatorem tot quaerelae et lamentationes contra dom. vram ilmam
venerunt, visum est suae maiestati, ut ego iterum huc in vestram
vicinitatem veniam: et ecce iam veni et vidi provinciae istius statum et
quidem transeundo cum maximo meo cordis dolore vidi omnia, quae
acta sunt per te in Turcica provincia. Mi charissime domine frater!
certe tu es ex antiquissima illa prosapia, sed nescio cuius consilio
aedificasti tuam novam illam arcem. Cum deus tantum dedisset sub
tuam dispositionem, quantum tibi sufficeret, aedificationem illius arcis
omisisse poteras, non tantae quaerelae et tumultus ad Portam
ottomanicam et totum regnum pervenissent. Audivi etiam, quod
Szlatinam cum duobus aliis fortalitiis caepisses et combussisses; sed hac
re potentissimo meo domino parum damni fecisti; scis etenim ipsemet,
non te habere tantum potentiae, ut tu potentissimo imperatori resistas,
qu quando aliquod regnum aggreditur, quis illi obstare potes?
Ego nescio, non tibi procul eundem est ut quaeras exempla, vide
quomodo actum est cum Jenno, cum Varad, et cum toto regno
Transylvaniae. Ubi nunc Rakozy? ubi Kemeni Janus ? ubi Bogdan Begh,
qui Rakoczy auxilium dederat, ubi sunt isti? Scis bene, charissime
frater! quod caesari Turcico nemo resistere potest, quando
commovetur. Suffecisset illa, quae per te acta sunt, si tua iam Canisa
fuisset et Szighet arx , et Budae Germanicus caesar habitaret , tunc

1 Latin source: “Vetera Monumenta Slavorum Meridionalium historiam illustrantia

maximam partem nondum edita ex tabulariis Vaticanis deprompta et collecta”, vol.
2, 1524– 1800, by Augustin Theiner, Zagreb, 1875. p .164.
 46

tuorum actorum nec ipsummet puderet. Quod vero illas arces exussisti,
fortalitium novum aedifificasti cum hoc tamen non efficisti, quod
Canisa, Szighet et Buda tua futura sint. Propterea dico per meam
sanctam et veram Mahumeti fidem, quod tu tali modo nihil aliud
lucraris, quam ut caesaris potentia contra te moveatur, quae et apud
Temesvar in promptu est, et ille exercitus a me ordinem expectat, et ut
nuntiem illis quidnam debeam facere; fateor quidem incommodum
Turcis videri, quod ab Essek incipiendo Budam et Canisam usque tota
illa provincia ab exercitu veniente devastabitur, quia Tartarus nec
tributarii nec inimici differentiam facit, quid inde nam et sic illa tota
provincia a te oppressa vindictam clamat? Sufficeret profecto illa
facere, quae facis, si Rakoczy Turcicum exercitum profligasset, et ipse in
Alba Graeca suam residentiam constituisset. Imitaris sane Rakoczium,
qui, si consilium meum et non adulatorum secutus fuisset, nunc quoque
vitam et regnum haberet. Et V. dom. illma nunc bene advertat, cuius
consilia sequatur; nam mihi et invito contra te eundum erit, et timeo
quod illum finem, quem Rakoczy, habiturus sis. Etiam, charissime
frater! volo te scire, quod apud Esseck Germanis illis legatis obvius
factus fuerim. Illi dicunt, quod quicquid Zrinius facit, de hac re
Germanicus caesar nihil scit, nec scire vult; hoc illi ubique affirmant, et
Budae et alibi, et iuro tibi per fidem Mahumetanam veram et sanctam,
quod sic illi dicant, sicut tibi scribo. Ego tibi bene desidero, et hoc
iterum per Turcicam Mahumeti fidem assevero, quod sicut tibi amicus
prius fui, nunc quaque idem sum. Etenim (deo laudes) non talis vir
sum, qui alicui male desiderare deberem, sed invictissimi imperatoris
fidelis et tibi pacem desiderans sum, et in vita recta incedo. Itaque
siquidem potentissimus caesar mihi omnia ista agenda commisit, ego
sincere illa omnia, sicut hic invenio, et quae ago, ipsi perscribam; quare
quam citissime a te responsum expecto. Tibi, illme frater et tuae
dilectissimae uxori aliquod parvum munus illuc mitto et sitis sani.
Potentissimi Turcarum imperatoris confinium canisiensium vezer:
Aly Bassà.
 47

German translation1

Hochgebohrner Graf, Freundlicher lieber Anverwandter!

Demselben, als einem guten Freund und vortreflichen Soldaten,
entbiethe hiemit nächst beständiger Freundschaft meinen Gruß, auch
sonsten alles Liebs und Gutes, den höchsten Gott bittend, daß er uns
alle bey Leibs Gesundheit erhalten wolle. Mich, als desselben
versicherten wahren Freund, und nahen Bluts-Verwandten verlanget
heftig zu wissen, wie und welcher Gestalt er sich anjetzo auch befinde.
Mich Belangend gehet es mir (Gott lob) noch zimlich wohl, und winsche
demselben, als einem herzlieben Bruder deßgleichen.
Nachdem ich das Canisische Generalat verlassen, habe ich die
Würdigkeit eines Bassa über Eger, Temesvár, Jenno und jenseits deß
Meers bekommen, eine solche Herrlichkeit, die ich weder mit des von
Ofen, noch eines andern Veziers hätte verwechseln wollen. Dieweilen
aber bey meinem großmächtigsten Käyser so viel und mancherley
Klagen wieder den Herrn Bruder eingekommen, haben Seine Majestät
für nothwendig angesehen, mich wiederum in diese eure Landes-
Gegend zu befördern; Gestalt ich mich dann auch, alß er siehet,
darinnen eingefunden, umb zu sehen, in was für einem Stand sich diese
Provinz anjetzo (anitzo) befinde, da ich dann leyder! beym Durch-
Marsch (Durchzug), mit meines Hertzens gröstem Schmertzen ansehen
müssen, wie erbärmlich er in unserm Türckischen Gebieth gehauset.
Zwar ich muß bekennen, daß er aus einem sehr alten guten und
fürnhmen (vornehmen) Geschlecht entsproffen: Kann aber nicht
wissen, aus wessen Rath und Angeben er seine neue Vestung aufbauen
Dörffen, angesehen, daß ihme Gött so viel gegeben, damit er sich bes
gnügen, und also diesen unnöhtigen Vestungs-Bau wohl hätte
unterwegen lassen können, auf daß nicht so vieler Klagen, Geschreys,
und Seufzen der Ottomanischen Pforten, und der ganzen Türckischen
Regierung waren vorgetragen worden wären. So ist auch selber mir zu
Ohren kommen, daß er sich Zalatna bemächtiget, und solches neben
noch zwey andern vesten Plätzen mit Feuer verbrennt habe. Aber er
soll wissen, daß hiedurch meinem großmächtigsten Käyser ein geringer
Schade geschehen.
Dann ihm nicht unbewust seyn kann, daß es ihm für sich an der Macht,
einem so gewaltigen Herrn, wie der unserige, zu wiederstehen, noch gar
weit fehle, welcher wann er einiges Land, Herrschaft oder Königreich

1 “Historicae Relationis Semestralis Continuatio: Jacobi Franci Historische

Beschreibung der denckwürdigsten Geschichten, so sich in Europa …”,
Sigismundi Latoni, 1663.
 48

mit Heeres Kraft überziehen will, wer solte wol vermögen, ihme ein
solches zu verwehren?
Sicher und gewiß, mir ist mit seinem Schaden und Verderben wenig
gedtenet, habe auch keinen Verlangen darnach, aus wessen Geheiß und
Antrieb aber er solche Feindthätigkeit unternommen, davon ist mir
noch zur Zeit nichts bewust. Will er dessen, was ich the hie sage.
Exempel und Zeugnüß haben? So darf er nicht weit gehen: er spiegle
sich an Jenes, Wardein, und dem ganzen Fürstenthum Siebenbürgen.
Wo ist jetzund der Rakoczi? wo Kemény János? Wo der Bugdan Beeg?
wo sage ich, sind sie nun? der Herr Bruder weiß an sich selbsten, daß
unserem großmächtigsten Türckischen Käyser, wann er sich mit Ernst
reget, niemand wiederstehen mag. Es wäre was der Herr Bruder
dießmal ausgerichtet, mehr als genug gethan gewesen, wann er Canisa
und die Vestung Szigeth unter seiner Macht gehabt hätte : ja wann
gleich euer Teutscher Käyser gar zu Ofen Hof gehalten, würde er sich
doch dessen, was dießmal durch ihm geschehen, nicht zu schämen
haben. Doch wiewol er gedachten Platz in die Aschen gestelle (geleget),
und bemeldte Vestung wider uns aufgerichtet, wird er doch Canisa,
Szigeth und Ofen wohl müßen bleiben lassen; darum sage ich bey
meinem heiligen und wahren Glauben, daß er damit anders nichts
gewinnet, als daß er dadurch ihm unsers großmächtigsten Kays sers
Kriegs-Macht und Waffen über den Halß zieht, dessen Heer anjetzo bey
Temesvár in Bereitschaft stehet, und wartet nur auf meine Ordre, was
es zuthun, oder zulassen habe.
Ich muß zwar gestehen, daß es unseren Türkischen Unterthanen fast
beschwerlich vorkommen wird, weil das ganze Land von Essek an, bis
an Ofen und Canisa, durch den vorhabenden Marsch elendiglich dörfte
zugerichtet werden, sintemahlen die Tartaren zwischen denen
Gehuldigten, und dem Feind selbsten geringen, und wohl keinen
Unterscheid zu machen pflegen. Was hilfts aber! Das gantze Land,
welches er so kläglich getruckt, schreyet gleichwol um Rach. Genug
wäre es gewesen, ein solches zu thun wann Rakoczy die Türkische
Armee durch eine offene Schlacht aus dem Feld geschlagen, und seinen
Stuhl zu Grichisch - Weißenburg bevestiget hätte. Denselben habe ich
sicherlich auch mehrmalen für Unglück treulich gewarnet, und dafern
er meinen Rath mehr, als der Schmeichler und Fuchsschwänzer gefolget
hätte, lebte er zweifelsohne noch, und fässe in guter Ruhe, darum siehe
mein Hochgeehrter Herr Bruder wohl zu, weme er nunmehr zu folgen
habe, denn ich muß, obwohl ungern, für dißmahl meinen Marsch (Zug)
auf ihn zunehmen, und besorge ich, wenn es je geschehen sollte, es
dörfte ihme, wie dem Rakoczy, auch ergehen.
So thue dem Herrn Bruder ich noch ferner zuwissen, daß ich unter wegs
auf die Teutsche Käyserl. Gesandten bey Essek gestossen, welche sagen
 49

ihr Käyser wüste das geringste nicht, oder wolle nicht wissen, was er
von Serin mache, und dieses bejahen sie allenthalben, auch zu Ofen,
und anderswo. Und schwöre (schwere) ich ihm bey unserem
Mahometischen wahren heiligen Glauben, daß dem also, wie ich allhie
schreis be. Auch gonne ich ihm, so wahr als ich ein ehrlicher Türk bin,
alles Gutes, und gleichwie ich jederzeit fein guter Freund gewesen, also
bin und verbleibe ich derfelbe noch, denn ich bin (Gott sey Lob) kein
solcher Mann, daß ich jemanden was Ubels oder widriges wünschen
sollte, sondern ich wünsche unsern unüberwindlichen Käyser, dessen
getreuer Diener ich bin, und dem Herrn Bruder einen guten und
beständigen Frieden.
Dieweil ich denn von unserm Großmächtigsten Sultan zu diesem Zug
(Marsch) beordert (befehlicht) bin, und wohl weiß, was mir zu thun
oblieget, so will demselben von allem, wie ichs der Orten finden werde,
und was vorgehen wird, getreulich Nachricht (parte) geben. Erwarte
derhalben von ihm mit dem allerbaldesten eine Wiederantwort, und
übersende hiemit meinem Hochgeehrten Herrn Bruder, und seiner
gelichten Gemahlin ein geringes praesent (Geschenk), denen beyden ich
beständige Gesundheit wünsche.
Gegeben den 24 May 1662.
Des Großmächtigsten Türkischen Käysers
auf denen Canisischen Gränzen Vesier, Ali-Bassa.
Uberschrifte: An den Grafen von Serin
 50

Sources

Books

“As Only True Men Can: Nikola Zrinski's Last Stand at Sziget”,
by Željko Zidarić, 2019.
“Der Islam: Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kultur des islamischen
Orients”, Volume 8, by Carl Heinrich Becker, 1918.
“Eszterházy Pál: Mars Hungaricusa” by Zsigmond Bubics, 1895.
“Evliya Çelebi seyahatnamesi”, original by Derviş Mehmed Zillî, edited
by Mümin Çevik, 1984.
“Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches: grossentheils aus bisher
unbenützten Handschriften und Archiven”, Book 3: 1623-1699,
by Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall, 1840.
“Gróf Zrinyi Miklós 1620-1664”, Volume 4, Karoly Szechy, 1900.
“Hadtörténelmi közlemények: Hadtörténelmi Intézet és Múzeum
Folyóirata” Volume 3, compiled by Jenő Rónai-Horváth, 1890
“Historija: 1520-1576”, by İbrahim Peçevi,
translation of “Tarih-i Peçevi”, by Fehim Nametak, 2000.
“History of the Present State of the Ottoman Empire”,
by Paul Rycaut, 1678.
“The History of the Turkish empire from the year 1623 to the year 1677
containing the reigns of the three last emperours…”, by P. Rycaut, 1680.
“Hrvatska povijest” (Croatian History), by Ferdo Šišić, 1908.
“Kratka uputa u prošlost Bosne i Hercegovine, od g. 1463-1850” (A brief
introduction to the past of Bosnia and Herzegovina, from 1463-1850),
by Safvet-beg Bašagić, 1900.
"Krieg und Sieg in Ungarn. Die Ungarnfeldzüge des Grosswesirs
Köprülüzâde Fâzil Ahmed Pascha 1663 und 1664” nach den ”Kleinodien
der Historien” seines Siegelbewahrers Hasan Aga." Translated and
explained by Erich Prokosch, 1976.
“Ottoman Warfare, 1500-1700”, by Rhoads Murphey, 2006
“Posljednji Zrinski i Frankopani” (The lask Zrinskis and Frankopans),
by Vjekoslav Klaić, 1908.
 51

“Poviest hrvatska: od godine 1526-1848” (Croatian history: from the

year 1526 to 1848), by Tadija Smičiklas, 1879.
“Történelmi tár: évnegyedes folyóirat”, Budapest, 1887
“Zrinyi Miklós és Montecuccoli Raymond”, by Pauler Gyula, 1867.
“Zrínyi Miklós válogatott levelei”, by Nikola Zrinski, Sándor Bene,
Gábor Hausner, Judit Nyerges, 1997.
“Zrínyi-Újvár emlékezete” (Memory of Novi Zrin), editted by Gábor
Hausner and József Padányi, 2012.

Articles

“Die Festung Novi Zrin im Europäischen Kontext (1661-1664)”, by Dr.

Dragutin Feletar and Hrvoje Petrić, in journal “Koprivnica” volume 1,
number 1, February 2002.
“Gróf Zrínyi Miklós horvát bán téli hadjárata 1663–4-ben”, by
IstvánBerkeszi, in journal “Századok”, Volume 20, 1886.
“La politique ottomane de Léopold Ier dans les premières années
de son règne (1657-1665)”, by Jean Bérenger, in the book “La bataille de
Saint Gotthard et la paix de Vasvár” edited by Ferenc Tóth 2017.
“Legradska Kapetanija u obrani of Osmanlıja s posebnim osvrtom na
Novi Zrin” by Dragutin Feletar, in journal “Rad Hrvatske akademije
znanosti i umjetnosti. Razred za društvene znanosti”, No. 510, 2011.
“Miklós Zrínyi’s Efforts in Strengthening the Military Defences of
Međimurje, Hungary”, by József Padányi and József Ondrék, in the
journal “International Journal of Historical Archaeology (2023)”
“Novi Zrin: Simbol otpora Hrvata i karizme Zrinski”, by Dragutin
Feletar, in journal “Podravski zbornik”, No. 19/20, 1993. pages 43-52.
‘Novi Zrin u svjetlu izvora i istraživanja terena”, by Gábor Hausner,
Lajos Négyesi, and József Padányi, in book “Susreti Dviju Kultura:
Obitelj Zrinski u hrvatskoj”, edited by Romana Horvat, 2012.
“Őrházak a Mura mentén. A Muraköz épített védelme a Zrínyiek
korában” (Guardhouses along the Mura. The built protection of
Muraköz in the age of the Zrinskis), by Ferenc Végh, in book “Zrínyi
Miklós és öröksége”, edited by Gábor Hausner, 2022.
 52

“The composition, tactics and strategy of the Ottoman field army at

Zrínyiújvár and St. Gotthard (1663–1664)”, by Özgür Kolçak, in the
book “La bataille de Saint Gotthard et la paix de Vasvár” edited by
Ferenc Tóth 2017.
“The stronghold of New Serinwar, Novi Zrin/Zrínyi-Újvár (1661–
1664)”, by Hrvoje Petrić, in the book “Militia et Litterae: Die beiden
Niklaus Zrìnyi und Europa”, 2009.
“Značenje Zrinskog Legrada i Novog Zrina u obrani od Osmanlıja” by
Dragutin Feletar, in the book “Susreti Dviju Kultura: Obitelj Zrinski u
hrvatskoj”, edited by Romana Horvat, 2012.
“Zrínyi Újvár építése és pusztulása. Zrínyi-Újvár emlékezete”,
(Construction and destruction of Zrinski’s new fort), by György
Domokos, in the book “Zrínyi-Újvár emlékezete” (Memory of Zrínyi-
Újvár), edited by Hausner Gábor and Padányi József, 2012.