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MANKIW
Tenth Edition
Essentials of
ECONOMICS
ECONOMICS
N. GREGORY MANKIW
Essentials of
Tenth
Edition
Essentials of Economics:
a Guided Tour
Introduction
1 Ten Principles of Economics The study of economics is guided by a few big ideas.
2 Thinking Like an Economist Economists view the world as both scientists and policymakers.
3 Interdependence and the Gains from Trade The theory of comparative advantage explains how people
benefit from economic interdependence.
How Markets Work
4 The Market Forces of Supply and Demand

How does the economy coordinate interdependent economic
5 Elasticity and Its Application actors? Through the market forces of supply and demand.
6 Supply, Demand, and Government Policies The tools of supply and demand are put to work to examine
the effects of various government policies.
Markets and Welfare
7 Consumers, Producers, and the Efficiency

of Markets Why is the equilibrium of supply and demand desirable for
society as a whole? The concepts of consumer and producer
8 Application: The Costs of Taxation surplus explain the efficiency of markets, the costs of taxation,
and the benefits of international trade.
9 Application: International Trade
The Economics of the Public Sector
10 Externalities
Market outcomes are not always efficient, and governments
11 Public Goods and Common Resources can sometimes remedy market failure.
Firm Behavior and the Organization of Industry
12 The Costs of Production The theory of the firm sheds light on the decisions that lie
behind supply in competitive markets.
13 Firms in Competitive Markets
14 Monopoly Firms with market power can cause market outcomes

to be inefficient.
The Data of Macroeconomics
15 Measuring a Nation’s Income The overall quantity of production and the overall price level
16 Measuring the Cost of Living are used to monitor developments in the economy as a whole.
The Real Economy in the Long Run
17 Production and Growth
18 Saving, Investment, and the Financial System These chapters describe the forces that in the long run determine
key real variables, including GDP growth, saving, investment,
19 The Basic Tools of Finance real interest rates, and unemployment.
20 Unemployment
Money and Prices in the Long Run
21 The Monetary System The monetary system is crucial in determining the long-run
behavior of the price level, the inflation rate, and other
22 Money Growth and Inflation nominal variables.
Short-Run Economic Fluctuations
23 Aggregate Demand and Aggregate Supply The model of aggregate demand and aggregate supply explains
short-run economic fluctuations, the short-run effects of
24 The Influence of Monetary and Fiscal Policy monetary and fiscal policy, and the short-run linkage between
on Aggregate Demand real and nominal variables.
Suggestions for
Summer Reading
If you enjoyed the economics course that
you just finished, you might like to read more
about economic issues in the following books.
Abhijit V. Banerjee and Esther Duflo Mihir Desai

Good Economics for Hard Times The Wisdom of Finance: Discovering Humanity in the
(New York: PublicAffairs, 2019) World of Risk and Return
Two prominent economists—winners of the Nobel prize in (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2017)
2019—offer their ideas about how to build a better world. A charming look at how the insights of finance inform our lives.
Yoram Bauman and Grady Klein William Easterly

The Cartoon Introduction to Economics The Tyranny of Experts: Economists, Dictators, and the
(New York: Hill and Wang, 2010) Forgotten Rights of the Poor
Basic economic principles, with humor. (New York: Basic Books, 2013)
A former World Bank economist examines the many attempts

Bryan Caplan to help the world’s poorest nations and why these attempts have
often failed.
The Myth of the Rational Voter: Why Democracies
Choose Bad Policies
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008)
Milton Friedman
Capitalism and Freedom
An economist asks why elected leaders often fail to follow the
policies that economists recommend. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962)
One of the most important economists of the 20th century

Kimberly Clausing argues that society should rely less on the government and more
on the free market.
Open: The Progressive Case for Free Trade,
Immigration, and Global Capital
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2019)
Robert L. Heilbroner
The Worldly Philosophers
An economist explains why Americans benefit from interacting
(New York: Touchstone, 1953, revised 1999)
with the rest of the world.
A classic introduction to the lives, times, and ideas of the great
Avinash K. Dixit and Barry J. Nalebuff economic thinkers, including Adam Smith, David Ricardo, and
John Maynard Keynes.
The Art of Strategy: A Game Theorist’s Guide to Success
in Business and Life
(New York: Norton, 2008)
Steven E. Landsburg
The Armchair Economist: Economics and Everyday Life
This introduction to game theory discusses how all people—
(New York: Free Press, 2012)
from arrested criminals to corporate executives—should, and
do, make strategic decisions. Why does popcorn cost so much at movie theaters? Steven
Landsburg discusses this and other puzzles of economic life.
Steven D. Levitt and Stephen J. Dubner John McMillan
Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Reinventing the Bazaar: A Natural History of Markets
Side of Everything (New York: Norton, 2002)
(New York: Morrow, 2005) A deep and nuanced, yet still very readable, analysis of how
Economic principles and clever data analysis applied to a wide society can make the best use of market mechanisms.
range of offbeat topics, including drug dealing, online dating,
and sumo wrestling. Branko Milanovic
Capitalism, Alone: The Future of the System that Rules
Roger Lowenstein the World
America’s Bank: The Epic Struggle to Create the Federal (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2019)
Reserve
A look at how capitalism manifests itself in different ways in
(New York: Penguin Press, 2015) different countries.
A history of the founding of one of the most important
policymaking institutions in the United States. Sendhil Mullainathan and Eldar Shafir
Scarcity: Why Having Too Little Means So Much
Annie Lowrey (New York: Times Books, 2013)
Give People Money: How a Universal Basic Income
An economist and psychologist team up to examine the causes
Would End Poverty, Revolutionize Work, and Remake and consequences of our limited cognitive abilities.
the World
(New York: Crown, 2018)
Sylvia Nasar
The case for a substantial rethinking of the social safety net.
Grand Pursuit: The Story of Economic Genius
(New York: Simon and Schuster, 2011)
Burton G. Malkiel
A sweeping narrative that tells the story of economic discovery.
A Random Walk Down Wall Street: The Time-Tested
Strategy for Successful Investing
(New York: Norton, 2019)
William D. Nordhaus
The Spirit of Green: The Economics of Collisions and
This introduction to stocks, bonds, and financial economics is
Contagions in a Crowded World
not a “get rich quick” book, but it might help you get rich slowly.
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2021)
Deirdre McCloskey and Art Carden The 2018 Nobel laureate in economics examines how to best
address critical externalities, such as the carbon emissions that
Leave Me Alone and I’ll Make You Rich: How the lead to global climate change.
Bourgeois Deal Enriched the World
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020)
Roger W. Spencer and David A. Macpherson
An overview of economic history that asks why most modern Lives of the Laureates
societies have, over the past two centuries, escaped the grinding
(Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2014)
poverty that previously characterized most of human existence.
Twenty-three winners of the Nobel Prize in Economics offer
autobiographical essays about their lives and work.
Tenth Edition
Essentials of
ECONOMICS
N. GREGORY MANKIW
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
Australia ● Brazil ● Mexico ● Singapore ● United Kingdom ● United States
23166_FM_ptg01.indd 1 01/10/22 9:34 AM

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Printed in the United States of America

Print Number: 01 Print Year: 2023
23166_FM_ptg01.indd 2 01/10/22 9:34 AM

To Catherine, Nicholas, and Peter,
my other contributions to the next generation
23166_FM_ptg01.indd 3 01/10/22 9:34 AM

About
the Author
N. Gregory Mankiw is the Robert M. Beren Professor
of Economics at Harvard University. As a student, he
studied economics at Princeton University and MIT. As
a teacher, he has taught macroeconomics, microeconom-
ics, statistics, and principles of economics. He even spent
one summer long ago as a sailing instructor on Long
Beach Island.
Professor Mankiw is a prolific writer and regular
participant in academic and policy debates. His work
has been published in scholarly journals such as the
American Economic Review, Journal of Political Economy,
and Quarterly Journal of Economics and in more popu-
lar forums, such as the New York Times and The Wall
Street Journal. He is also the author of the best-selling
JORDI CABRÉ
intermediate-level textbook Macroeconomics (Worth

Publishers).
In addition to his teaching, research, and writing,
Professor Mankiw has been a research associate of the
National Bureau of Economic Research, a member of
the Brookings Panel on Economic Activity, an adviser
to the Congressional Budget Office and the Federal
Reserve Banks of Boston and New York, a trustee of the
Urban Institute and the Economic Club of New York,
and a member of the ETS test development committee
for the Advanced Placement exam in economics. From
2003 to 2005, he served as chairman of the President’s
Council of Economic Advisers.
iv
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Preface: To
the Instructor
D
uring my 20-year career as a student, the course that excited me most was
the two-semester sequence on the principles of economics that I took during
my first year in college. It is no exaggeration to say that it changed my life.
I had grown up in a family that often discussed politics over the dinner table.
The pros and cons of various solutions to society’s problems generated fervent
debate. But in school, I had been drawn to the sciences. While politics seemed vague,
rambling, and subjective, science was analytic, systematic, and objective. Political
debate continued without end, but scientific research made progress.
My freshman course on the principles of economics opened my eyes to a new
way of thinking. Economics combines the virtues of politics and science. It is, truly,
a social science. Its subject matter is society—how people choose to lead their lives
and how they interact with one another—but it approaches the subject with the
dispassion of a science. By bringing the methods of science to the questions of
politics, economics aims to make progress on the challenges that all societies face.
I wrote this book with the hope that I could convey some of the excitement about
economics that I felt as a student in my first economics course. Economics is a subject
in which a little knowledge goes a long way. (The same cannot be said, for instance,
of the study of physics or the Chinese language.) Economists have a unique world-
view, much of which can be taught in one or two semesters. My goal in this book
is to transmit this way of thinking to the widest possible audience and to convince
readers that it illuminates much about their lives and the world around them.
I believe that everyone should study the fundamental ideas that economics has
to offer. One purpose of general education is to teach people about the world and
thereby make them better citizens. The study of economics, as much as any disci-
pline, serves this goal. Writing an economics textbook is, therefore, a great honor
and a great responsibility. It is one way that economists can help promote better
government and a more prosperous future. As the great economist Paul Samuelson
put it, “I don’t care who writes a nation’s laws, or crafts its advanced treaties, if I
can write its economics textbooks.”
What’s New in the Tenth Edition?

Economics aims to understand the world in which we live. Most chapters of this
book include Case Studies that illustrate how the principles of economics can be
applied. In the News boxes offer excerpts from newspapers, magazines, and online
news sources to show how economic ideas shed light on current issues facing soci-
ety. After students finish their first course in economics, they should think about
news reports from a new perspective and with greater insight. To keep the study of
economics fresh and relevant for each new cohort of students, I update each edition
to keep pace with the ever-changing world.
23166_FM_ptg01.indd 5 01/10/22 9:34 AM

vi Preface: To the Instructor
The new applications in this tenth edition are too numerous to list in their entirety,
but here is a sample of the topics covered (and the chapters in which they appear):
• Shortages during the coronavirus pandemic renewed the debate over

whether it is fair for businesses to increase prices during a crisis. (Chapter 4)
• The future of the ride-share market hinges on the elasticities of supply and
demand. (Chapter 5)
• The minimum wage remains a contentious topic. (Chapter 6)
• A carbon tax is a versatile tool to combat global climate change. (Chapter 10)
• Putting a price on road use gets renewed attention as the United States
embarks on building new infrastructure. (Chapter 11)
• The Biden administration looked to expand the scope of antitrust policy.
(Chapter 14)
• Research has shed light on how the aftermath of the slave trade affects mod-
ern Africa. (Chapter 17)
• The four-decade decline in real interest rates is puzzling. (Chapter 18)
• Women are generally better investors than men. (Chapter 19)
• New research has examined the use of efficiency wages. (Chapter 20)
• The recession caused by the coronavirus pandemic was unusual in several
ways. (Chapter 23)
As always, I have carefully gone through every chapter to refine the book’s
coverage and pedagogy. There are numerous changes, large and small, to ensure
that the book is clear, accurate, and up-to-date.
All the changes that I made, and the many others that I considered, were evalu-
ated in light of the benefits of brevity. Like most things studied in economics, a
student’s time is a scarce resource. I always keep in mind a dictum from the novel-
ist Robertson Davies: “One of the most important things about writing is to boil it
down and not bore the hell out of everybody.”
How Is This Book Organized?

This book is organized to make economics as student-friendly as possible. What
follows is a whirlwind tour, which will, I hope, give instructors some sense of how
the pieces fit together.
Introductory Material
Chapter 1, “Ten Principles of Economics,” introduces students to the economist’s
view of the world. It previews the big ideas that recur in economics, such as oppor-
tunity cost, marginal decision making, the role of incentives, the gains from trade,
and the efficiency of market allocations. Throughout the book, I refer regularly to
the Ten Principles of Economics in Chapter 1 to remind students that these ideas
are the foundation for all economics.
Chapter 2, “Thinking Like an Economist,” examines how economists approach
their subject. It discusses the role of assumptions in developing a theory and intro-
duces the concept of an economic model. It also explores the role of economists in
making policy. This chapter’s appendix offers a brief refresher course on how graphs
are used as well as how they can be abused.
Chapter 3, “Interdependence and the Gains from Trade,” presents the theory
of comparative advantage. This theory explains why individuals trade with their
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Preface: To the Instructor vii
neighbors and why nations trade with other nations. Much of economics is about
how market forces coordinate many individual production and consumption deci-
sions. As a starting point for this analysis, students see in this chapter why special-
ization, interdependence, and trade can benefit everyone.
The Fundamental Tools of Supply and Demand

The next three chapters introduce the basic tools of supply and demand. Chapter 4,
“The Market Forces of Supply and Demand,” develops the supply curve, the
demand curve, and the notion of market equilibrium. Chapter 5, “Elasticity and
Its Application,” introduces the concept of elasticity and uses it to analyze events
in three different markets. Chapter 6, “Supply, Demand, and Government Policies,”
uses these tools to examine price controls, such as rent-control and minimum-wage
laws, and tax incidence.
Chapter 7, “Consumers, Producers, and the Efficiency of Markets,” extends the
analysis of supply and demand using the concepts of consumer surplus and pro-
ducer surplus. It begins by developing the link between consumers’ willingness to
pay and the demand curve and the link between producers’ costs of production
and the supply curve. It then shows that the market equilibrium maximizes the
sum of the producer and consumer surplus. Thus, students learn early about the
efficiency of market allocations.
The next two chapters apply the concepts of producer and consumer surplus
to policy questions. Chapter 8, “Application: The Costs of Taxation,” shows why
taxation results in deadweight losses and what determines the size of those losses.
Chapter 9, “Application: International Trade,” considers who wins and who loses
from international trade and presents the debate over protectionist trade policies.
More Microeconomics
Having examined why market allocations are often desirable, the book then considers
how the government can sometimes improve on them. Chapter 10, “Externalities,”
explains how external effects such as pollution can render market outcomes inef-
ficient and discusses the possible public and private solutions to those inefficiencies.
Chapter 11, “Public Goods and Common Resources,” considers the problems that
arise when goods, such as national defense, have no market price.
The next three chapters examine firm behavior and industrial organization.
Chapter 12, “The Costs of Production,” discusses what to include in a firm’s costs,
and it introduces cost curves. Chapter 13, “Firms in Competitive Markets,” analyzes
the behavior of price-taking firms and derives the market supply curve. Chapter 14,
“Monopoly,” discusses the behavior of a firm that is the sole seller in its market. It
examines the inefficiency of monopoly pricing, the possible policy responses, and
the attempts by monopolies to price discriminate.
Macroeconomics
My overall approach to teaching macroeconomics is to examine the economy in
the long run (when prices are flexible) before examining the economy in the short
run (when prices are sticky). I believe that this organization simplifies learning
macroeconomics for several reasons. First, the classical assumption of price flex-
ibility is more closely linked to the basic lessons of supply and demand, which
students have already mastered. Second, the classical dichotomy allows the study
of the long run to be broken up into several easily digested pieces. Third, because
the business cycle represents a transitory deviation from the economy’s long-run
23166_FM_ptg01.indd 7 01/10/22 9:34 AM

viii Preface: To the Instructor
growth path, studying the transitory deviations is more natural after the long-run
equilibrium is understood. Fourth, the macroeconomic theory of the long run is
less controversial among economists than is the macroeconomic theory of the short
run. For these reasons, most upper-level courses in macroeconomics now follow
this long-run-before-short-run approach; my goal is to offer introductory students
the same advantage.
I start the coverage of macroeconomics with issues of measurement. Chapter 15,
“Measuring a Nation’s Income,” discusses the meaning of gross domestic product
and related statistics from the national income accounts. Chapter 16, “Measuring the
Cost of Living,” examines the measurement and use of the consumer price index.
The next four chapters describe the behavior of the real economy in the long
run. Chapter 17, “Production and Growth,” examines the determinants of the large
variation in living standards over time and across countries. Chapter 18, “Saving,
Investment, and the Financial System,” discusses the types of financial institutions
in our economy and examines their role in allocating resources. Chapter 19, “The
Basic Tools of Finance,” introduces present value, risk management, and asset pric-
ing. Chapter 20, “Unemployment,” considers the long-run determinants of the
unemployment rate, including job search, minimum-wage laws, the market power
of unions, and efficiency wages.
Having described the long-run behavior of the real economy, the book then turns
to the long-run behavior of money and prices. Chapter 21, “The Monetary System,”
introduces the economist’s concept of money and the role of the central bank in
controlling the quantity of money. Chapter 22, “Money Growth and Inflation,” devel-
ops the classical theory of inflation and discusses the costs that inflation imposes
on a society.
After developing the long-run theory of the economy in Chapters 17 through
22, the book turns to explaining short-run fluctuations around the long-run trend.
Chapter 23, “Aggregate Demand and Aggregate Supply,” begins with some facts
about the business cycle and then introduces the model of aggregate demand and
aggregate supply. Chapter 24, “The Influence of Monetary and Fiscal Policy on
Aggregate Demand,” explains how policymakers can use the tools at their disposal
to shift the aggregate-demand curve and perhaps reduce the severity of economic
fluctuations.
Learning Tools
The purpose of this book is to help students learn the fundamental lessons of eco-
nomics and to show how they can apply these lessons to their lives and the world
in which they live. Toward that end, I have used various learning tools that recur
throughout the book.
Case Studies
Economic theory is useful and interesting only if it can be applied to understanding
actual events and policies. This book, therefore, contains numerous case studies that
apply the theory that has just been developed.
In the News Boxes

One benefit that students gain from studying economics is a new perspective and
greater understanding of news from around the world. To highlight this benefit, I have
included excerpts from many newspaper and magazine articles, some of which are
23166_FM_ptg01.indd 8 01/10/22 9:34 AM

Preface: To the Instructor ix
opinion columns written by prominent economists. These articles, together with my

brief introductions, show how basic economic theory can be applied. Most of these
boxes are new to this edition. Each news article ends with “Questions to Discuss,”
which can be used to start a dialogue in the classroom.
FYI Boxes
These boxes provide additional material “for your information.” Some of them offer
a glimpse into the history of economic thought. Others clarify technical issues. Still
others discuss supplementary topics that instructors might choose to either discuss
or skip in their lectures.
Ask the Experts Boxes

This feature summarizes results from the IGM Economic Experts Panel, an ongo-
ing survey of several dozen prominent economists. Every few weeks, these
experts are offered a statement and then asked whether they agree with it,
disagree with it, or are uncertain about it. The survey results appear in the
chapters near the coverage of the relevant topic. They give students a sense of
when economists are united, when they are divided, and when they just don’t
know what to think.
Definitions of Key Concepts

When key concepts are introduced in the chapter, they are presented in blue type-
face. In addition, their definitions are placed in the margins. This treatment should
aid students in learning and reviewing the material.
Quick Quizzes
After each major section in a chapter, students are offered a brief multiple-choice
Quick Quiz to check their comprehension of what they have just learned. If students
cannot readily answer these quizzes, they should stop and review the material before
continuing. The answers to all Quick Quizzes are available at the end of each chapter.
Chapter in a Nutshell
Each chapter concludes with a brief summary that reminds students of the most
important lessons they have learned. Later in their study, it offers an efficient way
to review for exams.
List of Key Concepts

A list of key concepts at the end of each chapter offers students a way to test their
understanding of the new terms that have been introduced. Page references are
included, so students can review the terms they do not understand.
Questions for Review

Located at the end of each chapter, questions for review cover the chapter’s pri-
mary lessons. Students can use these questions to check their comprehension and
prepare for exams.
Problems and Applications

Each chapter also contains a variety of problems and applications that ask students to
apply the material they have learned. Some instructors may use these questions for home-
work assignments. Others may use them as a starting point for classroom discussions.
23166_FM_ptg01.indd 9 01/10/22 9:34 AM

x Preface: To the Instructor
Alternative Versions of the Book

The book you are now holding is one of five versions of this text that are available
for introducing students to economics. Cengage and I offer this menu of books
because instructors differ in how much time they have and what topics they choose
to cover. Here is a brief description of each:
• Principles of Economics. This complete version of the book contains all 38

chapters. It is designed for two-semester introductory courses that cover both
microeconomics and macroeconomics.
• Principles of Microeconomics. This version contains 24 chapters and is designed
for one-semester courses in introductory microeconomics.
• Principles of Macroeconomics. This version contains 24 chapters and is
designed for one-semester courses in introductory macroeconomics. It con-
tains a full development of the theory of supply and demand.
• Brief Principles of Macroeconomics. This shortened macro version of 19 chapters
contains only one chapter on the basics of supply and demand. It is designed for
instructors who want to jump to the core topics of macroeconomics more quickly.
• Essentials of Economics. This version of the book contains 24 chapters. It is
designed for one-semester survey courses that cover the basics of both micro-
economics and macroeconomics.
Table 1 shows which chapters are included in each book. Instructors who want more
information about these alternative versions should contact their local Cengage
representative.
Supplements
Cengage offers various supplements for instructors and students who use this book.
These resources make teaching the principles of economics easy for the instructor
and learning them easy for the student. David R. Hakes of the University of Northern
Iowa, a dedicated teacher and economist, supervised the development of the supple-
ments for this edition. A complete list of available supplements follows this Preface.
Optional Online Chapter on the Keynesian Cross

I have written a brief chapter on the Keynesian Cross (sometimes called the income-
expenditure model) that complements the material on aggregate demand and aggre-
gate supply. Instructors who want to teach this model can add this chapter to their
students’ e-books for no additional cost.
Translations and Adaptations

I am delighted that versions of this book are (or will soon be) available in many of
the world’s languages. Currently scheduled translations include Azeri, Chinese (in
both standard and simplified characters), Croatian, Czech, Dutch, French, Georgian,
German, Greek, Indonesian, Italian, Japanese, Korean, Macedonian, Montenegrin,
Portuguese, Romanian, Russian, Serbian, and Spanish. In addition, adaptations of
the book for Australian, Canadian, European, and New Zealand students are also
available. Instructors who would like more information about these books should
contact Cengage.
23166_FM_ptg01.indd 10 01/10/22 9:34 AM

Preface: To the Instructor xi
Table 1
The Five Versions of This Book
Brief
Principles of Principles of Principles of Essentials of
Principles of
Chapters Economics Microeconomics Macroeconomics
Macroeconomics
Economics
Ten Principles of Economics 1 1 1 1 1

Thinking Like an Economist 2 2 2 2 2
Interdependence and the Gains from Trade 3 3 3 3 3
The Market Forces of Supply and Demand 4 4 4 4 4
Elasticity and Its Application 5 5 5 5
Supply, Demand, and Government Policies 6 6 6 6
Consumers, Producers, and the Efficiency of Markets 7 7 7 7
Application: The Costs of Taxation 8 8 8 8
Application: International Trade 9 9 9 9
Externalities 10 10 10
Public Goods and Common Resources 11 11 11
The Economics of Healthcare 12 12
The Design of the Tax System 13 13
The Costs of Production 14 14 12
Firms in Competitive Markets 15 15 13
Monopoly 16 16 14
Monopolistic Competition 17 17
Oligopoly 18 18
The Markets for the Factors of Production 19 19
Earnings and Discrimination 20 20
Income Inequality and Poverty 21 21
The Theory of Consumer Choice 22 22
Frontiers of Microeconomics 23 23
Measuring a Nation’s Income 24 10 5 15
Measuring the Cost of Living 25 11 6 16
Production and Growth 26 12 7 17
Saving, Investment, and the Financial System 27 13 8 18
The Basic Tools of Finance 28 14 9 19
Unemployment 29 15 10 20
The Monetary System 30 16 11 21
Money Growth and Inflation 31 17 12 22
Open-Economy Macroeconomics: Basic Concepts 32 18 13
A Macroeconomic Theory of the Open Economy 33 19 14
Aggregate Demand and Aggregate Supply 34 20 15 23
The Influence of Monetary and Fiscal Policy on Aggregate Demand 35 21 16 24
The Short-Run Trade-off between Inflation and Unemployment 36 22 17
Six Debates over Macroeconomic Policy 37 23 18
Appendix: How Economists Use Data 38 24 24 19
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xii Preface: To the Instructor
Acknowledgments
In writing this book, I benefited from the input of many talented people. Indeed, the
list of people who have contributed to this project is so long, and their contributions
so valuable, that it seems an injustice that only a single name appears on the cover.
Let me begin with my colleagues in the economics profession. The many editions
of this text and its supplemental materials have benefited enormously from their
input. In reviews and surveys, they have offered suggestions, identified challenges,
and shared ideas from their own classroom experience. I am indebted to them for
the perspectives they have brought to the text. Unfortunately, the list has become
too long to thank those who contributed to previous editions, even though students
reading the current edition are still benefiting from their insights.
Most important in this process has been David Hakes (University of Northern
Iowa). David has served as a reliable sounding board for ideas and a hardworking
partner with me in putting together the superb package of supplements.
A special thanks to my friend Jeff Sommer. For many years, Jeff was my editor
at the New York Times. For this edition, he graciously read through the entire book,
offering numerous suggestions for improvement. I am deeply grateful for his input.
The publishing team who worked on the book improved it tremendously. Jane Tufts,
developmental editor, provided truly spectacular editing—as she always does. Joe
Sabatino, economics Product Director, and Christopher Rader, Senior Product Manager,
did a splendid job of overseeing the many people involved in such a large project.
Colleen Farmer, Allison Janneck, and Anita Verma, Senior Content Managers, were
crucial in managing the whole project and putting together an excellent team to revise
the supplements and, with Pradhiba Kannaiyan, project manager at MPS Limited, had
the patience and dedication necessary to turn my manuscript into this book. Erin Griffin,
Senior Designer, gave this book its clean, friendly look and designed the wonderful
cover. Tiffany Lee, copyeditor, refined my prose, and Vikas Makkar, indexer, prepared
a careful and thorough index. John Carey, Executive Marketing Manager, worked long
hours getting the word out to potential users of this book. The rest of the Cengage team
has, as always, been consistently professional, enthusiastic, and dedicated.
We have a top team of veterans who have worked across multiple editions produc-
ing the supplements that accompany this book. Working with those at Cengage, the
following have been relentless in making sure that the suite of ancillary materials
is unmatched in both quantity and quality. No other text comes close.
PowerPoint: Andreea Chiritescu (Eastern Illinois University)
Test Bank: Shannon Aucoin, Eugenia Belova, and Alex Lewis (in-house Subject
Matter Experts)
Instructor manual: David Hakes (University of Northern Iowa)
I am also grateful to Sarah Lao and Nathan Sun, two star undergraduates at
Harvard, who helped me check the page proofs for this edition.
As always, I must thank my “in-house” editor Deborah Mankiw. As the first
reader of most things I write, she continued to offer just the right mix of criticism
and encouragement.
Finally, I should mention my three children, Catherine, Nicholas, and Peter. Their
contribution to this book was putting up with a father spending too many hours in
his study. The four of us have much in common—not least of which is our love of
ice cream (which becomes apparent in Chapter 4).
N. Gregory Mankiw
May 2022
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Brief Contents
Part I Introduction 1 Part VIII Money and Prices in the Long Run 425
1 Ten Principles of Economics 1 21 The Monetary System 425
2 Thinking Like an Economist 17 22 Money Growth and Inflation 449
3 Interdependence and the Gains from Trade 45
Part IX Short-Run Economic Fluctuations 475
Part II How Markets Work 61 23 Aggregate Demand and Aggregate Supply 475
4 The Market Forces of Supply and Demand 61 24 The Influence of Monetary and Fiscal Policy on
5 Elasticity and Its Application 87 Aggregate Demand 513
6 Supply, Demand, and Government Policies 111
Part III Markets and Welfare 133

7 Consumers, Producers, and the Efficiency of
Markets 133
8 Application: The Costs of Taxation 153
9 Application: International Trade 169
Part IV The Economics of the Public Sector 189

10 Externalities 189
11 Public Goods and Common Resources 211
Part V Firm Behavior and the Organization

of Industry 227
12 The Costs of Production 227
13 Firms in Competitive Markets 247
14 Monopoly 271
Part VI The Data of Macroeconomics 301

15 Measuring a Nation’s Income 301
16 Measuring the Cost of Living 321
Part VII The Real Economy in the Long Run 339

17 Production and Growth 339
18 Saving, Investment, and the Financial System 363
19 The Basic Tools of Finance 385
20 Unemployment 401
xiii
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Contents
Preface: To the Instructor v 2-1b The Role of Assumptions 19
2-1c Economic Models 19
2-1d Our First Model: The Circular-Flow Diagram 20
2-1e Our Second Model: The Production
Part I Introduction 1 Possibilities Frontier 22
2-1f Microeconomics and Macroeconomics 24
Chapter 1 2-2 The Economist as Policy Adviser 25

In the News: Why Tech Companies Hire Economists 26
Ten Principles of Economics 1 2-2a Positive versus Normative Analysis 26
2-2b Economists in Washington 28
1-1 How People Make Decisions 2 2-2c Why Economists’ Advice Is Often Not Followed 29
1-1a Principle 1: People Face Trade-Offs 2
1-1b Principle 2: The Cost of Something Is What You 2-3 Why Economists Disagree 30
Give Up to Get It 3 2-3a Differences in Scientific Judgments 30
1-1c Principle 3: Rational People Think at the Margin 4 2-3b Differences in Values 30
1-1d Principle 4: People Respond to Incentives 5 2-3c Perception versus Reality 31
Ask the Experts: Ticket Resale 31
1-2 How People Interact 6
1-2a Principle 5: Trade Can Make Everyone Better Off 6 2-4 Let’s Get Going 32
1-2b Principle 6: Markets Are Usually a Good Way Chapter in a Nutshell 32
to Organize Economic Activity 7 Key Concepts 33
FYI: Adam Smith and the Invisible Hand 8 Questions for Review 33
Case Study: Adam Smith Would Have Loved Uber 8 Problems and Applications 33
1-2c Principle 7: Governments Can Sometimes Quick Quiz Answers 34
Improve Market Outcomes 9 APPENDIX Graphing: A Brief Review 35
1-3 How the Economy as a Whole Works 11 Graphs of a Single Variable 35
1-3a Principle 8: A Country’s Standard of Living Depends Graphs of Two Variables: The Coordinate System 36
on Its Ability to Produce Goods and Services 11 Curves in the Coordinate System 37
1-3b Principle 9: Prices Rise When the Government Prints Slope 39
Too Much Money 11 Cause and Effect 41
1-3c Principle 10: Society Faces a Short-Run Trade-Off
between Inflation and Unemployment 12 Chapter 3
1-4 Conclusion 13
Chapter in a Nutshell 14 Interdependence and the Gains
Key Concepts 14 from Trade 45
Questions for Review 14
Problems and Applications 14 3-1 A Parable for the Modern Economy 46
Quick Quiz Answers 15 3-1a Production Possibilities 46
3-1b Specialization and Trade 48
3-2 Comparative Advantage: The Driving Force
Chapter 2 of Specialization 50
3-2a Absolute Advantage 50
Thinking Like an Economist 17 3-2b Opportunity Cost and Comparative Advantage 50
2-1 The Economist as Scientist 18 3-2c Comparative Advantage and Trade 52
2-1a The Scientific Method: Observation, Theory, 3-2d The Price of the Trade 52
and More Observation 18 FYI: The Legacy of Adam Smith and David Ricardo 53
3-3 Applications of Comparative Advantage 53
xiv
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Contents xv
3-3a Should Naomi Osaka Mow Her Own Lawn? 54 5-1c The Midpoint Method: A Better Way to Calculate
3-3b Should the United States Trade Percentage Changes and Elasticities 89
with Other Countries? 54 5-1d The Variety of Demand Curves 90
5-1e Total Revenue and the Price Elasticity of Demand 91
3-4 Conclusion 55
FYI: A Few Elasticities from the Real World 91
Ask the Experts: Trade between China and the
5-1f Elasticity and Total Revenue along
United States 55
a Linear Demand Curve 94
In the News: Economics within a Marriage 56
5-1g Other Demand Elasticities 96
Chapter in a Nutshell 56
Key Concepts 57 5-2 The Elasticity of Supply 97
Questions for Review 57 5-2a The Price Elasticity of Supply and Its Determinants 97
Problems and Applications 58 5-2b The Price Elasticity of Supply, with Numbers 98
Quick Quiz Answers 59 5-2c The Variety of Supply Curves 98
5-3 Three Applications of Supply, Demand, and Elasticity 100
Part II How Markets Work 61 5-3a Can Good News for Farming Be Bad News
for Farmers? 101
5-3b Why Has OPEC Failed to Keep the Price of
Chapter 4 Oil High? 103
5-3c Does Drug Interdiction Increase or Decrease
The Market Forces of Supply and Drug-Related Crime? 104
In the News: Elasticity of Supply and Demand
Demand 61 in the Ride-share Market 106
4-1 Markets and Competition 62 5-4 Conclusion 108
4-1a What Is a Market? 62 Chapter in a Nutshell 108
4-1b What Is Competition? 62 Key Concepts 108
4-2 Demand 63 Questions for Review 108
4-2a The Demand Curve: The Relationship between Problems and Applications 109
Price and Quantity Demanded 63 Quick Quiz Answers 110
4-2b Market Demand versus Individual Demand 64
4-2c Shifts in the Demand Curve 65
Case Study: Two Ways to Reduce Smoking 68 Chapter 6
4-3 Supply 69 Supply, Demand, and Government
4-3a The Supply Curve: The Relationship between
Price and Quantity Supplied 69 Policies 111
4-3b Market Supply versus Individual Supply 70 6-1 The Surprising Effects of Price Controls 112
4-3c Shifts in the Supply Curve 70 6-1a How Price Ceilings Affect Market Outcomes 112
4-4 Supply and Demand Together 73 Case Study: How to Create Long Lines
4-4a Equilibrium 73 at the Gas Pump 114
4-4b Three Steps to Analyzing Changes in Equilibrium 75 Case Study: Why Rent Control Causes Housing Shortages,
In the News: Price Increases after Disasters 80 Especially in the Long Run 115
Ask the Experts: Rent Control 116
4-5 Conclusion: How Prices Allocate Resources 82 6-1b How Price Floors Affect Market Outcomes 116
Ask the Experts: Price Gouging 82 Case Study: Controversies over the Minimum Wage 118
Chapter in a Nutshell 83 Ask the Experts: The Minimum Wage 120
Key Concepts 83 6-1c Evaluating Price Controls 120
Problems and Applications 84 6-2 The Surprising Study of Tax Incidence 121
6-2a How Taxes on Sellers Affect Market Outcomes 121
Quick Quiz Answers 85
In the News: Should the Minimum Wage
Be $15 an Hour? 122
Chapter 5 6-2b How Taxes on Buyers Affect Market Outcomes 124
Case Study: Can Congress Distribute the Burden
Elasticity and Its Application 87 of a Payroll Tax? 126
6-2c Elasticity and Tax Incidence 127
5-1 The Elasticity of Demand 88 Case Study: Who Pays the Luxury Tax? 128
5-1a The Price Elasticity of Demand and Its Determinants 88
5-1b The Price Elasticity of Demand, with Numbers 89 6-3 Conclusion 129
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xvi Contents
Chapter in a Nutshell 129 Questions for Review 166

Key Concepts 130 Problems and Applications 166
Questions for Review 130 Quick Quiz Answers 167
Problems and Applications 130
Chapter 9
Part III Markets and Application: International Trade 169
Welfare 133 9-1 The Determinants of Trade 170
9-1a The Equilibrium without Trade 170
9-1b The World Price and Comparative Advantage 171
Chapter 7 9-2 The Winners and Losers from Trade 171
9-2a The Gains and Losses of an Exporting Country 172
Consumers, Producers, and the 9-2b The Gains and Losses of an Importing Country 173
Efficiency of Markets 133 9-2c The Effects of a Tariff 175
FYI: Import Quotas: Another Way to Restrict Trade 177
7-1 Consumer Surplus 134
9-2d The Lessons for Trade Policy 177
7-1a Willingness to Pay 134
9-2e Other Benefits of International Trade 178
7-1b Using the Demand Curve to Measure
Consumer Surplus 135 9-3 The Arguments for Restricting Trade 179
7-1c How a Lower Price Raises Consumer Surplus 137 9-3a The Jobs Argument 180
7-1d What Does Consumer Surplus Measure? 138 9-3b The National-Security Argument 180
9-3c The Infant-Industry Argument 180
7-2 Producer Surplus 139
9-3d The Unfair-Competition Argument 181
7-2a Cost and the Willingness to Sell 139
9-3e The Protection-as-a-Bargaining-Chip Argument 181
7-2b Using the Supply Curve to Measure Producer Surplus 140
Case Study: Trade Agreements and the World Trade
7-2c How a Higher Price Raises Producer Surplus 141
Organization 181
7-3 Market Efficiency 143 Ask the Experts: Trade Deals and Tariffs 181
7-3a Benevolent Social Planners 143 In the News: Trade as a Tool for Economic Development 182
7-3b Evaluating the Market Equilibrium 144
9-4 Conclusion 184
Ask the Experts: Supplying Kidneys 146
Case Study: Should There Be a Market for Organs? 146
Key Concepts 185
7-4 Conclusion: Market Efficiency and Market Failure 147 Questions for Review 185
In the News: How Ticket Resellers Help Allocate Problems and Applications 186
Scarce Resources 148 Quick Quiz Answers 187
Key Concepts 150
Questions for Review 150 Part IV The Economics
of the Public Sector 189
Chapter 8 Chapter 10
Application: The Costs of Taxation 153 Externalities 189

10-1 Externalities and Market Inefficiency 191
8-1 The Deadweight Loss of Taxation 154
10-1a Welfare Economics: A Recap 191
8-1a How a Tax Affects Market Participants 154
10-1b Negative Externalities 192
8-1b Deadweight Losses and the Gains from Trade 157
10-1c Positive Externalities 193
8-2 The Determinants of the Deadweight Loss 158 Case Study: Technology Spillovers, Industrial Policy,
Case Study: The Deadweight Loss Debate 160 and Patent Protection 194
8-3 Deadweight Loss and Tax Revenue as Taxes Vary 162 10-2 Public Policies toward Externalities 195
Case Study: The Laffer Curve and Supply-Side 10-2a Command-and-Control Policies: Regulation 195
Economics 163 10-2b Market-Based Policy 1: Corrective Taxes
Ask the Experts: The Laffer Curve 164 and Subsidies 196
8-4 Conclusion 165 Ask the Experts: Covid Vaccines 196
Case Study: Why Is Gasoline Taxed So Heavily? 197
10-2c Market-Based Policy 2: Tradable Pollution Permits 199
Key Concept 166
10-2d Objections to the Economic Analysis of Pollution 201
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Contents xvii
Case Study: Climate Change and Carbon Taxes 201 12-2b From the Production Function
Ask the Experts: Carbon Taxes 202 to the Total-Cost Curve 233
10-3 Private Solutions to Externalities 203 12-3 The Many Measures of Cost 234
10-3a The Types of Private Solutions 203 12-3a Fixed and Variable Costs 235
10-3b The Coase Theorem 204 12-3b Average and Marginal Cost 235
10-3c Why Private Solutions Do Not Always Work 205 12-3c Cost Curves and Their Shapes 236
In the News: The Coase Theorem in Action 206 12-3d Typical Cost Curves 238
10-4 Conclusion 206 12-4 Costs in the Short Run and in the Long Run 240
Chapter in a Nutshell 207 12-4a The Relationship between Short-Run and Long-Run
Key Concepts 208 Average Total Cost 240
Questions for Review 208 12-4b Economies and Diseconomies of Scale 241
Problems and Applications 208 FYI: Lessons from a Pin Factory 241
Quick Quiz Answers 209 12-5 Conclusion 242
Key Concepts 243
Chapter 11 Questions for Review 243
Public Goods and Common Quick Quiz Answers 245
Resources 211
11-1 The Different Kinds of Goods 212 Chapter 13
11-2 Public Goods 214
11-2a The Free-Rider Problem 214 Firms in Competitive Markets 247
11-2b Some Important Public Goods 214
13-1 What Is a Competitive Market? 248
Case Study: Are Lighthouses Public Goods? 216
13-1a The Meaning of Competition 248
11-2c The Difficult Job of Cost–Benefit Analysis 217
13-1b The Revenue of a Competitive Firm 248
Case Study: How Much Is a Life Worth? 217
13-2 Profit Maximization and the Competitive
11-3 Common Resources 218
Firm’s Supply Curve 250
11-3a The Tragedy of the Commons 218
13-2a A Simple Example of Profit Maximization 250
11-3b Some Important Common Resources 219
13-2b The Marginal-Cost Curve and the Firm’s Supply
Ask the Experts: Congestion Pricing 220
Decision 252
Case Study: Why the Cow Is Not Extinct 221
13-2c The Firm’s Short-Run Decision to Shut Down 254
In the News: Road Pricing 222
13-2d Spilt Milk and Other Sunk Costs 255
11-4 Conclusion: Property Rights and Government Action 222 Case Study: Near-Empty Restaurants and Off-Season
Chapter in a Nutshell 224 Miniature Golf 256
Key Concepts 224 13-2e The Firm’s Long-Run Decision to Exit
Questions for Review 224 or Enter a Market 257
Problems and Applications 224 13-2f Measuring Profit in Our Graph for the
Quick Quiz Answers 226 Competitive Firm 257
13-2g A Brief Recap 259
Part V Firm Behavior and the 13-3 The Supply Curve in a Competitive Market 260
13-3a The Short Run: Market Supply with a Fixed
Organization of Industry 227 Number of Firms 260
13-3b The Long Run: Market Supply with Entry and Exit 260
13-3c Why Do Competitive Firms Stay in Business If They
Chapter 12 Make Zero Profit? 262
13-3d A Shift in Demand in the Short Run and Long
The Costs of Production 227 Run 263
13-3e Why the Long-Run Supply Curve Might Slope
12-1 What Are Costs? 228
Upward 263
12-1a Total Revenue, Total Cost, and Profit 228
12-1b Why Opportunity Costs Matter 228 13-4 Conclusion: Behind the Supply Curve 265
12-1c The Cost of Capital Is an Opportunity Cost 229 Chapter in a Nutshell 266
12-1d Economists and Accountants Measure Profit Key Concepts 266
Differently 229 Questions for Review 266
12-2 Production and Costs 231 Problems and Applications 267
12-2a The Production Function 231 Quick Quiz Answers 269
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xviii Contents
Chapter 14 15-2d “. . . Goods and Services . . .” 305

15-2e “. . . Produced . . .” 305
Monopoly 271 15-2f “. . . Within a Country . . .” 305
15-2g “. . . In a Given Period.” 305
14-1 Why Monopolies Arise 272 FYI: Other Measures of Income 306
14-1a Monopoly Resources 273
15-3 The Components of GDP 307
14-1b Government-Created Monopolies 273
15-3a Consumption 307
14-1c Natural Monopolies 274
15-3b Investment 307
14-2 How Monopolies Make Production and Pricing 15-3c Government Purchases 308
Decisions 275 15-3d Net Exports 308
14-2a Monopoly versus Competition 275 Case Study: The Components of U.S. GDP 309
14-2b A Monopoly’s Revenue 276
15-4 Real versus Nominal GDP 310
14-2c Profit Maximization 278
15-4a A Numerical Example 310
FYI: Why a Monopoly Does Not Have a Supply Curve 280
15-4b The GDP Deflator 311
14-2d A Monopoly’s Profit 280
Case Study: A Half Century of Real GDP 312
Case Study: Monopoly Drugs versus Generic Drugs 281
15-5 Is GDP a Good Measure of Economic Well-Being? 314
14-3 The Welfare Cost of Monopolies 283
Case Study: International Differences in GDP and the
14-3a The Deadweight Loss 283
Quality of Life 315
14-3b The Monopoly’s Profit: A Social Cost? 285
In the News: Sex, Drugs, and GDP 316
14-4 Price Discrimination 286
15-6 Conclusion 317
14-4a A Parable about Pricing 286
14-4b The Moral of the Story 287
Key Concepts 318
14-4c The Analytics of Price Discrimination 288
14-4d Examples of Price Discrimination 289
14-5 Public Policy toward Monopolies 290 Quick Quiz Answers 320
14-5a Increasing Competition with Antitrust Laws 291
14-5b Regulation 291
Ask the Experts: Mergers and Competition 292 Chapter 16
14-5c Public Ownership 293
14-5d Above All, Do No Harm 293 Measuring the Cost of Living 321
In the News: Will the Biden Administration Expand the Scope
of Antitrust Policy? 294 16-1 The Consumer Price Index 322
16-1a How the CPI Is Calculated 322
14-6 Conclusion: The Prevalence of Monopolies 294 FYI: What’s in the CPI’s Basket? 324
Chapter in a Nutshell 296 16-1b Problems in Measuring the Cost of Living 325
Key Concepts 297 16-1c The GDP Deflator versus the Consumer Price
Questions for Review 297 Index 326
16-2 Correcting Economic Variables for the
Effects of Inflation 328
16-2a Dollar Figures from Different Times 328
Part VI The Data of FYI: Mr. Index Goes to Hollywood 329
Case Study: Regional Differences in the Cost of
Macroeconomics 301 Living 329
16-2b Indexation 331
16-2c Real and Nominal Interest Rates 331
Chapter 15 Case Study: Interest Rates in the U.S. Economy 332
Measuring a Nation’s Income 301 16-3 Conclusion 334

15-1 The Economy’s Income and Expenditure 302 Key Concepts 335
15-2 The Measurement of GDP 304 Questions for Review 335
15-2a “GDP Is the Market Value . . .” 304 Problems and Applications 336
15-2b “. . . of All . . .” 304 Quick Quiz Answers 337
15-2c “. . . Final . . .” 305
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Contents xix
Part VII The Real Economy Case Study: The History of U.S. Government Debt
Ask the Experts: Fiscal Policy and Saving 379
379
in the Long Run 339 FYI: Financial Crises 381

18-4 Conclusion 382
Chapter 17 Key Concepts 382
Production and Growth 339 Problems and Applications 383
17-1 Economic Growth around the World 340 Quick Quiz Answers 384
FYI: Are You Richer Than the Richest American? 342
17-2 Productivity: Its Role and Determinants 342 Chapter 19
17-2a Why Productivity Is So Important 343
17-2b How Productivity Is Determined 343 The Basic Tools of Finance 385
FYI: The Production Function 345
Case Study: Are Natural Resources a Limit 19-1 Present Value: Measuring the Time Value of Money 386
to Growth? 346 FYI: The Magic of Compounding and the Rule of 70 388
17-3 Economic Growth and Public Policy 347 19-2 Managing Risk 388
17-3a Saving and Investment 347 19-2a Risk Aversion 389
17-3b Diminishing Returns and the Catch-Up Effect 347 19-2b The Markets for Insurance 389
17-3c Investment from Abroad 349 19-2c Diversification of Firm-Specific Risk 390
17-3d Education 350 19-2d The Trade-Off between Risk and Return 391
17-3e Health and Nutrition 350 19-3 Asset Valuation 393
17-3f Property Rights and Political Stability 351 19-3a Fundamental Analysis 393
17-3g Free Trade 352 FYI: Key Numbers for Stock Watchers 394
17-3h Research and Development 352 19-3b The Efficient Markets Hypothesis 394
17-3i Population Growth 353 Case Study: Random Walks and Index Funds 395
Ask the Experts: Innovation and Growth 353 Ask the Experts: Diversified Investing 396
Case Study: Why Is So Much of Africa Poor? 355 In the News: The Perils of Investing with
In the News: The Secret Sauce of American Prosperity 358 a Y Chromosome 396
17-4 Conclusion: The Importance of Long-Run Growth 358 19-3c Market Irrationality 397
Chapter in a Nutshell 359 19-4 Conclusion 398
Key Concepts 360 Chapter in a Nutshell 399
Questions for Review 360 Key Concepts 399
Problems and Applications 360 Questions for Review 399
Quick Quiz Answers 361 Problems and Applications 399
Chapter 18
Saving, Investment, and the Financial Chapter 20
System 363 Unemployment 401
18-1 Financial Institutions in the U.S. Economy 364 20-1 Identifying Unemployment 402
18-1a Financial Markets 364 20-1a How Is Unemployment Measured? 402
18-1b Financial Intermediaries 366 Case Study: Labor-Force Participation of Women
18-1c Summing Up 368 and Men in the U.S. Economy 405
20-1b Does the Unemployment Rate Measure What
18-2 Saving and Investment in the National Income Accounts 368
We Want It to Measure? 406
18-2a Some Important Identities 369
20-1c How Long Are the Unemployed without Work? 406
18-2b The Meaning of Saving and Investment 370
20-1d Why Are There Always Some People
18-3 The Market for Loanable Funds 371 Unemployed? 408
18-3a Supply and Demand for Loanable Funds 371 FYI: The Jobs Number 408
18-3b Policy 1: Saving Incentives 373
20-2 Job Search 409
18-3c Policy 2: Investment Incentives 375
20-2a Why Some Frictional Unemployment Is Inevitable 409
Case Study: The Decline in Real Interest Rates
20-2b Public Policy and Job Search 410
from 1984 to 2020 376
20-2c Unemployment Insurance 410
18-3d Policy 3: Government Budget Deficits and Surpluses 377
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xx Contents
20-3 Minimum-Wage Laws 412 21-5 Conclusion 444

Case Study: Who Earns the Federal Minimum Wage? 413 Chapter in a Nutshell 445
20-4 Unions and Collective Bargaining 414 Key Concepts 445
20-4a The Economics of Unions 414 Questions for Review 445
20-4b Are Unions Good or Bad for the Economy? 415 Problems and Applications 446
FYI: Mismatch as a Source of Structural Unemployment 416 Quick Quiz Answers 447
20-5 The Theory of Efficiency Wages 417

20-5a Worker Health 417 Chapter 22
20-5b Worker Turnover 417
20-5c Worker Quality 417 Money Growth and Inflation 449
20-5d Worker Effort 418
20-5e Worker Morale 418 22-1 The Classical Theory of Inflation 450
Case Study: Henry Ford and the Amazing 22-1a The Level of Prices and the Value of Money 451
$5-a-Day Wage 418 22-1b Money Supply, Money Demand, and Monetary
In the News: Efficiency Wages in Practice 420 Equilibrium 451
22-1c The Effects of a Monetary Injection 452
20-6 Conclusion 420 22-1d A Brief Look at the Adjustment Process 453
Chapter in a Nutshell 421 22-1e The Classical Dichotomy and Monetary Neutrality 455
Key Concepts 422 22-1f Velocity and the Quantity Equation 456
Questions for Review 422 Case Study: Money and Prices during Four
Problems and Applications 422 Hyperinflations 458
Quick Quiz Answers 423 22-1g The Inflation Tax 459
22-1h The Fisher Effect 460
Part VIII Money and Prices in 22-2 The Costs of Inflation 462
22-2a A Fall in Purchasing Power? The Inflation Fallacy 462
the Long Run 425 22-2b Shoeleather Costs 463
22-2c Menu Costs 464
22-2d Relative-Price Variability and the Misallocation of
Chapter 21 Resources 464
22-2e Inflation-Induced Tax Distortions 465
The Monetary System 425 22-2f Confusion and Inconvenience 466
21-1 The Meaning of Money 426 22-2g A Special Cost of Unexpected Inflation: Arbitrary
21-1a The Functions of Money 426 Redistributions of Wealth 467
21-1b The Kinds of Money 427 22-2h Inflation Is Bad, but Deflation May Be Worse 467
FYI: Cryptocurrencies: A Fad or the Future? 428 Case Study: The Wizard of Oz and the Free-Silver
21-1c Money in the U.S. Economy 428 Debate 468
FYI: Why Credit Cards Aren’t Money 429 In the News: Life during Hyperinflation 470
Case Study: Where Is All the Currency? 430 22-3 Conclusion 470
21-2 The Federal Reserve System 430 Chapter in a Nutshell 472
21-2a The Fed’s Organization 430 Key Concepts 472
21-2b The Federal Open Market Committee 431 Questions for Review 472
21-3 Banks and the Money Supply 432
21-3a The Simple Case of 100-Percent-Reserve Banking 432
21-3b Money Creation with Fractional-
Reserve Banking 433
21-3c The Money Multiplier 434
Part IX Short-Run Economic
21-3d Bank Capital, Leverage, and the Financial Crisis Fluctuations 475
of 2008–2009 435
21-4 The Fed’s Tools of Monetary Control 437 Chapter 23
21-4a How the Fed Influences the Quantity
of Reserves 438 Aggregate Demand and Aggregate
21-4b How the Fed Influences the Reserve Ratio 439
21-4c Problems in Controlling the Money Supply 440 Supply 475
Case Study: Bank Runs and the Money Supply 441 23-1 Three Key Facts about Economic Fluctuations 476
21-4d The Federal Funds Rate 442 23-1a Fact 1: Economic Fluctuations Are Irregular
In the News: A Trip to Jekyll Island 442 and Unpredictable 476
23166_FM_ptg01.indd 20 01/10/22 9:34 AM

Contents xxi
23-1b Fact 2: Most Macroeconomic Quantities Chapter 24

Fluctuate Together 478
23-1c Fact 3: As Output Falls, Unemployment Rises 478 The Influence of Monetary and Fiscal
23-2 Explaining Short-Run Economic Fluctuations 479 Policy on Aggregate Demand 513
23-2a The Assumptions of Classical Economics 479
23-2b The Reality of Short-Run Fluctuations 479 24-1 How Monetary Policy Influences Aggregate Demand 514
23-2c The Model of Aggregate Demand and Aggregate 24-1a The Theory of Liquidity Preference 515
Supply 480 FYI: Interest Rates in the Long Run and
the Short Run 517
23-3 The Aggregate-Demand Curve 481
24-1b The Downward Slope of the Aggregate-Demand
23-3a Why the Aggregate-Demand Curve
Curve 518
Slopes Downward 481
24-1c Changes in the Money Supply 519
23-3b Why the Aggregate-Demand Curve Might Shift 484
24-1d The Role of Interest-Rate Targets in Fed Policy 520
23-4 The Aggregate-Supply Curve 486 Case Study: Why the Fed Watches the Stock Market (and
23-4a Why the Aggregate-Supply Curve Is Vertical in Vice Versa) 521
the Long Run 487 24-1e The Zero Lower Bound 522
23-4b Why the Long-Run Aggregate-Supply
24-2 How Fiscal Policy Influences Aggregate Demand 523
Curve Might Shift 488
24-2a Changes in Government Purchases 523
23-4c Using Aggregate Demand and Aggregate Supply to
24-2b The Multiplier Effect 524
Depict Long-Run Growth and Inflation 489
24-2c A Formula for the Spending Multiplier 524
23-4d Why the Aggregate-Supply Curve Slopes Upward in
24-2d Other Applications of the Multiplier Effect 526
the Short Run 490
24-2e The Crowding-Out Effect 526
23-4e Why the Short-Run Aggregate-Supply
24-2f Changes in Taxes 528
Curve Might Shift 494
FYI: How Fiscal Policy Might Affect Aggregate Supply 529
23-5 Two Causes of Economic Fluctuations 495
24-3 Using Policy to Stabilize the Economy 529
23-5a The Effects of a Shift in Aggregate Demand 496
24-3a The Case for Active Stabilization Policy 530
FYI: Monetary Neutrality Revisited 499
Case Study: Keynesians in the White House 531
Case Study: Two Big Shifts in Aggregate Demand: The Great
24-3b The Case against Active Stabilization Policy 531
Depression and World War II 499
Ask the Experts: Economic Stimulus 531
Case Study: The Great Recession of 2008–2009 500
24-3c Automatic Stabilizers 533
23-5b The Effects of a Shift in Aggregate Supply 502
Case Study: Oil and the Economy 504 24-4 Conclusion 534
FYI: The Origins of the Model of Aggregate Demand and Chapter in a Nutshell 534
Aggregate Supply 505 Key Concepts 534
Case Study: The Covid Recession of 2020 506 Questions for Review 535
In the News: The Strange Downturn of 2020 506 Problems and Applications 535
23-6 Conclusion 509 Quick Quiz Answers 536
Key Concepts 510 Glossary 537
Questions for Review 510 Index 543
23166_FM_ptg01.indd 21 03/10/22 5:18 PM

Chapter
1 T
he word economy comes from the Greek word oikonomos,
which means “one who manages a household.” At first, the
connection between households and economies may seem
obscure. But in fact, they have much in common.
No matter how you picture a modern household, its members
face endless decisions. Somehow, they must decide which members
Ten Principles do which tasks and what each receives in return. Who cooks din-
ner? Who gets some extra dessert? Who cleans the bathroom? Who
gets to drive the car? Whether a household’s income is high, low,
of Economics or somewhere in between, its resources (time, dessert, car mileage)
must be allocated among alternative uses.
Like a household, a society faces countless decisions. It must
find some way to decide what jobs will be done and who will do
them. Society needs people to grow food, make clothing, and design
software. Once society has allocated people (as well as land, build-
ings, and machines) to various jobs, it must distribute the goods
and services they produce. It must decide who will eat potatoes
and who will eat caviar, who will live in a grand manor and who
will live in a fifth-floor walk-up.
ROMAN SAMBORSKYI/SHUTTERSTOCK.COM, ARNO VAN ENGELAND/EYEEM/GETTY IMAGES
23166_Ch01_ptg01.indd 1 01/10/22 9:57 AM

2 Part I Introduction
scarcity These decisions are important because resources are scarce. Scarcity means that
the limited nature of society has limited resources and, therefore, cannot produce all the goods and ser-
society’s resources vices people want. Just as members of a household cannot always get their desires
satisfied, individuals in a society cannot always attain the standard of living to
which they might aspire.
economics Economics is the study of how society manages its scarce resources. In most societ-
the study of how society ies, resources are allocated through the combined choices of millions of households
manages its scarce and businesses. Economists examine how people make these choices: how much
resources they work, what they buy, how much they save, how they invest their savings, and
so on. Economists also study how people interact with one another. For instance,
economists examine how buyers and sellers together determine the price at which
a good is sold and the quantity that is sold. Finally, economists analyze the forces
and trends that affect the overall economy, including the growth in average income,
the fraction of the population that cannot find work, and the rate at which prices
are rising.
Economics covers a wide range of topics and encompasses many approaches,
but it is unified by several central ideas. This chapter discusses Ten Principles of
Economics. Don’t worry if you don’t understand them all at first or if you aren’t com-
pletely convinced that they are sensible or important. These ideas will be explored
more fully in later chapters. This introduction to the ten principles will give you a
sense of what economics is all about. Consider this chapter a preview of coming
attractions.
1-1 How People Make Decisions

There is no mystery about what an economy is. Whether it encompasses Los Angeles,
the United States, or the entire planet, an economy is just a group of people dealing
with one another as they go about their lives. Because the behavior of an economy
reflects the behavior of the individuals within it, the first four principles concern
individual decision making.
1-1a Principle 1: People Face Trade-Offs

“There ain’t no such thing as a free lunch.” Grammar aside, this old saying contains
much truth. To get one thing you want, you usually have to give up another thing
you want. Making decisions requires trading off one goal for another.
Consider Selena, a student who is deciding how to use her most valuable
resource—time. Selena can spend all her time studying economics, all her time
studying psychology, or divide her time between the two. For every hour she devotes
to one subject, she gives up an hour she could have used studying the other. And
for every hour spent studying, she gives up an hour that could have been spent
napping, bike riding, playing video games, or working at a job for some extra
spending money.
Consider Selena’s parents, who are deciding how to use the family income. They
can spend it on food, clothing, or Selena’s tuition. Or they can save some of their
income for retirement or a future family vacation. When they allocate a dollar to
one of these goods, they have one less dollar to spend on another.
As a society, people face other trade-offs. One classic trade-off is between “guns
and butter.” The more a society spends on the military, the less it can spend on
consumer goods. Another critical trade-off is between a clean environment and the
level of income. Laws that require firms to reduce pollution may raise the cost of
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Chapter 1 Ten Principles of Economics 3
producing goods and services. Because of these higher costs, the firms are likely to
earn smaller profits, pay lower wages, charge higher prices, or do some combina-
tion of these three things. While pollution regulations yield a cleaner environment
and the improved health that comes with it, they may reduce the incomes of the
regulated firms’ owners, workers, and customers.
Another societal trade-off is between efficiency and equality. Efficiency means efficiency
that society is getting the greatest benefits from its scarce resources. Equality means the property of society
that those benefits are distributed uniformly among society’s members. In other getting the most it can
words, efficiency refers to the size of the economic pie, while equality refers to how from its scarce resources
evenly the pie is sliced.
equality
These two goals can conflict. Consider, for instance, government policies aimed
the property of distrib-
at reducing inequality. Some of these policies, such as welfare or unemployment
uting economic prosperity
insurance, help the members of society most in need. Others, such as the personal
uniformly among the
income tax, require the financially successful to contribute more than others to sup-
members of society
port the government. These policies increase equality but may decrease efficiency.
When the government redistributes income from the rich to the poor, it reduces the
reward for hard work for people at all income levels. As a result, people may work
less and produce fewer goods and services. In other words, when the government
cuts the economic pie into more equal slices, the pie sometimes shrinks.
Recognizing that people face trade-offs does not tell us what decisions are best. A
student should not abandon the study of psychology just because doing so would
free up time for studying economics. Society should not live with pollution just
because environmental regulations might reduce our material standard of living.
The government should not neglect the poor just because helping them would
distort work incentives. Yet people will make better choices if they understand the
options available to them. Our study of economics, therefore, starts by acknowl-
edging life’s trade-offs.
1-1b Principle 2: The Cost of Something Is What You

Give Up to Get It
Because people face trade-offs, they need to compare the costs and benefits of alter-
native decisions. In many cases, however, the costs are not as obvious as they might
first appear.
Consider the decision to attend college. The main benefits are intellectual enrich-
ment and a lifetime of better job opportunities. But what are the costs? You might
be tempted to add up the money spent on tuition, books, room, and board. Yet this
total does not truly represent what you give up to spend a year in college.
This calculation has two problems. First, it includes some things that are not really
costs of going to college. Even if you quit school, you need a place to sleep and food
to eat. Room and board are college costs only to the extent that they exceed the cost
of living and eating at home or in your apartment. Second, this calculation ignores
the largest cost of going to college—your time. When you listen to lectures, read
books, and write papers, you can’t spend that time working and earning money.
For most students, the earnings they forgo to attend school are the largest cost of
their education.
The opportunity cost of an item is what you give up to get it. When making opportunity cost
decisions, it’s smart to take opportunity costs into account, and people often do. whatever must be given
College athletes who can earn millions dropping out of school and playing profes- up to obtain some item
sional sports understand that their opportunity cost of attending college is high.
Not surprisingly, they sometimes decide that the benefit of a college education is
not worth the cost.
23166_Ch01_ptg01.indd 3 01/10/22 9:57 AM

1-1c Principle 3: Rational People Think at the Margin

rational people Economists often assume that people are rational. Rational people systematically and
people who systemati- purposefully do the best they can to achieve their goals, given the available opportunities.
cally and purposefully do As you study economics, you will encounter firms that decide how many workers to
the best they can to hire and how much product to make and sell to maximize profits. You will meet people
achieve their objectives who decide how much to work and what goods and services to buy to achieve the
highest possible level of satisfaction. To be sure, human behavior is complex and some-
times deviates from rationality. But the assumption that people do the best they can is,
economists have found, a good starting point to explain the decisions that people make.
Rational decision makers know that many issues in life are not black and white
but involve shades of gray. At dinnertime, you don’t ask yourself, “Should I fast
or eat like a pig?” You are more likely to ask, “Should I take that extra spoonful of
mashed potatoes?” When exams roll around, your decision is probably not between
blowing them off and studying 24 hours a day but whether to spend an extra hour
reviewing your notes instead of hanging out with friends. Economists use the term
marginal change marginal change to describe an incremental adjustment to an existing plan of action.
an incremental Keep in mind that margin means “edge,” so marginal changes are small adjust-
adjustment to a plan of ments around the edges of what you are doing. Rational people make decisions by
action comparing marginal benefits and marginal costs.
For example, suppose you are deciding whether to watch a movie tonight. You
pay $30 a month for a streaming service that gives you unlimited access to its film
library, and you typically watch five movies a month. What cost should you consider
when deciding whether to stream another movie? The answer might seem to be
$30/5, or $6, the average cost of a movie. More relevant for your decision, however,
is the marginal cost—the extra money that you have to pay if you stream another
film. Here, the marginal cost is zero because you pay $30 regardless of how many
movies you stream. In other words, at the margin, streaming a movie is free. The
only cost of watching a movie tonight is the time it takes away from other activities,
such as working at a job or (better yet) reading this textbook.
Thinking at the margin is also useful for business decisions. Consider an airline
deciding how much to charge passengers who fly standby. Suppose that flying a
200-seat plane across the United States costs the airline $100,000. The average cost
of each seat is $500 ($100,000/200). You might think that the airline should never
sell a ticket for less than $500. But imagine that a plane is about to take off with
ten empty seats, and Stanley, a standby passenger, is at the gate and willing to pay
$300 for a seat. Should the airline sell him the ticket? Yes, it should. If the plane has
empty seats, the cost of adding an extra passenger is tiny. The average
cost of flying a passenger is $500, but the marginal cost is merely the
cost of the can of soda Stanley will consume and the small bit of jet
fuel needed to carry his weight. As long as Stanley pays more than the
marginal cost, selling him the ticket is profitable. A rational airline can
VANTAGE_DS/SHUTTERSTOCK.COM
benefit from thinking at the margin.

Marginal analysis explains some otherwise puzzling phenomena. For
example, why is water so cheap while diamonds are so expensive? You
might think it should be the other way around: Humans need water
to survive, but diamonds merely glitter. Yet people are willing to pay
much more for a diamond than for a cup of water. Economists have
figured this out. A person’s willingness to pay for a good is based on
Many movie streaming services set the marginal benefit that an extra unit of the good would yield. The
the marginal cost of a movie equal marginal benefit, in turn, depends on how many units a person already
to zero. has. Water is essential but plentiful, so the marginal benefit of an extra
23166_Ch01_ptg01.indd 4 01/10/22 9:57 AM

cup is small. By contrast, no one needs diamonds to survive, but because they are
so rare, the marginal benefit of an extra gem is large.
A rational decision maker takes an action if and only if the action’s marginal benefit
exceeds its marginal cost. This principle explains why people use streaming services
as much as they do, why airlines sell tickets below average cost, and why people pay
more for diamonds than for water. It can take a while to get used to the logic of mar-
ginal thinking, but the study of economics will give you ample opportunity to practice.
1-1d Principle 4: People Respond to Incentives

An incentive is something that induces a person to act, such as the prospect of a incentive
punishment or reward. People respond to incentives if they make decisions by something that induces a
comparing costs and benefits. Incentives play a central role in economics. One person to act
economist went so far as to say that the entire field could be summarized as simply,
“People respond to incentives. The rest is commentary.”
Incentives are key to analyzing how markets work. For example, when the price
of apples rises, people decide to eat fewer apples. At the same time, apple orchards
decide to hire more workers and harvest more apples. In other words, a higher price
provides an incentive for buyers to consume less and for sellers to produce more.
As we will see, the influence of prices on the behavior of consumers and producers
is crucial to how a market economy allocates scarce resources.
Public policymakers need to pay attention to incentives: Many policies change
the costs or benefits that people face and, as a result, alter their behavior. A tax on
gasoline, for instance, encourages people to drive more fuel-efficient cars and shift
to electric ones. That is one reason many people drive electric cars in Norway, where
gas taxes are high, and why big SUVs are so popular in the United States, where
gas taxes are low. A higher gas tax also encourages people to carpool, take public
transportation, ride bikes, and live closer to work.
When policymakers fail to consider incentives, the policies they enact may have
unintended consequences. For example, consider auto safety. Today, all cars have
seat belts, but this wasn’t true 60 years ago. In 1965, Ralph Nader’s book Unsafe at
Any Speed generated much public concern over auto safety. Congress responded
with laws requiring seat belts as standard equipment on new cars.
How does a seat belt law affect safety? The direct effect is obvious: When a per-
son wears a seat belt, the likelihood of surviving an auto accident rises. But that’s
not the end of the story. The law also affects behavior by altering incentives. The
relevant behavior here is the speed and care with which drivers operate their cars.
Driving slowly and carefully is costly because it uses the driver’s time and energy.
When deciding how to drive, rational people compare, perhaps unconsciously, the
marginal benefit from safer driving with the marginal cost. They drive more slowly
and carefully when the benefit of increased safety is high. For example, when road
conditions are icy, people drive more attentively and at lower speeds than they do
when road conditions are clear.
Consider how a seat belt law alters a driver’s cost–benefit calculation. Buckling
up makes accidents less costly by reducing the risk of injury or death. It is as if
road conditions had improved: When conditions are safer, people drive faster and
less carefully. That may be fine for motorists, whose risk of injury in an accident is
reduced because of seat belts. But if faster, less careful driving leads to more acci-
dents, the seat belt law adversely affects pedestrians, who are more likely to be in
an accident but (unlike drivers) don’t benefit from added protection.
This discussion of incentives and seat belts isn’t idle speculation. In a classic 1975
study, the economist Sam Peltzman tested the theory and found that auto-safety
23166_Ch01_ptg01.indd 5 01/10/22 9:57 AM

laws have had many of these effects. According to Peltzman, these laws give rise
not only to fewer deaths per accident but also to more accidents. He concluded that
the net result is little change in driver deaths and an increase in pedestrian deaths.
Peltzman’s analysis of auto safety is an offbeat and controversial example of the
principle that people respond to incentives. When analyzing any policy, it is impor-
tant to consider not only the direct effects but also the indirect effects that work
through incentives. If the policy alters incentives, people may change their behavior.
QuickQuiz
1. Economics is best defined as the study of 3. A marginal change is one that
a. how society manages its scarce resources. a. is not important for public policy.
b. how to run a business most profitably. b. incrementally alters an existing plan.
c. how to predict inflation, unemployment, c. makes an outcome inefficient.
and stock prices. d. does not influence incentives.
d. how the government can protect people 4. Because people respond to incentives,
from unchecked self-interest.
a. policymakers can alter outcomes by changing
2. Your opportunity cost of going to a movie is punishments or rewards.
a. the price of the ticket. b. policies can have unintended consequences.
b. the price of the ticket plus the cost of any soda c. society faces a trade-off between efficiency
and popcorn you buy at the theater. and equality.
c. the total cash expenditure needed to go to the d. All of the above are correct.
movie plus the value of your time.
d. zero, as long as you enjoy the movie and consider
it a worthwhile use of time and money.
Answers are at the end of the chapter.
1-2 How People Interact

The first four principles discussed how individuals make decisions. The next three
concern how people interact with one another.
1-2a Principle 5: Trade Can Make Everyone Better Off

You may have heard on the news that China is the United States’ competitor in the
world economy. In some ways, this is true. Chinese and U.S. companies compete
for customers in the markets for clothing, toys, solar panels, automobile tires, and
many other items.
Yet it is easy to be misled when thinking about competition among countries.
Trade between the United States and China is not like a sports contest in which one
side wins and the other side loses. The opposite is true: Trade between two coun-
tries can make each country better off. Even when trade in the world economy is
competitive, it can lead to a win–win outcome for the countries involved.
To see why, consider how trade affects a family. When family members look for
jobs, they compete against the members of other families who are looking for jobs.
Families also compete with one another when they go shopping because each wants
to buy the best goods at the lowest prices. In a sense, each family in an economy
competes with all other families.
23166_Ch01_ptg01.indd 6 01/10/22 9:57 AM

Despite this competition, a family would not be better off isolating itself from
other families. If it did, it would need to grow its own food, sew its own clothes,
and build its own home. Clearly, a family gains much from being able to trade with
others. Trade allows everyone to specialize in the activities they do best, whether
it is farming, sewing, or home building. By trading with others, people can buy a
greater variety of goods and services at a lower cost.
FROM THE WALL STREET JOURNAL - PERMISSION,

Like families, countries benefit from trading with one another. Trade allows
countries to specialize in what they do best and to enjoy a greater variety of
goods and services. The Chinese, as well as the French, Brazilians, and Nigerians,
CARTOON FEATURES SYNDICATE

are as much the United States’ partners in the world economy as they are its
competitors.
1-2b Principle 6: Markets Are Usually a Good Way to Organize

Economic Activity
The collapse of Communism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in the late
1980s and early 1990s was one of the last century’s transformative events. For the “For $5 a week you
most part, countries in the Soviet bloc operated on the premise that government can watch baseball
officials were in the best position to allocate the economy’s scarce resources. These without being nagged
central planners decided what goods and services were produced, how much was to cut the grass!”
produced, and who produced and consumed them. The theory behind central
planning was that the government needed to organize economic activity to ensure
the well-being of the country and of like-minded nations.
Most countries that once had centrally planned economies have now shifted
toward market economies. In a market economy, the decisions of a central planner market economy
are replaced by those of millions of firms and households. Firms decide whom to an economy that
hire and what to make. Households decide where to work and what to buy with allocates resources
their incomes. These firms and households interact in the marketplace, where prices through the decentralized
and self-interest guide their decisions. decisions of many firms
At first glance, the success of market economies may seem puzzling because and households as they
no one appears to be looking out for the well-being of society as a whole. interact in markets for
Competitive markets contain many buyers and sellers of numerous goods and goods and services
services, all of them interested primarily in their own well-being. Yet despite
decentralized decision making and self-interested decision makers, market
economies have proven remarkably successful in organizing economic activity
to promote prosperity.
In his 1776 book, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations,
Adam Smith made the most famous observation in all of economics: Firms and
households in competitive markets act as if they are guided by an “invisible hand”
that leads them to desirable outcomes. One of the chief goals of this book is to
understand how this invisible hand works its magic.
As you study economics, you will learn that prices are the instrument with which
the invisible hand directs economic activity. In a competitive market, sellers look at
the price when deciding how much to supply, and buyers look at the price when
deciding how much to demand. As a result of their decisions, the price reflects both
the sellers’ costs of production and the value of the good to the buyers. Smith’s great
insight was that prices adjust to guide market participants to reach outcomes that,
in many cases, maximize the well-being of society as a whole.
Smith’s insight has an important corollary: When a government prevents prices
from adjusting to supply and demand, it impedes the invisible hand’s ability to
coordinate the decisions of the firms and households that make up an economy. This
corollary explains the adverse effect of most taxes on the allocation of resources:
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Adam Smith and the Invisible Hand
I t may be only a coincidence that Adam Smith’s great book The Wealth the meaning of every such offer; and it is in this manner
of Nations was published in 1776, the exact year in which American that we obtain from one another the far greater part of those
revolutionaries signed the Declaration of Independence. But the two docu- good offices which we stand in need of.
ments share a point of view that was prevalent at the time: Individuals It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer,
or the baker that we expect our dinner, but from their regard
are usually best left to their own devices, without the heavy hand of
to their own interest. We address ourselves, not to their
government directing their actions. This philosophy provides the intel-
humanity but to their self-love, and never talk to them of
lectual foundation for the market economy and, more generally, for a our own necessities but of their advantages. Nobody but a
free society. beggar chooses to depend chiefly upon the benevolence of
Why do decentralized market economies work reasonably well? Is it his fellow-citizens. . . .
because people can be trusted to treat one another with love, kindness, Every individual . . . neither intends to promote the public
and generosity? Not at all. Here is Adam Smith’s description of how people interest, nor knows how much he is promoting it. . . . He
interact in a market economy: intends only his own gain, and he is in this, as in many other
cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was
Man has almost constant
no part of his intention. Nor is it always the worse for the
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS PRINTS AND PHOTOGRAPHS
occasion for the help of his

society that it was no part of it. By pursuing his own interest
brethren, and it is in vain for
he frequently promotes that of the society more effectually
him to expect it from their
than when he really intends to promote it.
benevolence only. He will be
more likely to prevail if he can Smith is saying that participants in the economy are motivated by self-
DIVISION[ LC-USZ62-17407]
interest their self-love in his interest and that the “invisible hand” of the marketplace guides them
favour, and show them that it into promoting general economic well-being.
is for their own advantage to Many of Smith’s insights remain at the center of modern economics.
do for him what he requires
The coming chapters will express Smith’s conclusions more precisely and
of them. . . . Give me that
analyze more fully the strengths and weaknesses of the market’s invis-
which I want, and you shall
Adam Smith ible hand. ■
have this which you want, is
Taxes distort prices and the decisions of firms and households. It also explains the
problems caused by policies that dictate prices, such as rent control. And it explains
the economic failure of Communist countries, where prices were set not in the mar-
ketplace but by central planners. These planners lacked the overwhelming amount
of complex and ever-changing information about producers’ costs and consumers’
tastes, which, in a market economy, is reflected in prices. Central planners failed
because they tried to run the economy with one hand tied behind their backs—the
invisible hand of the marketplace.
Adam Smith Would Have Loved Uber

Case
Study You may have never lived in a centrally planned economy, but if you
have tried to hail a cab in a major city, you have likely experienced a
highly regulated market. In many cities, the local government impos-
es strict controls in the market for taxis. The rules usually go well beyond the
regulation of insurance and safety. For example, the government may limit entry
23166_Ch01_ptg01.indd 8 01/10/22 9:57 AM

into the market by approving only a certain number of taxi medallions or permits.
It may determine the prices that taxis are allowed to charge. The government uses
its police powers—that is, the threat of fines or jail time—to keep unauthorized
drivers off the streets and prevent drivers from charging unauthorized prices.
In 2009, however, this highly controlled market was invaded by a disruptive
force: Uber, a company that provides a smartphone app to connect passengers and
drivers. Because Uber cars do not roam the streets looking for taxi-hailing pedestri-
ans, they are technically not taxis and so are not subject to the same regulations. But
they offer a similar service. Indeed, rides from Uber—and from Uber’s competitors
that have since entered many markets—are often more convenient. On a cold, rainy
day, who wants to wait by the side of the road for an empty cab to drive by? It is
RICHARD LEVINE/ALAMY STOCK PHOTO

more pleasant to remain inside, use a smartphone to arrange a ride, and stay warm
and dry until the car arrives.
Uber cars often charge less than taxis, but not always. Uber’s prices rise signifi-
cantly when there is a surge in demand, such as during a sudden rainstorm or late
on New Year’s Eve, when numerous tipsy partygoers are looking for a safe way to
get home. By contrast, regulated taxis are typically prevented from surge pricing.
Not everyone is fond of Uber. Drivers of traditional taxis complain that this new
competition reduces their income. This is hardly a surprise: Suppliers of goods and
services often dislike new competitors. But vigorous competition among producers Technology can
makes a market work well for consumers. improve this market.
That is why economists embraced Uber’s entry into the market. A 2014 survey
of several dozen prominent economists asked whether car services such as Uber
increased consumer well-being. Every single economist said “Yes.” The economists
were also asked whether surge pricing increased consumer well-being. “Yes,” said
85 percent of them. Surge pricing makes consumers pay more at times, but because
Uber drivers respond to incentives, it also increases the quantity of car services sup-
plied when they are most needed. Surge pricing also helps allocate the services to
those consumers who value them most highly and reduces the costs of searching
and waiting for a car.
If Adam Smith were alive today, he would surely have a ride-sharing app on his
phone. ●
1-2c Principle 7: Governments Can Sometimes

Improve Market Outcomes
If the invisible hand is so great, what is left for a government to do in an economy?
One purpose of studying economics is to refine your view about the proper role
and scope of government policy.
One reason we need government is that the invisible hand can work its magic only
if the government enforces the rules and maintains the institutions that are key to a
market economy. Most importantly, market economies need institutions to enforce
property rights so individuals can own and control scarce resources. Farmers won’t property rights
grow food if they expect their crop to be stolen, restaurants won’t serve meals if the ability of an
many customers leave before paying, and film companies won’t produce movies if individual to own and
too many people pirate copies. Market participants rely on government-provided exercise control over
police and courts to enforce their rights, and the invisible hand works well only if scarce resources
the legal system does.
Another reason we need government is that the invisible hand, while powerful,
is not omnipotent. There are two broad rationales for a government to intervene in
the economy and change the allocation of resources that people would choose on
23166_Ch01_ptg01.indd 9 01/10/22 9:57 AM

their own: to promote efficiency or to promote equality. That is, policies can aim
either to enlarge the economic pie or to change how the pie is sliced.
Consider the goal of efficiency. The invisible hand usually leads markets to allocate
resources to maximize the size of the economic pie, but this is not always the case.
market failure Economists use the term market failure to refer to a situation in which the market
a situation in which does not produce an efficient allocation of resources on its own. One possible cause
a market left on its of market failure is an externality, which is the impact of one person’s actions on
own does not allocate the well-being of a bystander. The classic example of an externality is pollution.
resources efficiently When the production of a good pollutes the air and creates health problems for
those who live near the factories, the market may fail to take this cost into account.
externality
Another possible cause of market failure is market power, which refers to the abil-
the impact of one
ity of a single person or firm (or a small group of them) to unduly influence market
person’s actions on the
prices. For example, if everyone in town needs water but there is only one well, the
well-being of a bystander
owner of the well does not face the rigorous competition with which the invisible
market power hand normally keeps self-interest in check; the well owner may take advantage
the ability of a single of this opportunity by restricting the output of water and charging a higher price.
economic actor (or small In the presence of externalities or market power, well-designed public policy can
group of actors) to have a enhance efficiency.
substantial influence on Now consider the goal of equality. Even when the invisible hand yields efficient
market prices outcomes, it can nonetheless leave large disparities in well-being. A market economy
rewards people according to their ability to produce things that other people are
willing to pay for. The world’s best basketball player earns more than the world’s
best chess player simply because people are willing to pay more to watch basket-
ball than chess. The invisible hand does not ensure that everyone has enough food,
decent clothing, and adequate healthcare. This inequality may call for government
intervention. In practice, many public policies, such as the income tax and the wel-
fare system, aim to achieve a more equal distribution of well-being.
To say that the government can improve market outcomes does not mean that it
always will. Public policy is made not by angels but by an imperfect political process.
Sometimes, policies are designed to reward the politically powerful. Sometimes,
they are made by well-intentioned leaders who are ill-informed. As you study eco-
nomics, you will become a better judge of when a government policy is justifiable
because it promotes efficiency or equality and when it is not.
QuickQuiz
5. International trade benefits a nation when c. the ability of government regulation to benefit
a. its revenue from selling abroad exceeds its outlays consumers, even if the consumers are unaware of
from buying abroad. the regulations.
b. its trading partners experience reduced economic d. the way in which producers or consumers in
well-being. unregulated markets impose costs on innocent
c. all nations specialize in doing what they do best. bystanders.
d. no domestic jobs are lost because of trade. 7. Governments may intervene in a market economy in
6. Adam Smith’s “invisible hand” refers to order to
a. the subtle and often hidden methods that busi- a. protect property rights.
nesses use to profit at consumers’ expense. b. correct a market failure due to externalities.
b. the ability of competitive markets to reach desir- c. achieve a more equal distribution of income.
able outcomes, despite the self-interest of market d. All of the above are correct.
participants.
23166_Ch01_ptg01.indd 10 01/10/22 9:57 AM

1-3 How the Economy as a Whole Works

We started by discussing how individuals make decisions and then looked at how
people interact. All these decisions and interactions together make up “the economy.”
The last three principles concern the workings of the economy as a whole.
1-3a Principle 8: A Country’s Standard of Living Depends

on Its Ability to Produce Goods and Services
The differences in living standards around the world are staggering. In 2019, the
average American earned about $65,000. In the same year, the average German
earned about $56,000, the average Chinese earned about $17,000, and the aver-
age Nigerian earned only $5,000. This variation in average income is reflected in
measures of quality of life. People in high-income countries have more computers,
more cars, better nutrition, better healthcare, and a longer life expectancy than do
those in low-income countries.
Changes in living standards over time are also large. In the United States, incomes
have historically grown about 2 percent per year (after adjusting for changes in the
cost of living). At this rate, the average income doubles every 35 years. Over the
past century, the average U.S. income has risen about eightfold.
What explains these large differences across countries and over time? The answer is
simple. Almost all variation in living standards is attributable to differences in countries’
productivity—that is, the amount of goods and services produced by each unit of labor productivity
input. In nations where workers can produce a large quantity of goods and services the quantity of goods and
per hour, most people enjoy a high standard of living; in nations where workers are services produced from
less productive, most people endure a more meager existence. Similarly, the growth each unit of labor input
rate of a nation’s productivity determines the growth rate of its average income.
The relationship between productivity and living standards is simple, but its impli-
cations are far-reaching. If productivity is the main determinant of living standards,
other explanations must be less important. For example, it might be tempting to credit
generous employers or vigorous labor unions for the rising incomes of American
workers over the past century. Yet the real hero of American workers is their rising
productivity. As another example, some commentators have suggested that increased
international competition explains the slowdown in U.S. income growth that began in
the mid-1970s. But the real villain was flagging productivity growth in the United States.
The relationship between productivity and living standards has profound impli-
cations for public policy. When thinking about how any policy will affect living
standards, the key question is how it will affect the economy’s ability to produce
goods and services. To boost living standards, policymakers need to raise productiv-
ity by ensuring that workers are well trained, have the tools they need to produce
goods and services, and have access to the best available technology.
1-3b Principle 9: Prices Rise When the Government Prints

Too Much Money
In January 1921, a daily newspaper in Germany cost 0.30 marks. Less than two years
later, in November 1922, the same newspaper cost 70,000,000 marks. All other prices
in the economy rose by similar amounts. This episode is one of history’s most spec-
tacular examples of inflation, an increase in the overall level of prices in the economy. inflation
The United States has never experienced inflation even close to that of Germany an increase in the overall
in the 1920s, but inflation has at times been a problem. During the 1970s, the overall level of prices in the
level of prices more than doubled, and President Gerald Ford called inflation “public economy
enemy number one.” By contrast, inflation in the first two decades of the 21st century
23166_Ch01_ptg01.indd 11 01/10/22 9:57 AM

ran about 2 percent per year; at this rate, it takes 35 years for prices to double.
Because high inflation imposes various costs on society, keeping inflation at a
reasonable rate is a goal of economic policymakers around the world.
What causes inflation? In almost all cases of large or persistent inflation, the
TRIBUNE MEDIA SERVICES, INC. ALL RIGHTS
RESERVED. REPRINTED WITH PERMISSION.
culprit is growth in the quantity of money. When a government creates large

quantities of the nation’s money, the value of the money falls. In Germany in the
early 1920s, when prices were, on average, tripling every month, the quantity of
money was also tripling every month. Although less dramatic, the history of the
United States points to a similar conclusion: The high inflation of the 1970s was
associated with rapid growth in the quantity of money, and the return of low
inflation in the 1980s was associated with slower growth in the quantity of money.
In 2022, as this book was going to press, U.S. inflation was surging. In February
“Well it may have of that year, consumer prices were 7.9 percent higher than a year earlier, the highest
been 68 cents when inflation rate in 40 years. During the economic downturn caused by the coronavirus
you got in line, but it’s pandemic in 2020, the government alleviated the hardship with large increases in spend-
74 cents now!” ing, and the quantity of money in the economy rose significantly. These policies, together
with supply disruptions due to the pandemic, contributed to rising inflation. The key
question was whether the inflation surge would be transitory, as many government
officials believed, or whether it would become embedded in the economy, as occurred
in the 1970s. The outcome would depend, in large part, on future monetary policy.
1-3c Principle 10: Society Faces a Short-Run Trade-Off

between Inflation and Unemployment
While an increase in the quantity of money primarily raises prices in the long run,
the short-run story is more complex. Most economists describe the short-run effects
of money growth as follows:
• Increasing the amount of money in the economy stimulates the overall level
of spending and thus the demand for goods and services.
• Higher demand will, over time, cause firms to raise their prices, but in the
meantime, it encourages them to hire more workers and produce a larger
quantity of goods and services.
• More hiring means lower unemployment.
This line of reasoning leads to one final economy-wide trade-off: a short-run trade-
off between inflation and unemployment.
Some economists still question these ideas, but most accept that society faces
a short-run trade-off between inflation and unemployment. This simply means
that, over a period of a year or two, many economic policies push inflation and
unemployment in opposite directions. Policymakers face this trade-off regardless of
whether inflation and unemployment both start out at high levels (as they did in the
early 1980s), at low levels (as they did in the late 2010s), or someplace in between.
business cycle This short-run trade-off plays a key role in the analysis of the business cycle—the
fluctuations in irregular and largely unpredictable fluctuations in economic activity, as measured
economic activity, such by the production of goods and services or the number of people employed.
as employment and Policymakers can exploit the short-run trade-off between inflation and unemploy-
production ment using various policy instruments. By changing the amount that the govern-
ment spends, the amount it taxes, or the amount of money it prints, policymakers
can influence the overall demand for goods and services. Changes in demand, in
turn, influence the combination of inflation and unemployment that the economy
experiences in the short run. Because these instruments of economic policy are so
powerful, how policymakers should use them is the subject of continuing debate.
23166_Ch01_ptg01.indd 12 01/10/22 9:57 AM

QuickQuiz
8. The main reason that some nations have higher aver- c. the government imposing excessive levels of
age living standards than others is that taxation.
a. the richer nations have exploited the poorer ones. d. firms using their market power to enforce exces-
b. the governments of some nations have created sive price hikes.
more money. 10. If a government uses the tools of monetary policy to
c. some nations have stronger laws protecting worker reduce the demand for goods and services, the likely
rights. result is ________ inflation and ________ unemploy-
d. some nations have higher levels of productivity. ment in the short run.
9. If a nation has high and persistent inflation, the most a. lower; lower
likely explanation is b. lower; higher
a. the government creating excessive amounts of c. higher; higher
money. d. higher; lower
b. unions bargaining for excessively high wages.
1-4 Conclusion
You now have a taste of what economics is all about. In the coming chapters, we will
develop many specific insights about people, markets, and economies. Mastering
them will take some effort, but the task is not overwhelming. The field of economics
is based on a few big ideas that can be applied in many situations.
Throughout this book, we will refer to the Ten Principles of Economics intro-
duced in this chapter and summarized in Table 1. Keep these building blocks in
mind. Even the most sophisticated economic analysis is founded on these ten
principles.
Table 1
How People Make Decisions
Ten Principles of
Economics 1. People face trade-offs.
2. The cost of something is what you give up to get it.
3. Rational people think at the margin.
4. People respond to incentives.
How People Interact
5. Trade can make everyone better off.
6. Markets are usually a good way to organize economic activity.
7. Governments can sometimes improve market outcomes.
How the Economy as a Whole Works
8. A country’s standard of living depends on its ability to produce goods and services.
9. Prices rise when the government prints too much money.
10. Society faces a short-run trade-off between inflation and unemployment.
23166_Ch01_ptg01.indd 13 01/10/22 9:57 AM

Chapter in a Nutshell
• The fundamental lessons about individual decision way of coordinating economic activity, and that gov-
making are that people face trade-offs among alterna- ernments can potentially improve market outcomes by
tive goals, that the cost of any action is measured in remedying a market failure or by promoting greater
terms of forgone opportunities, that rational people economic equality.
make decisions by comparing marginal costs and mar- • The fundamental lessons about the economy as a whole
ginal benefits, and that people change their behavior in are that productivity is the ultimate source of living stan-
response to the incentives they face. dards, that growth in the quantity of money is the ulti-
• The fundamental lessons about economic interactions mate source of inflation, and that society faces a short-
among people are that trade and interdependence can run trade-off between inflation and unemployment.
be mutually beneficial, that markets are usually a good
Key Concepts
scarcity, p. 2 marginal change, p. 4 market power, p. 10
economics, p. 2 incentive, p. 5 productivity, p. 11
efficiency, p. 3 market economy, p. 7 inflation, p. 11
equality, p. 3 property rights, p. 9 business cycle, p. 12
opportunity cost, p. 3 market failure, p. 10
rational people, p. 4 externality, p. 10
Questions for Review

1. Give three examples of important trade-offs that you 6. What does the “invisible hand” of the marketplace
face in your life. do?
2. What items would you include to figure out the 7. What are the two main causes of market failure? Give
opportunity cost of a trip to an amusement park? an example of each.
3. Water is necessary for life. Is the marginal benefit of a 8. Why is productivity important?
glass of water large or small? 9. What is inflation, and what causes it?
4. Why should policymakers think about incentives? 10. How are inflation and unemployment related in the
5. Why isn’t trade between two countries like a game in short run?
which one country wins and the other loses?
Problems and Applications

1. Describe some of the trade-offs faced by each of the 2. You are trying to decide whether to take a vacation.
following: Most of the costs of the vacation (airfare, hotel, and
a. a family deciding whether to buy a car forgone wages) are measured in dollars, but the
b. a member of Congress deciding how much to benefits of the vacation are psychological. How can
spend on national parks you compare the benefits to the costs?
c. a company president deciding whether to open a 3. You were planning to spend Saturday working at
new factory your part-time job, but a friend asks you to go skiing.
d. a professor deciding how much to prepare for What is the true cost of going skiing? Now suppose
class you had been planning to spend the day studying
e. a recent college graduate deciding whether to go at the library. What is the cost of going skiing in this
to graduate school case? Explain.
f. a single parent with small children deciding
whether to take a job
23166_Ch01_ptg01.indd 14 01/10/22 9:57 AM

4. You win $100 in a basketball pool. You have a choice d. breaking up Standard Oil (which once owned 90
between spending the money now and putting it percent of all U.S. oil refineries) into several smaller
away for a year in a bank account that pays 5 percent companies
interest. What is the opportunity cost of spending the e. imposing higher personal income tax rates on
$100 now? people with higher incomes
5. The company that you manage has invested $5 million f. enacting laws against driving while intoxicated
in developing a new product, but the development 8. Discuss each of the following statements from the
is not quite finished. At a recent meeting, your standpoints of equality and efficiency.
salespeople report that the introduction of competing a. “Everyone in society should be guaranteed the best
products has reduced the expected sales of your new healthcare possible.”
product to $3 million. If it would cost $1 million to b. “When workers are laid off, they should be able
finish development and make the product, should you to collect unemployment benefits until they find a
go ahead and do so? What is the most that you should new job.”
pay to complete development? 9. In what ways is your standard of living different from
6. A 1996 bill reforming the federal government’s that of your parents or grandparents when they were
antipoverty programs limited many welfare recipients your age? Why have these changes occurred?
to only two years of benefits. 10. Suppose Americans decide to save more of their
a. How did this change affect the incentives for incomes. If banks lend this extra saving to businesses
working? that use the funds to build new factories, how might
b. How might this change represent a trade-off this lead to faster growth in productivity? Who do
between equality and efficiency? you suppose benefits from the higher productivity? Is
7. Explain whether each of the following government society getting a free lunch?
activities is motivated by a concern about equality or 11. During the Revolutionary War, the American colonies
a concern about efficiency. In the case of efficiency, could not raise enough tax revenue to fully fund the
discuss the type of market failure involved. war effort. To make up the difference, the colonies
a. regulating cable TV prices decided to print more money. Printing money to cover
b. providing some low-income people with vouchers expenditures is sometimes referred to as an “inflation
that can be used to buy food tax.” Who do you think is being “taxed” when more
c. prohibiting smoking in public places money is printed? Why?
QuickQuiz Answers
1. a 2. c 3. b 4. d 5. c 6. b 7. d 8. d 9. a 10. b
23166_Ch01_ptg01.indd 15 01/10/22 9:57 AM

23166_Ch01_ptg01.indd 16 01/10/22 9:57 AM
Chapter
2 T
he goal of this book is to help you think like an economist. This
can be useful in a thousand ways. When you try to make sense
of a news story, manage the finances of your household or
business, or evaluate a politician’s promises about problems rang-
ing from local traffic congestion to global climate change, knowing
some economics can help you think more sensibly and systemati-
Thinking Like cally. And that kind of thinking will lead you to better outcomes.
In all fields of study, specialists develop their own terminology and
methods. Mathematicians talk about axioms, integrals, and vector
an Economist spaces. Psychologists talk about ego, id, and cognitive dissonance.
Lawyers talk about venue, torts, and promissory estoppel. Economists
are no different. Supply, demand, elasticity, comparative advantage,
consumer surplus, deadweight loss—these terms are part of the econ-
omist’s language. In the coming chapters, you will encounter many
new terms and some familiar words that economists use in special-
ized ways. At first, the terms and technicalities may seem needlessly
arcane, and in daily life, many of them are. But understanding them
will give you a new and useful way of thinking about the world in
which you live. This book will guide you gently through the thicket.
Before delving into the substance and details of economics, it is
helpful to have an overview of how economists look at the world.
This chapter discusses the field’s methodology. What is distinctive
about how economists confront a question? What does it mean to
think like an economist?
GAUDILAB/SHUTTERSTOCK.COM, LECHATNOIR/E+/GETTY IMAGES
23166_Ch02_ptg01.indd 17 01/10/22 9:52 AM

2-1 The Economist as Scientist

Economists try to address their subject with a scientist’s objectivity. They approach
the study of the economy much as a physicist approaches the study of matter and
a biologist approaches the study of life: They devise theories, collect data, and then
analyze the data to verify or refute their theories.
J.B. HANDELSMAN/THE NEW YORKER
The claim that economics is a science can seem odd. After all, economists don’t
COLLECTION/THE CARTOON BANK
work with test tubes or telescopes, and they don’t wear white lab coats. Like other
social scientists, they study human beings, a subject that everyone knows something
about without the need for a university degree. The essence of science, however,
is the scientific method—the dispassionate development and testing of theories
about how the world works. This method of inquiry is as applicable to studying a
nation’s economy as it is to studying the earth’s gravity or a species’ evolution. As
Albert Einstein put it, “The whole of science is nothing more than the refinement
“I’m a social scientist,
of everyday thinking.”
Michael. That means I
Einstein’s comment is as true for economics as it is for physics, but most people
can’t explain electric-
are not accustomed to looking at society through a scientific lens. Let’s consider
ity or anything like
some of the ways economists apply the logic of science to examine how an economy
that, but if you ever
works.
want to know about
people, I’m your
2-1a The Scientific Method: Observation, Theory,
man.”
and More Observation
Isaac Newton, the 17th-century scientist and mathematician, told his biographer that
he became intrigued one day when he saw an apple fall from a tree. Why did the
apple always fall straight down to the earth? Newton’s musing led him to develop
a theory of gravity that applies not only to a falling apple but to any two objects in
the universe. Subsequent testing of Newton’s theory has shown that it works well in
many circumstances (but not all, as Einstein would later show). Because Newton’s
theory has been so successful at explaining what we observe around us, it is still
taught in physics courses.
A similar interplay between theory and observation occurs in economics. An
economist who lives in a country with rapidly increasing prices may be moved
by this observation to develop a theory of inflation. The theory might assert that
high inflation arises when the government issues too much money. To test this
theory, the economist could collect and analyze data on prices and money from
many different countries. If the growth in the quantity of money were unrelated
to the rate of price increase, the economist would start to doubt the validity of this
theory of inflation. If money growth and inflation were correlated in international
data, as in fact they often are, the economist would become more confident in the
proposed theory.
Although economists use theory and observation like other scientists, they face
an obstacle that makes their task challenging: Conducting experiments is often
impractical. Physicists studying gravity can drop objects in their laboratories to
test their theories. By contrast, economists studying inflation are not allowed to
manipulate a nation’s monetary policy simply to generate useful data. Economists,
like astronomers and evolutionary biologists, usually make do with whatever data
the world gives them.
To substitute for laboratory experiments, economists pay close attention to the
natural experiments offered by history. When a war in the Middle East interrupts the
supply of crude oil, for instance, oil prices skyrocket around the world. For consum-
ers of oil and oil products, such an event raises the cost of living. For policymakers,
23166_Ch02_ptg01.indd 18 01/10/22 9:52 AM

Chapter 2 Thinking Like an Economist 19
it poses a difficult choice about how best to respond. But for economic scientists, the
event provides an opportunity to study the effects of a key natural resource on the
world’s economies. Throughout this book, we consider many historical episodes.
Studying them yields insights into the economy of the past and helps to illustrate
and evaluate economic theories of the present.
2-1b The Role of Assumptions

If you ask physicists how long it would take a marble to fall from the top of a
ten-story building, they will likely answer by assuming that the marble falls in
a vacuum. Yet this assumption is false. The building is surrounded by air, which
exerts friction on the falling marble and slows it down. Why provide answers
that ignore the complexity of the real world? In this case, physicists will point out
that the friction on the marble is so small that its effect is negligible. Assuming
the marble falls in a vacuum simplifies the problem without substantially affect-
ing the answer. Physicists understand, however, that for a more precise answer,
they would have to revisit their assumptions and perform a more sophisticated
analysis.
Economists make assumptions for the same reason: Assumptions can simplify the
complex world and make it easier to understand. To study international trade, for
example, we might assume that the world consists of only two countries and that
each country produces only two goods. We know that this isn’t an accurate repre-
sentation of the real world, which consists of many countries producing thousands
of different types of goods. But by assuming the world has only two countries and
two goods, we can focus on the essence of the problem. After analyzing international
trade in this simplified imaginary world, we are in a better position to understand
trade in the more complex world in which we live.
The art in scientific thinking—whether in physics, biology, or economics—is
deciding which assumptions to make. Suppose, for instance, that instead of drop-
ping a marble from the top of a building, we were dropping a beach ball of the same
weight. Our physicist would realize that the assumption of no friction is wildly
inaccurate in this case: Friction exerts a greater force on the beach ball because it is
much larger than a marble. Pretending that gravity works in a vacuum is reasonable
when studying a falling marble, but it would lead to large errors when studying a
falling beach ball.
Similarly, economists use different assumptions to answer different questions.
Suppose, for example, that we want to study what happens to the economy when
the government changes the number of dollars in circulation. An important piece
of this analysis, it turns out, is how prices respond. Many prices in the economy
change infrequently: The newsstand prices of magazines, for instance, change only
once every few years. Knowing this fact may lead us to make different assump-
tions for different time horizons. When studying the short-run effects of the policy,
we may assume that prices do not change much. We may even make the extreme
assumption that all prices are completely fixed. When studying the long-run effects
of the policy, however, we may assume that all prices are completely flexible. Just
as physicists use different assumptions when studying falling marbles and falling
beach balls, economists use different assumptions when studying the short-run and
long-run effects of a change in the quantity of money.
2-1c Economic Models

High school biology teachers teach basic anatomy with plastic replicas of the human
body. These models have all the major organs—the heart, liver, kidneys, and so
23166_Ch02_ptg01.indd 19 01/10/22 9:52 AM

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picture until it was exhibited in the British Gallery some time
afterwards, where it was a very popular picture, and was very much
thought of. Since then, I have heard it was sold to the nation; and
twice I have seen it in the National Gallery. I saw it only about a week
ago, and I then thought it was not in the same condition (indeed, I
am certain it is not) as when it was exhibited in the British Gallery
formerly, after I had done it.” This is sufficient evidence that the
picture has been damaged in cleaning. Let us pursue the story
through question and answer.
“Q. 5124. What was the state of the picture when it came into your
hands? There were portions of the picture entirely gone.—Q. 5125.
What portions? Whole groups of figures, and there was a portion of
the foreground entirely gone also.—Q. 5126. Do you mean that
celebrated group which is so often copied—the man in a red coat?
That is original. I think that any man, with any knowledge of art, will
see at once that that is original; and I am only surprised that it has
not been seen that other parts are original also.—Q. 5127. Which
portions of these groups did you chiefly restore? You are very near
the mark when you speak of the red coat; it is the group on the right
hand; the outlines were entirely gone.—Q. 5128. Do you mean to say,
that the whole of the paint was removed from that part of the
picture? Entirely.—Q. 5129. Was the canvass laid bare? Entirely.—Q.
5130. What guide had you in repainting those groups? Not any.—Q.
5131. Did you paint groups that you yourself imagined and designed?
Yes.—Q. 5132. Did Lord Cowley not distinguish any difference in the
groups? Not any.—Q. 5133. What was the extent of paint wanting on
that group which you say you repainted on the right—was it a portion
as large as a sheet of note-paper? Larger, considerably; the figures
themselves are larger than that.—Q. 5134. Was it as large as a sheet
of foolscap? About that size, I should imagine.—Q. 5135. There was a
piece of the original paint wanting as large as that? Yes, in the
foreground.—Q. 5136. It was totally wanting, and the canvass to that
extent laid bare—is that so? Yes.—Q. 5137. And on that bare canvass
you painted the groups of figures we see now? Exactly.—Q. 5138. Will
you have the goodness to describe to the committee any other
portions of the picture where the paint was in a similar or in an
analogous state? The whole of the centre of the picture was
destroyed, with slight indications here and there of men; there were
some men without horses, and some horses without men.—Q. 5139.
That is in the arena? Yes.—Q. 5140. You are speaking of the figures
on horseback? Yes: some riders had no horses, and some horses had
no riders.”
We must curtail the evidence for want of space. It appears that his
brush, taking the number of square feet, went over a great deal more
than half. He is sorry to say it is now gone back to “Velasquez
mutilated.” But are there not infallible judges to discover all this
repainting? “I may mention that, many years ago, when the picture
was at the British Gallery, I was invited by a member of the Academy
to go and look at it; and I went there; Mr Seguier and Mr Barnard
(who was also a picture-cleaner) were present. They said, ‘I know
what you have come for; you have come to see the magnificent
Velasquez.’ I said, ‘Well, I have;’ and, with the greatest simplicity in
the world, I said it gave me a notion that some part had been much
repaired and painted upon: upon which Mr Barnard, the keeper of
the British Institution, said immediately, ‘No, you are wrong there;
we never had a picture so free from repair in our lives.’ I did not
think it at all desirable to make any statement,” &c. He hopes there is
no engraving of the picture, for the group in the foreground, entirely
his, would be detected immediately.
So much for Mr Lance’s doings with this celebrated Boar-hunt,
which, whatever part of it may be by Mr Lance, we are very glad to
see in our National Gallery, and should have been more glad if they
had abstained from cleaning it. But Mr Lance has further amusement
for us. That account is the serious play in which he was principal
actor. We shall see him again in the entertainment. It has a very
excellent title—“Diogenes in search of an Honest Man.” The part of
Diogenes, Mr Lance; the point being, the vain search for a time, but
discovered at last—in whom? In a negro. This was Mr Diogenes
Lance’s satirical discovery. There are countries where the scene must
not be exhibited. He shall tell the story. “Q. 5230. Have you ever
restored any other picture in the ordinary course of your professional
practice? During the time I was engaged upon that picture at Mr
Thane’s, he had a picture belonging to the Archbishop of York, to
which rather an amusing thing occurred.—Q. 5231. What was the
subject of it? It was a picture of Diogenes in search of an Honest
Man, by Rembrandt; a portion of it was much injured. Mr Thane said
to me, ‘I wish you would help me out in this difficulty.’ He did not
paint himself.—Q. 5232. Which Archbishop was it? The Archbishop
of York. I said, ‘What am I to do? tell me what you want.’ He said,
‘There’s a deficiency here—what is it?’ I said, ‘It appears to me very
much as if a cow’s head had been there.’ He said, ‘It cannot be a
cow’s head; for how could a cow stand there?’ I said, ‘That is very
true; there is no room for her legs.’ I fancied first one thing, then
another: at one time, I fancied it was a tree that was wanting; and at
length I said, ‘Well, I will tell you what will do—if you will let me put
in a black man grinning, that will do very well, and rather help out
the subject.’ He said, ‘Could you put in a black man?’ I said, ‘Yes, in a
very short time;’ and in about half an hour I painted in a black man’s
head, which was said very much to have improved the picture.
Shortly afterwards Mr Harcourt came in, and seeing the picture, he
said, ‘Dear me, Mr Thane, how beautifully they have got out this
picture! my father will be delighted. We never saw this black man
before.’ And that is the extent of my picture-repairing.” Mr Lance is a
man of humour. When Mr Harcourt came to examine the picture,
did what his namesake Launce in the play said occur to the painter?
This is “the blackest news that ever thou heard’st.” But no; both
Lances were discreet in their humour, and the one thought like the
other—“Thou shalt never get a secret from me but by a parable.” The
idea of a black man grinning at the folly of Diogenes, in looking for
an honest man among the whites, was a most original piece of
humour, worthy the concentrated geniuses of all the Launces that
ever were.
All the world knew Mr Lance’s powers as a painter of still life; he
has now doubly established his fame, and notwithstanding that his
modesty would look shy upon his performances on the Velasquez
“The Boar-hunt,” as nobody else has been startled by them, we
sincerely hope they will be allowed to remain—that is, as much of
them as the cleaners have spared. We hope, also, that no
experimentalists in nostrums will be allowed to reiterate the attempt
of the fable, and try to “wash his blackamore white.” Let this be the
picture’s motto—“Hic niger est, hunc tu——caveto.”
It is to be feared that picture-cleaning has become a necessary evil,
as patients who have been long under the hands of empirics must
needs have recourse to regular practitioners to preserve even a sickly
life. Empirical nostrums must be got out of the constitution, for by a
habit of maintenance, however advantageous they may appear at
first, they are sure to side with the disease, and kill the patient. There
is the first Mr Seguier’s boiled oil, that terrible black dose—must that
be allowed to remain? Then comes the question, by what desperate
remedies is it to be eradicated? There is the Gaspar Poussin
landscape near the injured Claude “Queen of Sheba,” the “Abraham
and Isaac:” we remember it a very beautiful clear picture. It is now
all obscured; there are large brown patches in the once lucid sky. As
so large a proportion of the pictures in the Gallery are suffering
under this oil-disease, and seem to petition for a ticket to the
hospital, we offer a suggestion made by De Burtin, that experienced
and cautious cleaner, who speaks with utter abhorrence of the oiling
system. He says that he tried every secret of his art without success;
“continuing always my experiments, however, though with little
hope, I have at length had the happiness to find in the application of
this same oil itself the means of so softening the old oil, that I have
afterwards, with spirit of wine, removed both the oils, new and old
together, without at all injuring the picture. Although this plan has
succeeded equally well with four pictures on which I had occasion to
employ it, yet I must not be understood to hold it out as infallible
until, from the number of the cases in which it is tried, and the
uniformity of its success, it shall earn for itself that title; but,
persuaded that the want of other known means will induce
connoisseurs to make trial of this one, I feel desirous to put them in
possession of all the information that I myself have in regard to it.
My four pictures, all painted on panel, were evidently covered with
an oil which gave them an aspect alike sad and monotonous, and
which seemed to be of many years’ duration. I gave them a coat of
linseed oil during the warmest days of summer, renewing once, and
even twice a-day, the places on which it seemed to be absorbed. On
the twelfth day the oil on one of the pictures was become so softened
that it clung to my finger. I then employed good spirit of wine,
without any other admixture whatever, to remove all the oil which I
had put upon the picture; and the pleasure I experienced was only
equalled by my surprise, when I saw the vivacity of the colours
restored under my hands as the spirit of wine removed the old oil
along with the new. After a few days’ interval, the other three
pictures gave me renewed occasion for congratulation by the same
results, and with equal success.”
De Burtin has at least the great merit of having no concealments in
his practice. And here the Commissioners have done well in
recommending that no varnishes be used, the ingredients of which
are kept secret. Mr Farrer thinks he is the only person in this country
using gum damas. He is mistaken—we have used it many years, and
agree with him that it is far less liable to chill than mastic. The
recommendation, also, that, before cleaning a picture, an able
chemist should be applied to, is a proper precaution, which would, of
course, include varnishing. That pictures may not be subject to secret
varnishes, the only one we would have kept secret is that mentioned
by Mr Niewenhuys, the experimentalising in which brought the
indignation of the court of Lilliput on the unfortunate Gulliver.
Picture-scourers have been hitherto a ruthless race—with their
corrosives they take the life’s blood out of the flesh of works, like true
Vampires, and appropriately enough talk of vamping them up. Few
are as conscientious as Mr Thane, to be persecuted with the
“processions” of the skeletons they make. There is an amusing story
illustrated by Cruikshank. A lover, anxious for the safety of his sick
mistress, goes about seeking physicians; he is gifted, for the occasion,
to see over the doors of the faculty the ghosts of the patients they had
killed. It is within doors we would have the picture possessor go. The
outer shop of the cleaner is enchanting—perhaps it may exhibit a
face half of which is cleaned, and half dirty, that, according to Mr
Ford’s notion of looking better and worse, customers may take their
choice of the dingy or the clean. The connoisseur and collector need
have some “Diable Boiteux” to take them unseen into the interior
laboratories where the ghosts and skeletons lie concealed, while the
Medea’s pot is on the fire, whose boiling is to transfer new flesh to
the dry bones, that they may be produceable again, as they often are,
novelties of a frightful vigour and unnatural sprightliness, to be
reduced to an after-sobriety under a regimen of boiled oil and
asphaltum. Even Mr Lance’s work, which was believed to be original,
has been obscured and otherwise damaged. Salvator Rosa’s “Mercury
and the Woodman,” is as if it had been dipped in “the sooty
Acheron.” There is little pleasure in looking at pictures in such a
state. Altogether, then, to leave pictures “black, dirty, and in a filthy
state,” a condition which Mr Stansfield[6] properly abominates, is to
mislead the public, whom to instruct is one great object of a National
Gallery. But who is to restore the gem-like lustre when once
removed? There should be a cleaning, or rather a preservation
committee. Philosophers say, that diamonds are but charcoal; none
have, however, succeeded in converting the carbon into diamonds;
but it may be possible to convert the diamonds of art into charcoal,
or into something worse, “black, dingy, and filthy.”
We scarcely know where to stop with so large a volume as this
Report, with its evidence before us. The questions, with their
answers, amount to the astonishing number of 10,410! We
necessarily leave much matter untouched, very much interesting
matter—We would gladly enlarge upon some of the suggestions
thrown out in our article on this subject of December, but adequate
space in this Magazine may not be allowed. Yet we will refer to one
suggestion, because it is now the very time that public attention
should be directed to it; we mean the appointment of Professorships
of the Fine Arts at our Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. Lord
Palmerston’s letter to the Chancellor of Cambridge shows that great
changes are in contemplation. Such professorships would be a
graceful offering to the universities, who may have been a little
suspicious of the movement of a commission; and we feel sure, that
nothing could be more promotive of the fine arts, the real taste of the
country, or more beneficial, as leading the educated to pursuits of a
high and noble nature. We will not attempt to discuss the “Removal
of the Gallery.” The Blue Book affords details, and plans of site. The
appendix is full of valuable information; but it contains matter upon
which we feel some alarm. We know there is a scheme, under
peculiar favour, to make our National Gallery a Chronological
Almanac of Art, than which nothing can be more worthless or more
beyond the objects for which we should have a National Gallery at
all. What we should collect is a large subject, which we may feel
disposed to consider more at large in a future article.
The public will now inquire, what is to be the result of this pains-
taking Commission? We are aware that the Chairman repudiates the
Report. It is one to which he does not give his assent. We know not
the particulars in which he differs from the Report as agreed upon.
We could have wished, for the sake of the arts, that there had been
no difference.
Of this there can be no doubt, that the system, if such it may be
called, is most unsatisfactory. If we would have a National Gallery at
all, the public have a right to demand that it shall be one befitting the
dignity of the country and the objects proposed by such an
establishment, none of which, it is manifest from the entire evidence,
can be realised unless the trust be thoroughly revised. Evils to be
avoided are now laid bare to sight. If it be true,
“They say best men are moulded out of faults,”
there are faults enough to mould them out of. May we not, then,
entertain a hope that we shall have a National Gallery?
A GLANCE AT TURKISH HISTORY.
Had history recorded the increase and decrease in the numbers of

mankind with the attention it has bestowed in chronicling the names
of the worthless dynasties which have devoured the wealth of
nations, and annihilated the accumulations of national industry, the
history of the Turks would occupy a prominent place in the annals of
the human race. No other people has made such extensive conquests.
They subdued China before the Moguls, and they formed a
considerable part of the armies of Genghis Khan and Tamerlane,
which subdued Russia and ravaged Syria. Even at the present day,
though fallen from their ancient power, they are spread over a
considerable portion of Europe and Asia, from the Adriatic and the
Danube to the lake Baikal and the sources of the Lena. Their original
seats are supposed to lie round the Altaï mountains. The Turkish
nations of the present day, besides the descendants of the Seljouks,
the Turkomans, and the Othomans, who dwell in the sultan’s
dominions, are the Usbeks, the Ugours, the Kirgises, the Baskirs, the
tribe called Nogay Tartars, and the so-called Tartars of Astrakan and
Kasan. The real Tartars, or Moguls, are a different people, and the
Kalmuks on the Volga are of Tartar, not Turkish race.
The only modern European nations which pretend to be
mentioned in Scripture, are the Turks and Russians. Historical
antiquaries tell us that Togarmah is used for Turk; and they affirm,
that the Targhitaos of Herodotus, whom the Scythians called the
founder of their nation, and the son of Jupiter, is identical with the
Togarmah of Moses and Ezekiel.[7]
The Russians can boast of much more precise notice in Scripture
than their enemies the Turks. Though their name is omitted in our
translation, it occurs in the Septuagint three times, and under the
peculiar ethnic denomination in which it reappears in the Byzantine
ὼ
historians. The word is Ῥὼς, and on this name Gibbon remarks,
“Among the Greeks this national appellation has a singular form as
an undeclinable word;” but he does not mention that it is found in
the Septuagint. The second and third verses of the thirty-eighth
chapter of Ezekiel, according to the Greek text, read thus: “Son of
man, set thy face against Gog, the land of Magog, the chief prince of
the Russians (ἄρχοντα Ῥὼς), Meshech and Tubal, and prophesy
against him, and say, Thus saith the Lord God, I am against thee, O
chief prince of the Russians, Meshech and Tubal.” And again, in the
first verse of the thirty-ninth chapter: “Therefore, son of man,
prophesy against Gog, and say, Thus saith the Lord God, Behold, I
am against thee, O Gog, the chief prince of the Russians, Meshech
and Tubal.”
The Russians are said also to be noticed in the Koran, though not
with the same distinctness, under the name of Al Rass. In the chapter
Al Forkan, which is the twenty-fifth of Sale’s translation, it is said,
“We have prepared for the unjust a painful torment. Remember Ad
and Tamud, and those who dwelt at Al Rass.” In the chapter called
the letter Kaf, which is the fiftieth of Sale’s translation, we also find:
“The people of Noah, and those who dwelt at Al Rass, and Thamud,
and Ad, and Pharaoh, accused the prophets of injustice.”
The earliest authorities, however, who furnish us with an account
of the Turkish nation as it now exists, with the distinct nationality
and language preserved to the present day, are the Byzantine
historians, Menander and Theophylactus Simocalta. The latter
historian gives a very interesting account of the condition of the
Turks in the sixth century of our era. They were then the sovereigns
of a great city called Tavgas; they were the most valiant and populous
of nations; they lived under the protection of just laws, and carried
on an extensive commerce. Tavgas is supposed to be the name of a
Chinese city, which was then one of the seats of the Turkish
government, for there is no doubt that somewhat before this period
the Turks had conquered a considerable part of the north of China.
Indeed, traces of the language of these early conquerors are still
preserved, which are identical with the Turkish spoken to-day at
Constantinople, for time has effected less change in the Turkish than
in any other European language. Collateral evidence concerning the
power of the Turks in central Asia during the latter part of the fifth,
and early part of the sixth centuries, is afforded by the history of the
life and travels of Hiouen-thsang, recently translated by Monsieur
Julien, whether that work be really the composition of a Chinese
contemporary, or only a Chinese compilation from earlier Arabic
authorities.[8] It is certain that about the commencement of the sixth
century the Turks ruled all central Asia, as far south as the
Hindookoosh, including the ancient Sogdiana and Bactria.
The first political intercourse between the Turks and a European
state occurred towards the middle of the sixth century. The great
khan of the Turks sent an embassy to Justinian I., to persuade the
Roman empire to refuse an asylum to the Avars. The dominions then
ruled by the great khan formed the first of the three great Turkish
empires which have exercised an important influence on the social
condition of the Christian nations, both in Europe and Asia. The
second of these empires was that of the Seljouk Turks, which caused
the crusades, and ruined the Byzantine empire. And the third was
that of the Othoman Turks, which destroyed the Greek empire, and
has long been the master, patron, or tyrant, of the patriarchs of
Constantinople, Jerusalem, Antioch, and Alexandria.
The first Turkish empire took its rise from the oppression of the
Avars, who were the dominant people in Asia, and who are supposed
to have been a mixed race of Mogul and Turkish origin. The
oppression of the Avars was submitted to as long as the body of the
Turkish people was confined by its circumstances to an agricultural
and pastoral life. The population being dispersed in small
communities, which lived without much intercommunication, was
composed of as many isolated tribes as there are springs in the plains
they inhabitated; and these tribes were as incapable of acquiring
common motives of action as the population of the islands in the
eastern seas. But the scene changed in the fifth century. The Turks
who dwelt on Mount Altaï grew rich by mining operations and
manufactures. They became the principal traders in iron and steel,
and the manufacturers and merchants of the arms and armour
required in the Avar empire. But the government soon endeavoured
to appropriate the wealth which it saw was created by the industry of
its subjects to administrative purposes. Taxation was increased, and
monopolies were established, to enable the court of the Avar
emperor to display the power of centralisation. Governmental
pageantry, court spectacles, and military pomp, consumed the wealth
of the people in the unknown capital of this vanished empire; while
the Turkish people, now inspired by common feelings, called for an
administration that would dig wells, and construct cisterns and
caravanserais in the desert. The Turks were now united by the
lessons which their trade had disseminated through every province.
With improved intercourse they had gained a more enlarged
experience, and acquired national feelings. They at last rose in
rebellion; and before the middle of the sixth century, the first great
Turkish empire was founded by Toumen the blacksmith, the
ancestor of Genghis Khan, and Timor the lame. This empire
extended from the Caspian sea to the ocean. The great Khan of the
Turks, Askel, who sent an embassy to the Roman emperor Justinian
I., is supposed to have been the son of Toumen.
In the year 568 another embassy arrived at Constantinople from
the great Khan Dizaboulos, with a letter for Justin II., written in the
Scythian character, which, whatever it was, was not unknown to the
learned interpreters of the Roman foreign office. One great object of
Turkish diplomacy had been to get possession of the whole of the silk
trade with Europe, but the Turkish ambassadors had been
astonished to find that Justinian had already succeeded in
introducing the culture of the silk-worm in the Roman empire, and
that the imperial court was rich in native silk, manufactured in Asia
Minor and the islands. The ambassadors of Dizaboulos, however,
concluded the first formal treaty between the Turks and the
emperors of Constantinople; the bond of union between the courts of
Mount Altaï and Byzantium was hostility to Persia, and very
profound and enlightened views concerning the maintenance of the
balance of power in the East, while the tie which then connected the
interests of the Turks with those of the Romans and Greeks was
commerce.
The long wars between the Persian and Roman empires, and the
arbitrary measures of the Persians, had stopped all commercial
communications between India and Europe through the Persian
dominions. The countries on the shores of the Mediterranean had in
consequence been compelled to draw their supplies of Indian and
Chinese produce, and the productions of the Spice islands, of which
there was then an immense consumption, by way of the Red Sea.
This trade, even as early as the time of Pliny, was so extensive as to
excite the wonder of that aristocratic Roman. In the sixth century it
had greatly increased, and both Arabia and Ethiopia were in a most
prosperous condition, from the great profits it poured into those
countries. In the year 523 the king of Ethiopia was able to collect a
fleet of thirteen hundred ships in the Red Sea, and to obtain
abundant supplies for a large army on the coast of Arabia, where a
single ship and a company of infantry would find it difficult to
procure provisions for a week. After the reign of Justinian this
commerce rapidly declined. The increase of piracy on the coast near
the entrance of the Persian gulf, and the wars of the Ethiopian kings
in Arabia, were simultaneous with the poverty, depopulation, and
destruction of capital in Africa and Italy, caused by the Vandal and
Gothic wars of Justinian. At this crisis, when Alexandria and Rome
were rapidly declining, the security which the extent of the Turkish
empire and the policy of the great Khan afforded to merchants,
turned a great portion of the Eastern trade towards Constantinople.
The Indian traders began to prefer the caravan journey through the
deserts of central Asia, to the tedious and dangerous navigation of
the Red Sea. By sea they could no longer venture to visit the
intermediate ports from fear of pirates, while on the land journey
they could carry on a profitable trade in slaves, and in exchanging the
precious metals, at many stations on their way. The great importance
of the slave trade at this time in central Asia is proved by the
circumstance that the emperor Tiberius II., A.D. 578–582, formed a
corps of fifteen thousand mamlouks, composed entirely of purchased
slaves, imported into the Roman empire by the traders engaged in
the Indian or the fur trade. Had the supply continued, and had the
successors of Tiberius II. pursued the same policy, the Roman
empire would in all probability have been overthrown by Turkish
mamlouks, as that of the caliphs of Bagdat was by following a similar
military system at a later period.
The first Turkish empire was not of long duration. The Khazar
kingdom, whose relations with the Roman and Persian empires in
the hour of their decline give it an important place in history, arose
in its western fragments, and inherited a considerable portion of its
power and commercial influence. But the Khazars, though called
Turks by the Byzantine historians, Nicephorus the patriarch and
Theophanes, are supposed by modern scholars to have been a people
of mixed race.
There are several points connected with the history of the rise and
fall of the first Turkish empire which are interesting, as marking an
era in the progress of civilisation. At no previous period in the history
of mankind were greater changes made in the commercial, political,
and religious ideas of mankind. Religion was then closely connected
with political organisation. Christianity was identified with the
Roman government; the religion of Zoroaster with Persian
domination. The fact that both Christianity and the religion of
Zoroaster were declining in the sixth century is unquestionable.
Historians have not clearly explained the causes of a revolution so
degrading to human nature. In Arabia, in central Asia, and in Spain,
an extensive conversion to Judaism heralded the extraordinary
rapidity with which the lizard-eaters of Arabia, led by the followers of
Mahomet, exterminated the religion of Zoroaster, and converted the
majority of the inhabitants of Syria, Palestine, Mesopotamia, Egypt,
and Africa to Mohammedanism. It is evident that an internal canker
in the social condition of the Christians in the Roman empire, and of
the inhabitants of Persia, prepared the way for the desolation of
many of the richest provinces of the ancient world.
The second Turkish empire was founded by the Seljouks in the
eleventh century. Its power grew up on the political decline of the
caliphate of Bagdat and of the Byzantine empire. The dominions of
the caliphs had been dismembered, and Bagdat itself had been
plundered by Turkish mamlouks, before it was conquered by
Togrulbeg with his Seljouks. The Byzantine empire, which, by the
creation of a systematic and legal administration, had reinvigorated
the expiring energies of the eastern Roman empire, had declined into
a pure despotism, and the rulers of Constantinople were rapidly
devouring the wealth and diminishing the numbers of their subjects
by financial oppression. The exploits of Togrulbeg, Alp Arslan, and
Malek Shah, may be read in the pages of Gibbon, which have secured
them fame wherever English literature is known. Many traces of
their handiwork are visible at the present,—monuments of what is
called their glory. When they entered the countries between the
Persian Gulf, the Caspian, the Black Sea, and the Mediterranean,
they found them filled with cities, which, though declined in
splendour and wealth by the loss of their municipal administrations,
in consequence of the rapacious centralisation of the Roman,
Byzantine, and Mohammedan empires, were nevertheless still well
inhabited, and surrounded by a numerous agricultural population.
But with the coming of the Seljouks, “the verdure fled the bloody
sod.” They were a nomade people, and their armies were composed
of nomadic tribes, who drew their supplies from the flocks and herds
which moved with them. The inhabitants of cities were their enemies
unless they became their tributaries; and in order to preserve a
garrison in the countries they conquered, it was necessary for them
to exterminate the cultivators of the soil in the richest and most
central plains of their dominions. An encampment of tents could
only be secure from surprise by being surrounded to the extent of a
day’s journey by untilled pastures. Similar desolation has been
effected in agricultural countries for ignobler objects. In England the
traveller may still see the effects of an arbitrary act of devastation,
perpetrated about the same period, by William the Conquerer, in the
New Forest; and in wandering through Asia Minor many of our
readers have probably passed over districts as fertile as the plains of
Poland and Moldavia, on which wheat never grows, but which the
page of history informs us were inhabited by an industrious
agricultural population, until the towns were destroyed, and the
population exterminated, by Kutulmish the lieutenant of Alp Arslan,
and Suleiman his son, the lieutenant of Malek Shah. The Seljouk
empire was soon divided into the three secondary kingdoms of Roum
or Iconium, of Syria, and of Persia. It was subdued and rent into
fragments by the successors of Genghis Khan, and in the fourteenth
century the Othoman empire arose amidst its dismembered
provinces.
Othman, the eponymous hero of the Othoman empire, entered the
Seljouk empire of Roum with his father, who was the chieftain of a
small tribe consisting of four hundred families. In the year 1289 he
was appointed governor of the town of Karady-hissar by Aladdin III.,
the last Seljouk Sultan of Iconium. The market held on Friday at
Karady-hissar was a trading mart of great local importance. A judge
sat in the centre of the people to decide every question that arose
without delay, and without appeal. Othman frequently occupied the
judicial seat. It happened that, as he was presiding, an important
dispute was brought before him for decision, in which a Christian of
Belokoma in the Greek empire complained of the injustice of a
Seljouk noble of Kermian. Othman decided in favour of the
Christian, and the equity of the sentence extended his fame, and gave
additional importance to his government. Years rolled on. Many
emirs established themselves as independent princes, and have given
their names to several provinces in Asia. Sultan Aladdin III. died in
the year 1307, and Othman secured to himself a position as
independent as any of the Seljouk emirs. Just before his death, he
conquered Brusa from the Greeks, and laid the foundation-stone of
the Othoman empire.
This new Turkish empire is remarkable for its rapid progress and
firm consolidation, but still more so for the singular fact that it never
reposed on a national basis. The four hundred families who
accompanied Othman’s father into the Seljouk empire never became
the nucleus even of an Othoman tribe. The Othoman empire
threatened Europe with conquest; the Othoman armies were long
invincible; the Othoman administration was superior to every
contemporary government on the European continent; but, during
the period of Othoman greatness and power, there was no such thing
as an Othoman nation. Of the forty-eight grand-viziers who
conducted the administration from the taking of Constantinople to
the death of Sultan Achmet I. in 1617, only three or four were of
Othoman or Seljouk families, while more than thirty were either
renegades or children of Christian parents brought up in the
Mohammedan religion. The other born Mussulmans were not even
of Turkish race. Few absolute monarchies have preserved their
pristine vigour with the same unimpaired energy as the Othoman,
and none have passed triumphantly through greater disasters. Few
national governments, indeed, could have survived the fearful ordeal
of the defeat at Angora, and the conquest of Asia Minor by Timor.
Neither Timor nor any of his contemporaries supposed that it was
possible to re-constitute the Othoman government; and, indeed, the
ease with which it regained its power over the Greek Christians and
the Seljouk emirs, is a singular political phenomenon.
This vitality was due to the institutions implanted in the
government as the very breath of its life, by Orkhan the son of
Othman, the greatest legislator of modern times. As a lawgiver,
Orkhan was something between a Lycurgus and a Loyola. At all
events, he puts the modern constitution-makers of Europe to shame.
They strive to improve the rotten fabric of their political institutions
by patching the old despotic garment of Roman law with the new
cloth of representative institutions, forgetting that the rabid appetite
of centralisation swallows the old garment and the new patches far
more easily than the boa-constrictor can swallow a blanket. The
institutions of Orkhan were superior to the Code Napoleon and its
progeny, in as far as they were framed on the exigencies of the time,
and modelled on the demands of a progressive state of society—not
borrowed from an extinct people in a different social and political
condition.
We have no space to enumerate Orkhan’s institutions. It is
sufficient for our purpose to notice the keystone of the fabric which
raised a small band of emigrants from Mesopotamia, before three
generations had elapsed, into the founders of one of the great
empires of the earth. A tribute of Christian children, imposed by
Orkhan on the people he conquered, was the basis, the cement, and
the keystone of the Othoman empire. Never before were the laws of
humanity and the principles of justice so systematically violated for
so long a period with such success. The Othoman empire really dates
from the year 1329, for it was in that year that Orkhan assumed the
power of coining money, placed his name in the public prayers, and
promulgated his laws. From that time he was regarded as the
founder and the legislator of a new state, and not as the ruler of a
Seljouk emirat. Orkhan made his household the nucleus of his
empire. The strength of his dominions was, by his legislation and
policy, concentrated within his palace walls. Under his roof was
united a college, conducted with all the order and talent of a college
of Jesuits, and a range of barrack-rooms, in which a discipline
prevailed as severe as that of Lycurgus.
The history of the institution of the tribute children, and the
formation of the corps of janissaries, is this: The Mohammedan law
authorises—and, indeed, commands—every Mussulman to educate
unbelieving children who have fallen into his power as orphans, in
the Mohammedan faith. As the military usages of the Seljouk empire
gave the Sultan a fifth of all the spoil taken in war, Orkhan soon
became possessed of a numerous household of Christian slaves,
whom he might have sold like the other Seljouk emirs, and hired
mercenary troops with the produce, or filled his palace with
concubines and poets, and devoted himself to the pursuit of pleasure
and fame. Orkhan sought instruments to gratify his ambition, and to
extend the dominion of the Koran. His wars as the ally of the rebel
emperor and hypocritical historian Cantacuzenus, furnished him
with a large supply of slaves from the Greek empire. The base
ambition and rapacity of the rival emperors of Constantinople,
induced them to allow Orkhan to insert a clause in his treaties,
authorising him to transport Christian captives to Asia through the
Greek territory. But it was difficult, by means of war, to secure a
constant supply of healthy and intelligent children of the tender age
required for their conversion, since the Mohammedan law strictly
prohibits the forced conversion of prisoners who have attained the
age of twelve. Orkhan’s great object, however, was to obtain a
constant and regular addition to the young neophytes in his
household. Either from his own impulse, or at the suggestion of his
brother, Aladdin, who acted as his prime minister, or of his relation,
Kara Khalil, who was his most intimate counsellor, he at last resolved
to impose a fixed tribute of children on every Christian district he
conquered. The measure was highly approved by all pious
Mussulmans, and, strange to say, it met with little opposition from
the Greek Christians. The empire of Constantinople had been so long
the scene of civil war, and its provinces were so desolated by the
fiscal oppression of the imperial administration, that famine
prevailed among the Greek population in Asia and Europe for several
years; and many parents saw no mode of saving their children from
starvation but by sending them to the serai of Orkhan. The tribute of
Christian children established by Orkhan was extended and
systematised by his son, Murad I., and formed the keystone of the
political and military power of the Othoman empire, until the
corruption of the corps of janissaries by the introduction of other
elements. The tribute of Christian children, however, continued until
the year 1685, when it was formally abolished.
The tribute children were generally collected between the ages of
seven and nine. They were at first lodged in the Sultan’s palace, and
carefully instructed in the principles and forms of the Mohammedan
religion under the ablest teachers, selected by Orkhan, who studied
their dispositions and mental capacities. They then entered on a
course of elementary knowledge and gymnastics. As their mental
capacities were developed, and their physical strength increased,
they were divided into several classes. Some, destined to become
“men of the pen,” were educated in legal and administrative
knowledge, and from them the officials in the civil and financial
administration were usually selected. Many became secretaries of
state, judges and viziers. Another division was disciplined as “men of
the sword,” and the celebrated corps of janissaries was at first
composed of select individuals from this body. This college of
conquering missionaries, when formed by Orkhan, consisted of only
one thousand, but before the end of his reign it had increased to
three thousand; and when Mohammed II. took Constantinople, the
number had attained twelve thousand. The tribute children were also
numerous in the ranks of the cavalry, artillery, and police soldiers of
the empire. Never, indeed, was so terrible an instrument of absolute
power created so rapidly and so completely beyond all external
influence as that which Orkhan formed. The tribute children were all
members of the household of the Othoman Sultan. They had no ties
of family or country, and felt no responsibility but what they owed to
the prophet and the Sultan. At the beck of the Sultan, and with a
fetva of the mufti, they were ready to strike down the proudest noble
of the Seljouks, to shed the purest blood of the Arabs, and to trample
on all the hereditary feelings and prejudices of the courts of the
Caliphs. Against the Christian nations they were animated with the
most fervent zeal; for it was a principal part of their education to
infuse an enthusiastic wish to extend the empire of Islam. Thus
Orkhan made Christian parents the most active agents in destroying
the Christian religion. It is impossible to reflect on this lamentable
occurrence without feeling that, had the Greek emperors and the
orthodox priests of the period given their subjects and their
parishioners as good an education as Orkhan gave his slaves, the
attacks of the Turks might have been triumphantly repulsed.
That the system of education pursued in the palace of Orkhan
must have derived some of its excellent qualities from the family
system of Othman’s household, cannot be doubted. The Othoman
tribe was not morally corrupted, like the society of the Seljouk Turks;
the history of their empire bears strong testimony to the fact during
several generations. The Othoman sultans were, during the early
period of the empire, educated on the same system, and in the same
manner, as the tribute children, and no state can show such a long
succession of hereditary sovereigns remarkable for great talent. The
Othoman institutions testify the sagacity of Orkhan and Murad I.
more than their rapid conquests. Bayezid the Thunderbolt, though
his rash pride caused the defeat of Angora and the ruin of the empire
for a time, was liberal and generous to his Christian subjects, whom
he admitted freely to his society. Mohammed I., who restored the
empire ruined by his father’s ambition, was a staunch friend and a
kind master, though, in his hostilities, as old Phrantzes says, he was
as obstinately persevering as a camel. Murad II. distinguished
himself by his attention to the administration of justice, and swept
away many of the abuses which, under the Greek emperors, had
exhausted the fortunes of the Christians. If any of his pashas or
judges oppressed the Christians in his dominions they were severely
punished. Mohammed II., the conqueror of Constantinople, united
the activity of youth with the sagacity of age, both as a warrior and a
statesman. He possessed considerable literary and scientific
knowledge, and had made great progress in astrology, then the
fashionable science both among Christians and Mussulmans. He was
fond of reading, and spoke the Turkish, Arabic, Persian, Greek,
Latin, and Sclavonian languages with fluency. Such is the character
of the early sultans for six generations, as transmitted to us in the
pages of their mortal enemies, the Byzantine Greeks. Other
authorities tell us that these infidels were ready to receive
suggestions for the improvement of their army and their civil
administration, and that they were indefatigably engaged in
submitting new ideas in the civil administration, and new inventions
in the art of war, to the most rigorous examination. Activity and
intelligence were stimulated in every branch of the public service by
the example of the prince. The consequences form the staple of early
Othoman history. New combinations in war and politics presented
themselves daily to every Turkish pasha, which called for a prompt
decision; and as it was incumbent on him to transmit a report of the
reasons which had determined his conduct to an able and despotic
master, he soon learned prudence in counsel as well as promptitude
in action. For two centuries we find nothing vague and indefinite in
the operations of the Othoman sultans, or of the pashas intrusted
with the command of their armies. The first modern school of
generals and statesmen was formed in the Othoman empire.

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4 The Market Forces of Supply and Demand

Markets and Welfare

7 Consumers, Producers, and the Efficiency

The Economics of the Public Sector

Firm Behavior and the Organization of Industry

14 Monopoly Firms with market power can cause market outcomes

The Real Economy in the Long Run

17 Production and Growth

Money and Prices in the Long Run

Short-Run Economic Fluctuations

Abhijit V. Banerjee and Esther Duflo Mihir Desai

Yoram Bauman and Grady Klein William Easterly

A former World Bank economist examines the many attempts

One of the most important economists of the 20th century

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intermediate-level textbook Macroeconomics (Worth

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What’s New in the Tenth Edition?

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The Fundamental Tools of Supply and Demand

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In the News Boxes

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List of Key Concepts

Questions for Review

Problems and Applications

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Alternative Versions of the Book

• Principles of Economics. This complete version of the book contains all 38

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Ten Principles of Economics 1 1 1 1 1

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Part III Markets and Welfare 133

Part IV The Economics of the Public Sector 189

Part V Firm Behavior and the Organization

Part VI The Data of Macroeconomics 301