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young Cæsar Valentinian, between East and West, a new, if
unsubstantial, cordiality appeared. Italy at least was restored to
prosperity, while in Aetius she possessed a general as great as the
great Stilicho. But if Italy was safe the provinces were in peril and
she herself saw Africa betrayed by Boniface and ravaged by and lost
to the Vandals under Genseric. Nor was the domestic state of her
household and court such as to inspire her with confidence in the
future. If her son Valentinian was a foolish and sensual boy, her
daughter Honoria was discovered in a low intrigue with a
chamberlain of the palace, and when in exile at Constantinople sent,
perhaps longing for the romantic fate of her mother, her ring to the
new and youthful King of the Huns, soon to be famous as Attila,
inviting him to carry her off as Adolphus, the Goth, had carried off
Placidia.
Such was the condition of things in the royal household of the
West. In Constantinople things were not more promising.
Theodosius, the young Emperor, called the Calligrapher, was a
dilettante of the fine arts, not a statesman. Those who surrounded
him were mediocrities intent rather on theological controversies than
on the safety of the State, or sunk in a cynical corruption in which
everything noble was lost. No one East or West seemed able to
grasp or to realise that there was any danger. Had the Imperial
Governments failed altogether to understand the fundamental cause
of the Gothic advance, the Vandal attack, indeed of all their
embarrassments? Had they failed to remember what was there
beyond the Rhine and the Danube? Had they forgotten the Huns?
FOOTNOTES:
[2] See my “Ravenna” (Dent, 1913), pp. 1-10.
II
THE HUNS AND ATTILA
When Attila had achieved the hegemony of the North he turned his
attention upon the Empire; and it is curious for us at this moment to
note the coincidence that this first attack upon civilisation was
delivered at the very spot upon the Danube where the Germanic
powers in August, 1914, began their offensive. Attila directed his
armies upon the frontiers of modern Servia at the point where the
Save joins the Danube, where the city of Singidunum rose then and
where to-day Belgrade stands.
The pretext for this assault was almost as artificial and
manufactured as that which Austria put forward for her attack upon
Servia. Attila asserted that the Bishop of that same frontier town of
Margus, on the Morava, where he had made treaty with the Empire,
had crossed the Danube, and having secretly obtained access to the
sepulchre of the Hunnish kings had stolen away its treasures. The
Bishop, of course, eagerly denied this strange accusation, and it
seemed indeed so unlikely that he was guilty that Theodosius was
exceedingly reluctant to sacrifice him. The people of Moesia
clamoured for a decision; if the Bishop were guilty then he must be
delivered to Attila, but if not Theodosius must protect both him and
them. For Attila had waited for nothing; he had crossed the Danube
before making his accusation and had occupied Viminacium, one of
the greater towns upon the frontier.
Meanwhile the Bishop, seeing the hesitation of Theodosius and
expecting to be sacrificed, made his way to the camp of the Huns
and promised in return for his life to deliver Margus to them, and this
he did upon the following night. Then, dividing his forces into two
armies, Attila began his real attack upon the Empire.
The first of these armies was directed upon Singidunum, the
modern Belgrade, which was taken and ruined, and when that was
achieved it proceeded up the Save to Sirmium, the ancient capital of
Pannonia, which soon fell into its hands. The second crossed the
Danube further eastward and besieged Ratiaria, a considerable
town, the head-quarters of a Roman Legion and the station of the
fleet of the Danube.