ALLAH TRANSCENDENT

-
ALLAH
TRANSCeNDeNT
STUDIES IN THE STRUCTURE
AND SEMIOTICS OF ISLAMIC
PHILOSOPHY, THEOLOGY
AND COSMOLOGY

IAN RICHARD NErrON

~l Routledge
~~ Taylor & Francis Group

LONDON AND NEW YORK

 Paperbackedition

First publishedin 1994 by

Routledge
2 Park Square,Milton Park,
Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN

Transferredto Digital Printing 2006

ISBN 0 7007 0287 3

© 1989 Ian Richard Netton

The moral right of the authorhas beenasserted

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A CIP record for this title is available on request
from the British Library

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced

or transmittedin any form or by any means,electronic,
mechanical,photocopying,recording,or otherwise,without
the prior written permissionof the publisher.

Publisher'sNote
The publisherhas gone to greatlengthsto ensurethe
quality of this reprint but points out that some
imperfectionsin the original may be apparent
 I dedicatethis book with affection and gratitude
to all my colleagues
in the Departmentof Arabic and Islamic Studies
at the University of Exeter

Quotationsare reprintedwith permissionof:

Macmillan PublishingCompanyfrom The Koran Interpretedby
Arthur J. Arberry, translator. Copyright 1955 by GeorgeAllen &
Unwin Ltd.; HarperCollins PublishersLtd. from The Koran
Interpretedby Arthur J. Arberry; PaulistPressfrom Ibn al-'Arabi:
The Bezelsof Wisdomby R.W.J. Austin © 1980 The Missionary
Societyof St Paul the Apostle in the Stateof New York; PaulistPress
from Meister Eckhart: The EssentialSermons,Commentaries,
Treatises,and Defenseby E. Colledgeand B. McGinn © 1981 The
Missionary Societyof St Paul the Apostle in the Stateof New York.
Quotationsare usedby permissionof the publishers,SPCK, from Ibn
al-'Arabi: The Bezelsof Wisom (1980) by R.W.J. Austin and from
Meister Eckhart: The EssentialSermons,Commentaries,Treatises
and Defense(1981) by E. Colledgeand B. McGinn.
 Contents

List of Figures ix
Prefaceand Acknowledgements x
Abbreviations xiii

l. Introduction 1
The Facesof God 1
Alexandria 7
Gondeshapur 13
I:Iarran 15
The Qur'linic Creator Paradigm and the Structure
of Islamic Thought 17
2. AI-Kindi: The Watcherat the Gate 45
The Four Facesof al-Kindi 45
The Qur'anicKindi and God 47
The Aristotelian Kindi and God 51
The Mu'tazilite Kindi and God 55
The NeoplatonicKindi and God 58
AI-Kindi's Proof for the Existenceof God 65
The Universe of Kindian Theology: Structure
and Semiotics 70
3. Al-Farabi: The Searchfor Order 99
The Roadto Ascalon: The Man and his Search 99
AI-Farabi and the Attributes of God 102
Essenceand Existence 109
Emanation 114
AI-Farabi'sProof for the Existenceof God 123
The Universe of Alfarabism: The Emanationof
Structureand the Structureof Emanation 125
4. Ibn Sina'sNecessaryand BelovedDeity 149
PreliminaryAssessments
and Definitions 149
Necessityand Unity 150

vii
CONTENTS

Other Attributes of the AvicennanDeity 153

Emanation:The Cosmologyand Angelology of
Ibn Sina 162
Ibn Sina'sProofsfor the Existenceof God 172
The Mystical Dimensionof the AvicennanDeity 174
The Structureof AvicennanTheology: The
Allegory as Mirror 178
5. The God of Medieval Isma'ilism: Cosmological
Variationson a NeoplatonicTheme 203
Early Doctrine 203
Al-Nasafi and the Infiltration of Neoplatonism 210
Al-Sijistani and the Flowering of Isma'ili
Neoplatonism 214
AI-Kirmani and the Multiplication of Hypostases 222
Al-J:I8midi and the Apotheosisof the Neoplatonic
Myth 229
The Structureof Isma'ili Myth and Theology 234
6. Ishraq and Wa~: The Mystical Cosmosof
Al-Suhrawardiand Ibn al-'Arabi 256
Al-Suhrawardiand the Grammarof Ishraq 256
The God of Light 257
SuhrawardianEmanation,Angelology and
Cosmology 260
The Longitudinal Order of Angelic Lights
(Tabaqatal-1Ul) 260
The Latitudinal Order of Angelic Lights
(Tabaqatal-'Ar4) 263
The RegentLights (AI-Anwar al-Mudabbira) 266
The Paradoxof Ibn al-'Arabi 268
Ibn al-'Arabi's View of God 269
Emanationand Ibn al-'Arabi 280
~ufism, 'Union' with God and Ibn al-'Arabi 284
SuhrawardianSemiosisand the Structureof
Reality According to Ibn al-'Arabi 288
7. Conclusion:The Vocabularyof Transcendence:
Towardsa Theoryof Semioticsfor Isiamic Theology 321

Bibliography 336
Index 373

viii
 List of Figures

1. Creationand al-Kindi 64
2. Emanationand al-Farabi 116
3. Emanationand Ibn Sina 165
4. An Early Isma'iIi Cosmology 206
5. AI-Nasafi's NeoplatonicHierarchy 213
6. AI-Sijistani's NeoplatonicHierarchy 221
7. AI-Kirmani's NeoplatonicHierarchy 228
8. AI-Suhrawardi'sHierarchyof Lights 267
9. The Manifestationsof the One Reality in
Ibn al-'Arabi's Cosmos 284

ix
 Preface and Acknowledgements

WhetherA. N. Whitehead(1861-1947)was right to claim that

the whole history of philosophywas a mere seriesof footnotes
to Plato1 may be debated,at least as far as the development
of Westernphilosophyis concerned.However, this book is an
attemptto show that the sameshould not be said incautiously
of Islamic philosophy.This provedmore thancapableof consti-
tuting a systemof thought in its own right: indeed,we should
perhapsbetter speakof severalsystems.The book is also an
attempt to survey and analysethe conceptof God within the
fields of Islamic philosophyand theology in a fresh light: it is,
to the best of my knowledge, the first attempt to utilize the
insights of structuralism,post-structuralism,and semioticsand
apply them to these twin fields. Now I devoutly hope that I
will not be regardedas having sold my intellectual birthright
for a superficial mess of structuralistpottage! I have been at
pains throughoutto emphasizethat such tools as structuralism
are the methods,not the ends,of analysis.But they are useful
methods.One of the most distinguishedcommentatorswriting
on Islam today, ProfessorMohammedArkoun, has called for
a radical rethinking of Islam. 'It is necessary,'he says, 'to
clear away the obstaclesfound in Islamic as well as Orientalist
literature on Islam and to devotemore attentionin our univer-
sities to teaching and studying history as an anthropologyof
the past and not only as a narrative accountof facts.... My
method is one of deconstruction.'2Arkoun stressesthe vital
need'to integrate,as Shafi'i and Ghazali did, new disciplines,
new knowledge, and new historical insights into Islam as a
spiritual and historical vision of humanexistence.'3The reader
will note that I, too, havegenuflectedin the direction of decon-
struction and cited several works dealing with that mode of
'enquiry,' but I have by no meansembarkedon a full journey
down the rough and frequently unlit via Derrida. However, I
hope that I have gone someway towards answeringProfessor
x
 PREFACEAND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Arkoun's call, at least in the treatmentof medieval Islamic

philosophyand theology. For what I havetried to do is take a
numberof thinkers,studythesesynchronically,andrelatethem
internally and externally to what I have termed the 'Qur'anic
CreatorParadigm.'The choiceof thinkersdiscussedis deliber-
ately selective since this book is not intended to be a full
diachronic study of the whole field like, for example,Majid
Fakbry'sHistory of Islamic Philosophy.(I havefelt free, there-
fore, to omit al-Ghazali and Ibn Rushd.) It does, however,
reveal a progressivetemporal alienation from the Qur'anic
paradigm.
Finally, if I may borrow the terminology of semiotics,this
work of mine is intendedto constitutea sign: it is a sign that
someof us are preparedto respondto ProfessorArkoun's call.
It is also a call in itself for a general revival in the study of
Islamic philosophy, a field where a huge amount of work
remains to be done. That work should - indeed, must - be
done in the light of the human scienceslike anthropology,
sociology, and sub-disciplineslike the study of the history of
discursiveformations. We may build on the groundwork laid
by what I will call the 'North American School of Islamic
Philosophy,'whosenumerousexcellentscholarsarecited in my
footnotes. (I am proud to have been electeda Fellow of the
Society for the Study of Islamic Philosophy and Science in
1984). The situation, alas, is rather bleaker in the United
Kingdom where, despite much valuable work, those of us
actively engagedin researchon Islamic philosophyarefar fewer
and the heirs of WalzerandStemare thus infrequentlyencoun-
tered. It is my hope that this book will signal to other Islami-
cists, Arabists, philosophers,and intellectual historiansin the
United Kingdom the delights inherent in the study of Islamic
philosophy,and provide someindication of what remainsto be
done.
Umberto Eco observeda few years ago that 'The author
should die once he has finished writing. So as not to trouble
the path of the text.'4 While this is clearly a counselof perfec-
tion (!), his remarkdoesstressthe primacy of the text, and the
independenceof that text from its author, once completed.
Every text can be read in a variety of ways. I will be content
if my own text which follows is seento have brokenfree from
a certaintraditionaliststyle of writing aboutIslamic philosophy.
In its production I have incurred many debts,intellectual and
xi
PREFACEAND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

otherwise.Firstly my very special thanks, love, and gratitude

go to my wife Sue and my family, who have uncomplainingly
borne the heavy demandsmadeby the writing of this book on
their time as well as mine. Next I must mention what lowe
to my dear colleague and friend, ProfessorAziz al-Azmeh,
Professorof Islamic Studies in the University of Exeter. As
one of the most brilliant, erudite, and innovative scholars
writing today on the intellectual history of Arabic and Islamic
thought, he has been a constant mentor and stimulus
throughout the production of this volume (as well as an
unquenchable source of suggestions for further reading
material!). My indebtednessto his own works will be clear in
partsof my text, and it is acknowledgedin my footnotes.(The
mistakes,of course,are mine alone.)To him, to Dr. Rasheed
EI-Enany and all my Arabic colleaguesin Exeter, I dedicate
this volume. I must also thank the excellentinter-library loans
departmentof the University of ExeterLibrary, and its director
Miss Heather Eva, for unrivalled service and efficiency; Mr
Paul Auchterlonie, the Arabic specialistlibrarian in the same
library, for valuable help given over the years; and Mrs Sheila
Westcott,who typed partsof this manuscriptand in a multitude of
otherways easedits production.
My final thanksare dueto the following publishersfor permission
to quote in a variety of placesin my book from the works cited in
brackets: Macmillan PublishingCompany,New York and Harper
Collins Publishers Ltd., London (A. J. Arberry, The Koran
Interpreted); PaulistPress,Mahwah,N.J., and SPCK,London and
Reading (E. Colledge and B. McGinn, Meister Eckhart: The
Essential Sermons, Commentaries,Treatises, and Defense; and
R.W.J. Austin, Ibn al- 'Arabi: The BezelsofWisdom).

Ian Richard Netton

University of Exeter
April 1988
NOTES

1. SeeA. R. Lacey, Modern Philosophy:An Introduction, p. 10.

2. MohammedArkoun, RethinkingIslam Today, p. 3 (my italics).
3. Ibid., p. 4.
4. UmbertoEco, Postscriptto 'The Nameof the Rose',p. 7.
xii
 Abbreviations

EP Encyclopaediaof Islam, new edn

EP Supp. Encyclopaediaof Islam Supplement
EIS Shorter Encyclopaediaof Islam
JMIAS Journal of the Muhyiddin Ibn 'Arabi Society
JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
Q. Qur'iin (Flugel edn)
THES Times Higher Education Supplement
TLS Times Literary Supplement

xiii
 1
Introduction

THE FACES OF GOD

How many faces has God? Egyptologistshave wrestled with

the problemover many yearsin an effort to determinewhether
the ancientEgyptianpantheonwas ultimately reducibleto one
supremeBeing. Did Egypt, or at leastsomeof its initiates and
priests, believe that Isis, Osiris, Horus, Anubis, and a whole
host of lesserknown deities were really all aspectsor 'faces'
of the one almighty God? Many scholars,particularly in the
nineteenthcentury, maintainedthat this was the case.Others
later reactedagainsta purely monotheisticconceptionof deity,
while Karl Beth in the early part of the twentieth century
held that both monotheismand polytheism could be found in
Egyptianthought. He also warnedthat neitherlabel was really
very helpful in highlighting the individual nature of Egyptian
religion.! The debatehas continuedinto the present.
The theologies of ancient Greek religion and Hinduism
presentsimilar problems. From early times, conceptsof one
supremeGod, and of many godslike Zeus, Apollo, and Hera,
filled and intriguedthe Greekmind. Thusthe poetXenophanes
(ft. circa Be 57~70) observed:'God is one, greatestamong
gods and men, in no way like mortals either in body or in
mind.'2 Furthermore,he particularly objectedto the anthropo-
morphismof Homerand Hesiodin their portrayalof the gods.3
Plato spoke of one God and severalgods.4 As for Hinduism,
LawrenceA. Babb has stressedthat:

Ultimately, as the most casualstudentof Hinduism knows,

all the gods and goddessesare 'one'. This is a doctrine of

1
INTRODUCTION

genuine significance, and not merely an extravaganceof

bookish philosophers. It is a doctrine that is reiterated
frequently in the texts, but illiterate villagers are equally
fluent in maintaining that although there are many deities,
and although they have different and sometimescontradic-
tory characteristics,in the end all are the sameand all are
one. In a sense,the very lack of surfacestructurepermits a
deeperstructureof anotherkind.s

Put another way, the multifarious forms of the one God -

Krishna, Vi~Qu, Rama and others- may be comparedto 'the
samepersonappearingin cinemasor picture showsas different
personsat one and the sametime.'6
Islam, however, except in its most hereticalforms, has not
had to deal with such a problem. The tension between an
intrinsic monotheismand an everydaypolytheism,with a host
of major and minor gods looking after each and every one of
man'sactivities in a variety of guises,has not occurred.There
has been hardly any attemptto presentMul)ammad, 'Ali, the
other early caliphs, or even the proto-prophetsof Islam like
Abraham, as manifestationsof the Deity.' On the contrary,
the utter humanity of Mul)ammad, a humanity unmagnified-
pace the hadith literature to the contrary - even by miracles
save that of being the mouthpiecefor the Qur'an, has usually
been emphasized. 8
God is unequivocallyone in orthodoxIslam and the doctrine
of His absoluteunity (tawl}id) is a major and constantleitmotiv
in the Qur'an, as well as in a huge corpus of Islamic writing.
Polytheism(shirk) is roundly condemnedas the most heinous
and unforgivableof sins9 in an all-embracingcensurethat does
not spare those heretical Christianswho professthe doctrine
of tritheism.1o
Yet Islam too hashad a problemof divine 'faces':not in the
senseof a single deity divided up among, or representedby,
many gods but simply in the fact that Muslims over the ages
have regardedtheir one God in severalwidely differing ways.
In this Islam is by no meansunique. Christianity, for example,
from its early days was forced to confront the problems of
anthropomorphismand allegorization,to analysewhat kind of
God it was who was being worshipped,and decide how man
could bestspeakaboutHim, and to work out exegeticalnorms
for scripturethat steereda happymediumbetweenpure allego-

2
 INTRODucnON

rization and gross literalism. What did the Bible really mean
when it talked about God?
Some,like the great Biblical exegeteOrigen (circa AD 185
to circa AD 254) viewed scripture as 'a patchwork of
symbolism'll and exalted the method of allegorical exegesis
above all others. Origen's native city of Alexandria becamea
centrefor this particular approachto the sacredtext. But the
pendulum also swung the other way: the Antiochene theo-
logiansin the fourth and fifth centuries,like Diodore of Tarsus
(circa AD 330 to circa AD 390), later reacted,believing alle-
gory to be, in Kelly's words, 'an unreliable,indeedillegitimate,
instrument for interpreting Scripture.'12 There was also much
speculationabout the exact nature of the Deity: many of the
early Fathersadheredto a doctrine of a totally transcendent
God, beyondthe imaginationand comprehensionof man. Thus
Clementof Alexandria (circa AD 150 to circa AD 215) denied
that God could feel emotions such as grief or joy and main-
tained that anthropomorphiclanguagewas only used because
of man'sweak intellect.ll Origen agreedthat somedescription
could be used 'to guide the hearer' but saw human language
as basically quite inadequateto show the reality and attributes
of God.l4
Islam was confrontedwith similar problems: Muslims, like
Christians,realized that they neededguidancein interpreting
their scripture. For what did the Qur'an meanexactly when it
statedthat God had a hand,1sor a face,16and,in someway, was
on a throne(thumma'stawa 'ala '1-'arsh)?17Was the solution an
unmindful anthropomorphismin which God was comparedto
His creation(tashbih), with perhapssomeallegoricalinterpret-
ation (ta'wi/) of the grosseranthropomorphisms,or was it a
rigorous stripping of God by the theologiansof all human
attributes (ta'tfl)?18 This difficulty becamea major fixation of
the medieval Islamic scholastics,together with the equally
thorny problem of free will and predestination.l 9 And, as M.

S. Sealehas so clearly demonstrated,much of the thinking of

theseearly Islamic theologians,or at leastits development,may
well havebeeninfluencedby that of their patristicpredecessors.
Sealebelieves,for example,that the God of the PersianJahm
ibn Safwan(died AD 745) was 'derived ... throughthe media
of the Church Fathers'and 'was closer to the Greek Absolute
than to the God of the Qur'an.' Jahm'swhole theology was,

3
INTRODUCTION

indeed, profoundly influenced in Seale'sview by the Greek

Christian theology of the AlexandrianChurch Fathers.20
If we examine the multifarious debatesand discussionsof
the theologiansand the philosophersaboutthe natureof God,
we can identify at least four major ways in which He was
perceivedin medieval Islam.21 There was, firstly, what might
be described as the QUR'ANIC model or 'face' of a God
aboutwhom very literal and anthropomorphicstatementswere
sometimesmade in scripture that were to be acceptedas
realities without further enquiry into their modality (bila
kayf).22It was sufficient to realizethat the exactnatureof such
features as God's hand or eyes would be quite unlike any
earthly handsor eyes.This was the classicstanceof suchtheo-
logiansas AQrnad b. I;Ianbal (AD 780--855)and al-Ash'ari(AD
873/4-935/6).Both were concernedto stressthe reality of the
anthropomorphicdescriptionsfound in the Qur'an. But logi-
cally, their attitudeof bila kay!, or refusalto examinethe mode
of these descriptions,resulted in an intellectual cul-de-sacin
which acceptancetriumphed over analysis and incomprehen-
sion over reason.23 The age old problem of the attributesof
God cannotbe said to have beensolved by either theologian.
Today it is no longer a live issuethough, speakingvery gener-
ally, we may note that it is the Ash'arite position that has
prevailedin the Islamic world.
There was, secondly, an ALLEGORICAL model or 'face'
of God. The extremely physical anthropomorphicstatements
in the Qur'anwere to be consideredas metaphorsor allegories.
This was the position held by manyof the thinkerswho became
characterized by, or grouped under, the umbrella term
'Mu'tazilite':

. . . this movementnever produceda synthetic schemeof

thought, nor even an eclectic system. Its raison d'~tre was
not, in fact, the creation of a unified body of belief, but
rather the interpretation of certain inherited doctrines in
favour of a particular view of divine nature and human
destiny, to which end the Mu'tazilites madeuse of a hetero-
geneouslot of ideas borrowed for the most part from the
various schools of Greek thought which they had come to
know.24

But despitetheir severaldisagreementson points of doctrinal

4
 INTRODUcnON

detail, most of the Mu'tazilites were agreedon a non-literal

mode of interpretationof much of the anthropomorphicdata
aboutGod in the Our'an.Thus the Mu'tazilite theologian'Abd
al-Jabbaribn Alpnad (AD 936-1025) interpreted God's eye
('ayn) in O.XX:40 as God's knowledge('ilm) and God's face
(wajh) in O.XXV111:88 as His essence(dhdt).25 Such exegesis
can only have made God more unknowablerather than less,
and dug a wider gulf between manand his Creator. A dry
hermeneutic intellectualism restricted the former's mental
image of his Deity and certainly must have helped in paving
the way for the mystical approachto God in Islam.
It is this MYSTICAL approachthat embodiesour third main
model or 'face' of the Islamic God. As is well known, its
practitionerswere called ~l1fis and they probably gained their
namefrom the garmentsof wool (~af) which the early devotees
wore. Their fundamental way of looking at God was quite
different from that of the Ash'ariteandMu'tazilite theologians.
No longerwasthe emphasison attributes,whetherreal, linked,
separateor allegorical. The ~l1fis developedinstead a basic
thesis of a God of love or, perhapsbetter put, a God who is
loved by His creationas a sweetheartis loved by her lover.Im-
patient of the aridities of scholastictheology and philosophy
with their dreary speculationson the nature of divinity, the
~l1fis endeavouredto strive towards, and even obtain, some
kind of direct communion with their Creator. At first their
motive power was fear: fear of eternal damnation and the
sufferingsso graphicallyportrayedin the Our'anicdescriptions
of Hell. 26 Later that fear gave way to love27 so that we find,
and are not surprisedby, suchclassicalenunciationsof mystical
love asthat of Rabi'aal-'Adawiyya (circa AD 717-801),Islam's
counterpartof the great St Teresaof Avila:

Oh my Lord, if I worship Thee from fear of Hell, burn me

in Hell, and if I worship Thee in hope of Paradise,exclude
me thence,but if I worship Thee for Thine own sake, then
withhold not from me Thine Eternal Beauty.28

It is, perhaps,in the unquenchableyearning of the ~iifi that

the Islamic conceptof God comesclosestto the New Testament
paradigm in Christianity where the vengeful Yahweh of the
Old Testamenthas been replacedby a God of love who is to
be addressedas 'Father.'

5
INTRODUCTION

The fourth major way of looking at Allah was the NEOPLA-

TONIC. I haveseparatedthe transcendentnatureof this model
or 'face' from that of the allegorical one mentionedearlier
becausethe two are clearly quite distinct althoughthe one may
have influenced the other.29 The transcendentDeity of the
Mu'tazilites, whoseseveralQur'anicattributeswere metamor-
phosedby allegory,was not boundup with ideasof emanation,
nor with hypostasessuchas the UniversalIntellect (al-'Aql ai-
Kullt) and the Universal Soul (al-Nafs al-Kulliyya). But the
unknowableGod of medievalNeoplatonicIslam was. The end
result was the developmentof a transcendentaltheology in
Islam, with the Isma'ili sectas its political andspiritual apothe-
osis, which was far more complex than anything of which the
Mu'tazila could have dreamed.30
It is with this fourth kind of Islamic way of viewing the Deity,
with this unknown, utterly transcendentNeoplatonic aspect
of Allah, as describedin the writings of some of the Islamic
philosophers,that this book will deal in the main. The other
aspectswill not, however,be ignored. Considerableattention
will also be paid to the conceptof emanationas well as to
the Universal Intellect and Universal Soul. But to see how
Neoplatonismdevelopedwithin Islam it is useful first to return
briefly to the foundationsof later Greekthoughtin the Middle
East in pre-Islamicand early Islamic times.
It shouldbe stressedherenow, right at the beginning,andthe
point will be developedandelaboratedlater, that the history of
Islamic philosophyis not purely a history of 'influences,'of a
total legacyfrom Greeceto the Eastand its intellectualmilieu
undiluted by any home-grownthought at all. 'Influence' there
undoubtedlywas as in every arenathat has the potential for
cross-culturalfertilization. The argumentof this book is that it
was by no means total, that original thinkers arose in the
Middle Eastaselsewhere,and that, in any case,an intertextual
perspectivein the study of intellectual thought is often more
rewarding than one that seeksonly to identify, and pin down
like a butterfly collector, the 'influence' of one thinker or
culture upon another.A stresson intertextualitywill thus be a
recurring motif throughoutthis book. Here, however,we will
surveysomeof the influences.
This is perhapsa suitablepoint at which to try and identify
some of the wellsprings of Aristotelianism and Neoplatonism
in the Middle East. Among the principal oneswere the various

6
 INTRODUcnON

academiesof learning, medicine, and culture which were to

be found at Alexandria in Egypt and Gondeshapur(Arabic:
Jundaysabfu)near Baghdad.Some of theseinstitutions have
been characterizedas 'universities.'31Then there was I:Iarran
in Northern Syria, home of the astral loving Sabaeanswith
their transcendenttheology,32and later, in the ninth century
AD, refuge of scholars from the Alexandrian school.33 A
triangle drawn betweenthe threepointsof Alexandria,Gonde-
shapfu,34 and I:Iarran providesa graphicillustration of the very
wide sphereof later Greek thought in and aroundthe Fertile
Crescentprior to, and after, the rise of Islam. They were joined
by Baghdadin AD 830. And thesewere not the only centres
of Greek learningby any means.Other notableonesincluded
Antioch, Edessa,Qinnesrin in Northern Syria, and Nisibis
and Ras'ainain Iraq.35 The Mosque-Universityof al-Azhar,
inauguratedin AD 972 by the conqueringFatimids, was their
logical intellectual heir, at least in its early days, until Isma'ili
teachingand thought were squashedby the Sunni Ayyubids.36

Alexandria

By the time the victorious Arabs marchedinto Alexandria in

AD 642, the city had for centuriesacted as a friend, refuge
and,sometimes,catalystto a whole hostof religions,doctrines,
theologies and philosophies: Platonism, middle Platonism,
Neoplatonism,Aristotelianism, Gnosticism,Judaism,Christi-
anity - all had found a ready niche. The sheer intellectual
eclecticismandcosmopolitanauraof the city from late antiquity
up to this period puts one in mind of the Arab city of Basraa
few centurieslater.37 Literature and thought flourished with
equivalent ease: thus, the Alexandrian chief librarian Apol-
lonius (later, of Rhodes,circa BC 295-215) wrote his epic on
the searchfor the Golden Fleeceentitled The Argonauticain
a mannerthat has beendescribedas 'utterly Alexandrianin its
romanticism.'38 Here Philo (circa BC 25 to circa AD 50)
attempteda synthesisof Judaicand Hellenistic thought.39 As
we have seen,Biblical scholarslike Origen agonizedover the
exegesisof sacredscripturefrom Alexandria. Gnosticslike the
secondcentury AD Basilides and Valentinusfound the city a
fertile one in which to operate. And, of course, the great
inaugurator of Neoplatonism himself, Plotinus (AD

7
INTRODUCTION

204/5-270),studiedunderAmmonius Saccasin Alexandriafor

eleven years.40 Here, too, lived the NeoplatonistHieroclesin
the fourth-fifth centuriesAD with his curious, but original,
intellectualcult of order, honour, and dignity, and his belief in
a demiurgic nous as supremeGod, who mayor may not have
createdthe world ex nihilo. He is yet anotherindication of
both the vitality and eclecticismof Alexandrianthoughtin the
pre-Islamicera.41
In the light of all this we can safely say that later Ba~ran
belletrists such as Ibn al-Muqaffa' (circa AD 720-756) and
al-Jal.1i? (circa AD 77~868/9), not to mention thinkers and
philosophers like the Ikhwan al-~afa' (fl. circa 10th-11th
centuriesAD), would have found the intellectual atmosphere
of Alexandria both congenial and stimulating, despite the
proclivities of a fire-raising mob which sometimessawthe Alex-
andrian Library and Serapeumas legitimate targets!42 The
beaconof the city's scholarshiphad achievedan equalprestige
to that won by its more material,and fabled, lighthouse.
The eclecticismof the city naturally infectedand infusedthe
philosophers'syllabusand, indeed,provideda powerful motor
in the developmentof Islamic philosophy. Later Arab and
Islamic thinkers were certainly awareof their debt to Alexan-
dria, whose syllabusmay be describedin terms of a substrate
of Neoplatonismwith a liberal coating of Aristotelianism.43
And though Gnosticism may have borne only a superficial
resemblanceto Neoplatonism,44 nonethelessboth flourishedin
Alexandria and were later to draw closer in an astral synthesis
producedby the Sabaeansof I;Iarran and, later still, reappear
in a syncreticIslamic combinationthat constitutedthe theology
of the Isma'ilis.45
The Alexandrian dons in the three centuriesleading up to
the Arab conquestconducteda lengthy love affair with the
works of Aristotle upon whom they commentedwith devotion.
Many of their commentarieshave, regrettably,disappeared. 46

It was an affair, moreover, conductedwith much more than

just a cursoryawarenessof Neoplatonism.As Peterspointsout,
the latter doctrine did not so much infiltrate Aristotelianismas
provide a vehicle for the preservationof some of Aristotle's
own doctrine!47The responsibilityfor this must be laid, in very
large part, at the doorsof suchmajor NeoplatonistsasPorphyry
of Tyre (AD 234-circa 305), with his renownedIntroduction
(£isagoge)to Aristotle's Categoriesand other commentaries,
8
 INTRODUCTION

and Proclus(AD 410-485),whoseworks includedthe influen-

tial Elementsof Theology (StoixeiosisTheologike).Both men
were deeplyconversantwith peripateticdoctrine.48The former
authorlater generateda flourishing Eisagogeindustryin Islamic
philosophyand bearsa final responsibilityfor the shapetaken
by the medieval Arab philosophicalsyllabus.49 The latter was
the fellow student at Athens of such future Alexandrian
scholarsas Hermias,as well as being the teacher ofHermias'
son, the greatAlexandrianprofessorof philosophyAmmonius
(circa AD 450 to circa 520).50
Not only were Porphyry and Proclus carefully studied in
Alexandriabut the two philosophersmay be said to have been
'Arabized'later in a strangefashion by two works that became
associatedwith them: the notorious Theology of Aristotle
(TheologiaAristotelis), and The Bookofthe Pure Good,known
in Latin as the Liber de Causis and in Arabic as the Kitab al-
ida" fi 'l-Khayr al-MalJ.4. Both may be describedas, at least,
indirect productsof the Alexandrianphilosophicalmilieu. The
first has nothing to do with Aristotle but summarizes,with
some external padding, Plotinus' Enneads,Books IV-VI; the
second, also attributed to Aristotle, is based upon Proclus'
Elementsof Theology.The exactauthorshipof thesetwo works
and actuallink, if any, with Porphyryand Proclus,is unclear.51
Their impact, however,was considerable. 52
If, therefore,we sought to isolate four major philosophical
strands in the rise and developmentof Aristotelianism and
Neoplatonismin the Near and Middle East we might consider
(1) Porphyry's Eisagoge; (2) Proclus Diadochus'Elementsof
Theology; (3) the so-called Theologia Aristotelis; and (4) the
Liber de Causis. This list is, of course, arbitrary and by no
meansexclusive.It is, however,also a useful way of examining
the Alexandrianintellectual milieu itself.

(1) Porphyry'sEisagoge,as has beenemphasized,53 functioned

as an importantlife-jacket for Aristotelian thought. It was part
of a greattradition of introductorycommentaryon Aristotelian
texts and also, perhaps,the most famous of them all. Islamic
logicians later cherishedit as much as the Alexandrian and
Syriac thinkers before them.54 In it Porphyry set out to intro-
duce and explain the Categories.That he should have deemed
such an introduction necessarycomesas no surprise: it is not
only our own generationthat has noticed the number and

9
INTRODUcnON

difficulty of the philosophical problems that result from any

study of the Categories. Thus the text was a major source
book of philosophy and philosophicalenquiry in ancient and
medievaltimes.ss
The Categories divides neatly into three partsS6: an initial
three chaptersdealing with preliminariess7 are followed by a
secondmajor portion that dealswith the ten categoriesproper,
ChaptersFour to Nine with ChapterFive providing important
definitions of primary and secondarysubstances. s8 The subject
matterof the final five chapters,Ten to Fifteen, is more varied
and includes discussionof contrariesand types of change.s9
Porphyry'sEisagoge,composedaround AD 270, also follows
a fairly obvious plan that does not, however, directly corre-
spondto that of Aristotle's Categories.Porphyry'ssole object
was to discussfive principal terms ('quinque voces') that he
believedwere neededfor a full comprehensionof the Categ-
ories.60 So we can distinguish five principal sections in
Porphyry's work covering the five 'predicables' of genus,
species,difference,property,and accident.Eachis definedand
then comparedwith its fellows. Later commentatorslike Ibn
Rushd (AD 1126-1198)'saw no need to add to this obvious
division or even to make it explicit.'61 The importanceof the
Eisagogefor both Western and Easternmedieval philosophy
cannotbe exaggerated,particularlyin view of the debateabout
universalsengenderedby it in the West.62
(2) Proclus Diadochus'Elementsof Theology representsa
major and continued complication in the development of
Neoplatonicmetaphysics.He believed that in his writings he
was propagating'the true though hidden meaning of Plato,'
a meaning stemming in turn from Pythagoreanand Orphic
doctrine.63 Proclus' real intellectual master, of course, was
Plotinus but, by comparisonwith Proclan metaphysics,those
of Plotinus have an endearingsimplicity! The emanationist
structureof the Enneadsis built upon a single triad of hypost-
ases:The One, the Intellect, and the Soul. But with Proclus,
and later Neoplatonism in general, there is an astonishing
division and diversity of hypostases.Proclus introduced or,
at least, employed64the terms 'henad' and 'monad': the first
indicated 'a class of participated forms of the One which
proceedfrom it and are presentprimarily in Intellect but also
in each hypostasisbelow the One and all the processionsof
each hypostasis';the secondterm 'was normally reservedfor

10
 INfRODUcnON

the defining term or "leader" and so normally the "imparticip-

able" of any order or series.'65Thus four major typesof henad
derive from The One: Intelligible, Intellectual, Supercosmic,
and Intracosmic.Thesecorrespondto various types of Being
and Life. 66
Despite the plethora and complexity of hypostasesin the
Elementsof Theology, the framework, at least, of the work
is both orderly and systematic.67 Proclus gives us a body of
metaphysical doctrine laid out in 211 propositions. Each
successiveproposition is designedto result logically from its
predecessorlike the theoremsof Euclidean geometry.68 The
Elements begin, to quote Dodds' translation (in which he
employs a transitive use of the verb 'to participate')with the
following three propositions, which are each expandedand
'proved' before the next is given:

Prop. 1 Every manifold in someway participatesunity .. .

Prop. 2 All that participatesunity is both one and not-one .. .
Prop. 3 All that becomesone does so by participation of
unity ... 69

The work concludeswith the lengthier

Prop. 211 Every particularsoul, when it descendsinto temporal

process,descendsentire: thereis not a part of it which remains
aboveand a part which descends. 70

In betweenthesepropositionsProclushasgiven, inter alia, the

Plotinian doctrine of emanation,71and discussedthe natureof
the henads,Being, Intellect, and Soul.72 The languageand
subjectmatter, as will be obvious from the abovebrief exam-
ples, are highly abstract,complex, analytical and not always
immediately coherent.What is important for us, however, is
not so much the tiny detail of works such as the Elements,as
the fact that such works functioned as prime vehicles,directly
or indirectly,73 for the major Neoplatonictechnicalterms and
doctrines in the medieval Middle East like emanation,hier-
archy, Intellect, Soul, and an unknowable God or One.
Furthermore,the multiplication of hypostasesin Proclus, as
transmittedin some Arabic texts,74 makeshim an interesting
intellectual ancestorof later Islamic Neoplatonicthinkers like
al-Farabi (AD 870-950) and Ibn Sina (AD 979-1037). For

11
INTRODUcnON

thesethinkersalso relisheda tastefor multiplication and multi-

plicity when they came to formulate their own hierarchiesof
emanation.7s
(3) The so-called Theologia Aristotelis is one of the
outstandingproblemsin any study of medievalIslamic philos-
ophy: why did the Arabs fail to recognizethe TheologiaAristo-
telis as a Neoplatonicforgery andwhy, with all their knowledge
of the Stagirite gleaned from the flourishing translation
industry, did they acceptit as part of theAristotelian corpus?76
For, right from the start, it appearsself-evident that it is a
Neoplatonicstagewhich is being built ratherthan an Aristote-
lian one. The author of the Theologia emphasizesthat the
object of his book is to talk about 'the Divine Sovereignty'77
(or 'the divine nature' as another translator puts it.78 The
Arabic word usedis al-Rubitbiyya79). It is the causeof all things
and time is subject to It. Its power travels via Reasonto the
UniversalSoul andthenceto Natureand the corruptibleworld:
'This action arisesfrom it without motion; the motion of all
things comes from it and is causedby it, and things move
towardsit by a kind of longing and desire.'soHere is the classic
languageof the doctrineof emanation,that 'paradoxof Neopla-
tonism.'81 It is this doctrine,which functionsas a direct replace-
ment for all creationistdoctrines,82which should have roused
the Arabs to the true nature of the document(s)of the Theo-
logia which they had before them. The rest of the volume is
replete, as Fakhry emphasizes,with nearly all the key
componentsof Islamic Neoplatonism.83
The work divides into ten chapters.ChapterOne beginsby
expressinga wish to study the mannerof the Soul's departure
from the world of the mind and its descentinto the world of
the senses. 84 Indeed, throughout the whole of the Theologia,

there is an overwhelmingemphasison the role and activity of

the Soul: the nature of its memory is described;8sits faculties
are discussed;86and its nobility and power are lauded and
admired.87 The Soul is, of course,immortal and ChapterNine
is devotedto this importantthemewhile maintainingthe dualist
metaphysicsof the Theologia, which sees man as a classical
compound of body and soul.88 Coupled with all this is the
ubiquitousdoctrine of emanation,a key featureof which is the
production outside the confines of time of such hypostasesas
Universal Intellect or Mind and Universal Soul.89
The Absolute One is describedas the primary origin and

12
 INTRODUcnON

causeof all things which 'gushforth' from 1t;90 elsewhereHellt

is 'the first Creator... the perfect of excellence'and 'the one
who first pours forth life and excellenceon all things that are
beneathhim . . . '91 ChapterTen concludesthat God is reflec-
tion itself and that reflection cannotitself reflect.92
There are other themesas well: the beauty of the world of
Mind is surveyed,93the Aristotelian conceptsof potentiality
and actuality are discussed,94and the impact of the starson the
world is acknowledged. 9s In all, the Theologia Aristotelis is a
striking and extraordinarycollection of Platonic, Aristotelian
and Neoplatonic notions of which the last predominate:the
doctrine of emanationholds sway over all. And the fact that
the greatfather of Arab philosophyhimself, Abu YusufYa'qub
ibn Isl:}.iiq al-Kindi (died after AD 866), is associatedwith one
of the recensionsof this seminal work96 provides us with
anothermajor bridge - if one were needed- in any attemptto
trace the infiltration of Neoplatonisminto Islamic thought.
(4) The Liber de Causis' real impact on Islamic philosophy
was later rather than sooner,97and it was studied more by
Europethan by the East.98 Nonetheless,becauseof the way in
which the work is shot throughwith the doctrineof emanation,
and becauseProcluswas studiedin pre-IslamicAlexandriaand
the Liber de Causismay be reckonedto be a 'Proclan'compi-
lation, a brief mention of the work is included here.99 The
Arabic text reducesProclus' 211 propositionsin the Elements
of Theology to thirty-one,loo but it is still basedquite closely
upon that work. 10l Thesepropositionsdeal with such Neopla-
tonic topics as the natureof Proclus'four principal hypostases
of The One, Existence,Intellect and Soul. Thus the Liber de
Causis supportsProclus' elaborationof the Plotinian triad by
the insertionof an extra, and superior,hypostasisbetweenThe
One and the Intellect called Being or Existence(al-Anniyya).l02
In the courseof the last dozenor so propositionsthe attributes
of The One are surveyedandtheseconcludewith the statement
that the final sourceand creatorof all unity is The One.103

Gondeshipur

When the geographerand traveller Yiiqut (AD 1179-1228/9)

visited Gondeshapur,he found only a few ruined tracesof the
once great city.l04 In its heydayit had rivalled Alexandria as a

13
INTRODUcnON

centre for Greek learning and medicine. Indeed, it had been

Byzantine through and through: the language of Aramaic
rather than Persianseemsto have dominated,and it is highly
likely that many of the Christian citizens, who were in the
majority, spokeGreek as well. Their medicalsciencewas also
Greek. The city was clearly a clone or outpost of Byzantine
culture rather than a reflection of the Persianof which it was
nominally a part.lOS The philosophycurriculumof the Academy
had much in common with Alexandria and Gondeshapiir
played a significant role in the transmissionof Greek learning
by its encouragementof the translationindustry in the course
of which many of the great Greek scientific and philosophical
classicswere renderedinto Pahlavi and Syriac.106
Built by Shapiir1 (reg. AD 241-271),107the city had attracted
many of the best minds in the Near and Middle East in both
the pre-Islamicand the Islamic periods.For example,Proclus'
disciple Damascius (died AD 553), who had headed the
Athenian Academy, lived in Gondeshapiir from AD
531-533;108and the great doyen of the translationmovement,
l:Iunayn ibn IsJ:l8q (AD 809-873or 877), also studiedthere.l09
Medieval Islamic philosophymay be viewed, in part, as the
intellectualproduct of physical migrationsof scholarsescaping
from persecutionor interdict. Thus the movementof groups
like the Nestorians,who fled first to Edessaandthento Gonde-
shapiir after the anathemapronouncedagainst them at the
Council of Ephesus(AD 431),110is comparablein importance
for Islamic intellectual history to the gentle and gradual
migrationof Byzantinescholarsfrom Constantinopleto Europe
so many centurieslater. We should not, of course,arbitrarily
date this migration from AD 1453, as if the Ottomanconquest
of Constantinoplewere its sole cause and thus the causeof
the Renaissancein Europe. This myth has been attackedand
squashedby many scholars.l ll What we can say is that, just as
Byzantinescholarstravelling to Italy and elsewhereduring the
fifteenth century, provided a boost for the EuropeanRenaiss-
ance,ll2 so the earlier Nestoriansbecamemajor vehicles of
Greek thought, through the medium of Syriac, into Arabic.
They were familiar with Aristotle but they knew Porphyry's
work as well, and there had already been a developmentof
Neoplatonicthought in Antioch in Nestoriancircles.ll3
It is, perhaps,faintly ironical that a sectwhoseraison d'~tre
was the defenceof a particular Christologicalposition, should

14
 INTRODUcnON

have been a major transmitterof paganphilosophy to a new

faith, Islam, which caredlittle aboutthe naturesof Christ and,
indeed,positively rejectedhis divinity. But sucha development
was inevitable. Scholars,both paganand Christian, employed
the philosophyof the day and eachwas thus 'to someextent a
propagandistof Greekphilosophy,'114whateverhis theological
and Christological positions. Furthermore,Aristotelian logic
provideda mighty weaponin polemic and gavesectarianChris-
tianity a clearframeworkwithin which to developthe individual
metaphysics which underlay the various theological
controversies .11S
Gondeshapiirwas, therefore,much more than just a centre
of excellencein the medical field. 116 It was a centreof Greek
learning, both Aristotelian and Neoplatonic, and a centre of
Nestorianculture. Its proximity to what later becameknown
as Baghdadmadeit uniquely placedat that later date to infil-
trateIslam with Greekandotherelements,aswell asto provide
the 'Abbasid caliphate with a powerful source of physicians
and scholars.ltwas also well-placed earlier to receive, itself,
influences from another, non-Nestoriandirection. Again the
causewas migration from persecution:in AD 529 the Emperor
Justinianclosedthe School of Philosophyin Athens and some
of its Neoplatonic philosopherstook refuge in Iran.117 The
academicinterestsof somelike DamasciusandSimplicius (died
AD 533) who taught in Gondeshapiirincluded the works of
Plato, Aristotle, Proclus, and Euclid, as well as astrology and
Neoplatonism.118 Brehier's'grandsilence'in Neoplatonismand
philosophygenerallyover the sixth and seventhcenturiesAD
was thus a temporaryphenomenon.That silencewas resound-
ingly broken in the East.119

In assessingbriefly the contribution of I:Iarran to the medieval

philosophical milieu in the Near and Middle East, there are
two importantareasto consider:in the first place,the theology
of the Sabaeans; in the second,the teachingof the Alexandrian
schoolof philosopherswhich arrivedtherein the ninth century.
The Sabaeanswere a pagansect who, accordingto some,
had cleverly identified themselveswith the $tihi'un of the
Qur'anl20 to avoid persecution.They thus became'Peopleof

15
INTRODUCTION

the Book' (Ahl 'l-Kitiib) and therefore acceptableon certain

conditions, mainly tax related, to the Muslim rulers.121 Their
theology had much in common with Neoplatonism,emphas-
izing as it did the transcendenceof God,122 and the Sabaeans
later provided the Islamic world with a variety of notable
scholarslike Thabit b. Qurra (died AD 901), who translated
into Arabic someof Archimedes'works as well as Nicomachus'
Introduction to Arithmetic; Thabit's physician son Sinan (died
AD 943), who was court doctor to the 'Abbasid Caliphs al-
Muqtadir (reg. AD 908-932) and al-Qahir (reg. AD 932-934)
and who also fancied himself as an historian; and Sinan'sown
sonThabit (died AD 975), who followed the historical tradition
pursuedby the great historian al-1'aban(AD 839-923). This
family of I:Iarranian scholars provides an interesting parallel
to the well-known NestorianBukhtishii' line of Gondeshapiir
which fostered the development of both medicine and
astronomythrough sevengenerationsin the Islamic period.123
The Alexandrian philosophersarrived in I:Iarran some time
in the middle of the ninth century AD, a fact noted by several
medievalscholarsincluding al-Mas'iidi (circa AD 890-5 to AD
956).124 And from I:Iarran they moved to Baghdadright at the
beginning of the tenth century. Thus a city which already
housed the prestigious philosophy and translation studium
called 'The House of Wisdom' (Bayt al-lJikma), founded by
the Caliph al-Ma'miin (reg. AD 813-833)in AD 832, was now
further enrichedby the last philosophicaloffspring of Alexan-
dria. 'AbbasidBaghdadwas the climax of a long journeywhich
had taken thesescholars,peripateticin more sensesthan one,
severalcenturiesto make, and which had includedin its course
both Antioch and Sabaean I:Iarran. The migration was
complete;the diffusion of Aristotelian and Neoplatonicthought
was well under way and would continue.125Theology, as well
as philosophy,was a beneficiary- or victim! And in the process,
the simple monotheistic model or 'face' of the QUR'ANIC
God was remouldedto an imageand likenessof which Plotinus
might only sometimeshaveapproved,andof which Mul}ammad
would have assuredlydespaired,even if he had understoodit.

16
 INTRODUCTION

THE QUR'ANICCREATORPARADIGMAND THE STRUCTURE

OF ISLAMIC THOUGHT

The theoretical approachused in this book is basedupon a

seriesof insights derived from the twin disciplinesof structur-
alism and semiotics. Of course, I am aware that fashions in
literary criticism, and often in the multifarious fields on which
such criticism has a major impact, developand changeswiftly.
Structuralismitself has been overtakenby post-structuralism
and deconstructiontheory.126 It may thus be argued that to
employ any kind of structuralistapproach,or evenstructuralist
derived insights, in this book is already to apply a mode of
discoursewhich some will regard as archaic or having been
superseded by other modes.But it may be retorted,with equal
justification, that the scholarshouldbe free to use,ratherthan
be temporally subservientto, all styles and tools of literary
criticism and analysis, whatever their relative antiquity or
modernity, provided that they are helpful in illuminating in
someway the subject under discussion.And it has beenwell
statedthat the initial principles of structuralism'have not yet
been shown to be invalid' .127 This is as true today as it was
in the early 1970s. Furthermore,a structuralist approachto
medieval Islamic philosophy and theology has not been
employedbefore, to the best of the author'sknowledge,128in
the way to be undertakenhere.Thirdly, and finally, in defence
of the approachadopted,it must be stressedthat structuralist
discourseencouragedand openedthe floodgatesto semiotics,
a discipline which has garnereda range of disciples from a
variety of fields.129 The structuralistinsights employedin this
book are designed(a) to highlight a basicthemeof alienation,
which will be elaborateda little later in this chapter;and (b)
to lead ultimately to a theory of semioticsin the concluding
chapter which is entitled The Vocabulary of Transcendence:
Towards a Theory of Semioticsfor Islamic Theology.
Above all, however, it must be rememberedthat structur-
alism in essenceis a methodrather than a doctrine.13o Its real
merits have beenneatly encapsulatedby Todorov: 'By its orig-
inal research,by its explorationof fresh ways, by its unceasing
rejuvenation, structuralism bears witness... to an enviable
vitality and fruitfulness.'131
The principal focus of comparisonin all the chapterswhich
follow is what I proposeto term the Qur'anic Creator Para-

17
INTRODUCTION

digm. This is, as it were, the fully fledged articulation of the

QUR'ANIC model or 'face' of God which was briefly sketched
earlier. And I have tried throughout to avoid two common
pitfalls which can constitute a sometimeshidden, frequently
visible, substrate to much modern writing about Islam in
general, and medieval Islamic theology and philosophy in
particular: the idea that there is an easily definable orthodox
Islam, and the insistenceon seeingall things Islamic purely and
totally in termsof outsideinfluences.It is worth pausingbriefly
here to considerboth thesemisconceptions.
The useof suchrigid, single, and emotivetermsas 'orthodox'
and 'unorthodox'producesan erroneousassumption,with its
concomitant false historicity, that Islam is fundamentally a
monolith. It leads to, or is the product of, a frame of mind
which considersthat religion is capableof scant variation or
development;for its articulation may be categorizedon the
moral level, arbitrarily, once and for all, as right or wrong,
true or false, legal or illegal, authentic or inauthentic. Of
course, Islam does have its full share of moral and ethical
categories:we think immediately of the classical division of
behaviourby Islamic law into 'the five qualifications'(al-a!}kdm
al-khamsa) , i.e. into that which is obligatory (wdjib) ,
recommended(mandub), indifferent (mubtl!} or murakhkh~),
reprehensible(makruh) and forbidden (I}ardm).132 But this is
by no meansits only dimension, and even this dimension is
open to severalinterpretations.
There are many 'orthodoxies'and each is culturally infused
by, and intellectually propagated according to, its age.133
Furthermore, it has been neatly observed that Islam 'is a
religion of jurists ... and mystics, and many have been both
at the same time. Any qualified lawyer can declare whether
something is against Islamic law, so there can be as many
versions of "orthopraxy" as there are jurists.'134There were
always traditionists, fuqahd' and 'ulamd' who were actually
enthusiasticabout popular devotion to the Islamic saints, for
example.135 Ashraf Ghani puts it in a nutshell:

The problem of orthodoxy and heterodoxy,therefore, is a

problem within the same universe of discourse. As de
Morgan observeda universe is 'a range of ideas which is
either expressedor understood as containing the whole
matterunderconsideration.In such universes.contrariesare

18
 INTRODUcnON

very common: that is, terms each of which excludesevery

caseof the other,while both togethercontainthe whole' ...
The core feature of the question, therefore, is that of
proceedingfrom the samepremisein different ways rather
than from the different premisesin the sameway. It involves
an attemptat underplayingthe areasof agreementand over-
emphasizingthe areasof disagreement. l36

The point behindall this for our presentdiscussionis that, just

as the Islamic faith was, and is, able to embracea variety of
legal schools and legal interpretations,and not only come to
terms with but actually adopt the manifestationsof a mystical
impulse,so it shouldalsobe allowedits philosophicaldimension
without the latter automatically being labelled 'heretical'137
accordingto somenaive touchstoneof 'orthodoxy.'The casual
and simplistic mannerin which such a word as 'orthodox' has
been used by some scholarsin the study of religion is indeed
both futile and misleading,138if only becausethe word is so
utterly intangible.139 Al-Azmeh's remarks provide a much-
neededcorrectivefor this and other similar mistakes:

Like Christianity and Buddhism, the other world-religions,

[Islam] has proved capable of assimilating a bewildering
variety of forms, some of which might well appear anti-
thetical, and has, like theseother equally catholic religions,
shown an omnivorous capacity for acquiring and ratifying
popular practices,political requirements,social exigencies,
cultural modes,mythologicalmotifs, andothermatterswhich
were not presentin the original writ of the religion and in
its pristine condition.l40

In this book a touchstonewill certainly be used but it will, I

hope, be found to be preciser in focus, more useful and
certainly less ambiguousthan the term 'orthodox.'It is what I
havealreadyreferredto as the Our'anicCreatorParadigm:the
full meaningof this phrasewill be elaboratedshortly. However,
it shouldbe stressedfirmly herethat the useof sucha paradigm
is not intended in any way to imply a wilful orientalist or
retrogradeconceptionof the Our'anas the solefount andorigin
of everything Islamic or even 'their explanatoryprinciple.'141
Its function here is not that of somekind of originating oracle,
but simply that of a convenientparameter- articulatedsynch-

19
INTRODUCTION

ronically - againstwhich future Arabic and Islamic thought,

emergingdiachronicallyin the Islamic era, might be measured
and compared.It is a parameter,I repeat, whose substance
emergedat a certainpoint, or certainpoints, in historical time
and which was culturally conditionedby the milieu in which it
appeared.Such facets have to be acknowledged.What we
should not do is then proceedby attachingto that parameter
value judgementslike 'purely Islamic,' 'right' and 'authentic'
and measuringall else which differs from it in terms of 'un-
Islamic,' 'wrong' and 'inauthentic.'142The Our'linic Creator
Paradigm adumbratedin this Introduction is certainly not
intendedto constituteeitherthe 'explanatoryprinciple' of Islam
or its totality. Thus the later Islamic philospherswho differed,
or were alienated,from the paradigm will not be judged as
'inauthentic' or 'un-Islamic' but simply as 'different'; while
thosewho, at certain points or times, happenedto agreewith
it will not thereby be consideredas 'explained' by it. Their
agreementwill simply be recorded.The paradigmis intended
basically to provide a framework or reference point for
discussion,not an exclusive and fully-fledged theology in its
own right; and it is within the context of the Our'linic Creator
Paradigm,ratherthan that of somemythical 'orthodox' Islam,
that comparisonswill be made in theology when a survey is
undertakenof the different ideas of the Islamic philosophers
about the natureof God.
The secondpitfall that may be alludedto hereis the tendency
of some scholars of medieval Islamic philosophy to see the
entire corpusin terms of influencesand borrowingsfrom pre-
Islamic Europeanandextra-Islamicsources.Therehas,indeed,
beena regrettabletrend amongthosewho should have known
better to searchfor a Greek antecedentto accountfor every
facet of the Islamic philosophicaltradition.143 Of coursethere
were somesuchantecedents - manyof major value andimport-
ance to the tradition;l44 we have already alluded to some of
these.Otherswill be notedin due course.The impactof Greek
and other thought was acknowledgedby the Islamic philos-
ophers themselves. 14s Morewedge stressesthat 'there is no
doubt that Islamic intellectual thought grew through the rich
nourishmentit receivedfrom the Neoplatonicspirit in the same
sensethat Aristotle's philosophyflourishedon a Platonicbasis;
in both cases, however, the similarity does not warrant a total
reductionalism'.146 Islamic philosophyand theology, like every

20
 INTRODUCTION

other, grew to some degreeaccordingto the intellectual and

cultural milieu of which they were a part, or as a considered
reactionto that milieu. Their ultimate productwas the creation
in Islam of a deity approached,but hardly encountered,by a
via negativaof cultural and linguistic alienation whose ishraqi
epitome,perhapsparadoxically,was light itself.
Associatedwith the problemof influences,and perhapseven
symptomaticof it, is that of nomenclatureand classification.147
It has beenwell pointedout that terms such as 'Arabic philos-
ophy' (which are commonly used in those classicaltextbooks
of philosophy whose underlying assumptionis that the whole
discourse 'began with al-Kindi, reached its height with al-
Farabi and Avicenna, suffered the disastrousshock of the
criticism of al-Ghazzali,and madea heroic effort to rise again
with Averroes'148)are quite inadequate:they allow little room,
for example,for the great non-Arab ishraqi philosophersand
mystics like al-Suhrawardi (AD 1153-1191);149indeed, the
majority of the philosophersitemized in the quotation above
were non-Arab, though all could write in Arabic.
If the term 'Arabic philosophy' will not serve, others like
'Islamic philosophy'or 'Muslim philosophy'may not appearat
first sight to be much better,commonthough they are. Corbin
describesthe latter term as a 'sectariandenomination'which
'prejudgesan extremelyserious question:can one speakof a
Muslim philosophyin the sensein which one speaksof "Chris-
tian philosophy"? In other words, has the operation
accomplishedby the Scholasticsin the West its counterpartin
Islam? Were the falasifa ever "integrated" into Islam? The
thesis would be difficult to maintain.'150 Corbin choosesto
speakthereforeof 'philosophyin Islam,' but what he has just
said seemsto verge dangerouslyon the old monolithic concept
of Islam: we stressedearlier that it was in the intrinsic nature
of Islam to function as a multifacetedvehiclecapableof bearing
a rich variety that was inclusive of philosophy. In view of
this I propose,in what follows, to stick to the term 'Islamic
philosophy': it is both convenientand accurate.
The wide diversity in Muslim belief and practice certainly
posesproblemswhen it comes to any attempt at articulating
that diversity in conceptualterms.l51 It also posesproblemsif
one tries to formulate in a book like this, whose predecessors
have frequently beenwritten within the framework of 'heresy'
and 'orthodoxy,'somekind of 'Islamic' yardstick for purposes

21
INTRODUCTION

of comparisonwhich has a widespread- if not universal -

applicability. It is hoped, therefore,that the very narrowness
of the proposedQur'anic Creator Paradigm,basedas it is on
only four main points, will go someway towardsresolving this
problem.
The God portrayedin the Qur'an has both a transcendent
and an immanentaspect.On the one hand 'like Him there is
naught';lS2on the other, God announcesin His revelation: 'We
indeed created man; and We know what his soul whispers
within him, and We are nearerto him than the jugular vein.'lS3
This chapterdoes not proposeto ignore the first transcendent
aspect and, as it were, 'de-transcendentalize'the Qur'anic
Deity. What it does proposeto do is stresshere the second
immanentaspectin terms of a fourfold paradigm;the rest of
the book will show how medieval Islamic philosophy became
progressivelyalienatedfrom this aspect.
The Qur'anic Creator Paradigm embracesa God who (1)
createsex nihilo; (2) acts definitively in historical time; (3)
guides His people in such time; and (4) can in some way be
known indirectly by His creation, (though there is never, in
non-~fifi circles, any questionof direct apprehensionon earth
of the Deity). It is perhapsnot too much of a wild analogyto
say that the Qur'anicGod sometimesappearsto have features
in common with the God of the modem Processtheologians,
especially where 'they reject both the immutability and the
impassibility of God' and maintain that 'the God of Process
theology is not outside of time; His existenceis inextricably
involved in the processof time.'ls4 It is, however, an analogy
which cannot,and should not, be pressedtoo far. The Process
theologiansof today, in their rejectionof divine transcendence,
denial of God's independenceof the world, and undermining
of the doctrineof creationex nihilo, astraditionally understood,
in favour of a God who is 'not so much the controller of the
world as He is its director . . . and an interdependentpartner
with the world,'lsS show the very real gulf that yawns between
their theology and that of the Qur'an. For while 'the God of
Processtheology is not the sovereignLord of the universe,'lS6
that of the Qur'an emphaticallyis: the Qur'anic Deity is 'the
Lord of the Worlds' (Rabb al-'A.lamin), or 'the Lord of all
Being' as Arberry alternativelytranslates.1S7
Of course,every jot and every tittle of every scriptural text
is potential material for the exegete;and that exegesismay be

22
 INTRODUcnON

historical and philological, as with the greatinterpretersof the

Our'an in the Middle Ages like ai-laban (AD 839-923), al-
Zamakhshan(died AD 1144), and al-Bay<,tawi (died AD 1286
or later); esoteric as with the Isma'ilis;158 or linked to the
motif of power and viewed as an aspectof the sociology of
knowledge.1s9Nonetheless,despite the differing naturesand
the wide rangeof such exegesis,it is proposedhere that there
are four creative,active, guiding and epistemologicalconstants
that may be associatedwith the Our'anic God, constantson
whose existencea majority of commentatorshave agreedover
the ages, and that will constitute for this book a narrowly
framed, but useful and unambiguous,paradigm.160 In other
words, few have denied that the God of the Our'an creates,
acts,guidesandmay, in someway, be known at leastindirectly;
and someof those few who have deniedsomeof thesethings
form the subject matter of this presentwork! Clearly, other
aspectsof the Our'anicGod, especiallythosethat form part of
the anthropomorphicdebatelike His possessionof hands161 or
ability to sit or, in someway, 'be' (istawa) on a throne,162have
been,and are, opento varied interpretationand necessarilyfall
into the dichotomoussphereof mulJ,kamatand mutashabihat
debates.1 63 But such aspectsform no part of the paradigm
proposedhere.

(1) God's creative activity is His leitmotiv par excellence

throughout the entire text of the Our'an. He has createdall
things164including sevenheavensand sevenearths.165It takes
only His divine fiat for somethingto comeinto existence.166 He
continuesto rememberHis creation167 and He doesnot tire of
guardingthe heavensandthe earth.l68God may, indeed,create
again should He so wish.l69
(2) Creation,which inauguratesman'shistory, also inaugur-
ates God's activity within historical time; indeed, it is an
absolutetruism that 'even the eternal cannot enter into time
without a time when it enters. Revelation to history cannot
occur outsideit. '170 And though,savefor a few exceptions,the
Our'an might choose to eschew world history in favour of
prophetichistory,171 thereis no doubt that it doesportray God
as operatingdirectly on and aroundthe life and careerof His
ProphetMul}ammad. For example,at the significant Battle of
Badr, fought betweenMul}ammad and the Meccansin AD 624,
God clearly helps and sustainsthe Prophet:

23
INTRODUcnON

When you were calling upon your Lord for succour,and He

answeredyou, 'I shall reinforce you with a thousandangels
riding behindyou . . .' You did not slay them, but God slew
them; and even when thou threwest,it was not thyself that
threw, but God threw . . . When God showedthee them in
thy dream as few; and had He shown them as many you
would have lost heart, and quarrelledabout the matter; but
God saved; He knows the thoughts in the breasts.When
God showedyou themin your eyesasfew, when you encoun-
tered,and madeyou few in their eyes,that God might deter-
mine a matter that was done; and unto God all mattersare
retumed.172

And the Qur'andraws a moral from all this: 'God most surely
helped you at Badr, when you were utterly abject. So fear
God, and haply you will be thankful.'173 Elsewhere,the Qur'an
devotesan entire Sura (CXt) to a denunciationand cursingof
one of Mul}ammad's fiercest enemies,his uncle Abu Lahab,
who hadwithdrawn the protectionof the clan from Mul}ammad
while the latter was still in Mecca. Abu Lahabdied in AD 624,
a little after the Battle of Badr in which he is said, however,
not to have participated.174
A last example to show the direct operation of God in
historical time is neatly encapsulatedin anotherwhole Sura of
the Qur'an (CV) entitled The Sura of the Elephant (Surat al-
Fii), which describesthe way in which God savedMul}ammad's
native city of Meccafrom attackby onewhom Islamic tradition
identifies with the Christian South Arabian Generalor King,
Abraha,17Sin the year of the Prophet'sbirth (circa AD 570):

Hast thou not seenhow thy Lord did with the Men of the
Elephant?Did He not make their guile to go astray?And
He loosed upon them birds in ftights, hurling againstthem
stonesof baked clay and He made them like green blades
devoured.176

(3) God'sguiding activity shouldbe clear, in part at least,from

the foregoing. But the Qur'an also spells it out in somedetail
in such versesas 'Surely upon Us rests the guidance'177and
'Say: "God's guidance is the true guidance, and we are
commandedto surrenderto the Lord of all Being".'178 Indeed,
for the Muslim the whole of religion itself is in a very real sense

24
 INTRODUCTION

a synonymfor God's guidance:Islam is 'being rightly guided'

(ihtidd').l79
(4) Finally, God may be known indirectly in someway, or,
at least,known about,accordingto the dataof the Qur'an.This
is not a statementthat is designedto underminethe conceptof
God'sunique transcendence. Nor doesit fail to recognizethat
the whole area of epistemology,especiallywith regard to the
modality of knowing God, has been, and is, one fraught with
difficulties. Siifi gnosis, for example, was clearly a very
different approachfrom the scholasticismof those medieval
'ulamii' who were unsympatheticto the mystical impulse. But
if one may be permitted to accept some of the data of the
Qur'anat face value, then it is clear that someindirect knowl-
edge of - or at least about - the Qur'anic Deity may be
achieved. Sometimes,for example, God may permit men to
glean somethingabout Him: 'They comprehendnot anything
of His knowledgesavesuch as He wills.'l80 Man can encounter
God both in the heavensand within the depthsof himself: 'We
shall show them Our signs (ayiitina) in the horizons and in
themselves,till it is clear to them that it is the truth. Sufficesit
not as to thy Lord, that He is witness over everything.'181
Indeed,the entire universemay be said to throb with the signs
of God'sexistence.l82

This then is what I havetermedthe Qur'anicCreatorParadigm.

There are severalframeworks within which such a paradigm
could be usefully applied as a focus for theological, philo-
sophical,and other comparison.Somescholarsin recenttimes
have chosento tackle the field of Islam, its philosophy, and
thought by a phenomenologicalroute;l83 others have applied
the insights of anthropologyto the raw materials of Islamic
Studies;l84 while yet others have studied Arabic thought
through the disciplines of sociology of knowledge and the
history of discursiveformations.18S The paradigmadumbrated
above would have a use as a comparativefocus in all three
approaches.However, the approachthat I have preferredto
usein this book, in an effort to illuminate someof the structures
of medieval Islamic philosophy and theology, is built upon a
mixture of modernstructuralistand semiotic theory.
Nearly all the philosopherswho are the subjectof this book
elaboratedtheir thought in certain texts; and it is to these
texts that referencemust necessarilybe made. As William of

25
INTRODucnON

Baskerville, the principal protagonistin Umberto Eco's The

Name of the Rose,observed:

The good of a book lies in its being read. A book is made

up of signsthat speakof othersigns,which in their turn speak
of things. Without an eyeto readthem,a book containssigns
that produceno concepts;thereforeit is dumb.186

And al-Azmeh has underlined the fact that 'no text has an
intrinsic and univocal objectivity of meaning; it is always
context-specific,internally and externally, and thus open only
to structural analyses.'187He rightly insists that 'the true
meaningof a text ... is historical; a text has no senseoutside
the various and contradictorytraditions that appropriateit. '188
None of this is to say, of course,that the medievalfaliisifa
and mutakallimun were proto-structuralistsor semioticiansin
today's senseof those words. Such a claim would be both
anachronisticand absurd.What is reasonableis to supposethat
each thinker had an underlying set of assumptions,beliefs,
prejudices, and feelings that he articulated, consciously or
unconsciously,within a particular textual structure or frame-
work of words. Furthermore,thosevery words, and indeedthe
structuresto which they belonged,may alternativelyhavebeen
inadequate,or have conveyedmore than was intended. The
first may be particularlytrue in any attemptto expressin words
the utterly transcendent:thus the Ash'arite and J:lanbalite
doctrine of acceptingall the Qur'anic theologoumenawithout
enquiry into their exact modality (bilii kay/), which leaves'to
God the understandingof his own mystery,'189 must be
reckonedultimately to empty suchphrasesas 'the face of God'
(wajh Alldh),190 'the face of your Lord' (wajh Rabbika),191and
'the hand of God' (yad Alldh)192 of all meaningif the doctrine
is pressedto its logical conclusion.A face is no longer a face!
And in this casethe true meaningof the word or namecan in
no way be explainedor assessed by referenceto its Bearer.193
There is, then, a final and total rupture or disjunction
betweensignifier and signified.194 Augustusde Morgan indeed
realizedthe problemsinherentin the useof all humanvocabu-
lary and nomenclaturewhen he noted:

A name ought to be like a boundary, which clearly and

undeniablyeither shutsin, or shutsout, every idea that can

26
 INTRODUcnON

be suggested.It is the imperfection of our minds, our

language,andour knowledgeof externalthingsthat this clear
and undeniableinclusion or exclusion is seldom attainable,
exceptas to ideaswhich are well within the boundary: at and
nearthe boundaryitself all is vague.195

Analysis of the structureand semioticsof each philosopher's

theologyprovidesa key to a betterunderstandingof the degree
to which most of the philosophersand thinkersto be discussed
in this book exhibited a senseof alienation from the Qur'iinic
CreatorParadigmproposedearlier. A senseof alienationmay,
of course, take many forms: it is the underlying thesis of all
that follows that the languageof transcendencein medieval
Islamic philosophyis in fact the mirror of a gradualintellectual,
theological,and linguistic alienationfrom the Qur'iinic Creator
Paradigm, resulting in an altogetherdifferent paradigm that
will besketchedin the conclusion.The totality of that alienation
is a matter for somecareful assessment, but its history is that
of a movementfrom a Qur'iinic God who creates,actsin time,
guides mankind, and who can in some way, albeit indirectly,
be known, to an utterly remote unknowableGod who does
not even create. Culturally and geographicallythe alienation
processin Islam and Islamic philosophy was prefigured and
preparedfor broadly by the movementof various individual
intellectualsand, indeed,whole groups of people,often non-
Islamic, from one place to anotherwith all the concomitant
physical upheavalthat such movementsinvolved: the Nesto-
rians to Edessaand then Gondeshiipur;the AthenianNeopla-
tonist philosophersto the latter city; the Alexandrian philos-
ophersto I:Iarriin and then Baghdad.
Intellectually and theologically, the growth towards trans-
cendenceand an 'alien' God gained impetus from the infil-
tration and spreadof the doctrinesof Neoplatonismand culmi-
nated in al-Suhrawardiwith his view of reality as a simple,
stark dualism of light and darknessand his light-saturated
vocabularyof pure 'otherness.'Where creation ex nihilo was
the principal motor of the Qur'iinic God, Neoplatonic
emanationwas that of the transcendentand alien God of the
Islamicphilosophers.Linguistically, suchphilosophers'employ-
mentof certainkinds of vocabularyto denotethe transcendent
marked a movement away from the familiar, almost cosy,
languageof the Qur'iinic CreatorParadigmto a shifting evan-

27
INTRODUCTION

escentarea where languagewas often emptied of all normal

meaning: the end result could be paradoxicallyand startlingly
akin to that achieved by the theologies of al-Ash'an and
Al;unad b. I:Ianbal alluded to above. As we shall see,this was
most obvious in the languageand work of Ibn al-'Arabi (AD
1165-1240).
It might be useful to conclude by highlighting a little more
the nature of the alienation just sketched,since it constitutes
a major focus and theme in this book. One way of doing this
is to identify other kinds of alienation by way of comparison
and, in particular, those which do not in any senseform part
of the conceptualframework of this study. The whole concept
of alienationhasbeenexpoundedand elaborateduponin many
forms by thinkers from fields as diverse as economics,soci-
ology, anthropology,philosophy,theology, and psychology.It
has beenneatly, if somewhatponderously,encapsulatedin the
following definition: 'Alienation (or estrangement)is the act,
or result of the act, through which something,or somebody,
becomes(or has become)alien (or strange)to something,or
somebody,else.'196Speakingvery broadly, and perhapsrather
simplistically, we can convenientlyidentify two basic types of
alienation: 'Alienation from somethingelse or somebodyelse
and alienationfrom oneself.'197
Seminal proponentsof the concept, like Hegel and Marx,
concentratedon the latter aspect of self-alienation, that is,
'alienation of a self from itself through itself. '198 There were,
of course,differencesbetweenthe two: the orientationin Hegel
may be describedas epistemological 199 by contrastwith Marx's
stresson labour as a primary factor in the alienationdebate.200
And Marx, hardly surprisingly, speaksof just 'one self-alien-
ated self' which is man, while Hegel focuses on two beings,
man and God.201 The latter thinker, at whosedoor must be laid
the responsibilityfor the philosophicalprominenceacquiredby
the whole notion of alienation,202talked in one place of the
Old Testamentmodel of God as 'the alien Being who passes
judgementon the particular individual.'203 Hegel, particularly
in the 'UnhappyConsciousness' sectionof his Phenomenology,
studiedGod as 'the eternal,projectedby humanconsciousness
by way of appeal.'204Elsewherehe declared:

Nothing has a Spirit that is grounded within itself and

indwells it, but each has its being in somethingoutside of

28
 INTRODUCTION

and alien to it. The equilibrium of the whole is not the unity
which remainswith itself, nor the contentmentthat comes
from having returnedinto itself, but rests on the alienation
of opposites.The whole, therefore,like eachsinglemoment,
is a self-alienatedactuality.20s

Hegelian notions of 'alienation,' not unexpectedly, differ

considerablyfrom Marxist and other modern definitions.206
Karl Marx, for example, transferredthe main emphasisfrom
epistemologyand phenomenologyto the fields of politics and
economics.He observedin a classicformulationwhich deserves
quotation:

In general, the statementthat man is alienated from his

species-being,207means that one man is alienated from
anotheras eachof them is alienatedfrom the humanessence.
The alienation of man and in generalof every relationship
in which man standsto himself is first realizedand expressed
in the relationshipwith which manstandsto othermen. Thus
in the situation of alienatedlabour each man measureshis
relationship to other men by the relationship in which he
finds himself placedas a worker.208

The man-centredstancein all this and lack of any referenceto

a HegelianAbsolute, or reality as Spirit, is in stark contrastto
the kind of alienation discussed in the Phenomenology,
although Marx was not too proud to acknowledgehis debt to
Hegel.209
The above few quotationscan clearly give only the barest
glimpseandflavour of the thoughtof the two intellectualgiants,
Hegel and Marx, and the different ways in which they manipu-
lated the concept of alienation. But they perhaps provide
sufficient indication that the kind of alienation that forms the
focus of this book will not be that of Hegel and Marx. It will
not, in other words, be my intention to try and show that
the medievalIslamic philosophersand theologianswere proto-
Hegelians or Marxists! Nor do I intend to deploy the idea
popularized by Feuerbach that theology is really anthro-
pology.210 The difficulties inherent in treating the Islamic
religion as totally 'anthropocentric,and ... nothing but self-
consciousness' and holding that 'all of its purportedobjectsare
only representationsof humannature'211may be imagined.

29
INTRODUCTION

The alienation that constitutesboth topos and substratefor

this book is specifically the first kind mentionedabove,'alien-
ation from somethingelse or somebodyelse,'ratherthan self-
alienation. And ours is a theology-centredor derived alien-
ation: in particular, it is the alienationof the medievalIslamic
thinker in a variety of ways from his Deity. For this kind of
alienation it is a truism that the Muslim believer had to hold
that there actually and necessarilyexisteda Deity from whom
alienation was possible in the first place. Not for him were
thoseextremeforms of modernalienation- barelyto be charac-
terizedas theological-which held that God was dead,however
that statementwas interpreted.212
The conceptof theologicalalienation,which constitutesthe
meatof this book, hasbeenneatly definedas 'the ideathat the
relation of the worshippersto God may be analogousto the
alienation, or estrangement,betweenhuman beings.'213 This
should be borne in mind in the pagesthat follow. It is also
clear that individuals or groups of scholars(including philos-
ophers and theologians) have some capacity for becoming
estranged,alienated or isolated from their own societies214
which may, or may not, reflect on a lower plane the thinker's
own alienation from the focus of his enquiry, or, indeed,
worship, whetherthat focus be God or man. In this book the
term 'alienation' is used in a precise, narrow and technical
senseto denote the estrangementof the Islamic philosopher
or theologian from the fourfold Our'anic Creator Paradigm
outlined above. Nettler provides a definition of an 'alienated
person'as 'one who hasbeenestrangedfrom, madeunfriendly
toward, his society and the culture it carries.'215 It is the task
of this book to reflect the degree to which this might also
provide a total definition of the ultimate stateof later medieval
Islamic philosophywhen placedbeside,or confrontedwith, the
Our'anic paradigm.
In keeping with what was stressedearlier, however, about
the inherentbreadthof the term 'Islam,' the word 'Islamic' will
be applied to both the philosophy and the paradigm:it is not
the thesis of this book that alienation was a feature in the
production of that which was un-Islamic. Such could only be
the case if Islam were held to be exclusively identical with
the narrowly framed Our'anic CreatorParadigmthat we have
establishedfor comparative purposes, and not inclusive of
anything else. That is not the view of this work; it is, rather,

30
 INTRODUcnON

that the concept of alienation produced a different kind of

theological paradigmwhich, nonetheless,may still validly be
located beneathan 'Islamic' umbrella becauseof its very real
antecedentsin the transcendentaspectsof the Qur'anic Deity
alluded to earlier. To use Saussure'sterminology, it was but
one parole in the vast and multifacetedlangueof Islam.

NOTES

1. See Erik Hornung, Conceptionsof God in Ancient Egypt: The

One and the Many, p. 27. See also pp. 15-32, 185-96, 251-9; and
Martin Bernal, Black Athena: The A/roasiatic Rootsof Classical Civi-
lization: Volume1: The Fabrication of AncientGreece1785-1985,pp.
257-66.
2. W. K. C. Guthrie, A History of Greek Philosophy, vol. 1, p.
374. Seealso Edward Hussey,The Presocratics,pp. 13-14.
3. Guthrie, A History of GreekPhilosophy,pp. 37~3; Hussey,The
Presocratics,p. 13.
4. E.g. Timaeus4OE-41D, The Laws Bk. 4,716-17 and in many
other places. Anthony Kenny reminds us in The God of the Philos-
ophers, p. 6, that 'Plato, in the Laws (884c ff) provided the death
penalty not only for those who denied the existenceof God, but for
thosewho while confessingthat the godsexisteddeniedthat they took
any notice of the affairs of men.'
5. LawrenceA. Babb, The Divine Hierarchy: Popular Hinduism in
Central India, p. 216.
6. Milton Singer, 'The Radha-KrishnaBhajanasof Madras City,'
in idem. (ed.), Krishna: Myths, Rites and Attitudes,p. 137. See also
J. L. Brockington, The SacredThread: Hinduism in its Continuity and
Diversity, pp. 52-4, 144, 179. Brockington notes that 'the quest for
Brahmanas first principle by which all phenomenaare explainedis a
continuinginfluence on Hindu thought' but he also wisely remindsus
that 'unity and diversity are for the Hindu not contradictorynotions
but two endsof a spectrum'(Sacred Thread, pp. 208-9). See finally
R. C. Zaehner, Hinduism, pp. 2, 105-33; and idem., Hindu and
Muslim Mysticism, p. 22 where he cites Max Muller's phraseabout
the religion of the Vedas being 'a polytheism which developsalong
henotheisticlines.' Zaehnerobservesa little further on: 'Although, as
has beenrepeatedlypointed out, there was an increasingtendencyto
identify the gods one with anotherand to seein eachand all of them
an aspectof somesupremepower, the mere fact that they had all of
them individual characteristicsof a mythological nature disqualified
eachfrom becomingthe undisputedCreatorand Lord of creation.'
7. Exceptions include the Druzes, who believe that the sixth
Falimid Caliph al-l:f8kim (reg. AD 996-1021)was an incarnationof
God. See H. Z. (J. W.) Hirschberg,'The Druzes,'in A. J. Arberry
et al. (eds), Religion in the Middle East, vol. 2, pp. 33~; M. G. S.

31
INTRODUCTION

Hodgson et al., art. 'Duriiz,' EP, vol. 2, pp. 631-7; and Nejla M.
Abu-Izzeddin, The Druzes: A New Study of their History, Faith and
Society.See also the theophaniesof such groups as the PersianAhl-i
lJaqq (describedby V. Minorsky, art. 'Ahl-i 1:Ja~~,' EP, vol. 1, pp.
260-3); the doctrinesof some extremist ShI'ite groups which tended
to deify 'Ali and others (see M. G. S. Hodgson, art. 'Ghuliit,' EP,
vol. 2, pp. 1093-5 and idem., 'How did the Early Shi'a become
Sectarian?,'Journal of the American Oriental Society,vol. 75 (1955),
p. 4 n. 27, p. 8); and the beliefs of the Nu~ayris (outlined by L.
Massignon,art. 'Nu~airi,' EIS, pp. 453-6). All thesegroupsconstitute
very small groupswithin the framework of Islam today.
8. SeeNormanDaniel, Islam and the West,pp. 73-7, 103,231,273,
299, 341 n. 82.
9. E.g. Q. 1V:51, 116.
10. E.g. see Q. V:77 which A. J. Arberry translatesas: 'They are
unbelieverswho say, "God is the Third of Three." No god is there
but One God' (The Koran Interpreted, vol. 1, p. 140). Many have
believedthat this verseis a repudiationof standardChristianteaching
aboutthe Trinity, but both Watt and Parrinderhold that it is an attack
on heretical worship of three gods. See W. M Watt, Companionto
the Qur'an, p. 77, and Geoffrey Parrinder,Jesusin the Qur'an, pp.
133, 134, 137.
11. J. N. D. Kelly, Early Christian Doctrines, p. 74. See also pp.
69-79, and Gerald Bostock, 'Allegory and the Interpretationof the
Bible in Origen,' Journal of Literature and Theology, vol. 1 no. 1
(March 1987), pp. 39-53. For a useful survey of patristic exegesissee
TzvetanTodorov, Symbolismand Interpretation, pp. 97-130.
12. Kelly, Early Christian Doctrines, p. 76.
13. G. L. Prestige,God in Patristic Thought, p. 8. See Clement,
Stromata Book 2, Chapter 16 (entitled 'How we are to explain the
passagesof Scripture which ascribe to God human affections') in J.
P. Migne (ed.), Patrologiae Graecae,vol. 8, cols. 1011-14: translated
in Alexander Roberts & JamesDonaldson (eds), The Ante-Nicene
Fathers, Volume2: Fathers of the SecondCentury, pp. 363-4.
14. Origen, Contra CelsumV1:65 in J. P. Migne (ed.), Patrologiae
Graecae,vol. 11, col. 1398: trans. in Henry Chadwick,Origen: Contra
Celsum,p. 380.
15. E.g. Q. XLV111: 10, Q. L1: 47.
16. E.g. Q. LV: 27.
17. E.g. Q. V11: 52, Q. X: 3, Q. X111: 2, Q. XXV: 60, Q. XXX11:
3, Q. LV11: 4; seealso Q. XX: 4.
18. Morris S. Seale, Muslim Theology: A Study of Origins with
Referenceto the Church Fathers, p. 53.
19. For anthropomorphismin Islam and the resultingdebateon the
attributes of God see al-Ash'ari, The Theology of al-Ash'ari: The
Arabic Texts of al-Ash'ari's "Kitab al-Luma' " and "Risalat IstilJ.san
al-Khawq,ft '11m al-Kalam", especiallypp. &-14 (Arabic text) = pp.
&-19 (English translation); see also W. M. Watt, 'Some Muslim
Discussions of Anthropomorphism,' Transactions of the Glasgow
University Oriental Society,vol. 13 (1947-1949),pp. 1-10.

32
 INTRODUcnON

20. Seale,Muslim Theology,pp. 58, 8.

21. For a brief survey of the various ways in which Muslims have
looked at God, seeL. Gardet,art. 'Allah,' EP, vol. 1, pp. 406-17.
22. See Ibn I;Ianbal, AI-Radd 'ala 'l-Jahmiyya wa 'l-Zaniidiqa, p.
134; al-Ash'an,AI-Ibana 'an U~al al-Diyana, part 1, p. 22; see also
idem., Maqalat al-Islamiyyfn, part 1, p. 345; and Ibn Qudama's
Censureof SpeculativeTheology: An Edition and Translation of Ibn
Qudama's"TaI}rfm an-Nazarfi Kutub Ahl al-Kalam ...", especially
pp. XV111, 10-12, 32 (Arabic text) = pp. 7-9, 22 (English trans-
lation). The latter I;Ianbali work is preoccupiedwith the whole ques-
tion of the divine attributes.
23. See William Thomson, 'AI-Ash'an and his al-Ibanah,' The
Muslim World, vol. 32 (1942), p. 243.
24. Ibid., p. 250. For a useful surveyof Mu'tazilite agreementsand
differences,see Mir Valiuddin, 'Mu'tazilism' in M. M. Sharif (ed.),
A History of Muslim Philosophy,vol. 1, pp. 199-220, especiallyp.
204.
25. SharI], al-U~al al-Khamsa,p. 227. CompareSt ThomasAquinas,
SummaTheologiaela, 3,1, vol. 2, p. 23 (cited in Kenny, God of the
Philosophers,p. 29). Some modem translatorsof the Qur'iin have
also felt free to interpret Q. XXVll1: 88: e.g. see N. J. Dawood
(trans.), The Koran, 4th rev. edn, p. 82 where we find: 'All things
shall perish exceptHimself (my italics). Seealso the work of Rashid
Ri"a (AD 1865-1935)who attackedthe literal descriptionsof Paradise
in the Qur'an (Fatawa, vol. 2. p. 513).
26. E.g. Q. XXXVll1: 56-8, Q. LXXV111: 21-6. SeeM. S. Seale,
'An Arab's Concernwith Life after Death' in his Qur'an and Bible:
Studiesin Interpretation and Dialogue, especiallypp. %-7; Margaret
Smith, Studiesin Early Mysticismin the Near and Middle East, p. 155;
and Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimensionsof Islam, pp. 30-1.
For an excellent and comprehensivesurvey of Islamic eschatology
see Jane Idleman Smith & Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, The Islamic
Understandingof Death and Resurrection.
27. See Smith, Studiesin Early Mysticism, p. 174, and Schimmel,
Mystical Dimensions,p. 39. See also Annemarie Schimmel, 'Sufism
and the Islamic Tradition' in Steven T. Katz (ed.), Mysticism and
Religious Traditions, pp. 130, 132-5.
28. Translatedby Smith (Studiesin Early Mysticism, p. 224) from
Fand ai-Din 'AHar, Tadhkirat al-Awliya', vol. 1. p. 73. See A. J.
Arberry (trans), Muslim Saints and Mystics: Episodes from the
Tadhkiratal-Awliya' ("Memorial of the Saints") by Farid ai-Din Attar,
p. 51, and idem., Sufism,pp. 45-63.
29. See F. E. Peters,Allah's Commonwealth:A History of Islam
in the Near East 600-1100A.D., p. 284.
30. See,for example,my Muslim Neoplatonists:An Introduction to
the Thought of the Brethren of Purity ("Ikhwan al-$afa' "). The
Brethren were Neoplatonistsmuch inftuencedby Isma'fli thought.
31. E.g. see A. A. Siassi, 'L'Universite de Gond-i SbApdr et
l'Etenduede son Rayonnement'in M~langes d'OrientalismeOllens a
Henri Mass~, a l'Occasion de son 75emeAnniversaire, pp. 36(r74,
33
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Ikhwan al-Ṣafa' Rasā'il' 4 vols.' Beirut: Dar Ṣādir (1957).
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Ivry' Alfred L. (trans.)' Al-Kindi's Metaphysics: A Translation of Ya'qub ibn Ishaq al-
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Jāḣiz' Kitab al-Hayawan ' 2nd edn' ed. 'Abd al-Salam Muḣammad Hārun' 7 vols''
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Jolivet' Jean & Gimaret Daniel ' (eds)' Cinq Epitres ' Paris: Centre National de la
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Karam' Y. ' et al' (trans' and eds.)' see Fārābī.
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Kirmānī' Hamid al-Din' Al-Aqwal Al-Dhahabiyyah (Golden Sayings)' ed. Salah al-
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Madkur' Ibrahim (Ibrahim Madkour) (ed.)' Al-Kitab al-Tadhkari: Shaykh al-Ishraq
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