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Zarauz (Joaquin de), Contestacion á la vindicacion y Respuesta
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NEW SPAIN AS KNOWN TO THE CONQUERORS IN 1521.
HISTORY OF MEXICO.
CHAPTER I.
VOYAGE OF HERNANDEZ DE CÓRDOBA TO YUCATAN.
1516-1517.
FOOTNOTES
[1] In the memorial of Antonio Velazquez, successor of the adelantado, Diego
Velazquez, Memorial del negocio de D. Antonio Velazquez de Bazan, in Mendoza,
Col. Doc. Inéd., x. 80-6, taken from the archives of the Indies, the credit of this
expedition is claimed wholly for the governor. Indeed, Velazquez himself
repeatedly asserts, as well as others, that the expedition was made at his cost.
But knowing the man as we do, and considering the claims of others, it is safe
enough to say that the governor did not invest much money in it. The burden
doubtless fell on Córdoba, who was aided, as some think, by his associates,
Cristóbal Morante and Lope Ochoa de Caicedo, in making up what the men of
Darien lacked, Torquemada, i. 349, notwithstanding the claims for his fraternity of
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., i. Ogilby, Hist. Am., 76, says the three associates were
all Cuban planters; that they equipped three ships, Velazquez adding one. This
Hernandez de Córdoba was not he who served as lieutenant under Pedrarias,
though of the same name.
[2] Opinion has been divided as to the original purpose of the expedition. As it
turned out, it was thought best on all sides to say nothing of the inhuman and
unlawful intention of capturing Indians for slaves. Hence, in the public documents,
particularly in the petitions for recompense which invariably followed discoveries,
pains is taken to state that it was a voyage of discovery, and prompted by the
governor of Cuba. As in the Décadas Abreviadas de los Descubrimientos,
Mendoza, Col. Doc. Inéd., viii. 5-54, we find that ‘El adelantado Diego Velazquez
de Cuéllar es autor del descubrimiento de la Nueva España,’ so, in effect, it is
recorded everywhere. Indeed, Bernal Diaz solemnly asserts that Velazquez at first
stipulated that he should have three cargoes of slaves from the Guanaja Islands,
and that the virtuous one hundred indignantly refused so to disobey God and the
king as to turn free people into slaves. ‘Y desque vimos los soldados, que aquello
que pedia el Diego Velazquez no era justo, le respondimos, que lo que dezia, no
lo mandaua Dios, ni el Rey; que hiziessemos á los libres esclavos.’ Hist. Verdad.,
i. On the strength of which fiction, Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 224, launches into
laudation of the Spanish character. The honest soldier, however, finds difficulty in
making the world believe his statement. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 348, does not
hesitate to say very plainly that the expedition was sent out to capture Indians, ‘ir é
enviar á saltear indios para traer á ella,’ for which purpose there were always men
with money ready; and that on this occasion Córdoba, Morante, and Caicedo
subscribed 1,500 or 2,000 castellanos each, to go and catch Indians, either at the
Lucayas Islands or elsewhere. Torquemada, i. 349, writes more mildly, yet plainly
enough; ‘para ir à buscar Indios, à las Islas Convecinas, y hacer Rescates, como
hasta entonces lo acostumbraban.’ Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 1-6, follows Bernal
Diaz almost literally. Gomara, Hist. Ind., 60, is non-committal, stating first ‘para
descubrir y rescatar,’ and afterward, ‘Otros dizen que para traer esclauos de las
yslas Guanaxos a sus minas y granjerias.’ Oviedo and Herrera pass by the
question. Landa, Rel. de Yucatan, 16, ‘a rescatar esclavos para las minas, que ya
en Cuba se yva la gente apocando y que otros dizen que salio a descubrir tierra.’
Says the unknown author of De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta,
Col. Doc., i. 338, ‘In has igitur insulas ad grassandum et prædandum, ut ita dicam,
ire hi de quibus suprà dictum est, constituerant; non in Iucatanam.’ It is clear to my
mind that slaves were the first object, and that discovery was secondary, and an
after-thought.
[3] Bernal Diaz holds persistently to 110. It was 110 who came from Tierra Firme,
and after divers recruits and additions the number was still 110.
[4] Authorities vary, from four days given by Las Casas, and six by Oviedo, to 21
by Bernal Diaz and Herrera. The date of departure is also disputed, but the
differences are unimportant. Compare Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vi.; Dufey,
Résumé Hist. Am., i. 93; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 3; Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv.
348-63; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 3-8; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 60-1; Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 1-2; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xvii.; Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 22-4; Vida
de Cortés, or De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i.
331-41; March y Labores, Marina Española, i. 463-8; Robertson’s Hist. Am., i.
237-40; Fancourt’s Hist. Yuc., 5-8.
[5] Though remarkably fair and judicious in the main, Mr Prescott’s partiality for a
certain class of his material is evident. To the copies from the Spanish archives,
most of which have been since published with hundreds of others equally or more
valuable, he seemed to attach an importance proportionate to their cost. Thus,
throughout his entire work, these papers are paraded to the exclusion of the more
reliable, but more accessible, standard authorities. In the attempt, at this point, to
follow at once his document and the plainly current facts, he falls into an error of
which he appears unconscious. He states, Conq. Mex., i. 222, that Córdoba
‘sailed with three vessels on an expedition to one of the neighboring Bahama
Islands, in quest of Indian slaves. He encountered a succession of heavy gales
which drove him far out of his course.’ The Bahama Islands are eastward from
Habana, while Cape San Antonio is toward the west. All the authorities agree that
the expedition sailed directly westward, and that the storm did not occur until after
Cape San Antonio had been passed, which leaves Mr Prescott among other errors
in that of driving a fleet to the westward, in a storm, when it has already sailed
thither by the will of its commander, in fair weather.
[6] Following Gomara and Torquemada, Galvano mentions the name of no other
place in this voyage than that of Punta de las Dueñas, which he places in latitude
20°. He further remarks, Descobrimentos, 131, ‘He gẽte milhor atauiada que ha
em neuhũa outra terra, & cruzes em q’ os Indios adorauam, & os punham sobre
seus defuntos quando faleciam, donde parecia que em algum tẽpo se sentio aly a
fe de Christo.’ The anonymous author of De Rebus Gestis and all the best
authorities recognize this as the first discovery. ‘Sicque non ad Guanaxos, quos
petebant, appulerunt, sed ad Mulierum promontorium.’ Fernando Colon places on
his map, 1527, y: de mujeres; Diego de Ribero, 1529, d’ mugeres, the next name
north being amazonas. Vaz Dourado, 1571, lays down three islands which he calls
p:. de magreles; Hood, 1592, Y. de mueres; Laet, 1633, Yas de mucheres; Ogilby,
1671, yas desconocidas; Dampier, 1699, I. mugeras; Jefferys, 1776, Ia de
Mujeres, or Woman’s I. It was this name that led certain of the chroniclers to
speak of islands off the coast of Yucatan inhabited by Amazons. ‘Sirvió de asilo en
nuestros dias al célebre pirata Lafitte.’ Boletin de la Sociedad Mex. de Geog., iii.
224.
[7] For a description of these people see Bancroft’s Native Races, i. 645-747.
[8] See Landa, Rel. de Yuc., 6. ‘Domum Cotoche sonat: indicabant enim domus et
oppidum haud longè abesse.’ De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, in Icazbalceta,
Col. Doc., i. 339. ‘Conez cotoche, q̄ quiere dezir, Andad aca a mis casas.’ Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xvii. ‘Cotohe, cotohe,’ that is to say, ‘a house.’ Fancourt’s Hist.
Yuc., 6. ‘Cotoche, q̄ quiere dezir casa.’ Gomara, Hist. Ind., 61. ‘Con escotoch, con
escotoch, y quiere dezir, andad acá á mis casas.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 2.
This, the north-eastern point of Yucatan, is on Fernando Colon’s map, 1527,
gotoche; on the map of Diego de Ribero, 1529, p: d’cotoche; Vaz Dourado, 1571,
C:. de quoteche; Pilestrina, c:. de sampalq. Hood places a little west of the cape a
bay, B. de conil; the next name west is Atalaia. Goldschmidt’s Cartog. Pac. Coast,
MS., i. 358. Kohl, Beiden ältesten Karten, 103, brings the expedition here the 1st
of March. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 350, confounds Córdoba’s and Grijalva’s
voyages in this respect, that brings the former at once to Cozumel, when, as a
matter of fact, Córdoba never saw that island.
[9] So called by the natives, but by the Spaniards named San Lázaro, because ‘it
was a Domingo de Lazaro’ when they landed. Yet Ribero writes chãpa, while Vaz
Dourado employs llazaro, and Hood, Campechy; Laet gives the name correctly;
Ogilby and Jefferys call the place S. Frco de Campeche. ‘Los Indios le deziã
Quimpech.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xvii.
[10] Now Champoton, applied to river and town. Ribero writes camrõ; Hood,
Champoto; Mercator, Chapãton, and town next north, Maranga. Potonchan, in the
aboriginal tongue, signifies, ‘Stinking Place.’ Mercator has also the town of
Potõchan, west of Tabasco River. West-Indische Spieghel, Patõcham. Laet,
Ogilby, and Jefferys follow with Champoton in the usual variations. ‘Y llegaron á
otra provincia,’ says Oviedo, i. 498, ‘que los indios llaman Aguanil, y el principal
pueblo della se dice Moscoba, y el rey ó caçique de aquel señorio se llama
Chiapoton;’ and thus the author of De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii, ‘Nec diu
navigaverant, cùm Mochocobocum perveniunt.’ Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., 340.
[11] Pinzon and Solis must have found alligators in their northward cruise,
otherwise Peter Martyr could not honestly lay down on his map of India beyond
the Ganges, in 1510, the baya d’ lagartos north of guanase. Mariners must have
given the coast a bad name, for directly north of the R. de la of Colon, the R:. de
laḡ r̄ tos of Ribero, the R:. de lagarts of Vaz Dourado, and the R. de Lagartos of
Hood, are placed some reefs by all these chart-makers, and to which they give the
name Alacranes, Scorpions. The next name west of Lagartos on Map No. x.,
Munich Atlas, is costanisa, and on No. xiii. Ostanca. Again next west, on both, is
Medanos. On No. x., next to costa nisa, and on No. xiii., west of Punta de las
Arenas, is the name Ancones. Ogilby gives here B. de Conil, and in the interior
south, a town Conil; east of R. de Lagartos is also the town Quyo, and in large
letters the name Chuaca.
[12] ‘Dezian los Españoles q’ estavan hablãdo con el Diego Velazquez, y con los
Indios: Señor estos Indios dizen, que su tierra se llama Yucatã, y assi se, quedò
cõ este nõbre, que en propria lengua no se dize assi.’ Hist. Verdad., 5. Gomara,
Hist. Ind., 60, states that after naming Catoche, a little farther on the Spaniards
met some natives, of whom they asked the name of the town near by. Tecteta, was
the reply, which means, ‘I do not understand.’ The Spaniards, accepting this as the
answer to their question, called the country Yectetan, and soon Yucatan. Waldeck,
Voy. Pittoresque, 25, derives the name from the native word ouyouckutan, ‘listen
to what they say.’ The native name was Maya. See Bancroft’s Native Races, v.
614-34. There are various other theories and renderings, among them the
following: In answer to Córdoba’s inquiry as to the name of their country, the
natives exclaimed, ‘uy u tan, esto es: oyes como habla?’ Zamacois, Hist. Mej., ii.
228. ‘Que preguntando a estos Indios, si auia en su tierra aquellas rayzes que se
llama Yuca.... Respondian Ilatli, por la tierra en que se plantan, y que de Yuca
juntado con Ilatli, se dixo Yucatta, y de alli Yucatan.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap.
xviii. Whencesoever the origin, it was clearly a mistake, as there never was an
aboriginal designation for the whole country, nor, like the Japanese, have they
names for their straits or bays. For some time Yucatan was supposed to be an
island. Grijalva called the country Isla de Santa María de Remedios, though that
term was employed by few. In early documents the two names are united;
instance the instructions of Velazquez to Cortés, where the country is called la
Ysla de Yucatan Sta María de Remedios. On Cortés’ chart of the Gulf of Mexico,
1520, it is called Yucatan, and represented as an island. Colon, 1527, and Ribero,
1529, who write Ivcatan; Ptolemy, in Munster, 1530, Iucatana; Orontius, on his
globe, 1531, Iucatans; Munich Atlas, no. iv., 1532-40, cucatan; Baptista Agnese,
1540-50, Iucatan; Mercator, 1569, Ivcatan; Michael Lok, 1582, Incoton; Hondius,
1595, Laet, Ogilby, etc., Yucatan, which now assumes peninsular proportions.
[13]
Arms of the Republic of Mexico.