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[489] Cf. Appendix I., and Frazer, ii. 316; Jevons, Plutarch,
lxix. 143, on the struggle between two wards—the Sacred
Way and the Subura—for the head of the October Horse at
Rome.
[490] Haddon, 270. The tug-of-war reappears in Korea and
Japan as a ceremony intended to secure a good harvest.
[491] Mrs. Gomme, s. vv. Bandyball, Camp, Football, Hockey,
Hood, Hurling, Shinty. These games, in which the ball is
fought for, are distinct from those already mentioned as
having a ceremonial use, in which it is amicably tossed
from player to player (cf. p. 128). If Golf belongs to the
present category, it is a case in which the endeavour
seems to be actually to bury the ball. It is tempting to
compare the name Hockey with the Hock-cart of the
harvest festival, and with Hock-tide; but it does not really
seem to be anything but Hookey. The original of both the
hockey-stick and the golf-club was probably the shepherd’s
crook. Mr. Pepys tried to cast stones with a shepherd’s
crook on those very Epsom downs where the stockbroker
now foozles his tee shot.
[492] F. L. vii. 345; M. Shearman, Athletics and Football, 246;
Haddon, 271; Gomme, Vill. Comm. 240; Ditchfield, 57, 64;
W. Fitzstephen, Vita S. Thomae (†1170-82) in Mat. for Hist.
of Becket (R. S.), iii. 9, speaks of the ‘lusum pilae
celebrem’ in London ‘die quae dicitur Carnilevaria.’ Riley,
571, has a London proclamation of 1409 forbidding the levy
of money for ‘foteballe’ and cok-thresshyng.’ At Chester the
annual Shrove Tuesday football on the Roodee was
commuted for races in 1540 (Hist. MSS. viii. 1. 362). At
Dublin there was, in 1569, a Shrove Tuesday ‘riding’ of the
‘occupacions’ each ‘bearing balles’ (Gilbert, ii. 54).
[493] Haddon, loc. cit.; Gomme, loc. cit.; Gloucester F. L. 38.
Cf. the conflictus described in ch. ix, and the classical
parallels in Frazer, Pausanias, iii. 267.
[494] F. L. iii. 441; Ditchfield, 85.
[495] F. L. vii. 330 (a very full account); viii. 72, 173; Ditchfield,
50. There is a local aetiological myth about a lady who lost
her hood on a windy day, and instituted the contest in
memory of the event.
[496] Mrs. Gomme, s. v. Oranges and Lemons.
[497] Mrs. Gomme, s. vv.
[498] Dyer, 6, 481. ‘Stang’ is a word, of Scandinavian origin,
for ‘pole’ or ‘stake.’ The Scandinavian nið-stöng (scorn-
stake) was a horse’s head on a pole, with a written curse
and a likeness of the man to be ill-wished (Vigfusson, Icel.
Dict. s. v. níð).
[499] Cf. with Mr. Barrett’s account, Northall, 253; Ditchfield,
178; Northern F. L. 29; Julleville, Les Com. 205; also
Thomas Hardy’s Mayor of Casterbridge, and his The Fire at
Tranter Sweatley’s (Wessex Poems, 201). The penalty is
used by schoolboys (Northern F. L. 29) as well as villagers.
[500] Grenier, 375; Ducange, s. v. Charivarium, which he
defines as ‘ludus turpis tinnitibus et clamoribus variis,
quibus illudunt iis, qui ad secundas convolant nuptias.’ He
refers to the statutes of Melun cathedral (1365) in
Instrumenta Hist. Eccl. Melud. ii. 503. Cf. Conc. of Langres
(1404) ‘ludo quod dicitur Chareuari, in quo utuntur larvis in
figura daemonum, et horrenda ibidem committuntur’; Conc.
of Angers (1448), c. 12 (Labbé, xiii. 1358) ‘pulsatione
patellarum, pelvium et campanarum, eorum oris et
manibus sibilatione, instrumento aeruginariorum, sive
fabricantium, et aliarum rerum sonorosarum,
vociferationibus tumultuosis et aliis ludibriis et irrisionibus,
in illo damnabili actu (qui cariuarium, vulgariter charivari,
nuncupatur) circa domos nubentium, et in ipsorum
detestationem et opprobrium post eorum secundas nuptias
fieri consuetum, &c.’
[501] Cf. ch. xvi, and Leber, ix. 148, 169; Julleville, Les Com.
205, 243. In 1579 a regular jeu was made by the Dijon
Mère-Folle of the chevauchée of one M. Du Tillet. The text
is preserved in Bibl. Nat. MS. 24039 and analysed by M.
Petit de Julleville.
[502] In Berks a draped horse’s head is carried, and the
proceeding known as a Hooset Hunt (Ditchfield, 178).
[503] Ducange, s. v. Asini caudam in manu tenens.
[504] Julleville, Les Com. 207.
[505] So on Ilchester Meads, where the proceeding is known
as Mommets or Mommicks (Barrett, 65).
[506] On Hock-tide and the Hock-play generally see Brand-
Ellis, i. 107; Strutt, 349; Sharpe, 125; Dyer, 188; S. Denne,
Memoir on Hokeday in Archaeologia, vii. 244.
[507] Cf. Appendix H. An allusion to the play by Sir R.
Morrison (†1542) is quoted in chap. xxv.
[508] Laneham, or his informant, actually said, in error, 1012.
On the historical event see Ramsay, i. 353.
[509] There were performers both on horse and on foot.
Probably hobby-horses were used, for Jonson brings in
Captain Cox ‘in his Hobby-horse,’ which was ‘foaled in
Queen Elizabeth’s time’ in the Masque of Owls (ed.
Cunningham, iii. 188).
[510] Cf. Representations, s. v. Coventry.
[511] Rossius, Hist. Regum Angliae (ed. Hearne, 1716), 105
‘in cuius signum usque hodie illa die vulgariter dicta Hox
Tuisday ludunt in villis trahendo cordas partialiter cum aliis
iocis.’ Rous, who died 1491, is speaking of the death of
Hardicanute. On the event see Ramsay, i. 434. Possibly
both events were celebrated in the sixteenth century at
Coventry. Two of the three plays proposed for municipal
performance in 1591 were the ‘Conquest of the Danes’ and
the ‘History of Edward the Confessor.’ These were to be
upon the ‘pagens,’ and probably they were more regular
dramas than the performance witnessed by Elizabeth in
1575 (Representations, s. v. Coventry).
[512] Leland, Collectanea (ed. Hearne), v. 298 ‘uno certo die
heu usitato (forsan Hoc vocitato) hoc solempni festo
paschatis transacto, mulieres homines, alioque die
homines mulieres ligare, ac cetera media utinam non
inhonesta vel deteriora facere moliantur et exercere,
lucrum ecclesiae fingentes, set dampnum animae sub
fucato colore lucrantes, &c.’ Riley, 561, 571, gives London
proclamations against ‘hokkyng’ of 1405 and 1409.
[513] Brand-Ellis, i. 113; Lysons, Environs of London, i. 229; C.
Kerry, Accts. of St. Lawrence, Reading; Hobhouse, 232; N.
E. D. s. vv. Hock, &c.
[514] Owen and Blakeway, Hist. of Shrewsbury, i. 559.
[515] Dyer, 191; Ditchfield, 90.
[516] N. E. D. s. v. Hock-day.
[517] Brand-Ellis, i. 106.
[518] Ibid. i. 109.
[519] Ducange, s. v. Prisio; Barthélemy, iv. 463. On Innocents’
Day, the customs of taking in bed and whipping were
united (cf. ch. xii).
[520] Northern F. L. 84; Brand-Ellis, i. 94, 96; Vaux, 242;
Ditchfield, 80; Dyer, 133.
[521] Brand-Ellis, i. 106; Owen and Blakeway, i. 559; Dyer,
173; Ditchfield, 90; Burne-Jackson, 336; Northern F. L. 84;
Vaux, 242. A dignified H. M. I. is said to have made his first
official visit to Warrington on Easter Monday, and to have
suffered accordingly. Miss Burne describes sprinkling as an
element in Shropshire heaving.
[522] Belethus, c. 120 ‘notandum quoque est in plerisque
regionibus secundo die post Pascha mulieres maritos suos
verberare ac vicissim viros eas tertio die.’ The spiritually
minded Belethus explains the custom as a warning to keep
from carnal intercourse.
[523] Dyer, 79; Ditchfield, 83.
[524] Brand-Ellis, i. 114; Ditchfield, 252. Mr. W. Crooke has just
studied this and analogous customs in The Lifting of the
Bride (F. L. xiii. 226).
[525] Suffolk F. L. 69; F. L. v. 167. The use of largess, a
Norman-French word (largitio), is curious. It is also used for
the subscriptions to Lancashire gyst-ales (Dyer, 182).
[526] Ditchfield, 155.
[527] Frazer, ii. 233; Pfannenschmidt, 93.
[528] Haddon, 335; Grosse, 167; Herbert Spencer in Contemp.
Review (1895), 114; Groos, Play of Man, 88, 354. Evidence
for the wide use of the dance at savage festivals is given
by Wallaschek, 163, 187.
[529] Grimm, i. 39; Pearson, ii. 133; Müllenhoff, Germania, ch.
24, and de antiq. Germ. poesi chorica, 4; Kögel, i. 1. 8. The
primitive word form should have been laikaz, whence
Gothic laiks, O. N. leikr, O. H. G. leih, A.-S. lâc. The word
has, says Müllenhoff, all the senses ‘Spiel, Tanz, Gesang,
 Opfer, Aufzug.’ From the same root come probably ludus,
and possibly, through the Celtic, the O. F. lai. The A.-S. lâc
is glossed ludus, sacrificium, victima, munus. It occurs in
the compounds ecga-gelâc and sveorða-gelâc, both
meaning ‘sword-dance,’ sige-lâc, ‘victory-dance,’ as-lâc,
‘god-dance,’ wine-lâc, ‘love-dance’ (cf. p. 170), &c. An A.-S.
synonym for lâc is plega, ‘play,’ which gives sweord-plega
and ecg-plega. Spil is not A.-S. and spilian is a loan-word
from O. H. G.
[530] Gummere, B. P. 328; Kögel, i. 1. 6.
[531] S. Ambrose, de Elia et Ieiunio, c. 18 (P. L. xiv. 720), de
Poenitentia, ii. 6 (P. L. xvi. 508); S. Augustine, contra
Parmenianum, iii. 6 (P. L. xliii. 107); S. Chrysostom, Hom.
47 in Iulian. mart. p. 613; Hom. 23 de Novilun. p. 264; C. of
Laodicea ( † 366), c. 53 (Mansi, ii. 571). Cf. D. C. A. s. v.
Dancing, and ch. i. Barthélemy, ii. 438, and other writers
have some rather doubtful theories as to liturgical dancing
in early Christian worship; cf. Julian. Dict. of Hymn. 206.
[532] Du Méril, Com. 67; Pearson, ii. 17, 281; Gröber, ii. 1.
444; Kögel, i. 1. 25; Indiculus Superstitionum (ed. Saupe),
10 ‘de sacrilegiis per ecclesias.’ Amongst the prohibitions
are Caesarius of Arles ( † 542), Sermo xiii. (P. L. xxxix.
2325) ‘quam multi rustici et quam multae mulieres
rusticanae cantica diabolica, amatoria et turpia memoriter
retinent et ore decantant’; Const. Childeberti (c. 554) de
abol. relig. idololatriae (Mansi, ix. 738) ‘noctes pervigiles
cum ebrietate, scurrilitate, vel canticis, etiam in ipsis sacris
diebus, pascha, natale Domini, et reliquis festivitatibus, vel
adveniente die Dominico dansatrices per villas
ambulare ... nullatenus fieri permittimus’; C. of Auxerre
(573-603), c. 9 (Maassen, i. 180) ‘non licet in ecclesia
choros secularium vel puellarum cantica exercere nec
convivia in ecclesia praeparare’; C. of Chalons (639-54), c.
19 (Maassen, i. 212) ‘Valde omnibus noscetur esse
decretum, ne per dedicationes basilicarum aut festivitates
martyrum ad ipsa solemnia confluentes obscoena et turpia
cantica, dum orare debent aut clericos psallentes audire,
cum choris foemineis, turpia quidem decantare videantur.
unde convenit, ut sacerdotes loci illos a septa basilicarum
vel porticus ipsarum basilicarum etiam et ab ipsis atriis
vetare debeant et arcere.’ Sermo Eligii (Grimm, iv. 1737)
‘nullus in festivitate S. Ioannis vel quibuslibet sanctorum
solemnitatibus solstitia aut vallationes vel saltationes aut
caraulas aut cantica diabolica exerceat’; Iudicium
Clementis (†693), c. 20 (Haddan-Stubbs, iii. 226) ‘si quis in
quacunque festivitate ad ecclesiam veniens pallat foris, aut
saltat, aut cantat orationes amatorias ... excommunicetur’
(apparently a fragment of a penitential composed by
Clement or Willibrord, an A.-S. missionary to Frisia, on
whom see Bede, H. E. v. 9, and the only dance prohibition
of possible A.-S. provenance of which I know); Statuta
Salisburensia (Salzburg: † 800; Boretius, i. 229) ‘Ut omnis
populus ... absque inlecebroso canticu et lusu saeculari
cum laetaniis procedant’; C. of Mainz (813), c. 48 (Mansi,
xiv. 74) ‘canticum turpe atque luxuriosum circa ecclesias
agere omnino contradicimus’; C. of Rome (826), c. 35
(Mansi, xiv. 1008) ‘sunt quidam, et maxime mulieres, qui
festis ac sacris diebus atque sanctorum natalitiis non pro
eorum quibus debent delectantur desideriis advenire, sed
ballando, verba turpia decantando, choros tenendo ac
ducendo, similitudinem paganorum peragendo, advenire
procurant’; cf. Dicta abbatis Pirminii (Caspari,
Kirchenhistorische Anecdota, 188); Penitentiale pseudo-
Theodorianum (Wasserschleben, 607); Leonis IV Homilia
(847, Mansi, xiv. 895); Benedictus Levita, Capitularia
(†850), vi. 96 (M. G. H. Script. iv. 2); and for Spain, C. of
Toledo (589), c. 23 (Mansi, ix. 999), and the undated C. of
Braga, c. 80 (quoted on p. 144). Cf. also the denunciations
of the Kalends (ch. xi and Appendix N). Nearly four
centuries after the C. of Rome we find the C. of Avignon
(1209), c. 17 (Mansi, xxii. 791) ‘statuimus, ut in sanctorum
vigiliis in ecclesiis historicae saltationes, obscoeni motus,
seu choreae non fiant, nec dicantur amatoria carmina, vel
cantilenae ibidem....’ Still later the C. of Bayeux (1300), c.
31 (Mansi, xxv. 66) ‘ut dicit Augustinus, melius est festivis
diebus fodere vel arare, quam choreas ducere’; and so on
ad infinitum. The pseudo-Augustine Sermo, 265, de
Christiano nomine cum operibus non Christianis (P. L.
xxxix. 2237), which is possibly by Caesarius of Arles,
asserts explicitly the pagan character of the custom: ‘isti
enim infelices et miseri homines, qui balationes et
saltationes ante ipsas basilicas sanctorum exercere non
metuunt nec erubescunt, etsi Christiani ad ecclesiam
venerint, pagani de ecclesia revertuntur; quia ista
consuetudo balandi de paganorum observatione remansit.’
A mediaeval preacher (quoted by A. Lecoy de la Marche,
Chaire française au Moyen Âge, 447, from B. N. Lat. MS.
17509, f. 146) declares, ‘chorea enim circulus est cuius
centrum est diabolus, et omnes vergunt ad sinistrum.’
[533] Tille, D. W. 301; G. Raynaud, in Études dédiées à
Gaston Paris, 53; E. Schröder, Die Tänzer von Kölbigk, in
Z. f. Kirchengeschichte, xvii. 94; G. Paris, in Journal des
Savants (1899), 733.
[534] H. E. Reynolds, Wells Cathedral, 85 ‘cum ex choreis
ludis et spectaculis et lapidum proiectionibus in praefata
ecclesia et eius cemeteriis ac claustro dissentiones
sanguinis effusiones et violentiae saepius oriantur et in hiis
dicta Wellensis ecclesia multa dispendia patiatur.’
[535] Menestrier, Des Ballets anciens et modernes (1863), 4;
on other French church dances, cf. Du Tilliot, 21;
Barthélemy, iv. 447; Leber, ix. 420. The most famous are
the pilota of Auxerre, which was accompanied with ball-
play (cf. ch. vi) and the bergeretta of Besançon. Julian,
Dict. of Hymn. 206, gives some English examples.
[536] Grove, 106. A full account of the ceremony at the feast of
the Conception in 1901 is given in the Church Times for
Jan. 17, 1902.
[537] Grove, 103; Bérenger-Féraud, iii. 430; Mélusine (1879),
39; N. and Q. for May 17, 1890. The dance is headed by
the clergy, and proceeds to a traditional tune from the
banks of the Sûre to the church, up sixty-two steps, along
the north aisle, round the altar deasil, and down the south
aisle. It is curious that until the seventeenth century only
men took part in it. St. Willibrord is famous for curing
nervous diseases, and the pilgrimage is done by way of
vow for such cures. The local legend asserts that the
ceremony had its origin in an eighth-century cattle-plague,
which ceased through an invocation of St. Willibrord: it is a
little hard on the saint, whose prohibition of dances at the
church-door has just been quoted.
[538] Bérenger-Féraud, iii. 409. A similarly named saint, St.
Martial, was formerly honoured in the same way. Every
psalm on his day ended, not with the Gloria Patri, but with
a dance, and the chant, ‘Saint-Marceau, pregas per nous,
et nous epingaren per vous’ (Du Méril, La Com. 68).
[539] Cf. p. 26. There were ‘madinnis that dansit’ before
James IV of Scotland at Forres, Elgin and Dernway in
1504, but nothing is said of songs (L. H. T. Accounts, ii.
463).
[540] Carm. Bur. 191:

‘ludunt super gramina virgines decorae

quarum nova carmina dulci sonant ore.’

Ibid. 195:

‘ecce florescunt lilia,

et virginum dant agmina
summo deorum carmina.’

[541] W. Fitzstephen, Descriptio Londin. (Mat. for Hist. of

Becket, R. S. iii. 11) ‘puellarum Cytherea ducit choros
usque imminente luna, et pede libero pulsatur tellus.’
[542] Jeanroy, 102, 387; Guy, 504; Paris, Journal des Savants
(1892), 407. M. Paris points out that dances, other than
professional, first appear in the West after the fall of the
Empire. The French terms for dancing—baller, danser,
treschier, caroler—are not Latin. Caroler, however, he
thinks to be the Greek χοραυλεῖν, ‘to accompany a dance
with a flute.’ But the French carole was always
accompanied, not with a flute, but with a sung chanson.
[543] Paris, loc. cit. 410; Jeanroy, 391. In Wace’s description of
Arthur’s wedding, the women carolent and the men
behourdent. Cf. Bartsch, Romanzen und Pastourellen, i.
13:

‘Cez damoiseles i vont por caroler,

cil escuier i vont por behorder,
cil chevalier i vont por esgarder.’

[544] On the return of Edward II and Isabella of France in

1308, the mayor and other dignitaries of London went
‘coram rege et regina karolantes’ (Chronicles of Edward I
and Edward II, R. S. i. 152). On the birth of Prince Edward
in 1312, they ‘menerent la karole’ in church and street
(Riley, 107).
[545] Kögel, i. 1. 6.
[546] Mrs. Gomme, ii. 228; Haddon, 345.
[547] Cf. ch. vi on the motion deasil round the sacred object. It
is curious that the modern round dances go withershins
round a room. Grimm, i. 52, quotes Gregory the Great,
Dial. iii. 28 on a Lombard sacrifice, ‘caput caprae, hoc ei,
per circuitum currentes, carmine nefando dedicantes.’
[548] At Bradford-on-Avon, Wilts (which preserves its Anglo-
Saxon church), and at South Petherton, Somerset, in both
cases on Shrove Tuesday (Mrs. Gomme, ii. 230); cf. Vaux,
18. The church at Painswick, Gloucester, is danced round
on wake-day (F. L. viii. 392). There is a group of games, in
which the players wind and unwind in spirals round a
centre. Such are Eller Tree, Wind up the Bush Faggot, and
Bulliheisle. These Mrs. Gomme regards as survivals of the
ritual dance round a sacred tree. Some obscure references
in the rhymes used to ‘dumplings’ and ‘a bundle of rags’
perhaps connect themselves with the cereal cake and the
rags hung on the tree for luck. In Cornwall such a game is
played under the name of ‘Snail’s Creep’ at certain village
feasts in June, and directed by young men with leafy
branches.
[549] Du Méril, La Com. 72; Haddon, 346; Grove, 50, 81;
Haigh, 14; N. W. Thomas, La Danse totémique en Europe,
in Actes d. Cong. intern. d. Trad. pop. (1900).
[550] Plot, Hist. of Staffs. (1686); F. L. iv. 172; vii. 382 (with
cuts of properties); Ditchfield, 139.
[551] The O. H. G. hîleih, originally meaning ‘sex-dance,’
comes to be ‘wedding.’ The root hi, like wini (cf. p. 170),
has a sexual connotation (Pearson, ii. 132; Kögel, i. 1. 10).
[552] Coussemaker, Chants populaires des Flamands de
France, 100:

‘In den hemel is eenen dans:

Alleluia.
Daer dansen all’ de maegdekens:
Benedicamus Domino,
Alleluia, Alleluia.
‘t is voor Amelia:
Alleluia.
Wy dansen naer de maegdekens:
Benedicamus, etc.’
[553] Frazer, i. 35; Dyer, 7; Northall, 233. A Lancashire song is
sung ‘to draw you these cold winters away,’ and wishes
‘peace and plenty’ to the household. A favourite French
May chanson is

‘Étrennez notre épousée,

Voici le mois,
Le joli mois de Mai,
Étrennez notre épousée
En bonne étrenne.
Voici le mois,
Le joli mois de Mai,
Qu’on vous amène.’

If the quêteurs come on a churl, they have an ill-wishing

variant. The following is characteristic of the French
peasantry:

‘J’vous souhaitons autant d’enfants,

Qu’y a des pierrettes dans les champs.’

Often more practical tokens of revenge are shown. The Plough

Monday ‘bullocks’ in some places consider themselves
licensed to plough up the ground before a house where
they have been rebuffed.’
[554] Mrs. Gomme, ii. 1, 399; Haddon, 343; Du Méril, La Com.
81. Amongst the jeux of the young Gargantua (Rabelais, i.
22) was one ‘à semer l’avoyne et au laboureur.’ This
probably resembled the games of Oats and Beans and
Barley, and Would you know how doth the Peasant? which
exist in English, French, Catalonian, and Italian versions.
On the mimetic character of these games, cf. ch. viii.
[555] Text from Harl. MS. 978 in H. E. Wooldridge, Oxford Hist.
of Music, i. 326, with full account. The music, to which
religious as well as the secular words are attached, is
technically known as a rota or rondel. It is of the nature of
polyphonic part-song, and of course more advanced than
the typical mediaeval rondet can have been.
[556] On these songs in general, see Northall, 233;
Martinengo-Cesaresco, 249; Cortet, 153; Tiersot, 191;
 Jeanroy, 88; Paris, J. des Savants (1891), 685, (1892),
155, 407.
[557] H. A. Wilson, Hist. of Magd. Coll. (1899), 50. Mr. Wilson
discredits the tradition that the performance began as a
mass for the obit of Henry VII. The hymn is printed in Dyer,
259; Ditchfield, 96. It has no relation to the summer festival,
having been written in the seventeenth century by Thomas
Smith and set by Benjamin Rogers as a grace. In other
cases hymns have been attached to the village festivals. At
Tissington the well-dressing,’ on Ascension Day includes a
clerical procession in which ‘Rock of Ages’ and ‘A Living
Stream’ are sung (Ditchfield, 187). A special ‘Rushbearers’
Hymn’ was written for the Grasmere Rushbearing in 1835,
and a hymn for St. Oswald has been recently added (E. G.
Fletcher, The Rushbearing, 13, 74).
[558] Dyer, 240, from Hertfordshire. There are many other
versions; cf. Northall, 240.
[559] Kögel, i. 1. 32.
[560] Pertz, Leges, i. 68 ‘nullatenus ibi uuinileodos scribere vel
mittere praesumat.’ Kögel, i. 1. 61: Goedeke, i. 11, quote
other uses of the term from eighth-century glosses, e.g.
‘uuiniliod, cantilenas saeculares, psalmos vulgares,
seculares, plebeios psalmos, cantica rustica et inepta.’
Winiliod is literally ‘love-song,’ from root wini (conn. with
Venus). Kögel traces an earlier term O. H. G. winileih, A.-S.
winelâc = hîleih. On the erotic motive in savage dances, cf.
Grosse, 165, 172; Hirn, 229.
[561] Romania, vii. 61; Trad. Pop. i. 98. Mr. Swinburne has
adapted the idea of this poem in A Match (Poems and
Ballads, 1st Series, 116).
[562] Romania, ix. 568.
[563] K. Bartsch, Chrest. Prov. 111. A similar chanson is in G.
Raynaud, Motets, i. 151, and another is described in the
roman of Flamenca (ed. P. Meyer), 3244. It ends

‘E, si parla, qu’il li responda:

Nom sones mot, faitz vos en lai,
Qu’entre mos bracs mos amics j’ai.
Kalenda maia. E vai s’ en.’
[564] Trimousette, from trî mâ câ, an unexplained burden in
some of the French maierolles.
[565] Guy, 503.
[566] Tiersot, Robin et Marion; Guy, 506. See the refrain in
Bartsch, 197, 295; Raynaud, Rec. de Motets, i. 227.
[567] Langlois, Robin et Marion: Romania, xxiv. 437; H. Guy,
Adan de la Hale, 177; J. Tiersot, Sur le Jeu de Robin et
Marion (1897); Petit de Julleville, La Comédie, 27; Rep.
Com. 21, 324. A jeu of Robin et Marion is recorded also as
played at Angers in 1392, but there is no proof that this
was Adan de la Hale’s play, or a drama at all. There were
folk going ‘desguiziez, à un jeu que l’en dit Robin et
Marion, ainsi qu’il est accoutumé de fere, chacun an, en les
foiries de Penthecouste’ (Guy, 197). The best editions of
Robin et Marion are those by E. Langlois (1896), and by
Bartsch in La Langue et la Littérature françaises (1887),
col. 523. E. de Coussemaker, Œuvres de Adam de la Halle
(1872), 347, gives the music, and A. Rambeau, Die dem
Trouvère Adam de la Halle zugeschriebenen Dramen
(1886), facsimiles the text. On Adan de la Hale’s earlier
sottie of La Feuillée, see ch. xvi.
[568] Thomas Wright, Lyrical Poems of the Reign of Edward I
(Percy Soc.).
[569] Cf. ch. xvii.
[570] The May-game is probably intended by the ‘Whitsun
pastorals’ of Winter’s Tale, iv. 4. 134, and the ‘pageants of
delight’ at Pentecost, where a boy ‘trimmed in Madam
Julias gown’ played ‘the woman’s part’ (i. e. Maid Marian)
of Two Gentlemen of Verona, iv. 4. 163. Cf. also W.
Warner, Albion’s England, v. 25:

‘At Paske began our Morrise, and ere Penticost our

May.’

[571] Flores Historiarum (R. S.), iii. 130 ‘aestimo quod rex
aestivalis sis; forsitan hyemalis non eris.’
[572] Cf. Appendix E.
[573] ‘King-play’ at Reading (Reading St. Giles Accounts in
Brand-Hazlitt, i. 157; Kerry, Hist. of St. Lawrence, Reading,
 226).
[574] ‘King’s revel’ at Croscombe, Somerset (Churchwardens’
Accounts in Hobhouse, 3).
[575] ‘King’s game’ at Leicester (Kelly, 68) and ‘King-game’ at
Kingston (Lysons, Environs of London, i. 225). On the other
hand the King-game in church at Hascombe in 1578
(Representations, s. v. Hascombe), was probably a
miracle-play of the Magi or Three Kings of Cologne. This
belongs to Twelfth night (cf. ch. xix), but curiously the
accounts of St. Lawrence, Reading, contain a payment for
the ‘Kyngs of Colen’ on May day, 1498 (Kerry, loc. cit.).
[576] Cf. ch. xvii. Local ‘lords of misrule’ in the summer occur
at Montacute in 1447-8 (Hobhouse, 183 ‘in expensis Regis
de Montagu apud Tyntenhull existentis tempore aestivali’),
at Meriden in 1565 (Sharpe, 209), at Melton Mowbray in
1558 (Kelly, 65), at Tombland, near Norwich (Norfolk
Archaeology, iii. 7; xi. 345), at Broseley, near Much
Wenlock, as late as 1652 (Burne-Jackson, 480). See the
attack on them in Stubbes, i. 146. The term ‘lord of misrule’
seems to have been borrowed from Christmas (ch. xvii). It
does not appear whether the lords of misrule of Old
Romney in 1525 (Archaeologia Cantiana, xiii. 216) and
Braintree in 1531 (Pearson, ii. 413) were in winter or
summer.
[577] Owen and Blakeway, i. 331; Jackson and Burne, 480 (cf.
Appendix E). Miss Burne suggests several possible
derivations of the name; from mar ‘make mischief,’ from
Mardoll or Marwell (St. Mary’s Well), streets in Shrewsbury,
or from Muryvale or Meryvalle, a local hamlet. But the form
‘Mayvoll’ seems to point to ‘Maypole.’
[578] Representations, s. v. Aberdeen. Here the lord of the
summer feast seems to have acted also as presenter of the
Corpus Christi plays.
[579] Cf. ch. xvii.
[580] Batman, Golden Books of the Leaden Gods (1577), f. 30.
The Pope is said to be carried on the backs of four
deacons, ‘after the maner of carying whytepot queenes in
Western May games.’ A ‘whitepot’ is a kind of custard.
[581] Such phrases occur as ‘the May-play called Robyn Hod’
(Kerry, Hist. of St. Lawrence, Reading, 226, s. a. 1502),
‘Robin Hood and May game’ and Kynggam and Robyn
Hode’ (Kingston Accounts, 1505-36, in Lysons, Environs of
London, i. 225). The accounts of St. Helen’s, Abingdon, in
1566, have an entry ‘for setting up Robin Hood’s bower’
(Brand-Hazlitt, i. 144). It is noticeable that from 1553 Robin
Hood succeeds the Abbot of Mayvole in the May-game at
Shrewsbury (Appendix E). Similarly, in an Aberdeen order
of 1508 we find ‘Robert Huyid and Litile Johne, quhilk was
callit, in yers bipast, Abbat and Prior of Bonacord’
(Representations, s. v. Aberdeen). Robin Hood seems,
therefore, to have come rather late into the May-games,
but to have enjoyed a widening popularity.
[582] The material for the study of the Robin Hood legend is
gathered together by S. Lee in D. N. B. s. v. Hood; Child,
Popular Ballads, v. 39; Ritson, Robin Hood (1832); J. M.
Gutch, Robin Hood (1847). Prof. Child gives a critical
edition of all the ballads.
[583] Piers Plowman, B-text, passus v. 401.
[584] Fabian, Chronicle, 687, records in 1502 the capture of ‘a
felowe whych hadde renewed many of Robin Hode’s
pagentes, which named himselfe Greneleef.’
[585] Cf. p. 177.
[586] Kühn, in Haupt’s Zeitschrift, v. 481.
[587] Ramsay, F. E. i. 168.
[588] In the Nottingham Hall-books (Hist. MSS. i. 105), the
same locality seems to be described in 1548 as ‘Robyn
Wood’s Well,’ and in 1597 as ‘Robyn Hood’s Well.’ Robin
Hood is traditionally clad in green. If he is mythological at
all, may he not be a form of the ‘wild-man’ or ‘wood-woz’ of
certain spring dramatic ceremonies, and the ‘Green Knight’
of romance? Cf. ch. ix.
[589] The earliest mention of her is ( † 1500) in A. Barclay,
Eclogue, 5, ‘some may fit of Maide Marian or else of Robin
Hood.’
[590] Hist. MSS. i. 107, from Convocation Book, ‘pecuniae
ecclesiae ac communitatis Welliae ... videlicet,
 provenientes ante hoc tempus de Robynhode, puellis
tripudiantibus, communi cervisia ecclesiae, et huiusmodi.’
[591] The accounts of Croscombe, Somerset, contain yearly
entries of receipts from ‘Roben Hod’s recones’ from 1476
to 1510, and again in 1525 (Hobhouse, 1 sqq.). At Melton
Mowbray the amount raised by the ‘lord’ was set aside for
mending the highways (Kelly, 65).
[592] Lysons, Environs, i. 225. Mention is made of ‘Robin
Hood,’ ‘the Lady,’ ‘Maid Marion,’ ‘Little John,’ ‘the Frere,’
‘the Fool,’ ‘the Dysard,’ ‘the Morris-dance.’
[593] Archaeologia Cantiana, xiii. 216.
[594] C. Kerry, History of St. Lawrence, Reading, 226. ‘Made
Maryon,’ ‘the tree’ and ‘the morris-dance,’ are mentioned.
[595] L. H. T. Accounts, ii. 377.
[596] Stowe, Survey (1598), 38. He is speaking mainly of the
period before 1517, when there was a riot on ‘Black’ May-
day, and afterwards the May-games were not ‘so freely
used as before.’
[597] Appendix E (vi).
[598] Cf. Representations.
[599] Bower (†1437), Scotichronicon (ed. Hearne), iii. 774 ‘ille
famosissimus sicarius Robertus Hode et Litill-Iohanne cum
eorum complicibus, de quibus stolidum vulgus hianter in
comoediis et tragoediis prurienter festum faciunt, et, prae
ceteris romanciis, mimos et bardanos cantitare
delectantur.’ On the ambiguity of ‘comoediae’ and
‘tragoediae’ in the fifteenth century, cf. ch. xxv.
[600] Gairdner, Paston Letters, iii. 89; Child, v. 90; ‘W. Woode,
whyche promysed ... he wold never goo ffro me, and ther
uppon I have kepyd hym thys iij yer to pleye Seynt Jorge
and Robyn Hod and the Shryff off Nottyngham, and now,
when I wolde have good horse, he is goon into Bernysdale,
and I withowt a keeper.’ The Northumberland Household
Book, 60, makes provision for ‘liveries for Robin Hood’ in
the Earl’s household.
[601] Printed by Child, v. 90; Manly, i. 279. The MS. of the
fragment probably dates before 1475.
[602] Printed by Child, v. 114, 127; Manly, i. 281, 285. They
were originally printed as one play by Copland (†1550).
[603] Printed in Dodsley-Hazlitt, vol. viii. These plays were
written for Henslowe about February 1598. In November
Chettle ‘mended Roben hood for the corte’ (Henslowe’s
Diary, 118-20, 139). At Christmas 1600, Henslowe had
another play of ‘Roben hoodes penerths’ by William
Haughton (Diary, 174-5). An earlier ‘pastoral pleasant
comedie of Robin Hood and Little John’ was entered on the
Stationers’ Registers on May 18, 1594. These two are lost,
as is The May Lord which Jonson wrote (Conversations
with Drummond, 27). Robin Hood also appears in Peele’s
Edward I ( † 1590), and the anonymous Look About You
(1600), and is the hero of Greene’s George a Greene the
Pinner of Wakefield ( † 1593). Anthony Munday introduced
him again into his pageant of Metropolis Coronata (1615),
and a comedy of Robin Hood and his Crew of Soldiers,
acted at Nottingham on the day of the coronation of
Charles II, was published in 1661. On all these plays, cf. F.
E. Schelling, The English Chronicle Play, 156.
[604] Furnivall, Robert Laneham’s Letter, clxiii. Chaucer, Rom.
of Rose, 7455, has ‘the daunce Joly Robin,’ but this is from
his French original ‘li biaus Robins.’
[605] Cf. p. 176.
[606] Dyer, 278; Drake, 86; Brand-Ellis, i. 157; Cutts, Parish
Priests, 317; Archaeologia, xii. 11; Stubbes, i. 150; F. L. x.
350. At an ‘ale’ a cask of home-brewed was broached for
sale in the church or church-house, and the profits went to
some public object; at a church-ale to the parish, at a clerk-
ale to the clerk, at a bride-ale or bridal to the bride, at a bid-
ale to some poor man in trouble. A love-ale was probably
merely social.
[607] At Reading in 1557 (C. Kerry, Hist. of St. Lawrence,
Reading, 226).
[608] At Tintinhull in 1513 (Hobhouse, 200, ‘Robine Hood’s
All’).
[609] Brand-Ellis, i. 157; Dyer, 278. A carving on the church of
St. John’s, Chichester, represents a Whitsun-ale, with a
‘lord’ and ‘lady.’
[610] Cf. p. 141.
[611] At Ashton-under-Lyne, from 1422 to a recent date (Dyer,
181). ‘Gyst’ appears to be either ‘gist’ (gîte) ‘right of
pasturage’ or a corruption of ‘guising’; cf. ch. xvii.
[612] Cf. p. 91. On Scot-ale, cf. Ducange, s. v. Scotallum;
Archaeologia, xii. 11; H. T. Riley, Munimenta Gildhallae
Londin. (R. S.), ii. 760. The term first appears as the name
of a tax, as in a Northampton charter of 1189 (Markham-
Cox, Northampton Borough Records, i. 26) ‘concessimus
quod sint quieti de ... Brudtol et de Childwite et de
hieresgiue et de Scottale, ita quod Prepositus
Northamptonie ut aliquis alius Ballivus scottale non faciat’;
cf. the thirteenth-century examples quoted by Ducange.
The Council of Lambeth (1206), c. 2, clearly defines the
term as ‘communes potationes,’ and the primary sense is
therefore probably that of an ale at which a scot or tax is
raised.
[613] Malory, Morte d’ Arthur, xix. 1. 2.
[614] Hall, 515, 520, 582; Brewer, Letters and Papers of Henry
VIII, ii. 1504. In 1510, Henry and his courtiers visited the
queen’s chamber in the guise of Robin Hood and his men
on the inappropriate date of January 18. In Scotland, about
the same time, Dunbar wrote a ‘cry’ for a maying with
Robin Hood; cf. Texts, s. v. Dunbar.
[615] Latimer, Sermon vi before Edw. VI (1549, ed. Arber,
173). Perhaps the town was Melton Mowbray, where Robin
Hood was very popular, and where Latimer is shown by the
churchwardens’ accounts to have preached several years
later in 1553 (Kelly, 67).
[616] Machyn, 20.
[617] Ibid. 89, 137, 196, 201, 283, 373. In 1559, e. g. ‘the xxiiij
of June ther was a May-game ... and Sant John Sacerys,
with a gyant, and drumes and gunes [and the] ix wordes
(worthies), with spechys, and a goodly pagant with a
quen ... and dyvers odur, with spechys; and then Sant
Gorge and the dragon, the mores dansse, and after Robyn
Hode and lytyll John, and M[aid Marian] and frere Tuke,
and they had spechys round a-bout London.’
[618] ‘Mr. Tomkys publicke prechar’ in Shrewsbury induced the
bailiffs to ‘reform’ May-poles in 1588, and in 1591 some
apprentices were committed for disobeying the order. A
judicial decision was, however, given in favour of the ‘tree’
(Burne-Jackson, 358; Hibbert, English Craft-Gilds, 121). In
London the Cornhill May-pole, which gave its name to St.
Andrew Undershaft, was destroyed by persuasion of a
preacher as early as 1549 (Dyer, 248); cf. also Stubbes, i.
306, and Morrison’s advice to Henry VIII quoted in ch. xxv.
[619] Archbishop Grindal’s Visitation Articles of 1576
(Remains, Parker Soc. 175), ‘whether the minister and
churchwardens have suffered any lords of misrule or
summer lords or ladies, or any disguised persons, or
others, in Christmas or at May-games, or any morris-
dancers, or at any other times, to come unreverently into
the church or churchyard, and there to dance, or play any
unseemly parts, with scoffs, jests, wanton gestures, or
ribald talk, namely in the time of Common Prayer.’ Similarly
worded Injunctions for Norwich (1569), York (1571),
Lichfield (1584), London (1601) and Oxford (1619) are
quoted in the Second Report of the Ritual Commission; cf.
the eighty-eighth Canon of 1604. It is true that the Visitation
Articles for St. Mary’s, Shrewsbury, in 1584 inquire more
generally ‘whether there have been any lords of mysrule, or
somer lords or ladies, or any disguised persons, as morice
dancers, maskers, or mum’ers, or such lyke, within the
parishe, ether in the nativititide or in som’er, or at any other
tyme, and what be their names’; but this church was a
‘peculiar’ and its ‘official’ the Puritan Tomkys mentioned in
the last note (Owen and Blakeway, i. 333; Burne-Jackson,
481).
[620] Stafford, 16.
[621] Stubbes, i. 146; cf. the further quotations and references
there given in the notes.
[622] 6 Mary, cap. 61.
[623] Child, v. 45; cf. Representations, s.v. Aberdeen, on the
breaches of the statute there in 1562 and 1565.
[624] Dyer, 228; Drake, 85. At Cerne Abbas, Dorset, the May-
pole was cut down in 1635 and made into a town ladder (F.
L. x. 481).
[625] Grimm, ii. 784; Kleinere Schriften, v. 281; Pearson, ii.
281.
[626] Frazer, ii. 82; Grant Allen, 293, 315; Grimm, ii. 764;
Pearson, ii. 283.
[627] Frazer, ii. 86; Martinengo-Cesaresco, 267. Cf. the use of
the bladder of blood in the St. Thomas procession at
Canterbury (Representations, s. v.).
[628] Frazer, iii. 70. Amongst such customs are the expulsion
of Satan on New Year’s day by the Finns, the expulsion of
Kore at Easter in Albania, the expulsion of witches on
March 1 in Calabria, and on May 1 in the Tyrol, the
frightening of the wood-sprites Strudeli and Strätteli on
Twelfth night at Brunnen in Switzerland. Such ceremonies
are often accompanied with a horrible noise of horns,
cleavers and the like. Horns are also used at Oxford (Dyer,
261) and elsewhere on May 1, and I have heard it said that
the object of the Oxford custom is to drive away evil spirits.
Similar discords are de rigueur at Skimmington Ridings. I
very much doubt whether they are anything but a
degenerate survival of a barbaric type of music.
[629] Frazer, iii. 121.
[630] Tylor, Anthropology, 382.
[631] Caspari, 10 ‘qui in mense februario hibernum credit
expellere ... non christianus, sed gentilis est.’
[632] Frazer, ii. 91.
[633] Frazer, ii. 60.
[634] Sometimes the Pfingstl is called a ‘wild man.’ Two
‘myghty woordwossys [cf. p. 392] or wyld men’ appeared in
a revel at the court of Henry VIII in 1513 (Revels Account in
Brewer, ii. 1499), and similar figures are not uncommon in
the sixteenth-century masques and entertainments.
[635] Frazer, ii. 62.
[636] Ibid. ii. 61, 82; E. Meier, Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und
Gebräuche aus Schwaben, 374, 409.
[637] Syr Gawayne and the Grene Knyghte (ed. Madden,
Bannatyne Club, 1839); cf. J. L. Weston, The Legend of Sir
Gawain, 85. Arthur was keeping New Year’s Day, when a
knight dressed in green, with a green beard, riding a green