Subhas Chandra Bose: After Three Decades

Author(s): Ranjan Borra

Source: Asian Affairs, Vol. 2, No. 5 (May - Jun., 1975), pp. 308-320
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
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Subhas Chandra Bose: After Three Decades

RANJAN BORRA

T the disappearance of the Indian nationalist

REPORT on
leader Subhas Chandra Bose at the end of World War II, recently
submittedby the one-man Khosla Commission to the Indian parliament,
and the publicity and critical analysis it has generated, have served to
focus public attention once more on the image of India's legendary
political hero. The revival of interest in Netaji (The Leader) has re-
sulted in a proliferation of articles and books about him, and in sem-
inars and meetings to discuss his political philosophy. The Netaji Re-
search Bureau in Calcutta is planning a second international seminar
next year, at which specialists on South Asia from all over the world
will discuss Bose and his contributions to Indian nationalism and world
politics. Netaji has occupied an important place in the hearts of his
countrymen ever since his dramatic efforts during World War II to
free his country from British rule. Even before that, during his in-
volvement with the Indian National Congress in the 1930s, he had
distinguished himself by his outspoken stand against the Congress
hierarchy, which was seeking some sort of compromise with the British
on the issue of independence. Eventually Bose, on one hand, and
Gandhi and his protege Nehru went their separate ways; and therein
lies one of the reasons why the Congress leadership, which has now
ruled India for 27 years, has always played down the role of Netaji
in the Indian independence movement.
In the Western world, however, the name of Subhas Chandra
Bose, even after three decades, does not evoke much sympathy, respect,
or understanding. This is largely because of the stigma that Bose has
had to bear because of his partnership with the Axis powers. The
assessment of Netaji's role in organizing the Indian National Army,
first in Europe and subsequently in Southeast Asia, has been under-
308

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Subhas Chandra Bose: After Three Decades 309

standably hostile. The more historically-mindedtend to view him with

ambivalence, and the more charitable to dismiss him as a sincere but
misguided patriot. The erosion of Subhas Chandra Bose's image as
an Axis collaborator has nevertheless commenced, due largely to the
efforts of a group of historians to probe deeper into the role played
by this illustrious Indian nationalist leader in the freedom movement
of his country.
II
Subhas Chandra Bose was born on January 23, 1897, in Cuttack,
Orissa. His father was Janaki Nath Bose, who had gained a reputation
as an able advocate. After earning his Bachelor of Arts degree with
honors, Bose went to England in September 1919, and was selected
for the Indian Civil Service. After his return to India, he joined in
the boycott of the Prince of Wales' visit, and was arrested at Calcutta
in December 1921. He was released; but was arrested again for
participation in the freedom movement in October 1924, and im-
prisoned in Mandalay, Burma. After his release in May 1927, he
plunged into political life once again, and was elected President of the
All-India Trade Union Congress in 1929. In 1930, he held the elective
post of Mayor of Calcutta. During a sojourn in Europe in the mid-
1930s, he studied with great interest the Fascist regime in Italy and the
National Socialist movement in Germany, although he was critical of
some aspects of their political and philosophical content.
Back in India, he continued his work with the Indian National
Congress, and rose to become its President at its 51st session in 1938.
He was elected to a second term, but subsequently resigned as the
forces led by Gandhi rallied against his radical views. A staunch
nationalist, Bose was in favor of forcing the issue of freedom with
the British. This was in 1939, when the European political crisis
was coming to a head. To him, the crisis presented an opportune
moment to win freedom for his country. Gandhi and his followers,
however, who constituted a majority within the Congress, were for
compromise and negotiations with the British, and they eventually
forced Bose to quit. He then formed the Forward Bloc, his own left-
wing party, and launched an anti-British and antiwar campaign all
over India after the outbreak of World War II in September 1939.

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310 Asian Affairs

This agitation led to his arrest in July 1940, whereupon he undertook

a "fast unto death" against his imprisonment. The British released him
in December 1940, but thereafter restricted him to house arrest. But
with the help of a handful of close relatives and trusted friends, Bose
disappeared from his home during the middle of January 1941,
although the news of his escape was not released until January 26.
First disguised as a Pathan named Ziauddin, and later travelling
with an Italian passport under the name of Orlando Mazzota, Bose
succeeded in making his way to Berlin. There, with the active as-
sistance of the German Foreign Office, he organized a Free India
Center and Free India Radio, and also formed the nucleus of the
Azad Hind Fauj (Indian National Army) from among British Indian
prisoners-of-warwho had surrenderedto the Germans in North Africa.
Later, as the war spread to Southeast Asia, Bose shifted his activities
to the eastern theater. Travelling in German and Japanese submarines,
he enlisted the support of the Japanese government for his plan to
create an army to take part in the liberation of India. The nucleus of
an Indian National Army had already taken shape under the leader-
ship of some Indian army officers who had surrendered earlier to the
Japanese at Singapore. Bose now assumed full command of that
nucleus, and launched a mass recruitment drive among British Indian
prisoners-of-warheld by the Japanese. As a result, the strength of the
Indian National Army grew rapidly. On October 21, 1943, he pro-
claimed the establishment of a Provisional Government of Free India
(Azad Hind), which was quickly recognized by nine countries. Bose
himself was called Netaji (The Leader) by his soldiers; and he gave
them the slogan, "To Delhi! To Delhi!" On this occasion, he said:'

When France declared war on Germany in 1939 and the cam-

paign began, there was but one cry which rose from the lips of
German soldiers: "To Paris! To Paris!" When the brave soldiers
of Nippon set out on their march in December 1941, there was
but one cry which rose from their lips: "To Singapore! To Sing-
apore!" Comrades! Soldiers! Let your battle cry be: "To Delhi!
To Delhi!" How many of us will individually survive this war of
1Selected Speeches of Subhas Chandra Bose (Publications Division, Ministry of Information
and Broadcasting,Government of India, 1962), p. 182.

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Subhas Chandra Bose: After Three Decades 311

freedom, I do not know. But I do know this, that we will ulti-

mately win; and our task will not end until our surviving heroes
hold the victory parade on another graveyard of the British
empire-the Lal Kila or the Red Fortress of ancient Delhi.
Netaji's call won the support of large numbers of Indians resident
in Japan, Burma, Malaya, Thailand, and Singapore. Businessmen and
merchants donated millions of dollars to the Azad Hind Fund. Women
contributed their ornaments and jewelry. In 1944, the Indian National
Army successfully crossed the India-Burma border, forced the British
to evacuate some areas near Kohima and Manipur, and hoisted the flag
of the Provisional Government of Free India on Indian soil three
years before India actually attained its independence. But the Indian
National Army was inadequately equipped. As the monsoon cut off
supply routes and the overall war situation changed in favor of the
Allied forces in India, it had to retreat back into Burma along with
the Japanese.
After the Japanese surrender, Netaji was reportedly en route to
Manchuria from Bangkok in a Japanese bomber when the plane
crashed minutes after taking off from the Taihoku Airport at Formosa,
where it had landed to refuel. Bose reportedly was severely burned
and taken to a hospital, where he died after several hours. The Japanese
News Agency announced his death on August 23, 1945, stating that
the plane carrying him and his adjutant Habibur Rahman (along with
several Japanese military officers) had crashed on August 18. Rahman
survived to tell the story of Netaji's death, although he was not allowed
to see his body.
III
While most people accepted the Japanese announcement as to the
fate of Netaji, some believed that the air crash story was deliberately
concocted to enable him to escape to Russia, from where he had in-
tended to resume his war of liberation. Rumors persisted that he was
still alive, and that he had been seen alive. Some Western journalists
also voiced doubts regarding Netaji's death in the air crash. Elliot
Erikson, for example, wrote as follows:2
- Elliot Erikson, "JawaharlalNehru and the Red Threat to India," National Republic, vol. 41,
no. 10 (February 1954).

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312 Asian Affairs

There is a strong possibility that Bose is alive. At the end of the

war, when the Japanese front collapsed in Burma, Bose, if he
showed himself, ran a great risk of being prosecuted as an inter-
national war criminal. He was supposed to have tried to escape
from Burma by plane and died in a crash. Yet numerous people
report seeing him after his supposed death, including a nurse
who treated him for minor injuries. His body was never found,
and Allied intelligence officers could find no evidence that he
died in the wreckage of the plane he was supposed to have fallen
in. The rumor persists that he soon took another plane, this
time to Yenan, then the capital of Communist China. At that
time, India was not yet free, and Bose could have easily been
hunting for a new possible enemy of England who would pre-
cipitate another war that might collapse the British Empire.

Pressed by persistent demands, the Indian government in 1956

set up a three-maninquiry commission to investigate the circumstances
of Bose's death. Shah Nawaz Khan, one of the members, had been an
officer in the Indian National Army; another, S. N. Maitra, was a
government official; the third member was Suresh Chandra Bose, elder
brother of Netaji. Although the first two concluded that Bose had
actually died in the alleged plane crash, Suresh Chandra Bose filed a
dissenting report in which he expressed the belief that his brother was
still alive. Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, however, accepted the
majority conclusion, and publicly announced that the file on Bose was
finally closed.
The legend of Netaji nevertheless continued to thrive. Stories of
his being in the Soviet Union, China, Tibet, and India appeared
sporadically in Indian newspapers. Some members of the Indian parlia-
ment and state legislatures even claimed personal contacts with Bose.
The inquiry commission's report was denounced by various groups as
erroneous, inconclusive, and prefabricated.During the 1960s, demands
for a fresh inquiry into the Bose episode intensified among parliament
members. Finally, in July 1970, the Indian government was forced
to appoint a new commission under the chairmanship of G. D. Khosla,
the retired Chief Justice of the Punjab High Court. During the past
four years, this one-man commission held sessions in different cities of

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Subhas Chandra Bose: After Three Decades 313

India, interviewing witnesses and recording their statements. It also

went to East Asia, including Japan and Formosa, visiting the scenes
of Netaji's activities and talking to people who had come into contact
with him. The Khosla Commission submitted its findings to the Indian
parliament on September 3, 1974. Its report confirmed the conclusions
of the earlier commission. It said that Subhas Chandra Bose had
sustained third degree burns in the air crash in Formosa on August 18,
1945, and died the same night in a nearby army hospital. Two days
later, Bose's body was cremated; his ashes were carried to Tokyo at
the beginning of September 1945, and deposited in the Renkoji
Temple.
The Khosla Commission report did not, however, succeed in
laying to rest the controversy. Its findings did not shed any new light
on Netaji's death; and if the conclusions of the earlier commission did
not satisfy the people, there is little possibility that the present report,
which is virtually a replica of the former, can have much added credi-
bility. After its submission, Samar Guha, a veteran Socialist MP, was
vehement in his denunciation of the report. He termed it "a travesty
of truth" and an "act of treachery and conspiracy against the greatest
saint-patriot and revolutionary of the country." He swore that Netaji
was still alive. When I met Mr. Guha in Calcutta last February and
asked him pointedly about his assertion, he said that it was based on
"factual knowledge." Questioned about Bose's present whereabouts
and future plans, Guha appeared somewhat evasive, and maintained
that he was not in a position to divulge any further details.
If Bose is still alive, it would be difficult to find cogent reasons why
he has failed to return to the contemporary Indian political scene, or
why he has chosen to remain incognito for the past three decades.
There is no prospect whatever that he would be tried as a war criminal
by virtue of his collaboration with the Axis powers during World War
II. The 20-year limit for such prosecutions expired in 1965. In any
event, the Indian government stated categorically on several occasions
that Netaji's name never appeared on the list of international war
criminals. At the end of the war, the British staged a court-martialof
three prominent officers of the Indian National Army, Major General
Shah Nawaz Khan, Colonel Sahgal, and Major Dhillon, on charges
of "waging war against the King," but had to commute their sentences

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314 Asian Affairs

because of public pressure. If Bose had been captured, the British

would probably have treated him no more severely, in view of his
popularity in India and the inevitable repercussions of a possible
execution. Louis Lochner, editor of the The Goebbels Diaries, states
that Bose met an entirely different fate as a war criminal after the
war. In a footnote, he comments:3
Later he (Bose) left for Japan and, according to reports, was
seized there by the Americans, tried, and executed for treason.
But this report is wholly unsubstantiated, and is not corroborated by
any other source.
Samar Guha has suggested that "any different finding by Mr.
Khosla would have created national and international problems for
the present government." Latent in this charge is the implication that
Bose would not be welcomed to India by its present rulers if he were
to return, because his dynamism and popularity would pose a serious
challenge to the Congress Party leadership. Other reasons advanced
by various sources to explain Netaji's nonappearance include his
waiting for an "opportune time," or for another world war, when he
would make a final bind to reunite India. It should be mentioned at
this point that Bose was vehemently opposed to partition of the Indian
Subcontinent, which was nevertheless carried out by the British and
accepted by the parties concerned as a prerequisite for the grant of
freedom in 1947. Another "explanation" has it that Netaji has lost
all interest in politics and worldly affairs, and has become a recluse
residing somewhere in the Himalayan region. Bose's quest for the
mystical and the unknown was evidenced at an early age, when he
did, in fact, make a trip to the Himalayas in search of a philosophy of
life. Supporters of this theory say that after having lived through the
turbulent years of World War II, Netaji's spiritual interest revived,
and he has now chosen the path of renunciation.
IV
But such speculation has little to do with whether Bose is actually
dead or alive. In any case, after three decades the pertinent question-
3 Louis P. Lochner, ed., The Goebbels Diaries 1942-1943 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press,
1970), p. 107.

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Subhas Chandra Bose: After Three Decades 315

especially in the perspective of India's present political and economic

situation-is, Would there be a radical change in the substance of
Indian politics, if he were suddenly to return in triumph? What is the
relevance of his political philosophy today after almost 30 years of
India's democratic experiment? An answer to these questions will help
us to determine if the Subhas Chandra Bose revival has any real
meaning for today.
In 1933, while visiting Europe, Bose was scheduled to preside
over the Third Indian Political Conference in London. He was not
allowed to enter Britain, and his main address was read in absentia.
It is a document of considerable importance. In it, Bose presented an
historical analysis of India's anti-imperialiststruggle, and proposed the
establishment of a new party called the Samyavadi Sangha.4 The ten-
point program laid down for this party reveals Netaji's growing dif-
ferences with the ideology of the Congress Party and, indeed, with
the political thinking of most other nationalist leaders then engaged
in the struggle for India's independence. The new party would stand
(1) for the interests of the masses, and not the vested interests; (2)
for the complete political and economic liberation of the Indian people;
(3) for a federal government as the ultimate goal, but meanwhile for
a strong central government, with virtually dictatorial powers for
some years to come, in order to put India on its feet; (4) for a sound
system of state planning; (5) for a social structurebased on the village
communities of the past; (6) for a new monetary and credit system
formulated in the light of current theories and experiments; (7) for
the abolition of landlordism and the introduction of a uniform land
tenure system; (8) not for democracy in the mid-Victorian sense of
that term, but for government by a strong party bound together by
military discipline, as the only means of holding India together and
preventing the chaos that results when Indians are free and thrown
on their own resources; (9) for an international propaganda cam-
paign to strengthen India's case for freedom, and for the utilization of
existing international organizations for the same purpose; and (10)
for the unification of all radical organizations under a national execu-

SSamyavadi is an adjectival form of the term Samrnyavada,

which means doctrine of synthesis
or equality.

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316 Asian Affairs

tive, so that whenever any action were taken, there would be simul-
taneous action on many fronts.
It was on Points Three and Eight of this ten-point program,
which outlined Netaji's concept of a governmental structure for a free
India, that he radically differed with his colleagues. His advocacy of a
strong central government with dictatorial powers, and his rejection
of mid-Victorian parliamentary democracy, no doubt earned him the
disrepute of harboring pro-Fascist views. But Bose remained con-
vinced of his ideal, and diligently propagated his "doctrine of syn-
thesis," in which he suggested that perhaps the ideal system for India
would be a blend of communism and fascism:"

In spite of the antithesis between communism and fascism, there

are certain traits common to both. Both communism and fascism
believe in the supremacy of the state over the individual. Both
denounce parliamentary democracy. Both believe in party rule.
Both believe in the dictatorship of the party and in the ruthless
suppression of all dissenting minorities. Both believe in a planned
industrial reorganization of the country. These common traits
will form the basis of the new synthesis. That synthesis is called
by the writer "Samyavada"-an Indian word, which means
literally "the doctrine of synthesis and equality." It will be India's
task to work out this synthesis.

Bose expressed these views in 1934, and they were echoed in his last
known public address, which he made before the students of Tokyo
University in 1944:6

We have had some experience of democratic institutions in India,

and we have also studied the working of democratic institutions
in countries like France, England, and the United States of
America. And we have come to the conclusion that with a demo-
cratic system, we cannot solve the problems of Free India. There-

5 Subhas Chandra Bose, The Indian Struggle 1920-1934 (Calcutta:

Thacker, Spink, 1948),
p. 431.
6 Subhas Chandra Bose, Fundamental Questions of Indian Revolution (Calcutta: Netaji Re-
search Bureau, 1970), pp. 81-82.

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Subhas Chandra Bose: After Three Decades 317

fore, modern progressive thought in India is in favor of a state

of authoritarian character, which will work as an organ, or the
servant of the masses, and not of a clique or of a few rich indi-
viduals.

In the same address, he again stressed the notion of synthesis:7

To repeat once again, our political philosophy should be a syn-

thesis between national socialism and communism. The conflict
between thesis and antithesis has to be resolved in a higher syn-
thesis. This is what the Law of Dialectic demands. If this is not
done, then human progress will come to an end. India will, there-
fore, try to move to the next stage of political and social evolution.

It is relevant to emphasize at this point that totalitarianism in

the government structure envisioned by Bose was meant to last only
so long as was necessary to carry out sweeping reforms and build up
a new India. Fully aware of the fact that no form of dictatorship could
be immune from the risk of degenerating into despotism, he made it
clear on several occasions that the authoritarian form of government
in India would be transitional, but that it should last for at least 20
years.
V
In a recent biography of Subhas Chandra Bose, Dr. Lothar Frank,
who was in the German Foreign Office during World War II and
served Netaji as an interpreter and guide, poses the question: "What
would have been his role in building a new India after independence?
In other words, what would be Bose's ideological legacy for the Indian
people in regard to postwar national reconstruction?" Dr. Frank's
analysis of a free India modelled after Bose's conception, and of the
role it would play in a world influenced and shaped by current power
alignments, provides an illuminating insight into the relevance of
Netaji's political philosophy after three decades. In Dr. Frank's words:8

7Ibid. p. 87.
8 Alexander Werth,
Lothar Frank, and Sisir K. Bose, A Beacon Across Asia (Calcutta: Orient
Longmans, 1973), pp. 249-250.

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318 Asian Affairs

Since Bose disappeared from the scene, the world political situa-
tion has changed profoundly . . . The principal features of
present-day world politics is the struggle for hegemony between
the two superpowers, (the) USA and USSR. A new competitor in
the field is Maoist China ... The Western capitalist system leads
to two directions, viz., the conservative direction resulting in the
domination of big landlordsand big business interests, and the other
in a liberal Socialist direction resulting in some sort of the so-
called democratic Socialist system. The left Socialist or the Com-
munist world has three directions, viz., the orthodox Soviet
system represented by (the) Brezhnev doctrine, the new pro-
letarian communism as propounded by Mao Tse-tung, and lastly,
the independent left Socialist movements represented by Tito in
Yugoslavia, Castro in Cuba, and Ho Chi Minh in Vietnam . . .
Bose's opting for the Western capitalist system of either variety
... can be dismissed outright. His whole political record cancels
any such possibility. On the other hand, as a dedicated national
revolutionary, with a messianic faith in India's historic obligation
to evolve a new social order on the basis of a synthesis of all
known revolutionary social experiments, he could not have
accepted the hegemonistic political creed of either Russia or
China. The Samyavada that he was searching for India un-
doubtedly meant for him a new alternative. Thus, Free India
under the leadership of Subhas Chandra Bose would have
emerged as a new challenge to the world in ideology and practice.
There is every reason to believe that, because of (the) history,
size, and potential of a united India, the India of Bose's concep-
tion and making would have been a bigger challenge to world
history and politics than Vietnam, Yugoslavia, or Cuba.

Events of the past quarter century in India afford a useful per-

spective on Bose's approach to the postindependence problems of his
country. The initial partition of the Subcontinent, which he strongly
opposed, has been followed by further fragmentation. Yielding to
regional demands for statehood has undermined the political and cul-
tural unity of the country. There has been a progressive disillusionment
with parliamentary democracy, which has failed to carry out the

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Subhas Chandra Bose: After Three Decades 319

essential economic and social reforms, and under which the moral
fabric of the nation has deteriorated. Rampant corruption continues
to plague the administrators. Nor is India a solitary example. The
pattern is evident among all the newly-independent nations of South
and Southeast Asia. This has led many observers to reassess the wisdom
of introducing the institutions of parliamentary democracy into the
region. The latest example is Bangladesh, where parliamentary
democracy has already been replaced by a single-party system under
a presidential form of government.
If parliamentarydemocracy has failed in Southern Asia, must the
choice now lie between Communist and nationalist totalitarianism?
Not necessarily, because a third alternative does exist. It would
certainly be worthwhile to experiment with Bose's philosophy of
synthesis before giving in to either form of despotism. According to
him:"

National socialism has been able to create national unity and

solidarity and to improve the condition of the masses. But it has
not been able to radically reform the prevailing economic system
which was built up on a capitalistic basis. On the other side, let
us examine the Soviet experiment based on communism. You
will find one great achievement and that is planned economy.
Where communism is deficient is that it does not appreciate
national sentiment.

Hence, Bose ruled out acceptance of one to the exclusion of the

other. This statement also indicates that Bose harbored no illusions
about the two concepts of totalitarianism existing in his time. His
approach was to reject the unsavory aspects of relevant political ideol-
ogies, and to accept their positive points.
While the Khosla Commission has been instrumentalin lifting the
curtain on Netaji, contemporary issues of politics and economics, in
the Indian Subcontinent and beyond, underline the need for a re-
appraisal of his ideology. In this context, the controversy as to whether

o Bose, Fundamental Questions of Indian Revolution, p. 86.

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320 Asian Affairs

Bose is dead or alive has significanceonly as a catalyst in returning

his ideas to the forefrontof Indian politics, and therebyrecallinghis
revolutionaryidealsto the mindsof those who searchfor an alternative
to the existingsystem.

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