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Get Four-Color Communism. Comic Books and Contested Power in The German Democratic Republic 1st Edition Sean Eedy PDF Full Chapter
Get Four-Color Communism. Comic Books and Contested Power in The German Democratic Republic 1st Edition Sean Eedy PDF Full Chapter
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written to order by willing officials, can only be representative of a
small fraction of popular opinion—inciting the population against
the Duma, and begging the Emperor to dissolve it. When one reads
these telegrams one is convinced that they cannot represent a
widely-spread opinion, for they run somewhat after this fashion:
“Great, unlimited autocrat, listen to us true Russians, dissolve the
herd of rebels, who by means of Jewish money have usurped the
position of representatives of the people. Pay no attention to their
seditious cries, but listen rather to us, whose only wish is that thy
Heaven-given, anointed, unlimited, multitudinous, incarnadined
autocratitude should remain unlimited. Give us less bread and more
taxes. We are perfectly contented. We have everything our heart
desires, so long as thou remainest unlimited.”
If the British Cabinet were to circulate among the Army an
invitation to destroy the House of Commons, full of insulting
strictures on the members of the House, we should not consider this
action to be constitutional. But this is what the Russian Government
has been doing during the last month. The situation of a Parliament
which has to deal with such a Ministry is abnormal. What guarantee
is there that the Ministry will not dissolve it at any minute and
change the electoral law? Not, certainly, the fact that this would be
illegal and unconstitutional. Therefore, on these grounds, and in
these circumstances, it seems to me that the action of the members
of the Duma, in insisting on having their “say out” on the land
question before anything else happens, is not so needless and not
such a waste of time as it at first appears to be. The speeches of the
members are reported in full, published in the newspapers, and read
all over the country, and therefore if the Duma is dissolved suddenly
the country will be already acquainted with the opinions and
intentions of the Duma on the land question. This is why the fact that
the Duma has existed and spoken out during a month is in itself one
of paramount importance and likely to be big with far-reaching
results. When the Duma met the Russian people echoed the French
poet’s cry that “une grande espérance a traversé le monde,” but they
were doubtful as to its efficacy. Now that it has met during a whole
month, and that people within its walls have really been able to speak
their minds on burning topics without being arrested, and have in no
uncertain tones expressed their opinion of the present Government,
the effect has been enormous.
Last night I was driven home by a cabman who favoured me with
his political views. I attach far more importance to the views of any
cabman in St. Petersburg than to those of any of the Ministers,
because they are more intimately acquainted with popular opinion.
The cabman first expressed his appreciation of the fact that some
people in Russia had too much land and others too little. Count
Ignatieff’s estate, he said, was a hundred versts long, and he had
eight estates. The Duma, he continued, was demanding land and
liberty. I objected that the Duma might be dissolved. “They won’t
dare,” he replied. “But if they do dare?” I said. “Then we shall kill
them,” he answered. “Kill whom?” “Why, all the rich.” “But will the
soldiers be on your side?” I asked. “The soldiers are peasants, too,”
he said. “But before they shot at the people,” I said. “Before they did
not understand what it was all about. Now they know,” he said. “Go
into any tractir (public-house) you like,” he continued, “and you will
hear how the people are screaming.”
Some weeks ago a change in the spirit of the Army, owing to the
existence of the Duma, was not improbable. It appears to be now on
the way towards realisation. Some of the Guards regiments are said,
on the other hand, to be highly incensed against the Duma. One of
the peasant members told me that his brother, who is in a regiment
here, informed him that the strictest surveillance was being exercised
on the movements and on the correspondence of the soldiers. He
said some of the regiments in St. Petersburg would be for the Duma,
but only the minority. I think it must be difficult for people who have
never been here, either in the past or in the present, to realise that
although the old régime has not yet been destroyed there is an
enormous difference in the general state of things owing to the fact
that up to last year the expression of public opinion was impossible,
and that now it is not only re-echoed under the protection of the
Duma all over Russia but finds a vehicle in innumerable newspapers
and pamphlets, not one of which is without what the Germans call a
“Tendenz.” Every bit of fiction, verse, satire, history, anecdote that is
now published is definitely and purposely revolutionary. The non-
political part of every newspaper is therefore practically devoted to
politics. Every day, and twice a day, the same string is sounded.
Everything in Russia now is tinged with one colour, and that colour
is bright red.
June 14th.
To-day in the Duma there was a barefooted man in rags, who said
he had arrived in St. Petersburg chiefly owing to the kindness of the
railway guards. His house had been burnt, owing to some squabble
with the police authorities. Another correspondent and I had some
talk with him. He thought we were deputies. He said: “Stand up for
our rights and I will go back and tell them you are doing so.”
July 6th.
July 7th.
This afternoon I went to have tea with two of the peasant deputies.
They had asked me because it was the Name-day of one of them.