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entering the new country while it was working out its problems and
gradually finding itself. The problems of immigration which
presented themselves would have been of sufficiently moderate
dimensions so that they could have been dealt with as they arose. As
it is, the recent rapid development of communication has made the
ease of immigration so great that we have been overwhelmed by the
resulting problems. The movement of millions of people from one
region to another is a phenomenon of prodigious sociological import.
Modern mechanical progress has made this movement possible,
before the nations or the individuals concerned have advanced far
enough in social science to know how to make the most of it.
Granting that there is an immigration problem, and granting that
there is a desire to grapple with it, there are two methods of attack.
The first is, to pick out the obvious evils, and apply a specific to them
one by one. The other is to endeavor to determine the underlying
principles and to devise a consistent and comprehensive plan which
will go to the root of the matter, relying upon established sociological
laws. The first method is much the simpler. It is the one which has
hitherto been followed out in our immigration legislation. One by
one certain crying evils have been met by definite measures. After
half a century of protest, paupers and criminals were refused
admission. A little later contract laborers were debarred. Certain
diseased classes, growing more comprehensive with the years, have
been excluded. The principle of deportation has been introduced and
gradually enlarged. Steamship companies have been made
responsible for the return of nonadmissible aliens. The net result of
these measures has unquestionably been beneficial. This type of
remedy, if wisely administered, is always valuable, and should be
adopted, in the absence or delay of the other kind of solution.
Certain other improvements of this general type readily suggest
themselves. The steerage should be abolished, and United States
inspectors placed on all immigrant-carrying vessels. If possible,
better provisions should be adopted for turning back inadmissibles
early on their journey. Immigrant banks and lodging houses should
receive stricter supervision. The padrone system and the unrestricted
contract labor system should be abolished. Tenement houses should
be supervised in the strictest way possible. Every remedial agency
designed to better the lot of the alien in this country should be
encouraged.
It appears that many of the ills of immigration are due to faulty
distribution and the lack of efficient contact between aliens and the
better classes of Americans. Consequently, the need of better
distribution, and various schemes for securing it, are constantly
urged in the press, and in other writings on the subject. Yet we are
warned to be on our guard against pinning too much faith to this
solution of the problem. There are many evils which distribution
alone cannot remedy, and there is competent authority for the
statement that much of the agitation for better distribution emanates
from interests which profit by a large immigration, and which hope
in this way to blind the eyes of the American people to the more
deep-seated evils, and to hush the cry for some restrictive measures.
Some think, also, that if there ever was a time when any scheme of
distribution would have been effective, it is now long since past.[395]
In such ways as the foregoing, great good may be accomplished,
and many of the more obvious evils avoided or mitigated. It does not
seem possible, however, that in such a manner can the greatest
possible good be derived from the immigration movement. This can
be achieved only through the operation of some far-reaching,
inclusive plan of regulation, based on the broadest and soundest
principles, in which all countries concerned will concur. The
formulation of such a plan requires the greatest wisdom of which
man is capable. It is possible that we have not yet advanced far
enough in social science to make the construction of such a plan
feasible. In such a case, it might be the part of wisdom and honor to
radically restrict the numbers of immigrants until such a plan can be
devised and put into operation. Otherwise, the peculiar situation of
the United States among nations may disappear, and the possibilities
of gain to the race be lost forever, before the maximum advantage
has been secured. One of the strongest arguments for restriction at
the present time is that the United States is not yet qualified to
accept the responsibility of admitting unlimited numbers of eager
seekers for advantages, and giving them in fullest measure those
things which they desire, and which their earnest efforts merit.
One thing, meanwhile, must be remembered—the problem will not
solve itself. If there are evils connected with immigration, there is no
prospect that in the natural course of events they will disappear of
themselves. The history of immigration has been a history of
successive waves of population, from sources ever lower in the
economic, if not in the social, scale. If it has seemed at any time that
the country was about to adjust itself to a certain racial admixture, a
new and more difficult element has presented itself. And the process
will go on. As General Walker pointed out long ago, immigration of
the lowest class “will not be permanently stopped so long as any
difference of economic level exists between our population and that
of the most degraded communities abroad.”[396] Under present
conditions a diminution in the immigration stream should not be
interpreted as a cause of congratulation, but rather deep
consternation. For, except to the extent that restriction is actually
accomplished by our laws, a cessation of the stream of immigration
to the United States can only mean that economic conditions in this
country have fallen to so low a pitch that it is no longer worth while
for the citizens of the meanest and most backward foreign country to
make the moderate effort to get here.
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Roberts, Peter: The Foreigner and His Savings, Charities, 21:757,
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Speare, Charles F.: What America Pays Europe for Immigrant
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POLITICAL RELATIONS
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