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printed characteristic cards. Captain Howell, from the standpoint of
victory, gave in a few words his reasons for his course, and closed
by saying:

A word about my partners. I have differed from them on this question,

and I know that they have been prompted by the same consciousness of
duty which caused me to so differ. I love Henry Grady as a brother, and
no one appreciates more highly than I his noble and unselfish devotion to
our city; no one knows better than I his earnestness and faithful
attachment to her welfare. Mr. Hemphill and Mr. Inman are as true and
tried citizens as Atlanta has, and are among my warmest personal
friends. Nothing that has occurred during this campaign could mar the
relations existing between us. The only regret I have about the campaign
is that I found it necessary to differ with them, but I am confident that they
will now join hands with me in carrying out the purposes (uniting the
people) as expressed above.

Mr. Grady declared his unshaken affection for his partner, and
pledged his aid to him in his purposes to unite Atlanta and keep the
sale of liquor within bounds. As for his own part in the campaign, he
expresses himself in these remarkable words:

When everything else I have said or done is forgotten, I want the words
I have spoken for prohibition in Atlanta to be remembered. I am prouder
of my share in the campaign that has ended in its defeat than of my share
in all other campaigns that have ended in victory. I espoused its cause
deliberately, and I have worked for its success night and day, to the very
best of my ability. My only regret is that my ability was not greater.

This reunion of the owners of the Constitution was the prompt

example which set a pattern for the community. Within a year from
the close of the bitterest campaign in Atlanta’s history, one in which
many a house and many a family was divided against itself, the
acrimony had almost entirely disappeared. The wounds of the
campaign were healed and the soreness of defeat had disappeared;
Atlanta was re-united, and on every side were signs of prosperity
and good-will. In another twelvemonth she had to enlarge her girth a
quarter of a mile all round; nine hundred houses were built, every
one was filled, and there was a pressing demand for more. The
Constitution turned from this struggle with its owners more strongly
cemented by personal friendship than ever before, and in the closing
weeks of 1889 the paper touched a higher mark of prosperity than it
had ever known.
After Mr. Grady’s death the Constitution pursued the even tenor of
its way. Saddened by that great calamity the late editor’s associates
realized that there was great work for them to do. The succession to
the management was as natural as the passing of one day into
another. Mr. Clark Howell, Jr., eldest son of the editor-in-chief, had
been on the paper six years, first as night editor and then as
assistant managing editor. In Mr. Grady’s absence he had been in
charge, and in taking the position of managing editor at twenty-six
years of age, he assumed duties and responsibilities that were not
new to him. He was fortified by an extensive personal acquaintance
formed not only in his newspaper experience, but in two terms of
active service as a representative of Fulton County in the
Legislature, having been nominated for the first term before he was
twenty-one years of age.
Mr. Howell won his spurs as a newspaper man before he was
twenty. On graduating from the University of Georgia in 1883 he
went to the New York Times as an apprentice in its local department.
It was Captain Howell’s policy to throw his son on his own resources,
and the moderate allowance during college days, was almost entirely
withdrawn when young Clark went to New York. A young reporter
working on twelve dollars a week was sorely put to it to make ends
meet in a great city like New York. From the New York Times city
department Mr. Howell went to the Philadelphia Press, assisting in
the news editing department. It was while he was in Philadelphia,
with very little cash, that he seized an opportunity to make some
money and a good deal of reputation. Samuel J. Tilden was being
urged to allow the use of his name for the second Presidential
nomination. He had not said yea or nay, and the country was
anxiously awaiting his decision, for his consent would have settled
the question of Democratic leadership. Mr. Howell went to New York
for the Constitution, and his interview with Mr. Tilden was the first
announcement of the old statesman’s determination not to enter the
contest again. That night Mr. Howell telegraphed the news to two
hundred papers, and the interview with the sage of Gramercy Park
was read on two continents. The young journalist who had scored a
scoop on all the ambitious newspaper men of the country received
flattering notices from the press, besides the comforting addition of
$400 to his almost invisible cash.
Mr. Howell then came on the Constitution as night editor, and was
afterward promoted to the position of assistant managing editor.
What native ability and six years of training did for him was made
manifest very soon after he assumed his new responsibility.
For days the letters and telegrams of condolence and tributes to
Mr. Grady filled the paper, and to that and the monument movement
all other matter was, for the time, made subordinate. When at last
the burden of the people’s grief had found full expression, the
Constitution turned itself with renewed vigor to its work. Captain
Howell was on deck, the new managing editor plunged into every
detail, and soon a general improvement was the result; the
Constitution took on new life. Then Mr. Howell turned on all his
energies and put the magnificent machinery at his disposal up to its
full speed. The daily issues drew daily commendations of their
excellence from the press, and the first twenty-four-page Sunday’s
edition was pronounced by many the best the Constitution had ever
issued.
The people realized that the Constitution, though it had suffered a
great loss in Mr. Grady’s death, was still in strong hands, and from all
parts of its territory came renewed expressions of confidence and
sympathy. So the Constitution continues its work, enlarging and
improving as it goes, ever looking to the future while it cherishes a
magnificent past which it could not and would not let die.
 Letters and Telegrams
FROM

DISTINGUISHED PERSONS.
 HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW.

New York, Dec. 23.—The New England Society celebrated to-

night its 84th anniversary and the 469th of the landing of the Pilgrim
Fathers with a dinner.
Mr. Depew spoke to the toast of “Unsolved Problems,” and in the
course of his remarks he referred to the death of Henry W. Grady.
He said:
“Thirty years ago, Robert Toombs, of Georgia, one of the ablest
and most brilliant defenders of slavery, said in his place in the United
States Senate that he would yet call the roll of his bondmen at the
foot of Bunker Hill monument. To-day his slaves are citizens and
voters. Within a few days a younger Georgian, possessed of equal
genius, but imbued with sentiments so leavened that the great
Senator would have held him an enemy to the State, was the guest
of Boston. With a power of presentation and a fervor of declaration
worthy of the best days and noblest efforts of eloquence, he stood
beneath the shadow of Bunker Hill and uttered opinions justifying the
suppression of the negro vote, which were hostile to the views of
every man in his audience, and yet they gave to his argument an
eager and candid hearing, and to his oratory unstinted and generous
applause. It was triumphant of Puritan principles and Puritan pluck.
They know we know that no system of suffrage can survive the
intimidation of the voter or the falsification of the courts. Public
conscience, by the approval of fraud upon the ballot and the
intelligence of a community, will soon be indifferent to the extensions
of those methods by the present office-holders to continue in power,
and the arbitrary reversing of the will of the majority will end in
anarchy and despotism.
“This is a burning question, not only in Georgia, but in New York. It
is that the government for the people shall be by the people. No
matter how grave the questions which absorb the people’s attention
or engross their time, the permanence of their solution rests upon a
pure ballot.
“The telegraph brings us this evening the announcement of the
death of Henry W. Grady, and we forget all differences of opinion
and remember only his chivalry, patriotism, and his genius. He was
the leader of the New South, and died in the great work of
impressing its marvelous growth and national inspirations upon the
willing ears of the North. Upon this platform, and before this
audience, two years ago, he commanded the attention of the country
and won universal fame. His death, in the meridian of his powers
and the hopefulness of his mission, at a critical period of the removal
forever of all misunderstanding and differences between all sections
of the Republic, is a national calamity. New York mingles her tears
with those of his kindred, and offers to his memory a tribute of her
profoundest admiration.”
 EX-PRESIDENT CLEVELAND.

New York, December 23, 1889.

Mrs. Henry W. Grady: Accept the heartfelt sympathy of one who
loved your husband for what he was and for all that he had done for
his people and his country. Be assured that everywhere throughout
the land warm hearts mourn with you in your deep affliction and
deplore the loss the nation has sustained.
Grover Cleveland.
 HON. A. S. COLYAR.

Nashville, Tenn., December 26, 1889.

Mr. A. W. Davis, Atlanta, Ga.:
My Dear Sir:—I feel as if, in coming to what I had hoped to be a
joyous occasion, I am coming to the house of mourning—the home
of sorrow. Since the tragic end of the young Irish patriot, death has
not more ruthlessly invaded the land of “shining marks” than when
he the other day came to your beautiful city—a city of happiness and
“high ways”—and, as if looking with remorseless purpose into the
very secrets of domestic felicity and popular affection—took up and
carried away into the land of the unseeable the idol of a happy home
and of a great city. Not only was Henry W. Grady the idol of his own
city and State, but without office and without estate, though young in
years, he had attained a maturity of both pen and heart which
brought renown as an American patriot far beyond what place or
power can give. His death is a national calamity. In times of peace,
when much of the press and many of the public men are inviting
patronage and seeking favors in fanning the passions born of a
sectional issue, to see a truly national and brave man, who, loving
his own native section, can nevertheless glory in a common country
and a common destiny for all the American people—is to the patriot
philosopher, who divines the happiness of a reunited people, the
bright star of hope rising to dissipate the prejudices of the past and
light up the pathway to the coming millions.
Unfortunately, oh, how much to be deplored! the passions of the
sections have been kept alive by the pen and tongue of the politician
seeking patronage and office.
The young man of your city whose death all patriots mourn, put
himself on a higher plane—freed from passion and rising above his
own ambition, he gave tone and temper to a national sentiment,
which might be uttered in Boston or Atlanta with equal propriety and
patriotism and from the emotions of his patriotic heart, he spoke
words which, while they were full of the manhood of his own loved
South, nevertheless warmed into a generous sympathy the North
man as well as the South man, and put American citizenship so high
that the young men of the country may, without the sacrifice of local
pride, ever aspire to reach it.
As an example of Southern manhood, patriotic fervor, and a
statesmanship extending over the entire country and into the coming
generations, all sparkling with the scintillation of an intelligent
courage that defied alike the prejudices of the ignorant and the
appeals of the demagogue, he was the representative and leader of
a sentiment in the South which promised speedily a reforming of
public sentiment north and south, a turning from the shades of the
past into the lighted avenues of the future—these avenues opening
to all alike without the sacrifice of manhood or the domination of
section.
I repeat, his death is a calamity, and oh, how sad and mysterious!
Truly, A. S. Colyar.
 HON. MURAT HALSTEAD.

Cincinnati, December 24, 1889.

Mrs. H. W. Grady:
I desire to inscribe my name among those who feel the public
misfortune of Mr. Grady’s death as a personal loss, and hope you
may know how true it is that there are no boundaries to sincere
regrets and earnest sympathies.
Murat Halstead.
 HON. SAMUEL J. RANDALL.

House of Representatives,
Washington, D. C., December 24, 1889.
Hon. E. P. Howell, Atlanta, Ga.:
My Dear Sir:—I telegraphed briefly yesterday afternoon,
immediately upon hearing of the death of our dear friend. I do not
know when I have been more shocked than I have been at this great
calamity, and I cannot yet bring my mind to realize it. The ways of
Providence are strange indeed, but we should submit with Christian
fortitude.
So young a man, with so bright a future, and capable of so much
benefit to his State and country, it is hard indeed to part with. His
great object in life was to break down sectionalism and bring the
South to her full capabilities of development. But I have not the heart
to write more.
Give Mrs. Randall’s love to Mrs. Grady and my kindest sympathy,
and tell her that as long as life lasts with us Mr. Grady’s hundred and
more kindnesses to both will never fade from our memory.
Samuel J. Randall.
 MR. ANDREW CARNEGIE.

New York, December 24, 1889.

Captain Howell:
Only those who stood at Mr. Grady’s side as we did and heard him
at Boston can estimate the extent of the nation’s loss in his death. It
seemed reserved for him to perform a service to his country which
no other could perform so well. Mrs. Carnegie and I share your grief
and tender to his family profound sympathy. We send a wreath in
your care which please place upon the grave of the eloquent
peacemaker between the North and South.
Andrew Carnegie.
 MANY DISTINGUISHED CITIZENS.

Springfield, Mass., December 24, 1889.

The Honorable, the Mayor:
Springfield shares the sorrow of her sister city. The death of such
a man as Henry Woodfin Grady is a national loss.
Edward S. Bradford, Mayor.

New York, December 24, 1889.

To Mrs. Henry Grady:
The New York Southern Society, profoundly affected by a sense of
the public loss sustained in the death of your distinguished husband,
offer you their heartfelt sympathy in the great affliction you have
suffered.
J. H. Parker, Vice-President.

New York, December 23, 1889.

Governor Rufus B. Bullock:
Your dispatch is received with sincere sorrow. Thousands of our
citizens recognized in Mr. Grady a man worthy of the highest respect
and esteem, and will regard his untimely death a national calamity.
Alonzo B. Cornell.

New York, December 24, 1889.

Evan Howell:
Please give my earnest sympathy to Mrs. Grady. The profession
has lost one of its three or four foremost members, and the country a
true patriot.
Ballard Smith.
Transcriber’s Notes:
Missing or obscured punctuation was silently
corrected.
Typographical errors were silently corrected.
Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were
made consistent only when a predominant form
was found in this book.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK JOEL
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