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fell and prepare timber, it was pretended that it was for pleasure-
boats wherewith to entertain him. Under the able direction of Martin
Lopez aided by Alonso Nuñez, the master carpenters, they were
completed within a few weeks, and provided with four guns and tiers
of oars, affording transport for three hundred men.
A hunting-trip to one of the imperial reserves across the lake was
at once arranged.[553] The largest vessel had been provided with
awnings and other comforts for the reception of Montezuma, his
suite, and a strong guard, while other notables were accommodated
in the other craft. A volley from the guns announced their arrival, and
did more probably to inspire respect than even the presence of
majesty. The vessels were accompanied by a fleet of canoes, some
holding forty or more courtiers, hunters, or attendants. All were
curious to see how the winged water-houses would behave, for their
immense size was supposed to render them slow and clumsy. A fair
breeze was blowing, however, and as the large sails unfurled, the
vessels bounded forward with a speed that in a few moments left the
occupants of the canoes far behind. Montezuma was delighted, and
the trip was repeated. Hunting parties were likewise formed; for the
royal captive enjoyed the chase and used the blow-pipe with great
skill.[554]

FOOTNOTES
[517] ‘Le dió en guarda á un capitan, é de noche é de dia siempre estaban
españoles en su presencia.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 580. This
captain appears to have been Juan Velazquez, whose place was taken by Olid,
when required. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 77, 86.

[518] ‘Se quiso echar de vna açutea de diez estados en alto, para que los suyos le
recibiessen, sino le detuuiera vn Castellano.... Denoche y de dia procurauan de
sacarle, oradando a cada passo las paredes, y echando fuego por las azuteas.’
 The result was an increase of the guard, Álvarez Chico being placed with 60
men to watch the rear of the quarters, and Andrés de Monjarraz the front, with the
same number, each watch consisting of twenty men. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap.
iii. Bernal Diaz intimates that the guarding of Montezuma proved a severe strain
on the soldiers; but, situated as they were, vigilance was ever required, and still
greater must have been the danger had he not been in their power.

[519] Herrera calls him Peña, which may have been one of his names, dec. ii. lib.
viii. cap. v. Bernal Diaz assumes that Montezuma asked Cortés to give him the
page, after the execution of Quauhpopoca. Hist. Verdad., 75.

[520] The bride was named Francisca. Hist. Verdad., 77. As an instance of
Montezuma’s eagerness to gratify the Spaniards, and at the same time to exhibit
his own power, it is related that one day a hawk pursued a pigeon to the very cot
in the palace, amid the plaudits of the soldiers. Among them was Francisco the
dandy, former maestresala to the admiral of Castile, who loudly expressed the
wish to obtain possession of the hawk and to tame him for falconry. Montezuma
heard him, and gave his hunters orders to catch it, which they did. Id.; Gomara,
Hist. Mex., 125.

[521] Duran states that the soldiers discovered a house filled with women,
supposed to be wives of Montezuma, and hidden to be out of the reach of the
white men. He assumes that gratitude would have made the Spaniards respect
them; or, if the women were nuns, that respect for virtue must have obtained.

[522] Cortés’ protégée being named Ana. Quite a number of the general’s
followers declare in their testimony against him, in 1528, that he assumed the
intimate protectorship of two or even three of Montezuma’s daughters, the second
being called Inés, or by others Isabel, the wife of Grado, and afterward of Gallego.
‘Tres fijas de Montezuma e que las dos dellas an parido del e la otra murio
preñada del quando se perdio esta cibdad.’ Tirado, in Cortés, Residencia, ii. 39,
241, 244; i. 63, 99, 221, 263. Intrigues are mentioned with other Indian princesses.
Vetancurt assumes that two noble maidens were given, one of whom Olid
received. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 133; Torquemada, i. 462. Bernal Diaz supposes that
this is the first daughter offered by Montezuma, and he believes evidently that
Cortés accepts her, to judge by a later reference. Hist. Verdad., 85, 102.

[523] Herrera states that Cortés’ order was prompted by a consideration for the
heavy expense to Montezuma. The latter remonstrated at this economical fit, and
commanded that double rations should be provided for the exiled. dec. ii. lib. viii.
cap. iv.

[524] Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 580. ‘Purchè non tocchino disse il
Re, le immagini degli Dei, nè ciò che è destinato al loro culto, prendano quanto
vogliono,’ is Clavigero’s free interpretation of Ojeda’s version. Storia Mess., iii. 97;
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 125.

[525] ‘Lo q̄ vna vez daua no lo auia de tornar a recibir.’ ‘Las caxas donde la ropa
estaua, eran tan grandes que llegauan a las vigas de los aposentos, y tan anchas,
q̄ despues de vacias, se alojauã en cada vna dos Castellanos. Sacaron al patio
mas de mil cargas de ropa.’ Herrera, ii. viii. iv.

[526] ‘Casa de Cacao, de Motecuhçuma, adonde avia mas de quarenta mil

Cargas, que era Gran Riqueça, porque solia valer cada Carga quarenta
Castellanos.’ Alvarado alone emptied six jars of 600 loads. Torquemada, i. 472.

[527] The man had insisted that Montezuma should have a search made for two of
his missing female attendants. The emperor did not wish Spaniards punished for
pilfering, as he told Cortés, only for offering insult and violence. In such cases he
would have his own courtiers lashed. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. v.

[528] ‘Tinie el marques tan recogida su gente, que ninguno salie un tiro de
arcabuz del aposento sin licencia, é asimismo la gente tan en paz, que se
averiguó nunca reñir uno con otro.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 586.

[529] Bernal Diaz, Hist Verdad., 77. ‘Un giuoco, che gli Spagnuoli chiamavano il
bodoque.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 97. Bodoque signifies balls in this
connection. When Alvarado lost, he with great show of liberality paid in
chalchiuites, stones which were highly treasured by the natives, but worth nothing
to the Spaniards. Montezuma paid in quoits, worth at least 50 ducats. One day he
lost 40 or 50 quoits, and with pleasure, since it gave him the opportunity to be
generous. B. V. de Tapia testifies that Alvarado used to cheat in playing cards with
him and others. Cortés, Residencia, i. 51-2. Another way of gratifying this bent
was to accept trifles from the Spaniards and liberally compensate them. Alonso de
Ojeda, for instance, had a silk-embroidered satchel with many pockets, for which
Montezuma gave him two pretty slaves, beside a number of robes and jewels.
Ojeda wrote a memoir on the conquest, of which Herrera makes good use. dec. ii.
lib. viii. cap. v.

[530] ‘Fué muchas veces á holgar con cinco ó seis españoles á una y dos leguas
fuera de la ciudad.’ Cortés, Cartas, 92. Both the times and the number of the
Spaniards are doubtful, however. ‘Quando salia a caçar.... Lleuaua ocho o diez
Españoles en guarda de la persona, y tres mil Mexicanos entre señores,
caualleros, criados, y caçadores.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 124; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist.
Chich., 297.

[531] Bernal Diaz intimates that more sacrifices were made in their presence. ‘Y
no podiamos en aquella sazon hazer otra cosa sino dissimular con èl.’ Hist.
Verdad., 78.

[532] Bernal Diaz admits that he knows not what occurred between governor and
monarch, but Herrera claims to be better informed. Barefooted, and with eyes
upon the floor, Quauhpopoca approached the throne and said: ‘Most great and
most powerful lord, thy slave Quauhpopoca has come at thy bidding, and awaits
thy orders.’ He had done wrong, was the reply, to kill the Spaniards, and then
declare that he had orders so to do. For this he should suffer as a traitor to his
sovereign and to the strangers. He was not allowed to make any explanations,
dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. It is not unlikely that Montezuma commanded him not to
reveal anything that might implicate his master, hoping that Cortés would out of
regard for his generous host inflict a comparatively light punishment.

[533] ‘Examinaron los segunda vez, con mas rigor, y amenazas de tormento, y sin
discrepar todos confessaron,’ says Herrera, loc. cit.

[534] ‘En vna de las casas reales dicha Tlacochalco.’ Herrera, loc. cit. ‘É serien
mas que quinientas carretadas.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 584.

[535] ‘Me has negado no auer mãdado a Couatlpopocà q̄ matasse a mis

compañeros, no lo has hecho como tan gran señor que eres, ... porque no quedes
sin algun castigo, y tu y los tuyos sepays quanto vale el tratar verdad, te mãdare
echar prisiones.’ Herrera implies with this that Cortés laid more weight on the
disregard for truth than on the authorization of the outrage. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix.
‘Que ya que aquella culpa tuuiesse, que antes la pagaria el Cortès por su
persona, que versela passar al Monteçuma.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 75.

[536] ‘Esto hizo por ocuparle el pensamiento en sus duelos, y dexasse los ajenos.’
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 129. ‘Todo à fin de espantarle mas.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich.,
298.

[537] Solis seems to say that the bodies were burned after execution, Hist. Mex., i.
461-2, but Cortés and others are frank enough about the actual burning, which
was not regarded in that cruel age with the same aversion as by us. Instances are
to be found in the Native Races, ii.-iii., where this ordeal was undergone by
criminals as well as temple victims among the Aztecs. Bernal Diaz gives the
names of two of Quauhpopoca’s companions in misfortune, Quiabuitle and Coatl.
Hist. Verdad., 75. Prescott, Mex., ii. 173, states that the execution took place in
the court-yard; but this is probably a misprint, to judge by his own text.

[538] ‘Á lo que entendimos, ê lo mas cierto, Cortés auia dicho á Aguilar la lengua,
que le dixesse de secreto, que aunque Malinche le mandasse salir de la prision,
que los Capitanes nuestros, è soldados no querriamos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 75.
[539] ‘Fué tanto el buen tratamiento que yo le hice, y el contentamiento que de mí
tenia, que algunas veces y muchas le acometi con su libertad, rogándole que
fuese á su casa, y me dijo todas las veces que se lo decia, que él estaba bien allí,’
etc. Cortés, Cartas, 91. ‘No osaua, de miedo que los suyos no le matassen ... por
auerse dexado prender,’ is one of the suppositions of Gomara, who calls him a
man of little heart. Hist. Mex., 129-30. Peter Martyr appears to be moved rather by
pity for him. dec. v. cap. iii. ‘Non gli conveniva ritornare al suo palagio, mentre
fossero nella Corte gli Spagnuoli.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 102.

[540] ‘Como este castigo se supo en todas las Prouincias de la Nueua-España,

temieron, y los pueblos de la costa, adonde mataron nuestros soldados, bolvieron
á servir.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 75-6, comments upon the daring of the
Spaniards in carrying out these and similar high-handed acts. For a short time
after this, says Herrera, the soldiers were ordered to sleep on their arms, in case
of any demonstration. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. Clavigero regards the burning as
unjustifiable, since the emperor was regarded as having authorized it. If he was
not guilty, the Spaniards were ungrateful to treat him as they did. Storia Mess., iii.
101. Robertson finds some excuse for Quauhpopoca’s punishment, but calls the
humiliation of Montezuma a wanton display of power. Hist. Am., ii. 63, 453-4.
Prescott, on the other hand, regards the humiliation as politic, on the ground that
by rendering the monarch contemptible in the eyes of his subjects, he was obliged
to rely more on the Spaniards. Mex., ii. 177. But this would hardly have been
necessary since he was in their power, and considering that the object of keeping
him so was to control the country, it would have been better not to degrade him.

[541] ‘Donde mas oro se solia traer, que era de vna Provincia que se dize,
Zacatula ... de otra Provincia, que se dize Gustepeque, cerca de donde
desembarcamos ... é que cerca de aquella Provincia ay otras buenas minas, en
parte que no son sujetos, que se dizen, los Chinatecas, y Capotecas.’ Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 81. Montezuma detailed two persons for each of four
provinces where gold was to be had, and Cortés gave two Spaniards for each
couple. The provinces named were Cuzula, Tamazulapa, Malinaltepeque, Tenis.
Cortés, Cartas, 92-3. Of the eight Indians, four were miners or goldsmiths, and the
others guides. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 130. Chimalpain names the provinces:
Tamazólan, in upper Miztecapan, Malinaltepec and Tenich, both on the same river,
and Tututepec, twelve leagues farther, in the Xicayan country. Hist. Conq., i. 254-
5.

[542] ‘Con tal, que los de Culùa no entrassen en su tierra.’ They were reassured
and dismissed with presents. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i.

[543] ‘Cortés se holgô tanto con el oro como si fueran treinta mil pesos, en saber
cierto que avia buenas minas.’ Bernal Diaz intimates beside that Umbría and his
two companions had provided themselves with plenty of gold. Hist. Verdad., 81-2.

[544] A young man of 25 years, whom Cortés treated as a relative. With him went
four Spaniards who understood mining, and four chiefs. Id.

[545] ‘En granos crespillos, porque dixeron los mineros, que aquello era de mas
duraderas minas como de nacimiento.’ Id., 82.

[546] Bernal Diaz names them, ‘Barriẽtos, y Heredia el viejo, y Escalona el moço,
y Cervantes el chocarrero,’ and says that Cortés, displeased at soldiers being left
to raise fowl and cacao, sent Alonso Luis to recall them. Hist. Verdad., 82;
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i. He is evidently mistaken, as shown by his own later
text, for Cortés himself states that he sought to form plantations in that direction.
The recall was made later and for a different reason.

[547] ‘Estaban sembradas sesenta hanegas de maíz y diez de frijoles, y dos mil
piés de cacap [cacao] ... hicieron un estanque de agua, y en él pusieron
quinientos patos ... y pusieron hasta mil y quinientas gallinas.’ Cortés, Cartas, 94;
Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii. Oviedo writes that farms were established for the king
in two or three provinces, one in Chimanta [Chimantla]. The two Spaniards left in
the latter were saved, but elsewhere, subject to the Aztecs, they were killed during
the uprising originated by Alvarado. iii. 376. Tapia refers to an expedition at this
time against a revolted province, 80 leagues off. Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii.
584.

[548] ‘Por aquella causa llaman oy en dia, donde aquella guerra passò,
Cuilonemiqui.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 82.

[549] Herrera, loc. cit. ‘Creyan lo que desseauan,’ remarks Gomara, Hist. Mex.,
131.

[550] Cortés, Cartas, 95, 116; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 131-2. Bernal Diaz throws
doubt on the expedition of Velazquez, but is evidently forgetful. Hist. Verdad., 81-
2. ‘El señor de la provinçia ... luego hiço seys [casas] en el assiento é parte que
para el pueblo se señaló.’ Oviedo, iii. 293. Peter Martyr calls these buildings
‘Tributaries’ houses.’ dec. v. cap. iii.; Cortés, Residencia, ii. 6, 49.

[551] He had served as equerry in the noble houses of the Conde de Ureña and
Pedro Giron, of whose affairs he was always prating. His propensity for tale-telling
lost him many friends, but he managed to keep intimate with Sandoval, whose
favors he afterward repaid with ingratitude. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 76, 246.
Gomara insists on naming him as the comandante, but this dignity he attained
only after Sandoval and Rangel had held it. Cortés, Residencia, i. 256;
Torquemada, i. 456.
[552] ‘Luego que entré en la dicha ciudad di mucha priesa á facer cuatro
bergantines ... tales que podian echar trecientos hombres en la tierra y llevar los
caballos.’ Cortés, Cartas, 103; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iv. ‘Quatro fustas.’
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 146. ‘Dos vergantines.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 76. The
cedars of Tacuba, numerous enough at this period, yielded much of the timber,
and the slopes of Iztaccihuatl and Telapon the harder portion for masts, keels, etc.
Mora, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ix. 301.

[553] ‘En la laguna á vn peñol, que estaua acotado, q̄ no ossauan entrar en èl á

montear, por muy principales que fuessen, so pena de muerte.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 78.

[554] Native Races, ii. 411. ‘Qãdo yua a caça de monteria, le lleuauan en ombros,
con las guardas de Castellanos, y tres mil Indios Tlascaltecas.... Acompañauanle
los señores sus vassallos.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. iv.
 CHAPTER XIX.
POLITICS AND RELIGION.

1520.

Growing Discontent among the Mexicans—Cacama’s Conspiracy—He

openly Defies both Montezuma and Cortés—The Council of Tepetzinco
—Seizure of Cacama—The Tezcucan Ruler Deposed—Cuicuitzcatl
Elevated—Montezuma and his People Swear Fealty to the Spanish King
—Gathering in the Tribute—Division of Spoils—The Spaniards Quarrel
over their Gold—Uncontrollable Religious Zeal—Taking of the
Temple—Wrath of the Mexicans.

With their hand so securely on the spring that moved a mighty

empire, there is little wonder that these Spanish adventurers became
somewhat insolent toward the people they so injured. The Mexicans
were not slow to mark this, and there were those among them, and
others beside them, who began to think of taking matters into their
own hands, of destroying the invaders and releasing the emperor.
Montezuma’s occasional appearance in public, and the assertion
that he remained with the Spaniards of his free-will, and because the
gods desired it, had for a time satisfied the nobles; but the hard irons
on his limbs and the cruel burning of patriotic men had opened their
eyes somewhat to the true state of affairs. No one knew when his
turn might come. Life was insecure enough subject to the caprice of
their own sovereign, but the dark uncertain ways of these emissaries
of evil were past finding out. These things were thought of and talked
of in high places. Race aversions and the political systems of the
tripartite alliance caused more than one party to be formed, each
with aspirations that could not be entertained by the others. The
most prominent leader at this time was Cacama, who had at first
favored the strangers in their character as envoys. And now he
began the endeavor to direct the movement of the Aztec nobility, but
jealousy of Acolhua influence rose uppermost, and his efforts tended
only to create a reaction in favor of abiding by the will of the emperor.
[555]

Although there were enough of sympathizers in Mexico for his

purpose, Cacama found that he must rely almost wholly on the
northern provinces, and in connection with Cuitlahuatzin,
Totoquihuatzin II. of Tlacopan, his own brothers, and others, he
organized a conspiracy which had for its aim the expulsion of the
Spaniards and the release of his uncle. Beneath this was harbored a
design upon the Aztec throne, which would probably become vacant;
and even if Cacama was not sure of gaining this for himself, he had
at least the expectation of assuming the leadership of the Anáhuac
confederacy.[556] He presented to the council in the most dismal
aspect the purposes of the Spaniards, who evidently sought to
become absolute masters and reduce them all to slavery. It was time
to rise for religion and liberty. Their honor and welfare demanded it,
and this before the Spaniards rendered themselves too powerful by
reinforcements and alliances. With heedless confidence he vaunted
that Mexico should be his within a few hours after setting out against
her, for there were many of her citizens ready to aid in such a work.
The Spaniards were overrated, and could effect little, surrounded as
they were on all sides, and without other supplies than those
provided by the Mexicans.
The motives and the necessity were recognized, though the
means proposed met with some objections; but when the question of
spoils and rewards came forward there were still greater differences.
Among others, the brave and powerful lord of Matlaltzinco advanced
pretensions, founded in part on his close relationship to Montezuma,
which Cacama above all could not admit. The result was
disagreement, followed by the withdrawal of several members.[557]
No attempt had been made to keep the movement, or its
ostensible motive, a secret from Montezuma, nor could it have been
kept from him who was the still powerful ruler of a servile race; but,
even if the deeper lying aim was not revealed him, he could not fail
to foresee the troubles that might arise, particularly under such a
leader. He still hoped the Spaniards would soon leave, or that his
release might be effected by other means, for he dreaded a conflict
with the powerful invaders, involving perhaps the destruction of the
city and his own death. He sent to tell the conspirators that they
need not concern themselves about his imprisonment. The
Spaniards had more than once proposed that he should return to his
own palace, but the gods had decreed it otherwise. He could not
allow his people to be needlessly exposed to war, or his capital to
destruction. Remember Cholula. Their stay would not be long.
This message was not without its effect even among the
Tezcucans, for, although the fate of the Aztec capital and king may
have concerned them but little, there were many who could not
forget that the impetuous and proud Cacama had obtained the
throne by favor of Montezuma, to the prejudice of an elder brother,
Tetlahuehuetquizitzin.Their father, Nezahualpilli, had died in 1515,
without naming a successor, and the choice devolving on the royal
council, in conjunction with the rulers of Mexico and Tlacopan,
Cacama was elected. Cohuanacoch, the third brother, acquiesced,
but the youngest, the fiery Ixtlilxochitl, protested in favor of the eldest
heir, and denounced the selection as due to Montezuma, who hoped
to mould the new king to his own will and so again to control. He
even resorted to arms in support of his views, and enlisting the
northern provinces in his favor, after a short campaign he obliged
Cacama to consent to a division of the kingdom with himself.[558]
His ready success proved that Cacama had no very great hold
on the people, and now, when came the warning of Montezuma,
more than one chief counselled prudence from other motives than
fear. But the king stamped all these objections as cowardly, and
appears even to have placed under restraint several of those whose
want of sympathy he had reason to suspect.[559] His blood was hot,
and relying on the promises of his supporters, he considered himself
strong enough to bid defiance to his opponents. He sent word to his
uncle that if he had any regard for the dignity of his station and the
honor of his person and ancestry, he would not quietly submit to the
bondage imposed by a handful of robbers, who with smooth tongue
sought to cover their outrages against him and the gods. If he
refused to rise in defence of his religion, throne, and liberty, Cacama
would not.[560]
This outspoken utterance of the nephew whom he had assisted
to rulership amazed Montezuma as much as it wounded his pride,
and he no longer hesitated to take counsel with Cortés, who had
already obtained an inkling that something was stirring.[561] With
characteristic promptness the latter suggested that, since Cacama’s
real object was evidently to usurp the throne, a Mexican army should
be given to aid the Spaniards in laying waste the territory of the
conspirators and in capturing them. The emperor had probably
entertained a hope that the news would frighten his guest and make
it safe to urge a retreat from Mexico, thus ending the whole trouble.
He was therefore somewhat startled by this proposal, the true tenor
of which he well understood. He feared a fratricidal war of doubtful
result, wherein he would appear as arrayed against the defenders of
national religion and liberty; and being now weak and cowed he
hesitated to arm at all, preferring peaceful measures. To this Cortés
was not averse, for he recognized on second thought that
aggressive steps might become the signal for a general uprising
which would overwhelm him, since Aztec troops could never be
relied on.
He accordingly sent messages to Cacama, reminding him of
their friendly intercourse, and representing the danger of offending
the Spanish king by proceedings which could only react on himself
and lead to the destruction of his kingdom. Montezuma supported
this by asking the king to come to Mexico and arrange the difficulty.
Cacama had not gone so far to be restrained by what he termed an
empty threat, and regardless of the warnings from a timid minority he
replied that he knew not the king of the Spaniards, and would never
accept the friendship of men who had oppressed his country and
outraged his blood and religion. He had had enough of their
promises, but would declare his determination when he saw them.
[562] To Montezuma he sent word that he would come, “not with the
hand on the heart, however, but on the sword.”[563]
There was considerable meaning in this threat, for Cacama had
with great energy set about to mass his forces at Oztoticpac, and
they in conjunction with those of his allies would make a formidable
host.[564] Cortés was aware of this, and seeing that no time was to
be lost he firmly represented to Montezuma the necessity of securing
the person of the king, openly or by stealth; and when he still
hesitated, the significant hint was given that the Spaniards would
regard a refusal with suspicion. This decided him, and he promised
that it should be done, if possible. Cortés broke forth in expressions
of good-will, and again offered him that freedom which Montezuma
well knew he would never grant.
In placing Cacama on the throne, the emperor had seized the
opportunity to introduce into the Acolhua government offices several
creatures of his own, who were paid to maintain Aztec influence in
the council[565] and to watch operations. To these men he sent an
order, weighted with presents, to seize the king and bring him to
Mexico.[566] They accordingly prevailed on their victim to hold a
council at Tepetzinco for finally arranging the campaign. This palace
was situated on the lake, near Tezcuco, and approached by canals.
Here Cacama was seized and thrown into a boat prepared for the
occasion, and carried to the Aztec capital.[567]
Ashamed, perhaps, of his share in the transaction, and unwilling
to face the taunts of the captive, Montezuma refused to see him, and
he was surrendered to Cortés, who, regardless of royalty, applied the
fetters as the surest means against escape.[568] This seizure
scattered the conspirators and their schemes to the winds, and the
demoralization was completed by the arrest of several of the more
important personages, such as the king of Tlacopan and the lords of
Iztapalapan and Coyuhuacan, who were also shackled.[569] Thus we
see that Montezuma’s captivity did not greatly affect his power, since
he could so readily place under restraint the confederate kings, in
their own provinces; and it was not wholly unwelcome to him to find
his misfortune shared by other prominent men, since this made his
disgrace less conspicuous.
He now resolved, with the approval of Cortés, to depose the
Tezcucan ruler, as a rebel against his authority, and to place on the
throne a more dutiful subject, a younger natural brother of Cacama,
named Cuicuetzcatl,[570] whom his ill-treatment had driven to Mexico
for protection. The nomination was for the sake of appearance
submitted for ratification to a convention of loyal Tezcucan chiefs,
many of whom hoped no doubt to obtain greater influence under this
youth. The new king was escorted to the gates of Mexico by Cortés
and Montezuma, and received at Tezcuco with triumphal arches and
processions.[571]
 And now, with the three confederate rulers and a number of
leading caciques in his power, the great king-maker thought the time
had come to exact a formal acknowledgment of Spanish sovereignty.
He reminded Montezuma of his promises to pay tribute, and
demanded that he and his vassals should tender allegiance. Instead
of the objections expected, Cortés was surprised to hear a prompt
acquiescence. Montezuma had evidently been long prepared for the
demand, and said that he would at once convene his chiefs for
consultation. Within little more than a week the summoned
dignitaries had arrived, and at a meeting, attended by no Spaniards
save the page, he intimated to the leading personages, so far as he
dared before this witness, that the concession demanded of them
was to satisfy the importunate jailers. “The gods, alas! are mute,”
concluded Montezuma; “but by and by they may signify their will
more clearly, and I will then say what further is to be done.”[572] All
declared sorrowfully that they would do as he bade, and Cortés was
informed that on the following day the required ceremony would take
place.
On this occasion the chiefs mustered in force before
Montezuma, who was seated on a throne having on either side the
new king of Tezcuco and he of Tlacopan.[573] All being prepared, the
Spanish general entered with his captains and a number of soldiers.
The emperor now addressed his vassals, reminding them of the
relation so long and happily maintained between them—as dutiful
subjects on the one side, and a line of loving monarchs on the other.
Comparing the Quetzalcoatl myth and other indications with the
advent of white men from the region of the rising sun, he showed
that they must be the long expected race, sent to claim allegiance for
their king, to whom the sovereignty evidently belonged. The gods
had willed it that their generation should repair the omission of their
ancestors. “Hence I pray that as you have hitherto held and obeyed
me as your lord, so you will henceforth hold and obey this great king,
for he is your legitimate ruler, and in his place accept this captain of
his. All the tribute and service hitherto tendered me give to him, for I
also have to contribute and serve with all that he may require. In
doing this you will fulfil not only your duty, but give me great
pleasure.”[574]
His concluding words were almost lost in the sobs which his
humiliated soul could no longer stifle. The chiefs were equally
affected, and the sympathies even of the flint-hearted Spaniards
were aroused to a degree which moistened many an eye. With some
of the lately arrived dignitaries, who had not had time to fully grasp
the situation at the capital, indignation struggled with grief at the
dismal prospect. Others recalled the prophecy that the empire would
terminate with Montezuma, whose very name appeared fraught with
evil omen,[575] and were quite reconciled to the inevitable. So were
most of them, for that matter, either through belief in the myth or from
a sense of duty to their master. One of the eldest nobles broke the
oppressive silence by declaring his sorrow at witnessing the grief of
their beloved sovereign and hearing the announcement of coming
changes. But since the time had come for the fulfilment of divine
decrees, they, as devout and dutiful subjects, could only submit.
Again their grief broke forth, though many a bitter glance was called
up by the allusion to changes in store for them. Observing the bad
impression, Cortés hastened to assure them that Montezuma would
not only remain the great emperor he had always been, and his
vassals be confirmed in their dignities and possessions, but that their
domain and power would be increased. The changes proposed were
merely intended to stop wars, to enlighten them on matters with
which they were as yet unacquainted, and to promote general
welfare. One after another, beginning with Montezuma, they now
swore allegiance, and gave promise of service and tribute, after
which they were dismissed with thanks for their compliance.[576]
 The submission of the sovereigns appears to have been quietly
accepted throughout the country, and the impunity with which even
single Spaniards moved about shows that no hostility had been
aroused by the act, in the provinces at least. Evidently the people
hovered between fear of men who so few in number could yet
perform so great achievements, and awe of divine will as indicated
by the prophecies and traditions. Cortés was not slow in making use
of his new power by representing to the emperor that, his king being
in need of gold for certain projects, it would be well for the new
vassals to begin tribute payments as an earnest of their loyalty.
Montezuma had expected this, and it was readily agreed that he
should send officers, accompanied by Spaniards, to the different
provinces and towns of the empire for contributions.[577] These
demands were met with more or less alacrity, and in poured gold and
silver, in dust, and quoits, and leaves, and trinkets, which formed to a
certain extent a medium for trade. Many towns remote from the
mines had nothing to offer save a few jewels, which were perhaps
heirlooms among the chiefs.[578]
When the collectors returned, Montezuma summoned the
Spanish leaders, and surrendered what they had brought. In addition
to this, he offered them the treasures kept in his own palace,
regretting that he had not more to give; but previous offerings had
diminished what he possessed. “When you transmit it to your king,”
he said, “tell him that it comes from his good vassal, Montezuma.”
He requested that certain fine chalchiuite stones, each valued at two
loads of gold, and some finely chased and inlaid blow-pipes, should
be given to the king alone.[579] This liberality evoked the most
profound protestations of gratitude, as may be supposed, for they
had not expected so great an addition to the glittering heaps already
in their possession. Tapia and another officer were despatched in all
haste with the imperial mayordomo to receive the treasure. It was
stored in a hall and two smaller chambers of the aviary building,[580]
and consisted of gold, silver, and precious stones, in setting and in
separate form, with feathers, robes, and other articles, all of which
were transferred to the Spanish quarters.[581]
These valuables, together with the collections from the provinces
and the previously surrendered treasures of Axayacatl, were given to
Cortés, who placed them in charge of the treasurer, Gonzalo Mejía,
and the contador, Alonso de Ávila. The famed smiths of Azcapuzalco
were called in to separate the gold and silver settings from the jewels
of less delicacy and beauty, which it had been determined to melt.
This took about three days. They were then melted into bars, three
fingers in breadth, and stamped with the royal arms.[582] Iron weights
were made of one arroba and downward, not very exact, it seems,
yet suitable for the purpose, and with these the value of the melted
gold was found to be somewhat over 162,000 pesos de oro,
according to Cortés’ statement; the silver weighed over 500 marcos,
and the unbroken jewels and other effects were estimated at over
500,000 ducats, not counting the workmanship.[583] The jewels were
set with feathers, pearls, and precious stones, fashioned chiefly in
animal forms, “so perfect as to appear natural.” A number of trinkets
for the royal share had also been fashioned by the goldsmiths after
designs by the Spaniards, such as saintly images, crucifixes,
bracelets, and chains, all made with wonderful fidelity to originals.
The silver for the same share was made into plates, spoons, and
similar articles. The feathers presented a brilliant variety of colors
and forms, and the cotton, some of the most delicate texture and
color, was both plain and embroidered, and made into robes,
tapestry, covers, and other articles. Turquoises, pearls, toys, and
trinkets were also among the treasures.[584]
Cortés proposed to defer the distribution till more gold and better
weights were obtained; but the men, who with good reason, perhaps,
suspected that a delay might diminish rather than increase the
treasures, clamored for an immediate division. The troops were
accordingly called, and in their presence the partition was made: first
of the royal fifth;[585] then of the fifth promised to Cortés when
appointed captain-general; after this a large sum was set apart to
cover expenditures by Cortés and Velazquez on the fleet and its
outfit, and the value of the horses killed during the campaign,[586]
and another sum for the expenses and shares of the procuradores in
Spain, while double or special shares were assigned to the priests,
the captains, those owning horses, and the men with fire-arms and
cross-bows.[587] After all these deductions but little remained for the
rank and file—a hundred pesos, if we may credit Bernal Diaz.[588]
This, many indignantly refused to accept; others took it, but joined in
the clamors of the discontented.
It is almost too much to ask of vultures not to quarrel over their
prey. The murmur against the royal fifth was loud enough, but the
second fifth for Cortés raised quite an outcry. “Are we to have a
second king?” they asked. Others inquired, “For whose fleet are we
paying?” They further wished to know whether the fame and
promotion acquired for the general by his men could not satisfy
some of his claims, for the present, at least. They had once before
surrendered hard-earned money to please him and to promote his
credit with the king, and now, when they had been led to expect
reward, it was again snatched from them. Some said that a large
proportion of the treasures had been secured by Cortés and his
favorites before the distribution began; and the value of the heavy
gold chains and other ornaments displayed by them was significantly
pointed at as out of proportion to their share.
The suspicion was confirmed by a quarrel which occurred shortly
after between Velazquez de Leon and Treasurer Mejía respecting
the payment of the royal fifth on certain unbroken jewels found in
Velazquez’ possession, and received by him before the
apportionment. It was enough, said Mejía, for Cortés to appropriate
unassessed treasures. Velazquez refusing to comply, they came to
blows, and if friends had not interfered there might have been an
officer or two less in the camp. As it was, both received slight
wounds, and subsequently shackles. Mejía was released within a
few hours; but his antagonist retained the fetters for two days,
persuaded to submit with grace thereto by Cortés, it was said, in
order to allay suspicions and to show that the general could be just,
even when it affected a friend.[589]
Finding that the murmurs were becoming serious, Cortés
brought his soothing eloquence to bear upon the troubled spirits. He
represented that all his thoughts, efforts, and possessions were for
the honor of his God, his king, and his companions. With them he
had shared every danger and hardship, and for their welfare he had
watched, rendering justice to all. The division had been fairly made
in accordance with previous arrangement. But he was not avaricious;
all he had was theirs, and he would employ it for them as might a
father. He would surrender the fifth which had been assigned him, if
they wished it, retaining only his share as captain-general; and he
would also help any one in need. The treasure thus far secured was
insignificant compared to what lay before them. What mattered a few
hundred pesos more or less in view of the rich mines, the large
tracts, and the immense number of towns, which were all theirs, so
long as they held loyally together? “I will make a lord of every one of
you,” he concluded, “if you will but have peace and patience.”[590]
And to give greater effect to this harangue he bribed with gifts and
promises the more influential to sound his praises; whereupon the
murmurs died away, though rancor still remained with many, awaiting
opportunity.[591]
A large proportion of the soldiers imitated the example of the
heavy sharers in the spoils by converting their allotment, with the aid
of Azcapuzalcan goldsmiths, into chains, crosses, and other
adornments for their persons, so that the display of wealth became
quite dazzling. Others yielded to the infatuation for gambling, then so
prevalent, and lost without a murmur the hard-earned share.[592]
But one thing now remained to complete the triumph of the
conqueror. The manacled kings were subservient, and the people
displayed their loyalty by pouring tribute into his coffers. But his god
was not theirs, and this the pious pilferer could not endure. He and
his priests had lost no opportunity to preach the faith to emperor and
subjects;[593] but the hearts of the natives were obdurately fixed on
the idols of the pyramid. He never beheld the temple without being
tempted to lay low the effigies of Satan, and it was owing only to
Father Olmedo’s prudent counsel that the temptation was resisted.
Repeatedly had he urged on the weak emperor to begin the great
work by some radical reform, but could obtain only the promise that
human sacrifices would be stopped. Finding that even this was not
observed, he consulted with his captains, and it was agreed to
demand the surrender of the great temple for Christian worship, so
that the natives might be made to feel the holy influence of its
symbols and rites. Montezuma was prepared with excuses, but the
deputation declared with fierce vehemence that if this were refused
they would forcibly remove the idols and kill the priests who resisted.
“Malinche,” exclaimed the monarch in alarm, “do you then seek the
destruction of the city? Our gods are incensed against us, and the
people imbittered. Even your lives will not be safe. Wait, I entreat
you, till I call the priests for consultation.”[594]
Cortés saw that nothing more could then be attained, but with
the indiscreet zeal for religion which often blinded him he determined
that there should be no further delay. He apprehended no uprising
among a people which had so patiently submitted to all exactions,
yet he feared that the priests, if warned, might prevent an entry into