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The decisive courier has returned; by the morning of the day after to-morrow I
shall be emperor or else dead. I sacrifice myself for my brother; happy if as a
subject I fulfil his will. But how will it be with Russia? What about the army?
General Tolle is here and I shall send him to Mohilev to bear the news to Count
Saken. I am looking out for a trustworthy person for the same commission to
Tultchin and to Ermolov. In a word, I hope to be worthy of my calling, not in fear
and mistrustfulness, but in the hope that even as I fulfil my duty so will others fulfil
their duty to me. But if anywhere anything is brewing and you hear of it, I authorise
you to go at once where your presence is necessary. I rely entirely upon you and
give you leave beforehand to take all the measures you deem necessary. The day
after to-morrow if I am alive I will send you, I do not know by whom, information as
to how matters have passed off; on your part do not leave me without news of how
everything is going on around you, especially with Ermolov. I again repeat that
here until now everything is incomprehensibly quiet, but calm often precedes a
storm. Enough of this, God’s will be done! In me there must only be seen the vicar
and executor of the late emperor’s will and therefore I am ready for everything. I
shall ever be your sincere well wisher,
Nicholas.
This treaty was concluded, to the great regret of Persia, when the
war with Turkey broke out. This war had been threatening for years;
for, deeply affected by the violences to which the Greeks in the
Ottoman Empire had been exposed ever since the hetaerist
insurrection of 1821, and by the martyrdom which the Greek
patriarch had been made to suffer, Alexander left the sword in its
sheath only out of deference to the members of the Holy Alliance.
His successor was thoroughly determined no longer to subordinate
the direction of his cabinet’s policy to the interested views of these
princes and to their fears, though it is true that the latter were well
founded. The Divan, by signing the Treaty of Akerman (October 6th,
1826), had momentarily averted the storm which was ready to burst;
but still more irritating disputes had afterwards arisen. The
conclusion of the Treaty of London of the 6th of July, 1827, in virtue
of which France, England, and Russia gave existence to a Christian
kingdom of Greece placed under their common protection, was
shortly followed by the naval battle of Navarino, fought on the 20th of
October of the same year by the combined fleets of the three
powers, against Ibrahim Pasha, commander-in-chief of the Egyptian
forces in the Morea; and in this memorable conflict, expected by no
one, but a subject of joy to some whilst judged untoward by others,
the whole of the navy which the Porte still had at its disposal was
destroyed. Very soon Mahmud II, yielding to the national desire, let it
be understood that he had never had any intention of lending himself
to the execution of a treaty in virtue of which Moldavia, Wallachia,
and Servia were almost as much the czar’s vassals as his own. This
was the beginning of a rupture, and Nicholas answered it by a
declaration of war, which appeared June 4th, 1828, when his army
had already crossed the Pruth.
The campaign of 1828, which accomplished nothing more than the
taking of Braila and Varna, did not give a high idea of the strength of
Russia; and when the emperor made up his mind to take part in it in
person, his presence wrought no change in the feebleness of the
results. But it was not the same with the campaign which followed.
Not only did the Russians again pass the Danube, but after having
beaten the grand vizir, Reschid Pasha, at Koulevtcha, on the 11th of
June, Diebitsch marched them across the Balkans for the first time, a
feat which won him the name of Sabalkanski, and proceeded straight
to Adrianople, where he was scarcely more than two hundred
kilometres (about 125 miles) from the Ottoman capital. At the same
time Paskevitch took Erzerum in Asia, and the two generals would
doubtless have joined hands in Constantinople but for the efforts of
diplomacy and the fear of a general conflagration. For Russia was
already too powerful; she had been allowed more than was
compatible with the policy of the system of balance, no doubt from
the fear of incurring a grave responsibility by troubling the peace of
Europe. But a prospect like that of the occupation by Russia of
Constantinople and the Straits silenced this fear.
Austria was ready to send her troops to the
[1829 a.d.] help of the Turks, and the English also seemed
likely to declare for the vanquished. It was
therefore necessary to come to a halt. Russia reflected that, after all,
“the sultan was the least costly governor-general she could have at
Constantinople,” and lent an ear to moderate conditions of peace.
Nevertheless, if the Treaty of Adrianople, signed September 14th,
1829, delivered nothing to her in Europe save the mouths of the
Danube, in itself a very important point, it enlarged her territories in
Asia by a part of the pashalik of Akhalzikh, with the fortress of that
name, besides abandoning to her those of Anapa and Pothi on the
Black Sea; it considerably strengthened Muscovite influence in the
principalities, and still further weakened Turkey, not only morally but
also materially by the great pecuniary sacrifices to which she had to
subscribe. That power, once so formidable, was henceforth at the
mercy of her northern neighbour, the principal instrument of her
decay.