CHAPTER THREE

OVERVIEW OF INDIGENOUS INDUSTRIES IN EKITILAND

Ekiti people regardless of their present location in Yorubaland have a longstanding tradition of

indigenous industries. These industries have been the backbone of their local economy, shaping

the socio-economic fabric of the community it people. This chapter intends to throw more light

on the various indigenous industries prevalent in Ekitiland. Although, our case studies might be

selected to the ones more thriving up to the time of the research, this would however enable us to

fully grasp the extent in which modern technology has impacted on these Indegenous Industries.

Hence, this chapter would focus on giving an overview of agro-processing and traditional

craftsmanship Industries. The agro-processing Industries to be discussed includes cassava

processing (Ege), palm oil making industry (Epo Pupa) , palm karnel making industry (Adin).

Meanwhile the traditional craftmanship Includes Weaving Industry (Aso-Ofi or Aso Oke), Drum

Making Industry ( Ilu), Blacksmithing Industry (Agbede)

3.1 Agro-processing

Just as in almost every society in Nigeria today, one has the tendency of seeing one or two Agro

processing Industry, the same applies to Ekitiland. Agro-processing in Ekitiland has deep

historical roots, stemming from the agricultural practices of the early settlers. The fertile lands

and favourable climate facilitated the cultivation of various crops, which in turn led to the

establishment of processing industries.

3.1.1 Cassava Processing

According to the food and Agriculture Organization, Nigeria is the world largest producer of

cassava crop.1 There is also a high utilization of cassava roots in the region – the reason for the

vast production. Significantly, this explains the tradition of cassava processing among the Ekiti

people. In Ekitiland, the preponderance of cassava roots produced are used for human

consumption. This is processed into products such as fufu, gari, flour, lafun, and other

confectioneries, while animal feed, are the minor use of the crop. All these have been greatly

impacted with the development of technologies in agro-sector of the economy both in pre- and

postharvest units. According to Sanchez et al, the machines will reduce postharvest by 50% and

labour by 75%.2

Traditionally, in Ekiti and almost in every Nigeria society were garri production is imminent,

women are largely involved in all cassava processing3 and shallow earthenware of cast-iron pans

(agbada) are usually used to fry gari over a wood fire and the smoke which discomforts and

levies health disorders to the operator.4 Consequently, it was this that brought about the need for

innovations and improvements to alleviate the problems encountered by these women.

Subsequently, modern technology took it place with the emergence of different machines which

were staunchly designed to stimulate the village manual mode of processing.

3.1.2 Palm Oil Making Industry and Palm Karnel Oil Making Industry

In the pre-industrial era, the Ekiti people of Eastern Yorubaland relied heavily on localized

farming for their economic survival. The availability of rainfall and fertile land were critical

factors in selecting a settlement, as these natural resources were essential for cultivation and

grazing. The risk of famine, driven by insufficient food production, could lead to migrations and
even death. The Ekiti community harnessed both natural and human resources for production and

distribution, contributing to the region's traditional trade system and agricultural abundance.

Notably, certain fruit trees played a significant role in the Ekiti's economic and social life during

the pre-colonial period. These trees, classified into domesticated and wild varieties, included the

domesticated kolanut tree and the wild palm tree. Wild fruit trees were considered communal

property and could be harvested by anyone who encountered them when ripe, except for those

within a farm's boundaries, which were reserved for the farm owner. Domesticated fruit trees, on

the other hand, were individually owned, and their harvest was restricted to the owner or

someone with explicit permission.

Seth La-Anyane notes that the processing of oil palm fruits for edible oil has been a long-

standing practice in Africa, integral to traditional West African cuisine.5 Historical records

indicate that palm oil was a major trade commodity, alongside slaves, in transactions between the

Benin people and the Portuguese as early as 1645, during the reign of Ewuare the Great.6 The

pre-colonial process of palm oil production was labor-intensive and manual. Harvesting involved

climbing the tall, spiky palm trees with a local belt (ἲgbȁ), cutting down the fruit bunches, and

painstakingly removing each fruit. The palm fruit's flesh was used to produce various products,

including palm soup, palm oil, and palm kernel oil. Beyond culinary uses, palm oil and palm

kernel oil were also employed in soap-making and medicinal applications. The byproducts, such

as husks and shells, served as fuel for lighting fires.

Palm trees provided more than just oil; their branches were used to weave baskets for

transporting agricultural goods, and their leaves were crafted into brooms and mats. In some
instances, palm branches were used to roof mud houses. Additionally, palm wine, a popular drink

among Ekiti men, was brewed from the sap collected from cut-down palm trees.

Women played a crucial role in the palm oil production process. While men handled the

strenuous tasks of climbing and harvesting, women were responsible for picking, transporting,

and selling the finished product. The processing involved pounding the fruits to separate the

kernels from the fibrous material, wading in oil-soaked water to skim off the rising oil, and

boiling it to refine the product. This division of labor underscores the importance of women in

the palm oil trade within Ekiti society.

During the colonial period, palm kernel exportation from Ekiti surpassed that of palm oil due to

the high consumption value of palm oil within the local community. By 1949, Nigeria exported

376,000 tons of palm kernels, implying a substantial presence of wild palm trees in the Ekiti

region. The British colonial administration introduced palm plantations to increase productivity

for export to support the growing industrial demands of the metropolis. Despite the introduction

of oil processing machines during World War II, traditional methods of palm oil production

persisted among the Ekiti people.

Communities such as Ado, Ikere, Aramoko, Ikoro, Iyin, Erio, Oye, Erinmope, Igede, Ifaki, Afao,

Agbado, Ayede, Ikole, Erinjiyan, and Aisegba were actively involved in palm kernel production.

These communities primarily produced palm oil for local consumption, while palm kernels were

exported. The traditional processing method involved cooking the fruits, mashing them in large

vats, adding water to separate the oil, and boiling the collected oil to remove impurities. The

palm nuts were dried and cracked to harvest the kernels.

3.2 Traditional Craftsmanship

Traditional craftsmanship among Ekiti people encompasses a variety of skills and trades that

have been a practice among them for years. These crafts are not only a testament to the

creativity and ingenuity of the Ekiti people but also serve as vital economic activities.

3.2.1 Weaving

The production of traditional handcrafted textiles among the Ekiti people of and even among the

people of Nigeria is long rooted in their culture. These textiles are produced from locally sourced

materials ranging from cotton, local silk, bark, goats wool to raffia, commonly used in weaving.7

Although the origin of textiles productions and usage in Nigeria particularly among the Ekiti

people of Ekiti remain unknown, there are however, evidences of Yoruba’s long use of textile as

apparel as reflected in ancient sculptures, which has been dated back to the 10th and 12th century

A.D.

While relative dating of the local production of Aso- Oke among the Yoruba which the Ekitiland

largely form part of remain difficult due to its ephemeral nature, the association theory of

Krigger brought more confusion when he claim that the earliest use of textiles made from men’s

loom among the Yoruba came via the introduction of Islam to Kano through Nupe, and later to

Yoruba land in the 15th century.8

However, the diffusion theory used by Krigger to establish the evolution of weaving among the

Yoruba is tenable considering Picton’s comments in Ademuleya that “the distinctiveness of the

West African narrow strip loom (Yoruba inclusive) is a pointer to an independent tradition.”9 He

thus cautions’ against the popular speculations that there must have been only one point of origin

or source of inspiration; it could therefore be argued that the Yoruba production of textiles, Aso-
Oke in particular could have been developed by the Yoruba before contact. Furthermore, since

the radio carbon dates confirms earlier existence of these sculptural pieces to between 10th and

12th century date which was prior to the introduction of Islam or contact with the Nupe people in

the 15th century, one can conclude that the Yoruba use of textiles as apparel or as clothing is an

age-long tradition which predates contact with Islam.

Irrespective of the above arguments, Weaving was another Indigenous industry of Ekiti people

before colonization. With the use of vertical and horizontal looms, the Ekiti women were able to

produce enough cloths for people to wear. The process of weaving usually began with ginning or

de-seeding, when cotton seeds were removed by an iron rod called obibo that served as a roller.

After the cotton seeds had been remained, the cotton would undergo a fluffing process; that is,

removing the cotton fibres that result from ginning. Fluffing was done with a bow-like

instrument called orun or ofa in some Ekiti towns. With this technique, the cotton would be

beaten into a light form and this form, before being spun into threads or yarn with a spindle

called keke that had round heavy object at its bottom or lower end. This round or circular object

could be well shaped, round wood or dry and hard fruit of either agbalumo or osanwewe

(lemon).

What followed this weaving process was winding and warping of threads after which these

threads could be dyed in different colours while others were left undyed in their white colour. In

fact, what is important to note here is that the technology of textile production or weaving

existed before colonization. That is, the Ekiti people were able to develop their non indigenous

equipment and means for all the stages of textile production. For example, there were two types

of weaving equipment. One was the narrow loom which was introduced to Ekiti in the 1890s by

the Oyo weavers of the present Oyo State. This type of loom, which was exclusively for men,
was however, not popular among the Ekiti. The main, and the most popular, loom that was

indigenous to Ekiti were the vertical looms that were exclusively used by women. In fact, it was

a common experience to see “upright looms of the women standing against the walls of their

cottages” (Murray, 1958). In terms of design creativity and methodological processes, the looms

were very original to the Ekiti people; like the art of dying, embroidery and other forms of textile

technology.

3.2.2 Drum Making

Among the Yorubas and in Ekiti people in Particular, there are families known for their musical

talents called Àyàn family of drummers. They are known and recognized for Talking drumming

in Yoruba culture and no other family is considered to posses this type of skill. Ademola

emphasized that “Ayan is a name used to refer to a drumming family; this family is seen as the

master of the drumming art”.10 They are specialists who handle the instruments technically from

their inborn abilities, and the technology is strictly attributed to the family’s art talent.

According Ayantunde in an Oral interview, he stressed that “Talking drums are ancient

instruments and indigenous to the original owners of the land”.11 The tradition of these drums is

indeed age-old and the evidence of this was showcased by early writers, explorers,

anthropologists and ethnomusicologists. Nketia pointed out that “musical instruments may be

viewed historically in terms of origin and development, or culturally, in terms of social uses,

functions, and the beliefs and values associated with them.12Talking drums play very important

part in kinship rituals and in the celebration of religious ceremonies. They are dedicated to

specific gods. Ayandeji in an interview stated that: “Every palace in Yoruba land has a drum set

in order to announce the presence, arrival and departure of any visitor”.13 Drummers have to
attend the palace every day within certain hours, including the visiting or business hour… He

pre-announces the presence of any visitor in the palace, the king may be, he can tell by the sound

of the drum who has entered the courtyard before the personage is actually announced.14

Account of the origin of Talking drums is also tied to the Yoruba creation mythology. Segun

Ayanbambi in an Oral Interview:

The dừndứn (Talking Drum) was first used by one whose name was Ayan, a native of

Saworo in Ibaruba land, who thought some Yoruba families the art of drumming. He was

so loved by his disciples that they deified him after regarded as God of music.15

Another historical background of Talking drums was again gathered from Ayanwale who

ascribed the invention of the Talking drum to the time of celebration of Bere festival (harvest

home festival of the Aláàfin of Oyo) during the reign of Prince Abipa – one of the kings of Oyo

Igboho or Oba Moro (the ghost catcher, who was the 4th and last king who reigned in Igboho).16

From the foregoing discussion, it is evident that Talking drums are old-age set of drums in

Ekitiland and in all the traditional Yoruba society combined ;Ayanwale mentioned in an

interview that historically, the technology of constructing it is hereditary and passed to them by

their ancestors.17 They are used in the palace to sing praises to kings, ancestors, and invoke

spirits and religious rituals. Traditional Drums in Ekiti land and can be found in other parts of

Yorubaland. Examples include: gángan, dùǹdún, omele, àsíkò, shákárà, gúdúgúdú, bàtá, bẹ̀ ṃ̀bẹ́ ,

gbẹ̀ du, àgbá, etc. Some are combined to form an ensemble. Thus, you have dùndún ensemble,

bàtá ensemble, gbẹ̀ du ensemble to mention few.

Functions of drums among the EkitilandPeople

There are various reasons why people in traditional Yoruba setting especially the Ekitil people

use these drums. Some of these reasons tally with some basic purposes of general

communication while some don’t. We can classify the functions of talking drums under the

informational purpose, proverbial purpose, cultural purpose, commercial purpose and religious

purposes. These are all discussed below:

Informative Functions of Talking Drums

The informative functions of talking drums in Ekitiland are of utmost significance. Like any

other form of communication, be it traditional or modern, external or internal, spoken or

unspoken, be it among individuals or groups, their primary purpose is to disseminate crucial

messages or convey important information. The talking drum in Ekitiland is no different, as it is

primarily utilized to transmit meaningful messages that can be understood by those familiar with

its language.18

For instance, the rhythm "kaabo se daadaa lo de," which translates to "you are welcome, hope

you have arrived safely," is played to notify people about the arrival of an expected individual.

Similarly, the beat "ki le n f'oba pe oba o oba alase oba" serves as a reminder of the king's

authority, especially in a traditional setting.19

Cultural Functions of Talking Drums

In Ekiti, the cultural functions of the talking drums hold immense significance. The skilled

talking drummer is expected to possess a deep understanding of Yorùbá oral history and oral

praises, particularly the oríkì, which often takes the form of historical commentary 20. Their

knowledge of historical facts allows them to delve into the past, enlightening the community and
enriching their awareness. One of the prominent roles of the talking drum is to serve as a

"memory device," helping people recall past experiences, reconnect with their roots, and honor

their ancestors. By doing so, the talking drum acts as a vital link between the past and the

present, ensuring that cultural heritage is preserved and passed down through generations.

Moreover, the talking drum plays a crucial role in preventing the extinction of culture. Alongside

recounting the general history, culture, and legendary acts of the people, it preserves various

phrases, proverbs, words, and songs that have been used throughout history. These elements are

retained and carried into the present, making the talking drum an essential agent in the ongoing

preservation of the Yorùbá cultural identity.21

Religious Functions of Talking Drums

Religiously, the drums are utilized in the worship of traditional Yoruba deities like Sango, Ogun,

Obatala, and Osun, among others. During religious festivals and worship ceremonies in

Ekitiland, the bata and Igbin talking drums take center stage, accompanying the prayers and

celebrations dedicated to these revered gods. Such worship practices have been an essential part

of Ekiti religious heritage, passed down through generations.22 Moreover, in modern times, the

influence of talking drums extends beyond traditional worship. Even in churches of Ekitiland,

these drums have found a place among the musical instruments used by choirs during praise and

worship sessions. This integration of traditional elements into contemporary religious practices

highlights the enduring impact of Ekiti cultural heritage.

Commercial Occupational Functions of Talking Drums

In Ekiti, the talking drums have found a unique commercial occupational function, becoming a

means for individuals and groups to make money and earn a livelihood. It is a common sight to

witness groups of talking drummers of different ages at various social occasions, such as weekly

or monthly market days, wedding ceremonies, burials, housewarming events, naming

ceremonies, and more.23 During these gatherings, the skilled talking drummers showcase their

expertise by praising people or playing the personal family town's oriki (praise poem). To

achieve this, they gather information about the names and places of origin of the individuals they

wish to honour through their drumming. Once armed with the knowledge of various praise

poems, they communicate with the talking drums, astonishing and entertaining their target

audience.

This artful communication through the talking drums often captivates the listeners, and as a form

of appreciation, the audience frequently responds by standing up to dance and placing money on

the forehead of the lead drummer. This gesture of appreciation and reciprocity is a way for the

listeners to show their enjoyment and support for the drummers' talent and performance. The

lead drummer, who is the central performer, is responsible for sharing the rewards with other

members of the group, who are usually close associates or relatives. This commercial

occupational function of talking drums has become a part of the traditional Yoruba setting in

Ekiti land , providing a source of income for skilled drummers and preserving this cultural

heritage for future generations.

However this ancient art of drum making like other indigenous craft has also been impacted by

modern technology. Although some drum craftmen and artisans maintain the indigenous process

of making these drums while some have adopted the modern way. This would be the subject of

discussion in the subsequent chapter.

3.2.3 Blacksmithing

From archaeological, historical and oral evidences, the ancient Ekiti people practised iron

smelting before the advent of the Europeans. Archaeological research has revealed evident on the

antiquity of metallurgy at Obo Aiyegunle which is in form of iron smelting furnaces dated to

around the ninth century A.D.24 That there was high Iron technology in Nigeria long before

colonization has been proved by Bernard Fagg; that iron was in use by the 5th century B.C.

among the Nok. . These evidences are enough to make one accept similar technological tradition

in Ekitiland . W.H. Clarke in his report in Travels and Explorations in Yorubaland (1854-1858)

has also clearly attested to the use of various objects that were products of technology. Clarke

has also revealed how before 1854 the Yoruba, including Ekiti people had abundant “one of the

very best quality” which “was smelted and made ready for the smith” (Clarke, 1972: 217).

However, What made iron very integral to Ekiti’s cultural traditions was its popular use in

judicial matters; for swearing either before chiefs, district elders, or the kings when offence was

committed and during any serious argument or dispute. The Ekiti country has unbelievably

acquired technical feat, particularly in the area of agricultural tools which in spite of some

relative crudeness and lack of sophistication, have given the peasants very good results. On the

way to their farms every morning are seen young boys and their fathers with a variety of what

they call ada (cutlasses), dangling down their shoulders with ropes… these are produced by

smiths at house premises in addition to other iron products for trapping animals ….

Without doubt, the discussion so far has shown that the Ekiti’s tradition of iron smelting goes

back to the ancient period, since generations continued to hold tenaciously to this tradition of

their forefathers. However, it is important to point out here that since no concrete research has
been carried out, as above stated, on the smelting technology of the people, it is still difficult to

accurately have the knowledge of smelting method, in terms of design used for smelting. There

are however some near-descriptions by some knowledgeable Ekiti blacksmiths, belonging to the

very old Ekiti craft school.

In the pre-colonial period, the Ekiti smiths produced axes, arrows, knives, cutlasses, hoes,

anklets, adzes, cult bells, hair pins, daggers, bracelets and earrings, to mention a few. The

blacksmith’s workshop was equipped with a bellow called Ogudu of various designs made up of

animal skin, two long vertical sticks, short wooden pipe and carved wood in form of a mortar.

There was also charcoal and large quantity of palm kernel shells used as foil.25 With a bellow, all

the above implements were produced. The blacksmiths played a major role during various Ekiti’s

internal and external wars between the 18th and early 20th centuries. During this period, various

weapons were locally manufactured for the Ekiti warriors for their field operations, including

what they considered protective or medicinal rings and anklets. Still, there is more to say about

the pre-colonial smithing tradition of Ekiti. According to W.H. Clarke ;26

Every town has its complement of blacksmith shops (workshop) that may be known by their

circular tops where the sound of the hammer and anvil may be heard from day to day. The

implements and fixtures in general use are a rock for anvil, a small oblong piece of iron tapering

to a handle for a hammer, one or two pairs of tongs similar to those in common use, a pair of

bellows made out of raw hide in a circular shape-with handles of wood inserted so as to be raised

perpendicularly – (for firing). Coal made from wood is generally used though shells of the palm

nut are used in case of necessity.

From the above, it is indeed clear that the Ekiti people were adept blacksmiths who, before

colonization, produced a variety of cultic, hunting and domestic objects with local tools for the

community. These local tools, were ewu, okuta nla, olulu, emunan and agerin. Ewu, in big and

small sizes, was used to beat hot iron into the desired shape. Even the small size of ewu was so

heavy that young boys or some young men, who were not blacksmiths, or relations of

blacksmiths, would find it difficult to lift it up easily.

Okuta, meaning stone, but in this case big hard stone, served as a ground or base on which

various hot irons were beaten to shape with either small or big ewu. Olulu, perforator, also called

aluwo, was used to bore holes on hot iron when the iron was still hot. Olulu also had different

sizes. Emunan, or hot iron holder, had many sizes, all used to hold hot iron before ewu could be

used to beat or hit the iron to get the required shape or design. Agerin which also had about three

sizes, depending on the size and thickness of the hot iron to be cut, was used for cutting or

slicing a hot iron. With colonization, smithing tradition dwindled because of the large quantity of

iron being imported into the country.

Conclusion

1
FAO (2013). Food and Agriculture Organization ofthe United Nations. Statistical Database _
FAOSTAT,http://faostat.fao.org/; 2013 [Accessed 14 July 2013].
2
Sánchez H, Ceballos F, Calle JC, Pérez C, Egesi CE,Cuambe AF, Escobar DO, Chávez AL, Fregene M(2010).
Tolerance to Postharvest PhysiologicalDeterioration in Cassava Roots. Crop Sci. 50(4):1333-1338.
3
Kehinde A. Taiwo and Subuola B. Fasoyiro (2015). Women And Cassava Processing In Nigeria.
International Journal of Development Research. Vol. 5, Issue, 02, pp. 3513-3517, February,2015
4
Fasoyiro, S.B. (2012). Locally processed street-vended foods in Nigeria: how safe?
International Journal of Food Safety and Engineering, 2:381-391
5
S. La-Anyane, The Oil Palm Industries of Western Tropical Africa. Food research institute, 1966,
T. Dzeka & O. Osadola, Social-Cultural and Institutional Diffusion in Western Nigeria: An Assessment of Benin
Influence on Ekiti, Makurdi Journal of Arts and Culture (MAJAC), Vol.13, 2015, pp. 215-225
6
T. Dzeka & O. Osadola, Social-Cultural and Institutional Diffusion in Western Nigeria: An Assessment of Benin
Influence on Ekiti, Makurdi Journal of Arts and Culture (MAJAC), Vol.13, 2015, pp. 215-225
7
O. J. Labode , State Of Traditional Attires Usage Among The Contemporary Society In South-West Nigeria
Journal of Humanities, Social Sciences and Creative Arts 2013 8: 76-87

8
(1990; 39)
9
Ademuleya, B. A. (2002), Continuing Appreciation of the Old Aso-Oke Types among the Yoruba of Ondo,
Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan.35..
10
O.A Ademola, “Roles of the Master Instrumentalist in Yoruba Traditional Music Performance:
A Survey of Apepe of Ikenne-Remo,” Journal of Nigerian music education 5, no. 7 (2015):
pp.134.
11
Interview held with Ayantunde Ayan (Talking Drummer), Ekiti Kwara, 2/2/2024. Age 34
12
J.H Nketia, Funeral Dirges of Akan People(New York: Negro University Press, 1954)
13
Interview held with Ayandeji Ayan (Talking Drummer), Ekiti Kwara, 2/2/2024. Age 34
14
S. Johnson, The History of the Yorubas (reprinted) (London: Routhedge and Kegan Paul,
1921)pp192.
15
Oral Interview held with Segun Ayanbambi, Ekiti Kwara, 22/3/2024. Age 56.
16
Oral Interview held with, A. Ayanwale, Head of the Dundun Drummers in Ekiti Kwara,
3/4/2024. 62years
17
Oral Interview held with, A. Ayanwale,
18
Oral Interview held with Segun Ayanbambi, Ekiti Kwara, 22/3/2024. Age 56.

19
Oral Interview held with Segun Ayanbambi, Ekiti Kwara, 22/3/2024. Age 56.

20
Interview held with Ayomide Ayankunle, Ayan, Ekiti Kwara, 5/4/2024. Age 38.

21
Interview held with Ayomide Ayankunle,

22
Interview held with Ayomide Ayankunle,

23
Oral Interview held with, A. Ayanwale, Head of the Dundun Drummers in Ekiti Kwara,
3/4/2024. 62years

24
(Aremu 1991 in Usman 2012).
25
(Oyebode, 1995)
26
(1972:272):