Strabo - Strabo's Geography - A Translation For The Modern World-Princeton University Press (2024)

STRABO’S
GEOGRAPHY
STRABO’S
GEOGRAPHY
A TRANSLATION FOR THE MODERN WORLD
Translated & introduced by foreword by
SARAH P OT H ECARY P E TE R FRANKO PAN
P R I N C E T O N U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S
princeton and oxford
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Strabo, author. | Pothecary, Sarah, 1958– translator.

Title: Strabo’s Geography : a translation for the modern world /
[translated, with introduction, by] Sarah Pothecary.
Other titles: Geography. English (Pothecary)
Description: Princeton ; Oxford : Princeton University Press, 2024. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2022058711 (print) | LCCN 2022058712 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780691243139 (hardback) | ISBN 9780691243122 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Geography, Ancient—Early works to 1800. | Geography—
Early works to 1800.
Classification: LCC G87.S9 P67 2024 (print) | LCC G87.S9 (ebook) |
DDC 913—dc23/eng/20231018
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022058711
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022058712
British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available
Editorial: Rob Tempio and Chloe Coy

Production Editorial: Sara Lerner
Text and Jacket Design: Chris Ferrante
Production: Erin Suydam
Publicity: Tyler Hubbert and Carmen Jimenez
Copyeditor: Amy K. Hughes
Jacket Credits: (top) Vemaps.com; (bottom) Jean-Baptiste d'Anville, Terram

secundum Strabonis hypothesim habitatam... / d'Anville, Geogr. Regis primarius;
Guill[aume] De la Haye. Courtesy of Bibliothèque nationale de France, département
Cartes et plans
This book has been composed in Signifier and Geograph
Printed in the United States of Americ a
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
For my husband, Guy Cogan, and my daughter, Hannah
We use the term “lived-in world” for the world we live in and know; it is possible that
there are two or more lived-in worlds within the same temperate zone, especially in the
vicinity of the Athens parallel where it is drawn through the Atlantic ocean.
—Strabo, Geography, 65 C, 3-9

Contents
List of Maps ix
Foreword by Peter Frankopan xi
Acknowledgments xv
Brief Introduction xvii
A Translation for the Modern World xxi
Use This Translation in Conjunction With . . . xxv
Special Features of This Translation xxix
A User’s Guide xxxix
Navigating Strabo’s Geography 1

Breakdown of the Geography 3
Translation of Strabo’s Geography 7

Chapter One. Geography and Geographers 9
Chapter Two. The “Lived-in World” 129
Chapter Three. E
urope 167
Part 1. Western Europe 167
Part 2. Eastern Europe 341
Part 3. Greece 393
Chapter Four. Asia 569
Part 1. Northern Asia 569
Part 2. Southern Asia 781
Chapter Five. Libya (= Africa) 939
Epilogue. The Roman Empire 963
A Directory for the Modern Reader 971

Index of Ancient Names 979
Selective Index of Topics and Themes 1049
vii
List of Maps
Map 1. Strabo’s “Lived-in World” 2

Map 2. Strabo’s “Western Europe” 166
Map 3. Strabo’s “Eastern Europe” 340
Map 4. Strabo’s “Greece” 392
Map 5. Strabo’s “Northern Asia” 568
Map 6. Strabo’s “Southern Asia” 780
Map 7. Strabo’s “India” 822
Map 8. Strabo’s “Libya” (= Africa) 938
The maps represent areas contained within what Strabo considers to be the “Lived-in
World” in its entirety, and the parts thereof—namely, the “Western” part of E
urope, the
“Eastern” part of Europe, and so forth. They do not represent Strabo’s own conceptual-
ization of the landmasses comprising Europe, Asia, and Libya (= Africa).
ix
Foreword
Strabo is not usually described as the “father of geography”—a label more often given
to Eratosthenes, a polymath who lived two centuries e arlier. Yet Strabo is perhaps more
deserving of this title, given the influence of his work, the way he gathered and presented
his material, and the renown of the author. Although Strabo placed himself within a
tradition that included authors and scholars who wrote before his own birth in the first
century BCE, he did not take a charitable view of the value of all of them: Eratosthenes
himself may well have been “steeped in learning,” Strabo writes, but he was not as trust-
worthy as many believed.
Geography, argued Strabo, is about understanding the world properly and fully. “The
man who describes the world must, in matters of fundamental premises, rely on geom-
eters who have calculated the m easurement of the whole earth; they, in turn, must rely
on astronomers, who in turn must rely on physicists.” Geography, therefore, is not just
a science, but a combination of sciences, a subject not only of interest but importance.
“I believe that if anything is part of the p
hilosopher’s mandate,” says the first line of his
masterpiece, “it is the science of geography.” Geography is essential, in other words.
The Geography is one of the most influential works written in any language; it offers a
sweeping, majestic overview of three continents, seen through the lens of the burgeoning
power and widening horizons of Rome during its transition from a republic to an empire.
Strabo’s work is one of the longest Greek texts in existence, filled with details, asides, and
interventions by the author that illuminate and enliven, and occasionally castigate errors
made by previous scholars.
Ironically, not everyone has been impressed by Strabo’s work: “the laxity of his meth-
ods,” concluded one leading twentieth-century historian of ancient Rome, “defies rigor-
ous argumentation.” That is rather unfair on a man who did his best to evaluate evidence
carefully and did a g reat deal of homework, too. In fact, Strabo was extraordinarily well-
read. Homer, Thucydides, Aeschylus, Herodotus, and many more are quoted liberally;
so too are more than two hundred other authors—including many that are not known
from any other source. Although Strabo’s name (which literally means “squinty-eyed”)
was probably a family name rather than one derived from his physical appearance, he
clearly took his research seriously.
Strabo is an engaging guide, especially when he interjects with his opinions on, or
experiences of, m atters that, as Sarah Pothecary notes in this magisterial new translation,
range from taming an elephant to practicing yoga, or from visiting an exhibition of sacred
crocodiles from the Nile in Rome to watching glass-blowers at work in Alexandria. His
xi
Foreword
regular interest in mining, along with the use of technical terminologies, provides an
indication of his own interests, as do the many references to art and famous artists and
diff erent kinds of wine, often shared with his own comments on their respective qualities.
He was proud of his roots in Anatolia, doing his family and fellow Anatolians a service
by commemorating the names of many (while leaving many other seemingly deserving
figures to one side, unmentioned).
The encyclopedic scope of the text has made it a reference book par excellence, with
the result that Strabo is one of the most cited authors in antiquity. Although some near
contemporaries (notably Pliny the Elder) do not appear to have been aware of the G eography,
Strabo’s work was well-known, well-regarded, and struck a chord in Byzantine Constan-
tinople where it proved influential on authors such as Procopius, who was similarly keen
to paint a picture of a world in transition in the sixth century, at a time when new op-
portunities and challenges were emerging, and when peoples on the move demanded
knowledge about the past, as well as the present.
Of course, this was central to Strabo himself. “It is evident, both from ancient tradi-
tion and from rational argument,” he writes early on, ”that all who embrace such knowl-
edge benefit greatly.” Besides, he added, the “wisest of the heroes” in the past “were t hose
who traveled afar and wandered around.” Being curious was key, in other words. Heracles,
for example, was “an expert in great deeds b ecause of his extensive practical experience
and knowledge.”
As a source of so much information, it was perhaps not a surprise that Strabo’s text
became so widely consulted during the age of E uropean expansion, a time when new
worlds were being explored, new customs and peoples encountered, and new ways of
doing t hings recorded. Strabo’s ambivalence about the age of empire also resonated with
many. He writes that many parts of the world had “been subjugated to one power,” with
the result that an age of openness had followed. He recognized too, however, that there
were downsides to cultural expansion: “our lifestyle has brought to nearly everyone a
change for the worse, introducing luxuries and sensual pleasures and a myriad of corrupt
ways to increase them. Much of this evil has been visited on native peoples, especially the
nomads.” Fine morals had been replaced by pure greed. That too was not lost on some
in the age of E
uropean empires.
Strabo was no moralist, however. His aim above all was to inform, and to do so sys-
tematically and universally. There are some places and peoples he ignores, notably those
living in the British Isles, about whom there can be “no added advantage” in wasting
ink writing about them, since “because of their isolation, [they] are capable of neither
harming nor helping us.” Those outside the “lived-in world” are likewise put to one side,
with Strabo disbelieving that life is even possible in zones that w
ere either too hot or too
cold to support human existence.
The Geography is an extraordinary work, one that deserves a sparkling translation.
Strabo has been served with distinction by Sarah Pothecary, whose glorious rendition is
xii
Foreword
matched by uniformly useful notes, apparatus, and a series of commentaries that help the
reader know what to look out for and why. The task of producing editions and transla-
tions of this huge text have often killed off the editor, so Sarah is to be congratulated too
on her stamina, as well as the lucidity of working with elaborate Greek and with terms
that can be both obscure and not simple.
The mark of a great translator, however, is the ability to capture the voice of the origi-
nal author. This edition does that better than any I’ve had the p leasure to read in the past.
I know too from experience that the ability and skill to succeed come from spending
years, decades even, getting to know a text and its creator inside out. I hope all readers of
this book enjoy reading about the world of Strabo as much as so many others have over
the centuries—and remember why it is so important not only to learn about p eoples and
places close to home, but about those far away too.
Peter Frankopan
Professor of Global History
Oxford University
Mumbai, October 27, 2023
xiii
Acknowledgments
I am grateful to the Classics Department of the University of Toronto, Canada, which

many years ago had faith in my ability to reenter the classical world after a stint in the
modern one. I would like to thank in particular Timothy Barnes, Brad Inwood, Alexander
Jones, Christopher Jones, Catherine Rubincam, and Alan Samuel†. Going even further
back in time, Margaret Hubbard†, Classics tutor at St. Anne’s College, Oxford, UK, was
an inspirational figure.
I was in the company of Daniela Dueck when I first pondered the need for a new trans-
lation of Strabo’s work. Together, we worked out how many words w ere involved and how
long a translation would take (we underestimated). Throughout the p rocess, Daniela
has always been ready with advice and support. Others have helped in different ways.
Diana Pai looked at a very early example of the layout and provided valuable feedback.
Nabil Ayad and Daryl Copeland encouraged me to bridge the gap between the ancient
world and the modern one. Joe Fuller presented me with a copy of the Barrington Atlas,
which gave me the means to provide present-day equivalents of nearly all the ancient
places named by Strabo. Ian Johnston kindly did the trigonometric calculations that
were required for my note on Strabo’s “India.” Hugh Lindsay and Aude Skalli, as well
as Daniela Dueck, took time out of their busy academic schedules to proofread parts of
the translation.
Andrew Pothecary designed and produced the maps at the start of each chapter with
his customary thoughtfulness and insight. His maps provide the reader with a succinct
overview of the parts of the modern world relevant to each section of Strabo’s narrative.
Jonathan Earl gave me the benefit of his years of experience in publishing and helped
guide me through the p rocess of getting this translation into print. Both Andrew and
Jonathan were enthusiastic about the layout of my translation with its extensive marginal
notes but warned me that, in the p rocess of making life easier for the reader, I was mak-
ing it considerably more difficult for the publisher. I would like to thank publisher Rob
Tempio and his assistant Chloe Coy at Princeton University Press, together with s enior
production editor Sara Lerner, freelance copyeditor Amy K. Hughes, and senior designer
Chris Ferrante, for rising to the challenge.
Hannah Cogan read through the entire translation at an early stage and, with her
journalistic flair, identified infelicities and suggested improvements. She also helped out
at the eleventh hour, with contributions to the index of topics and themes and a last
minute read-through that alerted me to the difference between “dying” and “dyeing.” My
husband, Guy Cogan, has been stalwart in his support but also a rigorous critic when
xv
Acknowledgments
necessary, and I owe him a huge debt for the time he has spent checking the manuscript
at its various stages.
Last but not least, I am grateful to all my friends from Toronto and G rand Lake,
Canada, and from London, England, who have patiently followed the progress of this
translation over many years. Their support and companionship have been invaluable.
xvi
Brief Introduction
Strabo’s Life
Strabo lived and worked just over two thousand years ago: his life spanned the latter half
of the first century BCE and the early d ecades of the first c entury CE. We know nothing
about his father, but his mother and her family came from what is now northern Turkey.
This area, the erstwhile independent kingdom of Pontus, had fallen to the rapidly ex-
panding Roman empire just a few years before the probable date of Strabo’s birth. Strabo
went on to be educated in what is now southwestern Turkey, a far more entrenched part
of the Roman world, having been incorporated as the province of Asia nearly a century
earlier. Strabo subsequently moved to Rome, to the heart of the empire, where he pur-
sued his higher education. In his young adulthood, Strabo relocated to Egypt, Rome’s
newest acquisition, which had fallen to the Romans just a few years before Strabo’s arrival
there. Strabo spent much of his life in Egypt, taking advantage of the cultural riches and
the intellectual ambience of its metropolis, Alexandria. During this time, Strabo first
produced a historical work, which has not survived. Then, after a lifetime of research
and reading, as an old man in his late seventies and early eighties, Strabo completed the
work translated here. He died soon afterward.
Strabo’s Geography
The most immediate feature of Strabo’s geographical work is its size, weighing in at more
than a third of a million words. Ironically, in an age that lacked eyeglasses and electric
lights, let alone word-processing capabilities and computers, and at a time when writing
materials w ere expensive and difficult to come by, mega-works (many of them much
longer than Strabo’s) w ere not unusual. Most of these behemoths did not survive to be
enjoyed in the present day, their large physical bulk perhaps contributing to their demise.
Strabo’s contribution not only survived but did so almost unscathed, making it our earli-
est (almost) complete example of such a mega-work from antiquity.
While length alone makes Strabo’s work worthy of note, the sheer joie de vivre of the
narrative makes it really stand out. Strabo tells us just about everything he knew about
the world of his day. In his pages, we find instructions on how to tame elephants and
xvii
Brief Introduction
information on the production of asphalt, how saffron is collected, the treatment of old
people, the practice of yoga, the lineage of obscure eastern dynasties, religious festivals,
prostitution, and volcanic activity—to name but a few of the topics that Strabo deems
worthy of note. Geologists and seismologists, mineralogists and mining specialists,
oceanographers and meteorologists, ethnographers and anthropologists, climatologists,
and astronomers w ill all find that Strabo has material of interest to them.
Sometimes, Strabo’s attitude toward the information he presents is as valuable as the
information itself in helping to re-create the academic mindset of the times. Strabo re-
fuses, for example, to believe in a huge tsunami that was reputed to have devastated what
is now Jutland, on the grounds that he knows for a fact that tides do not operate in such
a fashion. He disbelieves a report about an inhabited island called “Thule” at the arctic
circle on the grounds that nobody e lse seems to know about it and that habitation is not
possible so far north. The privileging of what one is predisposed to believe over what the
evidence suggests is as prevalent today as it was in antiquity.
Strabo describes the whole world as it was known to the Greeks and Romans of his
day, from (in present-day terms) Bangladesh to Portugal, from G reat Britain to Somalia.
He has personal experience of some of the locations he mentions. From his home base in
what is now Turkey, Strabo had traveled to Rome; from there, he had explored parts of
the western coast of Italy. From Alexandria in Egypt, he had sailed southward up the Nile
as far as Syene (Aswan, Egypt). In describing these locations, and those that he passed
en route, Strabo sometimes makes use of his own observations.
For most of his descriptions, however, Strabo relies on the reports of o thers. While he
occasionally uses material transmitted to him orally by friends or by Roman officials, he
far more frequently turns to the plethora of literary accounts that w ere available in his day,
many of which were already hundreds of years old. Rather than a travelogue, then, Strabo’s
work is an intellectual journey through the accumulated literature of antiquity, from which
he selects information relevant to the relatively new discipline of geography. In doing so,
he offers us a fascinating insight into how the world was perceived two thousand years ago
and allows us to see how geographical perceptions have changed over time.
A New Translation
Strabo’s work is an invaluable resource for anyone interested in how the world t oday
came into being. The main challenge for would-be readers is how to approach it. Even
when translated from ancient Greek into E nglish, Strabo’s narrative can be daunting, ap-
pearing at first sight sprawling and repetitive, overly dense, and sometimes meandering.
On closer inspection, however, the work turns out to be highly structured and tightly
organized, despite its length. This translation employs chapters and subheadings to make
xviii
Brief Introduction
it easier for modern readers to appreciate the architecture of the work without being
overwhelmed by the sheer volume of material. The subheadings and chapter titles are
drawn together in “Navigating Strabo’s Geography,” immediately preceding the transla-
tion itself, designed to help readers find their way around the translation.
Another problem for readers today is that place-names used by Strabo may sound
outlandish to the modern ear, making it seem as if the world he describes is remote from
our own in terms of place as well as time. How is the average reader supposed to know
that, when describing “Iberia” (the Caucasian “Iberia,” not the Spanish one), “Albania,”
and “Atropatian Media,” Strabo is referring to areas within present-day Azerbaijan? This
translation goes some way t oward addressing the problem by providing maps that allow
twenty-first-century readers to orient themselves within the modern world and by giving
the present-day equivalents of the place-names mentioned by Strabo.
The process of relating the past to our present within the translation is illuminating,
not least b ecause it replicates what Strabo himself was doing two thousand years ago,
relating his past world to his present-day world. Moreover, Strabo writes at a time when
the world of the present is succumbing to seemingly inexorable Roman expansion. Intel-
lectuals like Strabo must incorporate into their perception and p resentation of the world
the radical changes that have taken place. Twenty-first-century students of international
affairs and geopolitics may find, in reading this translation, an unexpectedly historical
aspect to their disciplines, which are usually treated as rooted in the present.
xix
A Translation for the Modern World
What Is This a Translation Of?
This is a translation of Strabo’s Geography—but what exactly does that mean? The papy-
rus rolls that constituted Strabo’s own copy of his geographical work have not survived,
so this translation is not of the original version. For our knowledge of the contents of
Strabo’s work, we depend largely on a variety of medieval manuscripts, but an immediate
problem arises in that Strabo’s work is not uniformly represented in those manuscripts.
Over the past few hundred years, editors have done the painstaking work of comparing
manuscripts and have come up with their own versions of the (now lost) manuscript from
which the medieval manuscripts were ultimately derived. This new translation is based on
the most recent such edition, undertaken by Stefan L. Radt and published between 2002
and 2011 (see “Use This Translation in Conjunction With . . .”). It is the first English
translation based exclusively on Radt’s text.1
Radt’s major achievement is that he carefully compared manuscripts covering the
entirety of Strabo’s narrative, making him the first editor to manage this feat in more than
a hundred and fifty years. Given the amount of work involved in editing such a lengthy
text, e arlier editors either died before finishing the job or lost interest or energy before
their editions w ere completed. Radt, already advanced in years when he undertook the
project of editing Strabo’s narrative, lived to complete his work and to see it published.
Radt’s edition of Strabo’s work marks a watershed in Strabonian studies, and its publica-
tion provided the catalyst for this translation.
The Modern World
This translation might equally be subtitled A Translation “from” the Modern World, since it
allows readers to travel back in time and find out what Strabo says about areas of the world
now known by different names. To aid readers in this endeavor, maps are supplied at the
start of the chapters covering Western E urope, Eastern E urope, Northern Asia, Southern
Asia, and Libya (= Africa). Each map shows the geographical area on which Strabo focuses
within the chapter that follows, but it does so largely in terms of the present-day nation-
states that occupy it rather than the political entities with which Strabo was familiar.
[ 1 ] Duane Roller based his 2014 translation of Strabo’s work on an amalgam of “recent texts of the Geography, espe-
cially the editions of Radt, the Budé, and Aly, with [Roller’s] own emendations.” D. Roller, The Geography of Strabo
(Cambridge University Press, 2014), 29.
xxi
This is potentially controversial. In a world where boundaries are often disputed or

ignored, who gets to say which entities should be recognized as independent states or
what territorial expanse they should be represented as covering? This challenge has to be
faced by the translator of Strabo, since it is impossible fully to appreciate Strabo’s account
without recourse to the modern world. For the sake of simplicity, nation-states included
in the maps accompanying this translation are generally named in accordance with the
CIA’s World Factbook (see “Use This Translation in Conjunction With . . .”). The maps
are not intended in any way to be statements of p olitical support for any of the entities
shown. Their function is to assist modern readers in relating the world of the present to
Strabo’s world of two thousand years ago.
It is inevitable that there will be disagreements over the legitimacy and extent of some
of the nation-states shown (or not shown) in the maps. Political fluidity is, however,
nothing new. Awareness of the precarious political structure of the modern world helps
us to appreciate the challenges faced by Strabo as he attempts to describe a world in con-
stant flux. As Roman power expands and the world becomes ever more integrated, Strabo
cannot always keep up with the latest political developments. On several occasions, he
laments the confusion and discombobulation occasioned by Roman restructuring, and
once or twice admits his inability to present up-to-date information.
Of course, the world of the early twenty-first century w ill itself recede into the past,
so that t here is a sort of built-in redundancy to the subtitle A Translation for the Modern
World. The conflicts or disputes that characterize many areas w ill eventually be resolved,
and unforeseen shocks w ill come our way. The modern world of the title w ill become as
outdated as the world described by Strabo. To look at this another way, the now outdated
world in which Strabo lived was as modern to him as the world of this century is to us.
The Ancient World
Once readers interested in a particular part of the modern world have used the maps to
find the part of the translation relevant to them, they should cross over to the ancient
world with the help of the Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World either in its physi-
cal form or in the form of the Barrington Atlas App for the iPad (see “Use This Translation
in Conjunction With . . .”). The maps of the Barrington Atlas (BA) show most of the
ancient places named by Strabo, and readers should ideally have this atlas by their side
as they read through Strabo’s narrative.
The BA maps show the Greek and Roman world in the sense of labeling sites and
regions u nder their ancient names. They do not show how the world was spatially con-
ceived in Greek and Roman times. Ancient concepts of the landmasses composing the
world often differed radically from reality. Strabo was typical of his time in having very
xxii
distorted ideas in this respect. It is tempting for modern scholars to try to represent
these distortions graphically. Their attempts face a major obstacle in the form of the
many inconsistencies and ambiguities throughout Strabo’s work. Should Iberia (Spain
and Portugal) be depicted in the shape of an oxhide, with the Pyrenees r unning from north
to south and forming the “neck,” as Strabo initially tells us? Or should the northern side
of Iberia appear as a straight line joining the Pyrenees, as per Strabo’s l ater and more
detailed description? Is his Libya (= Africa) trapezoid, as Strabo tells us at one point? Or
is it shaped like a right-angled triangle, as he tells us later? Does the eastern end of the
Himalayas represent the easternmost point of the lived-in world, as Strabo repeatedly
suggests? Or does the southern cape of India project even farther eastward, as many
modern scholars have shown it in their “maps” of Strabo’s lived-in world?
One can tie oneself in knots trying to reconcile all Strabo’s statements, but it is better
to accept that it is an impossible task. Sketching maps of individual regions based on
individual passages of Strabo’s narrative may be helpful, but amalgamating them into an
overall map of the “Strabonian world” risks misrepresenting what Strabo says in some
passages in order to preserve what he says in others. When all is said and done, there is a
reason Strabo presents the world in narrative form. The use of words allows him to pre-
serve a degree of ambiguity that would be impossible in a cartographic representation.
Strabo’s wordy narrative is sometimes seen as a dead end in terms of the evolution of an
accurate and precise depiction of the world but, in its very ambiguity, it accurately reflects
the unanswered questions and unresolved problems of ancient geography.
xxiii
Use This Translation in Conjunction With . . .
Just about every paragraph of Strabo’s work poses challenges. There may be questions
about the reliability of the medieval manuscripts, disputes concerning the technical terms
that Strabo uses, ongoing discussion about the identification of places that he names,
controversy over the meaning of unclear references he makes or ambiguous phrases he
employs, or disagreement over the values of metrological units. Firm dates concerning
the publication of the work and its composition are the subject of much debate, as are
the precise dates of Strabo’s life and travels. None of these problems need detract from
the enjoyment and use of Strabo’s work, but readers who want to delve into these issues
will benefit from using this translation in conjunction with:
R.J.A. Talbert, ed., Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World (Princeton University
Press, 2000). Also available as an App for iPad. The Barrington Atlas (BA) allows read-
ers of Strabo to follow the quasi-itineraries underlying his accounts. (Strabo has not
visited all the places he describes but often writes as if mentally journeying through
them.) Users can zoom in on the particular map in which they are interested by using
the “locator” function in the BA App or by looking at the inside back cover of the
physical atlas.
The Map-by-Map Directory, in two volumes, accompanies the BA and is an es-
sential resource (annoyingly, often shelved separately from the main atlas in librar-
ies). The Map-by-Map Directory provides the present-day equivalents of the ancient
place-names shown on the BA maps, as well as extensive bibliographic references to
the scholarly literature on which the present-day equivalents are based. The Map-by-
Map Directory is available f ree online: http://assets.press.princeton.edu/B_ATLAS
/B_ATLAS.PDF.
While most places named by Strabo are shown on the BA maps, this is not the case
for all the names he gives. Furthermore, places may be shown on the BA maps under
slightly diff erent names than those used by Strabo. This is partly because the spelling
of place-names in antiquity was not standardized, and diff erent versions of the same
name abounded. It is partly b ecause the ancient Greek names used by Strabo have
to be transliterated into English. There are two main ways of doing this, which can
result in diff erent versions of the same Greek name—for example, “Cimmericum” and
“Kimmerikon.” In this translation, the former method is generally used, while on the
BA maps both methods are used, depending on the sources through which the name
has been transmitted to us.
xxv
Present-day place-names used in this translation, like the ancient names, have in
many cases had to be transliterated into English from other modern languages, which
may use a diff erent script or special characters. This translation generally follows the
transliterations of present-day names found in the BA Map-by-Map Directory, which
may differ from those used in other publications. There is some inconsistency within
the Map-by-Map Directory, a collaborative work with many different contributors.
A present-day name may be given entirely in its local language (e.g., Golfo di Na-
poli, Map 44), or it may be partly rendered into E nglish (e.g., Gulf of Salerno, Map
45). These inconsistencies have been allowed to stand, to make it easier for readers
glancing at the Map-by-Map Directory as they read through this translation. These
inconsistencies highlight a problem that Strabo himself faced—namely, w hether to
transliterate foreign words for geographic al features or whether to translate them;
Strabo, too, is inconsistent in his practice.
The conventions in the entries for present-day names in the Map-by-Map Directory
include the use of abbreviations for directions (N, S, etc.) and for the word “Saint” in
various languages, and the use of a slash where more than one name needs to be given.
See the “Guidelines” (particularly p. vii for modern names and p. xxi for abbrevia-
tions) at the beginning of the Map-by-Map Directory. T hese conventions are generally
imported into the present-day identifications in this translation that are derived from
the Map-by-Map Directory.
The Map-by-Map Directory also gives the names of the present-day nation-states
in which the sites on each map are located (e.g., “All place names are in Egypt u nless
otherwise noted,” at the head of the directory for Map 76). In this translation, the
name of the relevant nation-state is provided in abbreviated form in parentheses im-
mediately a fter the present-day name. Some updating has been required in this re
spect; the Map-by-Map Directory was completed before the emergence of South Sudan
as an i ndependent state and before the fragmentation of the former Yugoslavia.
Pleiades (https://pleiades.stoa.org) is a continually updated online database of ancient

places, maintained jointly by the Ancient World Mapping Center and the Institute
for the Study of the Ancient World. The senior editors are Roger Bagnall and Richard
Talbert, and the managing editor is Tom Elliott.
The Pleiades database provides the present-day equivalents of many of the place-
names mentioned by Strabo, together with an updated list of articles and websites rel-
evant to identification. Pleiades is comprehensive, in that it includes some locations not
marked on the Barrington Atlas maps, and it is up-to-date in that it includes resources
that have become available since the publication of the BA. As an ongoing project, the
Pleiades database will continue to amass material after the publication of this transla-
tion. Pleiades is a particularly useful resource in cases where the identification of places
mentioned by Strabo is debatable and where the consensus view may change over time.
xxvi
To use Pleiades, go to the website, https://pleiades.stoa.org, and enter the place-

name. Usually, names should be entered u nder the spelling found in the Barrington
Atlas. Pleiades will provide a location and a map as well as other useful links. Readers
are advised to visit https://pleiades.stoa.org /help/conceptual-overview, for the dis-
tinction between a “location” (which has physical coordinates) and a “place” (which
is a mental construct). This is a distinction that is important to bear in mind when
reading Strabo’s work. Indeed, one wishes that Strabo himself had made it.
Stefan L. Radt, ed. and trans., Strabons Geographika (Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2002–
11). This is the edition of Strabo’s work on which A Translation for the Modern World
is based and to which readers should refer for all discussion of textual issues. Four
volumes (1–4) contain the Greek text with accompanying German translation. They
are followed by four volumes (5–8) of German commentary. Two further volumes
provide the edited texts of abbreviated versions of Strabo’s narrative and a collection
of indexes, respectively. The commentary, while focusing on textual and grammati-
cal m
atters, provides context and background on a wide range of issues. The list of
abbreviations of cited literature at the beginning of the first volume of commentary
(vol. 5) serves as a useful bibliography.
Within Radt’s version of the Greek text, and within his accompanying German
translation, fragment numbers are given, as are the fragment collections in which
they appear, on each occasion (and there are many) that Strabo voices the opinion or
words of an earlier writer whose work has not survived into the twenty-first c entury.
Since t hese fragment numbers are not provided in A Translation for the Modern World,
readers should refer to Radt’s edition for this information.
Radt includes “C” numbers in the left-hand margin of his edition and in his r unning
heads. The “C” stands for “Casaubon,” and the numbers reflect the pagination of the
1620 edition of Strabo’s work by Isaac Casaubon. While these C numbers have always
been printed in editions of Strabo’s text (usually in the margins or as running heads),
Radt’s innovation was to count and number the lines of text within each C page. T hese
line numbers, along with the C numbers, are shown in the left-hand margin of Radt’s
edition. Radt’s enumeration of lines within C numbers, though a simple innovation,
has tremendous benefits. It allows a more precise way of referencing Strabo. It also
releases both editor and translator from the straitjacket imposed by the older system
of paragraph divisions, “die oft unbefriedigend oder geradezu irreführend ist” (“which
is often unsatisfactory or even misleading”) and, other than as a referencing system,
“spielen . . . keine Rolle mehr” (“plays no further role”) (vol. 1, p. xvi).
Duane Roller, A Historical and Topographical Guide to the Geography of Strabo (Cambridge
University Press, 2018). Roller’s Guide, published a few years after his 2014 transla-
tion of Strabo’s Geography, is designed to be “effective with any text or translation of
xxvii
Strabo” (p. ix) and is immensely valuable to those readers wanting more historical and
archaeological background to Strabo’s narrative. Roller provides plentiful reference
to a vast array of articles and books, as well as information on the ancient literature to
which Strabo refers and the fragment collections in which references by Strabo and
others are collected. An interactive online map, produced by the Ancient World Map-
ping Center, accompanies the Guide: http://awmc.unc.edu/awmc/applications/strabo.
Roller structures his Guide exclusively around the older-style referencing system
(see “Looking Up an Older-Style Reference to Strabo’s Geography” in this translation).
In Strabo’s “Geography”: A Translation for the Modern World, t hese older-style references
are given in the right-hand margin to facilitate cross-referral to pre-Radt editions of
Strabo’s work. They also allow readers of this translation to cross-refer to Roller’s Guide.
Daniela Dueck, ed., The Routledge Companion to Strabo (Routledge), 2017. This is a wide-
ranging survey of scholarly work covering such topics as Strabo’s sources, worldview,
interest in specific areas, and use of mathematics. It also covers the fate of Strabo’s
work in the centuries after his death and includes discussion of Strabo’s other work
(a history, which has not survived to the present day). The Companion is a useful start-
ing point for t hose who wish to know more about any aspect of Strabo, since the
individual contributions come with ample reference to further scholarly literat ure,
usefully provided in a single bibliography.
The World Factbook, by the Central Intelligence Agency (https://www.cia.gov/the-world

-factbook/countries/ ), is a continually updated resource that provides maps and pro-
files of nation-states as recognized by the US government. It is the basis for most of
the names of the nation-states that are used in this translation so that readers can
identify, in present-day terms, the areas described by Strabo. It is inevitable that a
certain perspective emerges as a result of this practice. The perspective is that of the
Western world (even the term “Western” reflects the perspective of those who are
used to seeing maps of the world that show the United States and Europe on the left-
hand side, and Asia on the right). Nation-states are named in this translation solely
to assist readers in bridging the gap between the modern world and the ancient one.
The use of the names of modern nation-states should not be taken as statements of
political support.
xxviii
Special Features of This Translation
This translation aims to bring readers the big picture. It clarifies the overarching struc-
ture of Strabo’s narrative, identifies some of his writerly habits, and highlights some of
the themes that r ipple through his work. Context is all-important when consulting indi-
vidual parts of Strabo’s narrative. Readers interested in a single sentence or short passage
will benefit from taking into consideration its place within the overall scheme of the work.
This translation is designed to make that process as easy as possible.
Chapters
The chapters into which this translation is divided are not a feature of Strabo’s original
work. They have been introduced by the translator to help readers appreciate the over-
all structure of Strabo’s narrative and to enable them to access more easily the parts on
which they wish to focus without having to wade through irrelevant material. Their titles
and placement are suggested by Strabo’s own comments and cross-references, and they
thus reflect natural divisions within the work, even though they are extraneous to the
original narrative.
Strabo starts with an extremely long—some might say off-putting—discussion in
which he puts his work in the scholarly context of his time. This section (chapter 1) is of
great interest to specialists wanting to know more about the works from antiquity that
Strabo consulted, directly or via intermediaries. Most of these works have not survived
to the present day, but the next best t hing to having the works themselves is having
Strabo’s long and detailed analyses of the arguments presented within them. The attrac-
tion of this chapter for nonspecialists is less obvious. A cursory reading is nevertheless
recommended, since the chapter shows the sorts of questions intellectuals were asking
themselves in antiquity, even if the minutiae of the answers can be difficult to follow.
The short section that follows (chapter 2) is, in contrast, essential reading for all who
consult Strabo’s work. After all, the “lived-in world”—the concept defined and discussed
in this section—is what Strabo’s work is all about. Yet the concept of the “lived-in world”
(often translated as the “inhabited world”) is a difficult one for modern readers to grasp.
In this chapter, Strabo succinctly shows the preconceptions and scientific deductions
on which the concept is based. Readers will find that this chapter helps to clarify many
comments made by Strabo later in his work.
xxix
Following these two introductory chapters, the main body of Strabo’s narrative is
divided into three chapters that mirror Strabo’s division of the lived-in world into three
continents. Strabo deals first with Europe (chapter 3), which he divides into western
Europe and eastern E urope (parts 1 and 2). The allocation of individual areas to “west”
and “east” is a conceptual exercise as much as one based on physical reality. In this respect,
it is interesting to note that, for Strabo, Greece is part of eastern Europe. Since, however,
Strabo deals with Greece at such disproportionate length, it is given its own space in this
translation (part 3).
The next continent with which Strabo deals is Asia (chapter 4), which he divides into
northern Asia and southern Asia (parts 1 and 2). For Strabo, Roman Egypt (part of
present-day Egypt) and the people whom Strabo calls “Ethiopians” (southern Egypt, Sudan,
South Sudan, present-day Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia) are part of southern Asia
rather than part of Africa. With Egypt and the Ethiopians thus allocated, Strabo’s treat-
ment of the third and final continent, Africa (or, as Strabo calls it, “Libya”) is relatively
brief (chapter 5). This brevity partly reflects how little Strabo knows of Africa beyond its
Mediterranean coast. Perhaps, too, it reflects Strabo’s advanced age and failing concen-
tration as he approaches the end of his work.
Strabo’s closing discussion (Epilogue) is even terser than his account of Africa, occupy-
ing only a c ouple of pages. This final discussion is often overlooked by readers who have
forged their way through Strabo’s entire narrative, perhaps b ecause they are so relieved
to have reached the end of such a long work. This is a shame since the Epilogue is of far
greater relevance to historians than traditionally has been appreciated. It provides an
illuminating account of how the Roman empire was perceived in its own day, as opposed
to how it is perceived retrospectively by modern scholars. Conversely, readers who go
straight to this final section of the narrative without considering its relationship to the
body of Strabo’s work risk missing its nuances.
Subheadings
Within each chapter of this translation, subheadings have been introduced that, like the
chapter titles, are extraneous to the original narrative but are nevertheless warranted by
Strabo’s own comments and cross-references. In the two introductory chapters and in
the Epilogue, the subheadings reflect topics and ideas discussed by Strabo. In the chapters
covering E urope, Asia, and Libya (= Africa), the subheadings reflect the areas into which
Strabo subdivides the continents—for example, “Masylia + Carthage (e. Algeria, Tunisia,
Italian + Tunisian islands, w. present-day Libya).” As can be seen in this example, the names
of the areas outlined by Strabo are followed by their present-day equivalents, given in
italics, in parentheses.
xxx
Navigating Strabo’s Geography
All the chapter headings and subheadings are aggregated in “Navigating Strabo’s Geog-
raphy,” a detailed breakdown of contents, which immediately precedes the translation
of Strabo’s work. This detailed breakdown shows not only how Strabo divides his nar-
rative but also how he divides the world described within that narrative. The names and
descriptions used by Strabo are followed by the corresponding names from the present
day. An accompanying map shows the relevant parts of the modern world. Consequently,
“Navigating Strabo’s Geography” acts as a sort of index to the parts of the modern world
covered in Strabo’s work.
Maps
The modern-day areas covered within Strabo’s narrative are shown in the map of Strabo’s
“Lived-in World” that accompanies “Navigating Strabo’s Geography.” In addition, each
continental chapter is accompanied by a map, showing in modern terms the territorial
area covered by Strabo in that chapter. The accuracy of Strabo’s coverage is not consistent,
with his vision getting progressively more blurred as he moves farther north and west in
Europe, farther east in Asia, and farther south in Africa. T
hese maps do not by any means
represent Strabo’s ideas concerning the shapes of the landmasses he describes. Rather,
they allow readers to relate the ancient names used by Strabo to areas in the twenty-first-
century world. Readers interested in the history of a particular part of the present-day
world—say, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, or Tajikistan—can use the maps to access the rel-
evant part of Strabo’s narrative. The maps are designed solely to aid readers in this en-
deavor and are not intended, in any way, to express support for the political entities shown.
Translator’s Introductions
While the maps and the detailed breakdown of contents presented in “Navigating Strabo’s
Geography” help readers to orient themselves within the modern world, readers also need
help in orienting themselves within Strabo’s complex narrative. Assistance is provided by
the “Translator’s Introductions” at the start of each chapter, which are designed to draw
the reader into Strabo’s narrative. In the first two chapters and in the final Epilogue, the
introductions emphasize the relevance of these chapters to Strabo’s work as a whole.
In the chapters on E urope, Asia, and Libya (= Africa), the introductions explore the
xxxi
relevance of Strabo’s territorial divisions to the modern world and emphasize the par
ticular a ngle from which Strabo approaches his descriptions.
Paragraphs and Paragraph Identifiers
Paragraphs as we use them in the modern world were not part of the regular tool kit of
scribes in antiquity. Their use in Strabo’s original (and now lost) manuscript would have
been l imited. Because modern readers are accustomed to having written works divided
into manageable units, Strabo’s work is split into paragraphs in this translation. Each
paragraph is given an identifier in the left-hand margin, which provides a means of citing
Strabo’s “Geography”: A Translation for the Modern World (see “How to Cite This Transla-
tion”). Since t hese identifiers consist of the line numbers provided in Radt’s 2002–11
edition of the Greek text on which this translation is based (see entry for Stefan L. Radt
in “Use This Translation in Conjunction With . . .”), they additionally provide a means
for specialists to cross-refer to the Greek text of Strabo’s work.
Older-Style Referencing System
While the paragraph identifiers in the left-hand margin provide a means of citing this
translation, the numbers in the right-hand margin represent an older-style referencing
system, corresponding to the paragraphs into which scholars gradually divided Strabo’s
Greek text in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (see “Looking Up an Older-Style
Reference to Strabo’s Geography”). Since t hese paragraphs w ere often excessively long,
they have been superseded in this translation as a way of sectioning the narrative. Nev-
ertheless, these older-style reference numbers are provided alongside the translation to
aid readers who wish to consult pre-Radt editions of the Greek text or to compare this
translation to e arlier translations, or who have been given a reference of this older type
that they wish to follow up.
Margin Notes
The margins, as well as housing paragraph identifiers and older-style references, con-
vey information that helps readers to understand Strabo’s narrative at a glance, with-
out having to refer to a separate commentary or atlas. This information is distributed
xxxii
etween the left-hand and right-hand margins as follows (except where space on the page
b
is l imited, and information may bleed from one margin to the other).
Left-Hand Margin
The left-hand margin is used to identify the general area under discussion, along with
its present-day equivalent, written in italics—for example, “BRETTIA s. Italy.” The
present-day equivalents are usually given in terms of nation-states, although islands and
large peninsulas are often named separately from the nation-state to which they belong
(e.g., Sicily is differentiated from mainland Italy), as this provides a more meaningful
way of locating places mentioned by Strabo.
The left-hand margin is additionally used to provide the names and dates of the
many historians, philosophers, and poets with whom Strabo engages—for example,
“Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE).” The c entury within which the scholar or poet was active
is given, rather than dates of birth and death, which are rarely known with precision.
The presentation of this information is intended to help modern readers appreciate
just how far back into his own past Strabo is reaching when citing t hese earlier scholars
and poets.
Strabo’s attitude t oward the scholars with whom he engages is often one of criticism.
He has a particular fondness for pointing out logical flaws or inconsistencies in their
thought processes. In cases where Strabo’s arguments are excessively convoluted, the
main point he is making may be indicated in the left-hand margin. Much work remains
to be done in clarifying the complexities of Strabo’s systems of argumentation and how
they might affect our interpretation of the various statements attributed by Strabo to
earlier scholars.
Right-Hand Margin
The right-hand margin is used for giving the present-day equivalent of individual geo
graphical features—cities, towns, harbors, headlands, straits, and rivers—named by
Strabo. The Strabonian name is followed by the present-day equivalent in italics and,
in parentheses, the abbreviated form of the nation-state in which it is located—for ex-
ample, “Nysa, Sultanhisar (Tky.).” In some cases, to make it easier for modern scholars
to locate features mentioned by Strabo, the name of an island is given in preference to
the nation-state to which the island belongs—for example, “Pelorias, Capo Peloro (Sic.).”
In the case of rivers, straits, and headlands, the present-day equivalent name is given
without reference to a nation-state, since many rivers flow through multiple states, and
straits and headlands frequently mark boundaries between states.
The present-day equivalents given in this translation are based largely on the Map-
by-Map Directory that accompanies the Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World and
generally follow the style and conventions of the entries in the Directory. It is helpful to
have this Directory to hand when reading through Strabo’s narrative, since it lists the
xxxiii
scholarly literat ure supporting the identifications made. The Pleiades database is useful
for more up-to-date literature. Where sites mentioned by Strabo lie outside the geo
graphical area covered by the Barrington Atlas, the present-day names given in the right-
hand margins are taken from e ither Radt’s commentary or Pleiades. (All these resources
are listed in greater detail in “Use This Translation in Conjunction With . . .”). Where a
present-day equivalent has not been identified or is very contentious, it is simply omitted
from this translation.
Some place-names crop up time and time again throughout Strabo’s narrative because
he uses them as reference markers rather than—or as well as—places of interest in their
own right: for example, “Pillars of Heracles, Straits of Gibraltar.” Sometimes, identifica-
tion of these geographical markers depends on context. For example, what Strabo refers
to as “our sea” strictly comprises what we think of as three separate seas: the Mediterra-
nean Sea, the Black Sea, and the Sea of Azov. However, in contexts where Strabo locates a
Mediterranean city on the coast of “our sea,” it is more meaningful for the modern reader
simply to have “our sea” identified as the Mediterranean.
The right-hand margin is also used where Strabo’s engagement with an earlier scholar
extends over many pages. In the process, Strabo frequently refers to his would-be inter-
locutor simply as “he.” Readers consulting only a few lines of Strabo’s narrative will need
help in identifying who “he” is, so the referent is identified in the right-hand margin.
Things can get very complicated when Strabo engages with two or more writers simul
taneously, differentiating between them by referring to one as “that fellow” and the other
as “this fellow.” The probable referents are given in the right-hand margin, but some of
these identifications are contentious. This is another area where much scholarly work
remains to be done if we are to appreciate properly the statements that Strabo attributes
to the various writers he compares and contrasts.
Also noted in the right-hand margin are some of the weights and m easures used
by Strabo. These units of measurement are defined by reference to the ancient met-
rological systems to which they belong. For example, “1 cubit = 1.5 (Greek) ft.” The
exact value in modern terms of the Greek foot and units based on it is a vexed issue, so
no attempt has been made to convert these m easurements into the imperial or metric
systems.
It is often just as important to know where units stand in ancient metrological sys-
tems (e.g., whether they are the largest units or the smallest ones) as to know their exact
value in either ancient or modern terms. In many Strabonian contexts, knowing that
a “talent” consists of six thousand drachmas is probably less useful than knowing that
it is the largest unit in the ancient Greek accounting system. As such, it is often used
where we might say “thousands of pounds” or “thousands of dollars.” The marginal
notes on weights and measures therefore sometimes include their position within the
ancient systems.
xxxiv
Strabo’s Engagement with Earlier Scholars
Strabo often engages with e arlier scholars by entering into a sort of imaginary debate with
them. In these quasi debates, Strabo may represent the views of the scholar concerned
by using a grammatical device that school textbooks call “reported speech” or “indirect
speech”—a misnomer as far as Strabo’s practice is concerned, because he is generally pre-
senting the written word. Strabo’s use of this grammatical device can extend over many
pages, a fact that is obvious in the Greek but easily lost in E nglish translation. Italics are
used in this translation to indicate when Strabo is engaging with an earlier scholar in this
way. The use of italics is particularly important for readers consulting only a few lines of
Strabo’s narrative, who otherwise might miss the fact that the information in question is
put into the mouth of an earlier writer.
Strabo’s borrowings from earlier scholars are without doubt far more extensive than
his use of reported speech suggests. The italics do not therefore represent the totality
of Strabo’s borrowing from a given author. Rather, they reflect the texture of Strabo’s
narrative as he hops from one grammatical structure to another, from explicitly engag-
ing with an e arlier writer to providing information whose provenance is not specified.
Interestingly, historical or geographic al errors occasionally occur in t hose passages of
reported speech, raising the possibility not only that the error was made by the writer
with whom Strabo engages but that the existence of the error is precisely the point that
Strabo is making.
The obvious solution to questions concerning the extent and veracity of Strabo’s repre
sentations would be to check Strabo’s words against the works of the writers with whom he
engages. This is rarely feasible, as most of those works have not survived to the present day.
On the few occasions when a work is still available to us, we can see that Strabo’s represen
tation of the writer’s words is often quite loose. Similarly, when Strabo repeatedly refers to
a particular thought or statement in the work of a writer now lost, he may represent that
same original statement slightly differently on diff erent occasions, showing that he freely
adapts the words of others to fit in with the flow of his own narrative.
In the light of all these considerations, the passages in italics should not be understood
as “fragments” in the slightly bizarre sense in which the word is used by specialists, who
treat such passages as stand-ins for the words of writers whose works are now lost. They
are, rather, fragments of Strabo, and are highlighted in this translation to show that he is
engaging in an argument that requires representation of the views of an e arlier scholar.
These passages can get very complicated. Sometimes, Strabo writes in the voice of an
earlier writer who is, in turn, writing in the voice of a yet e arlier writer. It can be chal-
lenging to attempt to peel back the various layers of onion skin to find out which writer
said what. In t hese cases, the w
hole passage is represented in italics, and the further layers
xxxv
of engagement within it are contained within quotation marks, but there often remains
some uncertainty as to exactly who said exactly what.
Parentheses and Square Brackets
Sometimes it is hard for modern readers to understand what Strabo is saying without extra
help. For example, where Strabo plays on the literal meaning of a name, the modern reader
needs to be told what that meaning is. To address this issue, in this translation the meaning
is inserted in parentheses after the name in question and is differentiated from Strabo’s own
words by its typography, appearing in italics and in a different font: for example, “Aphrodite
‘Apaturus’ (Trickster).” In this instance, the insertion of the literal meaning of the name helps
readers to appreciate the relevance of the story that follows, about how the goddess tricked
the Giants who wanted to kill her and how she ended up killing them instead.
Sometimes, Strabo omits words, expecting those in his audience to use their own
mental faculties to remedy the omissions. This was a common practice in ancient Greek,
but it can make life difficult for modern readers, whose m ental faculties are differently
attuned. In this translation, the omitted words are added into the narrative but placed
within square brackets and set in italics and a different font. One typical instance where a
word is added is when Strabo gives distances without specifying the unit of measurement,
as in, for example, “some forty-five thousand [stades] from the Rhodian Peraea.” Strabo’s
references to “the burnt,” “the temperate,” and “the frozen” can be bewildering to the
modern reader. In this translation, the omitted word is supplied: “burnt [zone],” “temper-
ate [zone],” and “frozen [zone].”
Footnotes
The footnotes accompanying this translation stress the coherence of Strabo’s narrative.
They clarify the backward and forward references Strabo makes, sometimes explicitly,
often implicitly. These implicit references are easily overlooked, especially where they
relate to passages appearing many pages e arlier or l ater. For example, Strabo is fond of
announcing his intention to discuss what “remains” of an area, implicitly referring to
definitions made at the outset of his descriptions of each continent or particular geo
graphical areas within each continent, or even at the outset of his overall work.
Also highlighted in the footnotes are references Strabo makes to his own presence in
some (though not many) of the places he describes. As well as these explicit references,
there are numerous passages where Strabo uses words such as “seeing” or “sight,” which
xxxvi
seem to refer to his own experience, and he occasionally playfully alludes to the meaning
of his own name, which is “cross-eyed” in both Latin and Greek.
Strabo has other writerly habits to which attention is drawn in the footnotes. He
continually corrects himself as he proceeds through his work, refining and clarifying
statements made e arlier. T hese corrections are sometimes treated by modern scholars
as “inconsistencies,” a term predicated on the assumption that Strabo’s overall narrative
reflects his views at a single moment in time. However, since these inconsistencies are
often improvements on, or additions to, e arlier statements, it is likely that Strabo was
updating his views in real time as he wrote (or dictated or lectured).
Strabo transliterates, and occasionally translates, Latin names into Greek. He also
enjoys playing around with language more broadly. For example, he toys with the ambi-
guities brought about by grammatical inflection. He argues that a promontory in what
is now western Turkey should be called Aiga rather than Aix—the latter of which, in the
inflected form required by his sentence structure, is also written as Aiga! These effects
are difficult to replicate in translation, but attention is drawn to them in the footnotes.
References in the footnotes to e arlier or later sections of Strabo’s narrative are made by
means of the paragraph identifiers provided in the left-hand margin of this translation.
A reference such as “8 C, 26–9 C, 7n” is to both the relevant paragraph and the footnote
accompanying it.
A Directory for the Modern Reader
Some readers of this translation will be primarily interested in a specific present-day

country and its past representation. While the information provided in “Navigating
Strabo’s Geography” and the modern maps accompanying the continental chapters pro-
vide a general indication of where to look for Strabo’s corresponding description, more
precise information can be found in “A Directory for the Modern Reader” at the end of
the translation. This directory lists present-day countries by name, with important is-
lands and major peninsulas listed separately from the nation-states to which they belong,
as is the practice throughout this translation. The directory provides readers with a list
of the most relevant sections of Strabo’s narrative.
xxxvii
Idiosyncrasies
very translation has its quirks, and Strabo’s “Geography”: A Translation for the Modern
E
World is no exception, starting with the subtitle. Strabo stresses that his job is to de-
scribe the world as it is, even though he reaches far back into the past in order to do so.
This translation picks up the ball and runs with it, relating the world of the twenty-first
century to the ancient world. The subtitle, A Translation for the Modern World, indicates
both what this translation hopes to achieve and how that ambition relates to Strabo’s own.
The Greek word oikoumene is an important one for Strabo, as it is the subject of his en-
tire work. Traditionally rendered as the “inhabited world” or sometimes even the “known
world,” in this translation it is rendered as the “lived-in world.” The Greek verb from
which oikoumene is derived means not only “to inhabit” but “to manage productively,” as
in the case of a household or state. It is, in fact, the word from which our word “econom-
ics” is partially derived. The traditional rendition of oikoumene as “inhabited world” is too
passive. The term “lived-in world” better reflects an entity that is, at least in part, the
production and creation of the p eople who live in it.
The Greek word ethnos is, in this translation, rendered as “nation.” It is intended in the
sense in which the early inhabitants of Canada are referred to as the “First Nations” or the
sense in which Scotland is a nation. The traditional rendition of ethnos as “tribe” is mis-
leading in its overtones of primitiveness. The situation is similar with regard to barbaroi,
which is traditionally rendered as “barbarians” but is usually rendered in this translation
as “natives.” Strabo states that, for him, barbaroi are non-Greeks (662 C, 6-19) which,
in the context of Strabo’s work, generally means the p eople who occupied a given area
before the Greeks or Romans arrived. Hence, “natives” seems a more apt translation.
Occasionally, Strabo does use barbaroi in a pejorative sense. When this is the case, the
translation “barbarians” is sometimes used.
In describing cities, Strabo tends to use words often applied to w omen (such as
“adorn”), with the consequence that cities are not only grammatically feminine but often
metaphorically so as well. Accordingly, in this translation, the Greek feminine pronoun
used in relation to cities is often translated as the English feminine pronoun “she.”
One of the problems in translating from ancient Greek to English is that, in the Greek
language, word order is flexible. In any given sentence, the object of an active verb can
precede the verb, and the subject can follow it. This word order is commonly used by
Strabo. It is often best represented in English by converting the active verb into the
passive. This means that the object can still precede the verb, and the subject can still
follow it, which is particularly important where the subject is further qualified by a long
description. This strategy is often employed in this translation to preserve the balance
of Strabo’s sentences.
xxxviii
A User’s Guide
How to Cite This Translation
To cite a paragraph from this translation, use the identifier provided in the left-hand
margin—for example, “291 C, 17-22.” Broken down into its constituent elements, this
identifier refers to lines 17 to 22 of C page 291. The paragraph that comes next in this
translation is 291 C, 23–292 C, 10. To cite the content of both paragraphs, amalgamate
them as follows: 291 C, 17–292 C, 10. This method of citation is used in the footnotes; for
forward and backward references within the translation; in “A Directory for the Modern
Reader,” at the end of the translation; and in the indexes.
The line numbers within each C page are derived from Radt’s edition of Strabo’s Greek
text (see entry for Stefan L. Radt in “Use This Translation in Conjunction With . . .”).
The identifiers thus facilitate cross-reference between Radt’s edition of the Greek text
and this translation of it.
Looking Up an Older-Style Reference to Strabo’s Geography
Some readers will approach this translation armed with a reference of the “7.1.4” type.
They should look for this older-style reference in the right-hand margin. The first digit in
this reference indicates the book number. A book, in this context, is one of the seventeen
units of narrative into which Strabo’s work was divided in antiquity. These units, appar-
ently originating with Strabo himself, probably reflect the number of papyrus rolls his
narrative occupied. The second and third digits give the section and paragraph numbers,
according to a system gradually imposed on the Greek text by scholars, largely through
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Thus, “7.1.4” is the fourth paragraph of the first
section of the seventh book.
7.1.4-type references are given in this translation to facilitate cross-referral with pre-
Radt editions of Strabo’s Greek text and with e arlier translations of Strabo’s work in which
this referencing system was used. The end of each 7.1.4-type paragraph is marked in this
translation with a vertical bar: “|” Readers will see that these vertical bars do not necessarily
coincide with paragraph breaks in Strabo’s “Geography”: A Translation for the Modern World,
which is why t hese older-style references are not a suitable way of citing this translation.
xxxix
A User’s Guide
What Does “. . . *” Mean in This Translation?
Strabo’s narrative does not always flow smoothly in the Greek language in which it is writ-
ten. In some places, a word or phrase needs to be imagined for the sentence to make sense.
Perhaps Strabo’s mind momentarily wandered, or perhaps Strabo was using a scribe who
accidentally missed a word during dictation. Perhaps, in l ater ages, a copyist overlooked
a word as he transcribed Strabo’s narrative from one papyrus roll or manuscript page
to another. In this translation, places where a word or phrase needs to be imagined are
marked thus: . . . *.
In other instances so marked, a word or phrase included in Strabo’s narrative has
been omitted because it appears not to make sense. Again, the error may have been
Strabo’s own, or that of his scribe or a later copyist losing concentration. Some instances
of “ . . . *,” rather than suggesting an omission or error in the narrative, may rather
represent a gap in our understanding of it. Strabo may be making a point or a joke that
eludes us, or he may be inexpertly working into his narrative a quotation from an e arlier
writer, or he may simply be expressing himself in an unusual or clumsy manner.
Identification of omissions and errors is to some extent subjective. Since Strabo’s
“Geography”: A Translation for the Modern World is based on the edition of the Greek text
by Radt (see entry for Stefan L. Radt in “Use This Translation in Conjunction With . . .”),
instances of “ . . . *” in this translation reflect words or passages identified by Radt as
problematic. For more detailed information, specialists should refer to Radt’s analysis
at the foot of each page of his Greek text or to the separate volumes of commentary that
accompany his edition.
xl
The Greek Stade as Used by Strabo
Strabo routinely expresses distances in terms of the stade. The longest

unit of linear m easurement used by the ancient Greeks, the stade was much
shorter than the longest unit in present-day metrological systems; t here
are nearly nine stades to the present-day mile and over five stades to the
kilometer. Although the precise value of the stade may have varied slightly
in different regions, Strabo’s conversion rate of eight stades to the Roman
mile (see 322 C, 28–323 C, 3) suggests that the stade figures he gives may
be converted into modern units as follows:
Converting from Stades to Present-Day Miles

Multiply by 0.115 the number of stades given by Strabo to arrive at the ap-
proximate equivalent in present-day miles. Example:
2,500 stades × 0.115 = 287.5 present-day miles (approx.)
Converting from Stades to Kilometers

Multiply by 0.185 the number of stades given by Strabo to arrive at the ap-
proximate equivalent in kilometers. Example:
2,500 stades × 0.185 = 462.5 kilometers (approx.)
Many of the stade figures given by Strabo are estimates. Converting them
into modern units does not alter the fact that the figures thus achieved
remain estimates. This can be difficult to remember when the conversion
yields an apparently precise figure such as 462.5.
The Roman Mile
Strabo occasionally gives distances in terms of the mile, by which he means

the Roman mile, the longest linear unit in the Roman system. The Roman
mile is equivalent to just under one and half kilometers and slightly less
than a present-day mile. Distances given by Strabo in Roman miles may be
converted into modern units as follows:
Converting from Roman Miles to Present-Day Miles

Multiply by 0.92 the number of Roman miles given by Strabo to arrive at
the approximate equivalent in present-day miles. Example:
100 Roman miles × 0.92 = 92 present-day miles (approx.)
Converting from Roman Miles to Kilometers

Multiply by 1.48 the number of Roman miles given by Strabo to arrive at
the approximate equivalent in kilometers. Example:
100 Roman miles × 1.48 = 148 kilometers (approx.)
NAVIGATING
STRABO’S
GEOGRAPHY
G Denmark
re
at
Ne
th
nd
erl
and Poland
la
Brit
s
Ir e
Germany
ain
Belgium
Luxembourg Czech Rep. Ukraine
akia M
Slov ol Russia
France tria do n
Switzerland Aus Hungary va sta
ia kh
ven Romania a
Slo Croatia Crimea az
K
Se
Bosnia-
rb
Herzegovina
ia
Uzb
Ita gro Bulgaria
eki Kyrgyzstan
ly tene osovo Georgia sta
Corsica Mon K North n
Macedonia
Albania Armenia Azerbaijan
Spain Sardinia Turkmenistan
Greece Tajikistan
Turkey China
Sicily
Portugal
Cyprus Syria
Tunisia Crete Afghanistan
Lebanon
Iraq Iran
Morocco Israel
n
da
Pakistan
Jor
Kuwait
Nepal
Algeria Bhutan
Western Libya
Sahara Egypt Qatar
United Bangladesh
Arab
Saudi Arabia Emirates
India
an
Mauritania
Om
Mali
Niger
Chad
Eritrea en
Sudan Yem
Djibouti
South Ethiopia
Sri Lanka
lia
Sudan
ma
So
M A P 1. Strabo’s “Lived-In World”

Breakdown of the Geography
Chapter One: Geography and Geographers
Translator’s Introduction 9
Describing the World 13
Geography as Philosophy 13
Homer (8th c. BCE): The First Geographer 13
Prerequisites for Geography 19
Practical Applications of Geography 20
Basic Assumptions 24
Purpose of Strabo’s Work 26
Strabo’s Own Contribution 26
The Problem of Sources 28
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) 28
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) and Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) 83
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) 112
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) 123
Chapter Two: The “Lived-in World”

How to Be a Geographer 133
Geography, Geometry, Astronomy, and Physics 134
Relationship of the “Lived-in World” to the Spherical Earth 137
Direct vs Indirect Experience 143
Shape of the “Lived-in World” on a Map 144
Role of the Sea in Defining the “Lived-in World” 147
Four Gulfs (Caspian Sea, Persian Gulf, Red Sea, and “Our Sea”) 148
Our Sea (Mediterranean Sea + Black Sea + Sea of Azov) 149
Three Continents (Europe, Asia, and Africa) 154
The Climata (Geographical Coordinates) 160
Shadow Zones 164
3
Chapter Three: Europe
Part 1. Western Europe

Iberia (Spain, Portugal, Andorra, Gibraltar) 171
Atlantic Coast 172
Mediterranean Coast 192
Iberian Islands (Ibiza, Formentera, Mallorca, Menorca, Cádiz, ?Cornwall,
UK/?islands off nw. France) 204
Celtica (France, Belgium, Luxembourg, w. Switzerland, s. Netherlands, w. Germany) 214
Mediterranean Coast 216
Atlantic Coast 229
Atlantic Islands (Great Britain, Ireland, ?Iceland) 240
Alps (se. France, Monaco, n. Italy, Liechtenstein, Switzerland, s. Germany, s. Austria,
sw. Slovenia, w. Croatia) 243
Italy (Italy, w. Slovenia, w. Croatia) + Islands (Elba, Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, Malta, etc.) 251
Part 2. Eastern Europe

Division of Eastern Europe 345
North of the Danube 346
From the Rhine to the Elbe (n. Netherlands, Germany, n. Austria,
Czech Republic, Poland) 346
North of Lower Danube (Hungary, n. Serbia, Romania, Moldova) 351
Pontic (Black Sea) Coast + Hinterland (Moldova, Ukraine) 362
Cherronesus (Crimea), Maeotic (Azov) Coast + Hinterland (Ukraine, s. Russia) 365
South of the Danube 371
Adriatic Coast + Hinterland (Slovenia, Croatia, w. Hungary, Bosnia-Herzegovina,
Montenegro, Albania, Serbia, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Bulgaria) 373
Pontic Coast (Black Sea coast of Romania, Bulgaria, European Turkey) 378
Mediterranean Coast (Albania, w. + ne. Greece, European Turkey, Greek +
Turkish islands of n. Aegean) + Hinterland (n. Greece, North Macedonia) 382
Part 3. Greece
Greece 397
The Peloponnese (s. Greece) 400
First Band: Megaris + Attica (s. cen. Greece) 460
Second Band: Boeotia (s. cen. Greece) 470
4
Third Band: Phocis (cen. Greece) 489

Fourth Band: Locris (cen. Greece) 497
Fifth Band: Thessaly, Acarnania, Aetolia (e. + sw. Greece) + Islands 502
Crete + Greek Islands (in Aegean and Cretan seas) 550
Chapter Four: Asia
Part 1. Northern Asia

Distinction between Northern Asia and Southern Asia 573
First Section (s. Russia, Georgia, n. Azerbaijan) 575
Maeotic Coast (Sea of Azov) 576
Pontic Coast (Black Sea) 579
Second Section (sw. + s. Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, n. Iran, Uzbekistan,
Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, n. Afghanistan, n. India) 591
Caspian Coast 591
Third Section (n. Iraq, n. Iran, s. Azerbaijan, s. Georgia, Armenia, e. + cen. Turkey) 607
Fourth Section (n. + w. + s. Turkey + Cyprus) 628
Pontic Coast (Black Sea) 628
Propontic Coast (Sea of Marmara/Marmara Denizi + islands) 664
Aegean Coast (w. coast of Turkey + Gk. and Tk. islands) 682
Mediterranean Coast (s. coast of Turkey + Cyprus) 758
Part 2. Southern Asia

India (India, s. A
fghanistan, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka) 785
Translator’s Note on Strabo’s “India” 821
Ariana and Carmania (w. Pakistan, s. Afghanistan, s. + e. Iran) 823
Persia and Susis (s. + w. + cen. Iran) 831
Assyria (Iraq, Kuwait, w. Iran, se. Turkey, e. Syria) 841
Syria (se. Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, West Bank, Gaza, Sinai) 855
Arabia (s. + w. Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, s. Israel, Sinai, Bahrain,
Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Yemen, Oman) 873
Persian Gulf (coast of Iran, s. Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar,
UAE + Oman) 873
Arabian Gulf, Trogodyte Coast, and Coast of Cinnamonland (Red Sea coast
of Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Jordan, s. Israel, Sinai, Egypt, Sudan, Eritrea +
coast of Djibouti and Somalia) 876
Nile Region (Egypt, Sudan, South Sudan, Ethiopia) 895
5
Chapter Five: Libya (= Africa)

Libya (=Africa) 945
Maurusia (Morocco, sw. Algeria) 946
Coast of Outer Sea (Atlantic coast of Morocco, Western Sahara,
?Mauritania, ?Senegal) 946
Coast of Inner Sea (Mediterranean coast of Morocco) 948
Masaesylia (Algeria) 950
Masylia + Carthage (e. Algeria, Tunisia, Italian + Tunisian islands,
w. present-day Libya) 953
Cyrenaea (e. present-day Libya) 958
Epilogue: The Roman Empire (late 1st c. BCE–early 1st c. CE)

The Roman Empire 967
“Caesar’s Portion” vs “People’s Portion” of Empire 968
“Caesar’s Provinces” vs “Provinces of the People” 968
Provinces of the People 968
Caesar’s Provinces 969
Kings, Dynasts, and Decarchies 969
6
TRANSL AT I O N O F
STRABO’S
GEOGRAPHY
CH APT E R O N E Geography and Geographers
Translator’s Introduction
Readers of the twenty-first c entury who are interested in what Strabo has to say about
past conceptions of present-day regions such as Sudan or Tajikistan or Ukraine w ill be
amply rewarded in the later pages of Strabo’s work but will find little of obvious and im-
mediate interest in this first chapter. Strabo is intent in this opening section of his work
on justifying his choice of geography as a topic worthy of study. While passionately inter-
ested in his subject matter, he is nevertheless—like many an enthusiast since—strangely
inarticulate when it comes to explaining why others should find it valuable. When he
claims that the Persians, if they had studied geography, would not have panicked during
their attempted invasion of Greece and mistakenly supposed that the strait between the
island of Boeotia and the Greek mainland was a dead end, he seems to be scraping the
barrel. Possibly Strabo is not being entirely serious.
The issue is that Strabo is forced to defend the study of an essentially scientific subject
to an audience whose own education will have been largely literary. Strabo’s solution is
to stake a claim to Homer, the creator of the epic poems known as the Odyssey and Iliad,
whose study was an integral part of the ancient literary curriculum. Strabo makes the
case that, since Homer makes sweeping geographical references, one cannot properly ap-
preciate Homer’s poetry without a concomitant understanding of geography. More than
that, he argues that Homer’s own words, properly interpreted, can themselves be used as
geographical evidence. This proviso—that Homer’s words need proper interpretation—
connects the study of geography with the literary work of the Homeric commentators.
The gap between literature and science is partially bridged.
Strabo f aces a further problem, with which many a twenty-first-century geographer will
sympathize. Having defended the study of science versus literat ure, Strabo has to defend
the study of geography against the study of the pure sciences such as astronomy, physics,
and mathematics. He tries to give these scientific subjects due weight as providing useful
foundational material, but pure sciences are clearly not Strabo’s forte. Strabo does not always
seem fully to grasp the scientific concepts he presents, and his repeated statements that not
too much time should be spent on the scientific underpinnings of geography often seem
self-serving. His true strength lies in his intense curiosity about the human activities and
organizations that have influenced and continue to influence the world as he knows it. It is
this human factor that dominates the body of Strabo’s work (chapters 3–5 in this translation).
9
1. Geography and Geographers
It is by no means obvious that Strabo was successful in walking the fine line between
literature and science on the one hand and the even finer line between pure science and
geography on the other hand. As far as we can tell, Strabo’s geographical work found
little f avor immediately after his death. Then again, the evidence for this view is based
largely on the fact that few authors appear to have cited Strabo by name in the decades
following the completion of his work. Much of Strabo’s work may have entered the col-
lective subconscious as “common sense,” and it may not have been deemed necessary to
cite him by name, any more than we cite Copernicus when we say that the earth travels
around the sun.
In looking at how Strabo defends his choice of subject matter, it should be noted
that he is sometimes amazingly petty when it comes to his criticism of earlier scholars.
He takes aim not only at the findings and writings of o thers but at their personal cir-
cumstances, in ways that can only be described as vicious. Most famously, he lambasts
Pytheas, an explorer of the fourth c entury BCE, who, as far as we can tell, successfully
sailed around Britain, discovered another island that was almost certainly Iceland, and
sailed along the coast of northwestern E urope, perhaps into the Baltic Sea. Pytheas’s
discoveries should have opened Strabo’s mind. Paradoxically, b ecause those discoveries
did not fit Strabo’s preconceptions, they served to close it further.
The treatment of Pytheas, while particularly vituperative, is part of a larger process
in which Strabo engages with earlier writers as if having a conversation with them, even
though they lived and worked centuries before him. In the twenty-first c entury, when the
instantaneousness of communication is prioritized, it is interesting to see that a coun-
terbalancing virtue of the written word is its survival across hundreds of years. Homer’s
poetry, so important to Strabo, had been written down at least seven centuries before
Strabo reads and comments on it. Even some of the more recent writers with whom
Strabo engages w ere at work a century or more before his time. By virtue of their written
works, however, scholars from the long-ago past can communicate with Strabo, just as
Strabo through his work can communicate with us across a space of two millennia. It is
easy to overlook the sheer miracle of this achievement.
In his quasi conversations with e arlier writers, Strabo sometimes writes in the voice of
his interlocutors. Italics are used in this translation to indicate that Strabo is indulging in
such role-playing. The italics do not necessarily mean that Strabo is quoting the precise
words of the e arlier writers with whom he engages. In all probability, the italicized words
are neither reported precisely nor even remembered very clearly. In addition, Strabo
adapts them to the sentence structure of his narrative and sometimes twists them in order
to make it easier for him to win the imaginary argument he is having with the scholar who
wrote them. Theoretically, we could test the accuracy or otherwise with which Strabo de-
picts t hese words by comparing Strabo’s rendition of them with the words as they appear
in the works on which he draws. Regrettably, with the exception of Homer’s poems, few
of the major works with which Strabo engages (at least, not the parts of them in which
10
Strabo is interested) are available to us today. In their absence, Strabo’s representations

of the thoughts and arguments contained within them cannot be corroborated.
Despite the difficulties inherent in this first chapter, general readers will profit from
at least skimming through its pages. It shows a very h uman (and flawed) Strabo trying
to justify his endeavor, and sometimes grasping at straws to do so, but it also allows us to
appreciate the enormity of Strabo’s achievement. Strabo helped to create a discipline that
he refers to as the “geography of the lived-in world,” but that we might rather call “human
geography,” one in the range of disciplines that, in future centuries, scholars would come
to think of collectively as the “humanities.” Strabo’s work, with its interplay of past and
present, science and literature, faulty reasoning and brilliant deductions, helps to put
geography into a historical context.
Remember
Remember when reading this chapter that “. . . *” represents a gap or a pre-

sumed omission or error in the manuscripts.
Italics are used when Strabo is writing in the voice of an earlier scholar.
Passages in italics should not be understood as verbatim quotations, as they
are frequently adapted to Strabo’s sentence structure and filtered through
Strabo’s own ideas. Italics are also used where Strabo riffs on individual
phrases or words used by earlier scholars or poets.
Dates given in the margins for the poets and scholars cited by Strabo rep-
resent the period of their literary activity. Dates of birth and death—rarely
known with certainty—may fall outside these parameters.
Italics are used for technical terms that do not translate easily and for the
“titles” of e arlier works to which Strabo refers.
In this first chapter in particular, Strabo engages with earlier scholars who
are engaging with other scholars who are engaging with yet earlier scholars.
The result is a cascading series of criticisms and countercriticisms, in which
Strabo sometimes attributes arguments rather ambiguously to “him” or “that
fellow.” In order to help readers follow who is saying what to whom, an at-
tempt has been made to provide identifications of such terms in the margins,
but readers should be aware that some of these identifications are moot.
Consult “Special Features of this Translation” and “A User’s Guide” at the
start of this translation for a fuller discussion of aids provided to the reader.
11
CH APT E R O N E Geography and Geographers
Describing the World
Geography as Philosophy
1 C, 1–2 C, 3 I believe that if anything is part of the p
hilosopher’s mandate 1.1.1
it is the science of geography, to which I have now decided

to turn my attention. That my belief is not without merit is
clear on many counts. The individuals who first summoned
Homer (8th c. BCE) up the courage to engage in it w ere men such as t hese: Homer,
Anaximander (7th–6th c. BCE) and Anaximander of Miletus and his fellow-citizen Hecataeus
Hecataeus (6th–5th c. BCE) (as Eratosthenes also says).1 Democritus, too, and Eudoxus, Eudoxus, Dicaearchus, Ephorus
(4th c. BCE)
Democritus (5th–4th c. BCE) Dicaearchus, Ephorus, and various others, and still more, so
those who came a fter them—Eratosthenes, Polybius, and
Posidonius—were men of philosophical bent.2
2 C, 3-10 The intellectual breadth through which alone this under-
taking can be achieved is characteristic of none other than the
man who fixes his gaze on t hose divine and h uman m atters,
an understanding of which people say constitutes philosophy.
Likewise, its practical applicability being wide-ranging—
relevant on the one hand to the study of politics and the ex-
ercise of power and on the other hand to the knowledge of
which celestial phenomena and which terrestrial and mari-
time fauna, flora, produce, and so on, are visible in different
areas—it suggests the same type of man, who thinks deeply
about how to live well and how to have a fulfilled life. |
Homer (8th c. BCE): The First Geographer

2 C, 11-20 Let me go back and consider one by one,3 in greater depth, 1.1.2
the claims made above—in the first place, that I and t hose be-
fore me (including Hipparchus)4 have correctly understood
Homer (8th c. BCE) Homer to be the originator of geographical empiricism.5 He
is superior to all others, both from antiquity and later, not
only in his supreme poetic skill but almost as much in his ex-
perience of political life, as a result of which he concerned
[ 1 ] Eratosthenes’s statement is likely to have included Anaximander and Heca-

taeus but unlikely to have included Homer: 7 C, 7-13n. Eratosthenes’s work is
no longer available, so corroboration is impossible.
[ 2 ] Strabo later deals at length with Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE), 15 C, 1–94 C, 20;
Polybius (2nd c. BCE), 96 C, 6–98 C, 12 and 104 C, 6–109 C, 11; and Posidonius
(late 2nd–1st c. BCE), 94 C, 21–104 C, 5.
[ 3 ] 2 C, 11–14 C, 5.
[ 4 ] Strabo adds to his opening statement (1 C, 1–2 C, 3, where he omits the name
of Hipparchus). Strabo later engages at length with Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) as
part of his treatment of Eratosthenes: 67 C, 7–94 C, 20.
[ 5 ] In this section (2 C, 11–7 C, 7), Strabo introduces ideas treated at greater length
later (15 C, 1–47 C, 8).
13
himself not only with events (so that he might learn as many
as possible and transmit that knowledge to posterity) but also
with information about places, both individually and relative
to the entire lived-in world1 and its sea. If it were otherwise,
he would not have arrived at the farthest limits of the world,
traveling all around it in his narrative! |
2 C, 21-33 First, Homer stated that the world is bounded by the 1.1.3
ocean on all sides, as indeed it is. Then he mentioned some ocean = Atlantic Ocean + Indian
Ocean + (supposed) northern
Strabo argues that Homer localities by name, while hinting at o thers by means of cer- ocean
(8th c. BCE) refers to the ocean
in the south, west, and east. tain clues. He explicitly refers to Libya and Ethiopia, and to
Sidonians and Erembians (by which, it is reasonable to suppose,
he means the Trogodyte Arabs). He hints at places being in
the east or west, with the statement that they are bounded
by the ocean, from which he represents the sun as rising and
into which he represents the sun as setting (likewise with the
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) stars). Then the sun shot its new rays over the fields, / as it rose from
gently flowing, deep-streamed Ocean; and into Ocean fell the bright
orb of the sun, / drawing behind it black night. He describes the
stars as having bathed in Ocean. |
2 C, 34–3 C, 12 Homer points to the blessings enjoyed by those in the 1.1.4
west and to their moderate climate. Probably, he has heard

of Iberia’s wealth, which was the object of an expedition by
Homeric references to ocean Heracles, later by the Phoenicians (who also took possession
in west
of most of the territory), and afterward by the Romans. This
is the location of the breezes of Zephyrus. This is where the Zephyrus, west wind
poet = Homer poet represents the Elysian plain, to which he says Menelaus
will be sent by the gods: You will be sent to the Elysian plain and
to the ends of the earth, / by the immortal gods, to the abode of flaxen-
haired Rhadamanthys. / Life is very easy . . . there. / No snow, no
violent storms . . . , / but the breezes of g ently blowing Zephyrus are
continually / breathed out by Ocean to soothe mankind. | Also, the 1.1.5
islands of the Blessed lie out to sea off the westernmost part
of Maurusia (at the point where the end of Iberia also tapers
in the same place). From their name, it is clear that people
considered these islands to be “Blessed” because of their
proximity to such places.2 |
3 C, 13-19 Furthermore, he makes it clear that the Ethiopians at the he = Homer 1.1.6
Homeric references to ocean edge of the ocean are the most remote of people. He makes it
in south
clear that they are the most remote with the words Ethiopians,
split into two groups, remotest of men (where split into two groups is
[ 1 ] For the concept of the “lived-in world”: chap. 2.

[ 2 ] Strabo l ater refers to the identification of certain islands off Maurusia and Ibe-
ria (?Canary Islands, ?Madeira Islands) with the “islands of the Blessed”: 150 C,
19-29n. It is not clear that Strabo himself makes this identification. He seems
to suggest h ere that the “islands of the Blessed” are poetic creations, albeit
based on real conditions in the western part of the lived-in world. Strabo does
not mention the “islands of the Blessed” in his description of the westernmost
part of the lived-in world (119 C, 17–120 C, 3), in his overview of Libya (= Africa)
(130 C, 25-32), or in his more detailed account of the Atlantic coast of Libya
(825 C, 25–827 C, 28).
14
Homer: The First Geographer
no empty expression, as will be shown later);1 that they are at

the edge of the ocean, with the words for Zeus went to Ocean,
to the blameless Ethiopians, / yesterday for a feast.
3 C, 20-31 He hints that the remote north lies alongside the ocean
Homeric references to ocean shore in the following way, by saying of the Bear that she
in north
alone does not bathe in Ocean. Through the expressions the
“Bear” and the “Plough,” he indicates the arctic circle.2 If it (She-) Bear/Plough,
constellation of Ursa Major
were otherwise, he would not say that she alone does not bathe
in Ocean, when there are so many other stars rotating within
the same area of sky, the area that is always visible. Conse-
quently, those p eople are not correct who accuse him of lack-
ing knowledge3 on the basis that he knows of only one “Bear”
instead of two. It is probable that the second “Bear” had not second “Bear,” constellation of
Ursa Minor
yet been recognized as a constellation, and that this star group
entered Greek consciousness after the Phoenicians formalized it
and used it for navigation, just as it is probable that “Berenice’s
Aratus (3rd c. BCE) Hair” and “Canobus” received their names only very recently,
many star groups remaining unnamed even now, as Aratus says.
3 C, 31-36 Nor is Crates correct in writing . . . for her; she does not bathe her/she = (She-) Bear/Plough,
constellation of Ursa Major
Crates (2nd c. BCE) in Ocean, avoiding what does not need to be avoided. Hera-
Heraclitus (6th–5th c. BCE) clitus, in a better and more Homeric manner, similarly uses
the name “Bear” for the “arctic circle” (the Bear is the boundary
point between east and west, and opposite the Bear is the fair wind
of a clear sky)—for it is the arctic circle, not the Bear, which is
the boundary between west and east.4
3 C, 36–4 C, 6 By the Bear, which he also calls the Plough and which he he = Homer
says keeps an eye on Orion, he means the arctic circle. By Ocean,

he means the horizon, into which he represents the sun as set-
ting and out of which he represents the sun as rising. When
he says that h ere she revolves and does not bathe in Ocean, he
knows that the arctic circle is at the northernmost point of
the horizon.
4 C, 6-10 In accordance with this, speaking poetically, we ought to
understand the terrestrial horizon as literally equivalent to
the ocean, and the arctic circle as touching (so our senses tell
us) the earth at the northernmost point of habitation, with
the consequence that this quarter of the earth would, accord-
ing to him, be bounded by the ocean.
4 C, 10-13 He knows, too, the people of the far north. He does not He = Homer
mention them by name (even nowadays, there is not one
[ 1 ] 30 C, 23–35 C, 29; 103 C, 9-24.

[ 2 ] The celestial arctic circle is the circle that is centered on the celestial north pole,
the stars within which never dip below the horizon.
[ 3 ] For the charge that Homer lacked knowledge: 27 C, 1–47 C, 8.
[ 4 ] Heraclitus’s explanation makes better sense in Greek. The Greek word for
“Bear” is arktos. The Greek name for “arctic circle” is arktikos [kuklos]—literally,
“circle of the Bear”—which reflects the fact that, for observers in the northern
hemisphere, the constellation of the Bear lies at least partly within the circle
of stars that never dip below the horizon.
15
name that they all share), but he indicates them by lifestyle,

presenting them as nomads and as the glorious hippemolgi (mare-
milkers), galactophagi (milk-eaters), and abii (without-lives). |
4 C, 14-20 He demonstrates the encirclement of the world by the He = Homer 1.1.7
Homer considers the world to ocean in a different way, when Hera says the following: I will
be surrounded by the ocean
go to see the limits of the bountiful earth / and Ocean, begetter of gods.
He means that the ocean is contiguous with all the limits, and
the limits form a circle. In the Making of Weapons,1 he puts the
ocean all around the rim of Achilles’s shield.
4 C, 21-28 Characteristic of this same m ental disposition is the fact
that he does not lack knowledge 2 of matters associated with he = Homer
the ocean’s high tides and low tides, referring to refluent Ocean
and saying that thrice a day she spews it forth, and thrice she sucks she = Charybdis (from Homer’s
Odyssey)
it back. If it be not thrice but twice (perhaps his information
is wrong or the text is corrupt), his meaning is nevertheless
as stated. The phrase from gently flowing [Ocean] 3 contains some
suggestion of the rising tide, the encroachment of which is
gentle and not totally overwhelming.
4 C, 28-34 Posidonius conjectures, from the statement that “the rocks are
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) sometimes covered and sometimes laid bare” and from the fact that he he = Homer
comments on Homer (8th c. BCE)
calls Ocean a “river,” that the current associated with the rising tide
is meant. He is correct in regard to the former but lacks reason He = Posidonius
in regard to the latter. The encroachment of the rising tide is

not like the current in a river (and it is even more the case that
the falling tide is not of such a kind).
4 C, 34–5 C, 9 The discussion by Crates provides us with a more credible
Crates (2nd c. BCE) interpretation. He calls the ocean in its entirety “deep-flowing” and He = Homer
“refluent,” and likewise a “river,” but he also refers to a portion of

the ocean as a “river,” and to the “stream of the river” as a stream
not of the whole but of the portion, when he says, “after the ship had
left b ehind the stream of river Ocean, / and come to the swell of the
broad sea,” for it is not the whole but the stream of the river within
the ocean (being a portion of the ocean)—and this, says Crates, is
a sort of inlet and bay stretching from the winter tropic to the south
pole. It would be possible for someone “leaving this behind”
nevertheless to be in the ocean, but it is not possible to leave
the w hole b
ehind and still be in the whole!
5 C, 9-12 At any rate, Homer says the following: . . . had left behind
Homer (8th c. BCE) the stream of river [Ocean], / and come to the swell of the [broad] sea.4
This latter “sea” is none other than Ocean. Thus it becomes,
[ 1 ] The “title” Making of Weapons refers to a part of Homer’s Iliad. Strabo often
uses “titles” for parts of Homer’s poems, most frequently for the part of the
Iliad known as the Catalogue [of Ships] or simply Ships: cf. 442 C, 35–443 C, 9n.
Other “titles”: 17 C, 22-27n; 244 C, 7-15n; 394 C, 15-28n; 432 C, 10-22n; 439 C, 5-14n.
Strabo also uses “titles” for parts of his own works and parts of the works of
others: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 3 ] The Homeric passage to which Strabo here refers is cited more fully at 2 C, 21-33.
[ 4 ] The Homeric passage to which Strabo h ere refers is cited more fully at 4 C,
34–5 C, 9.
16
Homer: The First Geographer
if you interpret it in any other way, he left Ocean and came to interpret it in any other
way = than Crates does
Ocean!
5 C, 12-22 While the foregoing requires more attention, | the fact 1.1.8
Empirical observation supports that the lived-in world is an island is to be grasped in the first
Homer’s view that the lived-in
world is surrounded by ocean place on the basis of sense perception and practical experi-
ence: in every direction in which man has been able to pro-
ceed to the farthermost parts of the earth, the sea that we
call “ocean” is encountered. What it is not possible to grasp ocean = Atlantic Ocean + Indian
Ocean + (mistakenly) Caspian
through sense perception, deduction proves: the eastern (In- Sea
dian) and the western (Iberian and Maurusian) sides are cir-
cumnavigable . . . * for a large part of both the southern and
northern parts. The section that so far remains unnavigated
by us (because those circumnavigating from different direc-
tions have not met up with each other) is not very g reat, if one
reckons from the parallel distances attained by us.
5 C, 22-31 Nor is it likely that the Atlantic sea is a “double sea” in that Atlantic sea = Atlantic
Ocean + Indian Ocean +
Strabo dismisses possible it is split in two by isthmuses so narrow, preventing circum- (mistakenly) Caspian Sea
existence of isthmuses north
and south of the lived-in world navigation; it is more likely that the sea is confluent and con-
tinuous. T hose who attempted circumnavigation, but then circumnavigation = of the
lived-in world
had to turn back, do not say that they w ere forced to retreat
because of any mainland standing in their way and preventing
their onward voyage, but rather through lack of provisions
and through desolation, even though the sea itself offered
passage. This view is also more consistent with the behavior
of the ocean as manifested in the ebb and flow of the tides. In
all places, the manner of change, of increase and decrease, is
the same or not very diff erent, as if the movement is produced
by one sea and derived from a single cause. |
5 C, 32–6 C, 4 Hipparchus is not credible in objecting to this opin- ocean = Atlantic Ocean + Indian 1.1.9
Ocean + (mistakenly) Caspian
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) cites ion on the grounds that the ocean does not behave in the same way Sea
Seleucus (2nd c. BCE)
everywhere—and, even w ere this to be granted, the continuous cir-
cularity of the entire Atlantic sea does not follow from it. He uses
Seleucus the Babylonian as his source for its lack of consistent
behavior.
6 C, 4-9 For further discussion on the ocean and the high tides, I
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) defer to Posidonius and Athenodorus and their thoroughly
Athenodorus (1st c. BCE– adequate treatment of the arguments concerning these
early 1st c. CE), Strabo’s
contemporary matters. For the present, I go so far as to say that it is better
to follow this belief in view of consistency of behavior; and the
greater the amount of surrounding water, the more strongly
17
the celestial bodies would be held together by the exhalations

therefrom. |
6 C, 10-16 So, then, the poet knows and clearly describes what is most 1.1.10
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) remote and what encircles the lived-in world, and he does the
Homer is aware of the “inner same for the inner sea. Encircling this sea, if you start at the inner sea = Med. Sea + Black
sea” as well as the ocean Sea + Sea of Azov
Pillars, are Libya, Egypt, and Phoenicia; what comes next is the
Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
land around Cyprus, then the Solymians, Lycians, and Carians;
after t hese is the coastline that stretches between Mycale
and the Troad, and the islands lying offshore. He mentions
all t hese, and also the regions associated with the Propontis,
with the Euxine as far as Colchis, and with Jason’s campaign.
6 C, 16-23 Furthermore, he knows of the Cimmerian Bosporus— he = Homer
Homer (8th c. BCE) since he knows of the Cimmerians. It is not the case that he Cimmerian Bosporus, Straits
of Kerch'
knows the name Cimmerians but lacks knowledge1 of the people
themselves, who, in his time or a little before his time, over-
ran all the land from the Bosporus as far as Ionia! At any rate,
he hints at the clima of their territory, at its gloominess, in clima, latitude
saying they are shrouded in mist and cloud, nor does the bright sun
/ ever shine upon them . . . / but deadly night spreads over them . . .
6 C, 24-29 He knows of the Ister, since he mentions the Mysians, a He = Homer
Thracian nation that lives along the banks of the Ister. He Ister, Danube r.
knows, too, of the coastline that comes next, which is Thra-
cian as far as the Peneius, since he mentions by name the Paeo-
nians, Athos, the Axius, and the islands lying off these. Next
is the Greek shoreline as far as the Thesprotians. All this he
mentions.
6 C, 29-31 Furthermore, he knows about the end point of Italy—
mentioning by name Temesa and the Sicilians—as well as
the end point of Iberia and the natural blessings that I just
mentioned.2
6 C, 31–7 C, 7 If some gaps appear in between, one should be forgiving:
in reality, he who describes the world passes over many de-
tails. One should also be forgiving if he adds a mythical ele
ment to what he says that is historical and instructive. T here
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) is no need of criticism. What Eratosthenes says—every poet
aims to cause delight, not to be instructive—is not true. On the
contrary, the wisest of those who have something to say about
poetry claim that poetry is a sort of elementary philosophy. I
will respond to Eratosthenes later, with further argumenta-
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) tion (in which the poet will again be discussed).3 | For now, let 1.1.11

[ 2 ] Natural blessings of the west: 2 C, 34–3 C, 12.
[ 3 ] 15 C, 1–94 C, 20 (with particular reference to Homer at 15 C, 26–47 C, 8).
18
Prerequisites for Geography
the foregoing statements about Homer being the originator

of geography suffice.1
Prerequisites for Geography

7 C, 7-13 Clearly, those who came after him were eminent men, steeped him = Homer
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) in learning,2 the first two of whom, Eratosthenes says, after
Anaximander (7th–6th c. BCE) Homer, were Anaximander (a disciple of Thales and his fellow citi-
Hecataeus (6th–5th c. BCE) zen) and Hecataeus the Milesian; 3 the former published the first geo former = Anaximander
graphic al map, and Hecataeus left to posterity a written work, which

is believed to be his on the basis of his other writings. |
7 C, 14-22 Indeed, many p eople have stated that intellectual breadth 1.1.12
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) is a prerequisite for this endeavor. Hipparchus, too, teaches
criticizes Eratosthenes (3rd c.
BCE)
us in his Response to Eratosthenes, that it is impossible for anyone,
whether commoner or intellectual, to attain proper geographic al
knowledge without taking into account observations of celestial bodies
and eclipses. For example, it is not possible to grasp w
hether Egyptian
farther north = on a more Alexandria is farther north than Babylon or farther south, nor by
northerly parallel
how much, without consideration of the climata. Similarly, one would climata, geographical
farther south = on a more coordinates; in particular, lines
southerly parallel not be able to tell more or less how far east or west of each other they of latitude
are, other than by comparing eclipses of the sun and moon.
7 C, 23–8 C, 1 This is what he says, | and everyone who undertakes the he = Hipparchus 1.1.13
description of the specifics of places makes proper use of ce-

lestial phenomena and geometry, showing shapes, sizes, dis-
tances, climata, the heat and cold, and in general the nature of climata, geographical
coordinates
the environment. Since a builder in the process of construct-
ing a h ouse, or a master planner in the p rocess of founding a
city, would look at t hese m atters in advance, would not also
the man who is surveying the entire lived-in world? They are,
after all, of far greater concern to him. Within small areas,
being “north” or “south” makes little difference, but within
the entire compass of the lived-in world, north means “as far
as the remotest parts of Scythia or Celtica,” and south means
“as far as the remotest parts of Ethiopia.” This is a huge differ-
ence. The situation is similar as concerns dwelling “among the
Indians” or “among the Iberians”: we recognize that the for-
mer are in the extreme east and the latter in the extreme west,
and that they are, in a sense, the antipodes of each other. |
8 C, 3-11 Everything like this, since it derives from the movement of 1.1.14
the sun and the other stars (and, furthermore, the tendency tendency t oward the
center = earth’s gravity
toward the center), forces us to look up to the heavens and
[ 1 ] 2 C, 11–6 C, 31.
[ 2 ] In this section (7 C, 7–8 C, 22; cf. 11 C, 23–13 C, 14), Strabo previews ideas later
treated at greater length: 109 C, 12–136 C, 12 (= chap. 2). Cf. 48 C, 29–49 C, 9;
62 C, 18–65 C, 12.
[ 3 ] Strabo clarifies his opening statement (1 C, 1–2 C, 3n), where he might seem to
imply that Eratosthenes includes Homer among the first geographers. Eratos-
thenes has a guarded opinion of Homer, believing that poets in general “talk
drivel”: 15 C, 1–47 C, 8.
19
to the celestial bodies as they appear to each of us individu-

ally. In so doing, huge variations in the strips of habitation
are seen.1 Who then, in setting forth the variations between
places, could give valid and sufficient supporting arguments
if they did not pay any attention, not even a l ittle, to t hese
matters? Even if it is not possible in such an undertaking as
this—since it is rather political—to be accurate in all things,
it would seem fitting to be accurate to the extent that a man
who is politically inclined can follow along. |
8 C, 12-18 The man who thus elevates his mind does not leave aside 1.1.15
the earth in its entirety. It would seem laughable if he who

strives to give a clear description of the lived-in world dares
on the one hand to touch on celestial matters and use them
for purposes of instruction but on the other hand pays no at-
tention whatsoever to the w hole world (of which the lived-in
world is part)—its size and nature, its place in the cosmos as
a whole, w hether it is inhabited in one part alone (our part)
or in several parts and how many, and likewise its uninhabited
part (what size and what sort of thing it is, and why).
8 C, 18-22 It is likely, then, that the discipline of geography is con-
nected to the fields of astronomy and geometry, since it unites
the earthly with the celestial, on the grounds that they are
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) very closely connected rather than as far apart as heaven from
earth! |
Practical Applications of Geography

8 C, 23-25 But come, to such intellectual breadth let me add knowl- 1.1.16
edge of earthly m atters, for example, of fauna and flora, and

whatever e lse, beneficial or otherwise, is provided by both
land and sea. I suppose that what I mean should become
clearer.
8 C, 26–9 C, 7 It is evident, both from ancient tradition and from ratio-
nal argument,2 that all who embrace such knowledge benefit
greatly. The poets declare that the wisest of the heroes were
those who traveled afar and wandered around. They put great
Citations of Homer (8th c. BCE) store in seeing the cities of many men and learning their mind.
Nestor is proud that he visited the Lapithians, going when
summoned by them from far away, from Apia (Distant) Land—
they invited me themselves. Likewise, Menelaus: having traveled
to Cyprus, Phoenicia, and the Egyptians, / I reached the Ethiopians,
[ 1 ] For “strips of habitation” meaning bands of latitude: 12 C, 9-13; 113 C, 25–114 C, 1;

132 C, 3-16.
[ 2 ] Ancient tradition: 8 C, 26–9 C, 12. Rational argument: 9 C, 13-21.
20
Sidonians, and Erembians, / and Libya, where lambs grow horns at

a young age. He adds as a peculiar feature of the territory: for
thrice in one complete year the ewes give birth; and the grain-rich
fields produce so many medicinal / [cures]; in the case of Egyptian
Thebes, the city has one hundred gates, from each of which two
hundred / men sally forth with their horses and chariots.
9 C, 8-12 All t hings of this nature are important aids to practical
wisdom, to learning about the nature of the territory and
about the types of animals and plants (to which should be
added those from the sea, since we are in a way amphibious,
no more terrestrial than we are aquatic). It is reasonable to
suppose that Heracles was said to be an expert in great deeds
because of his extensive practical experience and knowledge.
9 C, 13-21 My initial proposition is supported by ancient tradition
and by rational argument.1 The latter is especially applicable, latter = rational argument
it seems to me, to the current day, since the greater part of

geography is useful for political purposes. The arena of activ-
ity is the land (and the sea) that we inhabit; for small actions,
the arena is small, and for large actions, the arena is large.
The largest is the arena in its entirety—that is, what we call
the “lived-in world.” In consequence, this would be the arena
of the greatest actions. The greatest actions belong to com-
manders of armies, who are able to rule over earth and sea,
bringing together nations and cities under one authority and
political administration.
9 C, 21-27 It is clear, then, that geography as a whole is relevant to
the activities of leaders,2 since it differentiates the continents
and the seas (some of the seas being inside the lived-in world
as a w hole, and some of them outside). This differentiation
is a concern to those men to whom it is important whether
these parts are such-and-such or otherwise and whether the
parts are known or unknown. They keep each part in hand
more effectively if they know how large the territory is, how
it is disposed, and what its distinctions are in terms of the
environment and the land itself.
9 C, 27-35 Since different men rule in different parts, managing af-
fairs from different focal points to start with and expanding
the area of their command outward, it is not possible for them
to be equally familiar with all parts, and nor is it possible for
geographers. The phrase to a greater or lesser extent is much in
[ 1 ] Strabo refers back to his own words: 8 C, 26–9 C, 7n.

[ 2 ] Strabo often uses the term “leaders” to mean Roman emperors and provincial
governors: 159 C, 19-28n.
21
evidence among both groups. It would scarcely be the case

that all t hings w ere equally clear even if the entire lived-in
world were subsumed into one empire and government. Even
without this being the case, nevertheless what is nearer would
be better known; and it would be suitable to describe t hese
parts at greater length in order to make them known, given
that t hese places are also “nearer” in terms of their utility.
9 C, 35–10 C, 5 In consequence, it should cause no amazement if there is
one chorographer1 for Indians, one for Ethiopians, and one
for Greeks and Romans. How would it be appropriate for
Homer (8th c. BCE) an Indian geographer to describe the Boeotians as Homer
does—who dwelt in Hyrie and rocky Aulis, / in Schoenus and S colus?
It is appropriate for me, yet details of such a type are not ap-
propriate for Indians, since utility does not call for it, and
utility is the chief criterion for such empirical knowledge. |
10 C, 6-20 This is clear, too, on a small scale, such as when hunting: 1.1.17
one is a better hunter if one is informed of the forest’s type

and size. The informed man can also properly set up camp in
a place, and plan an ambush, and o rganize a march. On a large
scale, it is even more obvious that the prizes of knowledge are
greater, but so too are the costs of ignorance. Agamemnon’s
fleet sacked Mysia in the belief that it was the Troad and with-
drew in disgrace. Persians and Libyans, suspecting that straits Libyans = Carthaginians
were blind alleys, narrowly avoided great disaster and left

behind monumental evidence of their ignorance. The former
left at the Chalcidian Euripus the grave of Salganeus, killed by
the Persians for unwisely leading the fleet to the Euripus from
Malia.2 The latter left behind the monument to Pelorus,3 who
was killed for a similar reason. Greece was full of shipwrecks
at the time of Xerxes’s campaign.4 Colonization by Aeolians
and Ionians has provided many such tales of error.
10 C, 20-24 Similarly, t here are tales involving correct knowledge,
where it has come to pass that something has been correctly
understood through practical knowledge of places. For ex-
ample, it is said that Ephialtes, at the pass of Thermopylae, by
showing the Persians a path through the mountains, delivered
into their hands t hose associated with Leonidas and allowed
the barbarians inside the Pylae (Gates).5
10 C, 24-29 Leaving antiquity aside, I suggest that the contemporary
campaign by the Romans against the Parthians6 is evidence
[ 1 ] A “chorographer” (lit., “one who describes territories”) perhaps means a geog-

rapher who describes the territories composing the lived-in world, as opposed
to one who describes the earth in its entirety. Cf. 104 C, 6-19n; 109 C, 12-20n;
120 C, 27-33n. Later in his work, Strabo appears to use the term “the chorog-
rapher” to designate a particular individual or officeholder: 224 C, 29-33n.
Cf. 266 C, 6-19n.
[ 2 ] 403 C, 30-36.
[ 3 ] 171 C, 1-14n.
[ 4 ] 443 C, 10-18.
[ 5 ] 429 C, 3-9.
[ 6 ] 748 C, 24–749 C, 7.
22
enough for this, as likewise the campaign against Germans1

and Celts, in which the natives took as their battlegrounds
pathless swamps and forests and deserted places, making
nearby places seem far away to p eople who knew no better,
and concealing thoroughfares and places where food and
other supplies could be obtained.2 |
10 C, 30–11 C, 7 For the most part, as noted, it is relevant to the lives and it = geography 1.1.18
requirements of leaders.3 To be mostly concerned with the

lives of leaders is a characteristic, too, of ethical and political
philosophy. The proof is as follows. We distinguish between
the various types of government on the basis of their leader-
ship structure. We categorize one type of leadership structure
as a “monarchy” (rule by one person), also calling it a “kingship”;
another type as an “aristocracy” (rule by the elite); a third type
as “democracy” (rule by the p eople). We consider that there is an
equal number of constitutional arrangements, for which we
use the same names, b ecause they have their origin in t hose
leadership structures. One set of laws is provided by the dic-
tates of the king, another by the dictates of the aristocracy or
of the p
eople. The l egal system determines the type and form
Citation of Plato (late 5th–4th c. of a constitution, which is why some people said that justice is
BCE)
the interests of the stronger.
11 C, 7-9 So, if p
olitical philosophy is for the most part concerned
with leaders, and if geography meets the requirements of
leaders, then geography would seem in this respect to have
an advantage. |
11 C, 10-22 While this advantage pertains to activities, the discipline discipline = geography 1.1.19
also includes no small amount of theory—technical, astro-

nomical, and physical, and also that which is involved in his-
tory and in myths (even though the latter have nothing to
do with activities). For example, if someone were to tell the
stories of the wanderings of Odysseus, Menelaus, and Jason,
it might seem that these would have no bearing on the practi-
cal wisdom that the man of action seeks (unless one were to
introduce useful examples of the dangers they encountered).
One would nevertheless furnish no mean entertainment to
the person who comes upon the settings for these myths. This
is something that men of action also seek, since the stories
are famous and pleasurable but not too much so. Rather, it
is reasonable to suppose that their earnest desire is for useful
[ 1 ] German campaigns: 291 C, 17–292 C, 10.

[ 2 ] An example of the conditions: 194 C, 18-26.
[ 3 ] 9 C, 21-27.
23
i nformation. That is why the geographer, too, is concerned

with the latter rather than the former. The situation is the
same as concerns history and sciences: in these disciplines, too,
what is useful and more credible should always be preferred. |
Basic Assumptions
11 C, 23-32 Most of all, as noted, it seems that geometry and astronomy 1.1.20
are prerequisites for such an undertaking as this.1 This is truly

the case: it is not possible properly to understand shapes,
climata, sizes, and other matters that are pertinent to these, climata, geographical
coordinates
without such a method. However, just as p eople demonstrate
elsewhere matters associated with the measurement of the
entire earth, and it is necessary here only to make assump-
tions and trust their calculations, accordingly I should take
as assumptions the spheroid cosmos, the spheroid surface to spheroid, ball-shaped
the earth, and (prior to t hese) the tendency of bodies toward tendency of bodies t oward the
center = earth’s gravity
the center, adding, if anything, only a few summary remarks
on whether something is perceived by the senses or mentally
derived from general concepts.
11 C, 32–12 C, 2 For example, that the earth is spheroid is suggested in ab-
stract terms from the tendency t oward the center and from
the tendency of each body toward its own central point, but
it is suggested in more concrete terms by the phenomena as-
sociated with the oceans and the heavens. Perception by the
senses, as well as m ental deduction from general concepts, is
capable of testifying to it.
12 C, 2-9 The curvature of the sea obviously obstructs the view of
Observations leading to belief sailors so that it is not possible to see lights in the far distance,
in sphericity of the earth
even when the lights are raised as high as the viewing eye. The
lights become visible when raised higher than the viewing eye,
even if they are farther away from it; likewise, when the view-
ing eye is raised to a higher level, it sees what was previously
concealed. (Even the poet showed this, for such is the mean- poet = Homer
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) ing of seeing very clearly as he was raised up by a g reat wave.) Also,
as sailors approach land, the regions by the shore become
progressively more visible, and areas that initially appeared
low-lying get higher.
12 C, 9-13 The revolution of celestial bodies is clear from several
considerations but particularly from observations of the gnomon, rod placed vertically
on the earth’s surface to cast a
gnomon.2 From these, the idea, too, immediately arises that, shadow
[ 1 ] “Prerequisites for Geography”: 7 C, 7–8 C, 22.

[ 2 ] Use of the “gnomon”: 111 C, 29–112 C, 2n.
24
Basic Assumptions
if the earth w ere rooted to an infinite depth, such a revolution

would not take place. Also, matters concerning the climata are climata, geographical
coordinates
shown in On the Strips of Habitation.1 |
12 C, 14-29 For our present needs, I must make some ready assump- 1.1.21
tions, such as are useful to the politician and to the military

commander. He should not be so ignorant of m atters associ-
ated with the heavens and the disposition of the earth that,
when he finds himself in places where some of the celestial
bodies are not as they appear to most men, he is confused
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) and says the following: friends, we know not where is the gloom nor
where is the daylight, / nor where the light-bringing sun slips down
beneath the earth, / nor where it rises up again. But he need not be
such a stickler that he knows everything: the stars that rise,
set, and reach the meridian at the same time; the elevations of
the poles; the constellations at the zenith; and whatever other
such phenomena he encounters, which vary as horizons and
arctic circles 2 change, in part visually and in part physically.
He need not pay any attention to some of these things (unless
for the sake of philosophical contemplation), while he should
take others on trust, even if he does not understand why they
occur. The latter is the job of the man who philosophizes,
but the politician does not have so much leisure, at least not
always.
12 C, 29–13 C, 7 However, the reader of this work should not be so s imple
nor so uninterested that he has seen neither a globe nor the globe = celestial globe
circles marked on it (some of them parallels, some at right

angles to these, some at an oblique angle), nor the layout of
tropics, equator, and zodiac (moving along which the sun
turns and informs the differences in climata and winds). As climata, geographical
coordinates
long as he has a notion of these things and of matters associ-
ated with horizons and with arctic circles, and of whatever
else is imparted in elementary science lessons, he can to some
degree follow what is said here.
13 C, 7-11 He who is familiar with neither a straight line versus a
curved one, nor a circle, nor a s pherical surface versus a two-
dimensional one, he who is not cognizant of the seven stars
of the Great Bear in the night sky nor anything else of this Great Bear, constellation of
Ursa Major
sort—that man has no need of this work, or not now, not until
he reads up on t hose m atters lacking which he is not suited
to geography.
[ 1 ] Strabo probably refers forward to his own discussion: 131 C, 26–135 C, 22. Strabo
often uses “titles” to refer to parts of works: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 2 ] The plural “arctic circles” is used because the celestial arctic circle varies in dia
meter depending on the location of the observer. For the “arctic circle”: 3 C,
20-36nn.
25
13 C, 11-14 In this way, even those who have produced works called
Harbors and Coastal Voyages render their descriptions incom-
plete by not adding what is relevant from science and the
study of the heavens. |
Purpose of Strabo’s Work

13 C, 15-21 To put it simply, this work should be simultaneously aimed 1.1.22
at the politician and useful for the p eople, in the same way as
the writing of history. In the latter case, I mean by “politician”
someone who is not totally uneducated but who has partici-
pated in the educational curriculum customary for free men
and philosophers, since the man who has not concerned him-
self with ethical virtue and practical wisdom, and the argu-
ments for these, would not be able properly to blame, praise,
or judge events that are worth recording. |
13 C, 22-29 For this reason, since I have already produced some his- 1.1.23
torical volumes1 that are, I suppose, useful for ethical and

political philosophy, I decided to add this work: it is of the
same type and aimed at the same men, particularly those in
important positions. Just as in that work, m atters associated
with famous men and their lives warrant mention, while the
small and insignificant are left aside, so too in this work I
should coast past the small and inconspicuous and immerse
myself in what is splendid and g reat and in which t here is an
element of the practical, memorable, and delightful.
13 C, 29–14 C, 5 Just as in colossal statues one does not seek accurate de-
tail but focuses rather on the general question of whether
the work as a w hole is well executed, so one should exercise
similar judgment in the case of this work. It, too, is a colossus,
dealing with mega-issues and general m atters u
nless some
minor issue is capable of arousing the man who is both studi-
ous and practical. Let this be said, then, that the task before
me is a serious one, and one that befits a philosopher. |
Strabo’s Own Contribution

14 C, 5-10 If I undertake to describe the same t hings that many be- 1.2.1
fore me have described, I should not be blamed, unless I am

proven to have said everything in the same manner as they
did. I work on the assumption that, while various people
have made various improvements, a large part of the task
[ 1 ] Strabo’s historical work: 515 C, 24-29n.
26
Strabo’s Own Contribution
remains to be done. If I can make even a small contribu-

tion, this must be taken as sufficient justification for my
undertaking.
14 C, 10-21 The dominion of the Romans and the Parthians has pro-
vided a great deal of relevant practical experience to men of
today, just as was the case for those who came after Alexan-
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) der’s campaign, as Eratosthenes says.1 He revealed to us a He = Alexander the Great
large part of Asia and all the northern parts of Europe as far
as the Ister. The Romans revealed to us all the western parts
of Europe as far as the Elbe river, which divides Germany
in two, and the parts beyond the Ister as far as the Tyras Ister, Danube r.
river.2 The parts beyond that, as far as the Maeotians and Tyras, Dniester r.
the coastline ending with Colchis, w ere made known to us

by Mithridates (surnamed “Eupator”) and his generals.3 The
Parthians made better known to us the parts associated with
Hyrcania, Bactriana, and the Scythians beyond (parts that
were less well known to men of previous times).4 In conse-
quence, I should have something more to say than men from
before our times.
14 C, 22-32 This can be seen most clearly in my response to those from
before our times, less so in the case of those from antiquity,
more so in the case of those who came after Eratosthenes and
in the case of Eratosthenes himself. It is reasonable to suppose
that, to the extent that they have wider knowledge than the
majority, it is more difficult for men of later times to refute
them if they do strike a false note. If I am sometimes forced to
contradict the very men whom in other respects I most closely
follow, I should be excused. The point is not to contradict all
men but rather to overlook the great majority—who do not
deserve adherence—and engage instead with those whom
we know to be correct in most respects. Although it is not
worthwhile to respond philosophically to all men, it is fine to
do so in the case of Eratosthenes, Posidonius, Hipparchus,
Polybius,5 and o thers such as them. |
[ 1 ] I.e., geographers of Strabo’s day have benefited from the continued expansion
of the Roman and Parthian empires, just as geographers of the late 4th and
3rd centuries BCE benefited from the campaigns of Alexander the G reat (latter
4th c. BCE). Eratosthenes’s comments, of course, refer only to the geographers
in the wake of Alexander the Great.
[ 2 ] Western Europe: see chap. 3.1. Area between the Rhine and the Elbe, and
area “beyond the Ister (north of Danube) as far as Tyras r. (Dniester)”: 290 C,
1–306 C, 21.
[ 3 ] Parts beyond “as far as the Maeotians”: 306 C, 21–312 C, 28. Coastline ending
with Colchis: 492 C, 20–499 C, 13.
[ 4 ] 506 C, 33–520 C, 21.
[ 5 ] Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) and Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE): 15 C, 1–94 C, 20. Posido-
nius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) and Polybius (2nd c. BCE): 94 C, 21–109 C, 11.
27
The Problem of Sources
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE)

15 C, 1-6 First, I must consider Eratosthenes, citing at the same time 1.2.2
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) Hipparchus’s critical response to him.1 Eratosthenes is not so
open to attack as to warrant the claim that he did not even see
Polemo (2nd c. BCE) Athens, as Polemo tries to show. Nor is he as trustworthy as
some people allowed, although he did keep the company of many
good men, as he himself says.
15 C, 6-17 There was at that time, he says, as never before within the walls of he = Eratosthenes
one city, a flourishing of p hilosophers—those p hilosophers in the circle

of Ariston and Arcesilas. I think that this is not what is required
but rather careful discrimination as to who warrants atten-
tion. He places Arcesilas and Ariston at the head of those who Ariston, Arcesilas, Apelles, Bion,
3rd c. BCE
flourished in his own time. Apelles, too, is much cited by him;
Eratosthenes plays on a and Bion, who, he says, first draped philosophy in bright raiment—
quotation from Homer
(8th c. BCE)
even though one would often say of him “what [a thigh] Bion, from his
tattered rags, [shows forth]. . . .” In these very declarations, he dis-
plays sufficient weakness in his own mind whereby, although
he was a student at Athens of Zeno of Citium, he mentions Zeno, 4th–3rd c. BCE
none of that fellow’s successors but says of those who dis-

sented from that fellow, and for whom no lasting legacy was
preserved, that these men flourished at that time.
15 C, 17-22 The work published by him On the Good and also his Lec-
tures and so on illustrate the standard he achieved: he was
midway between the man who wants to study philosophy and
the man who is not daring enough to commit himself to this
profession but advances only far enough to appear to study
it or provides it as a sort of sideshow to other aspects of the
curriculum, as a pastime or a game.
15 C, 22-25 In a way, he is like this in his other works, too. But t hese
matters must be left aside. For the present purpose, I must
attempt as far as is possible to correct his Geography, and first
of all what I just now postponed.2 |
15 C, 26–16 C, 3 He claimed that every poet aims to cause delight, not to be in- 1.2.3
Strabo disagrees with structive. The ancients, on the contrary, call poetry a sort of
Eratosthenes’s denial that
poetry is a reliable source for elementary philosophy that guides us in life from our child-
geography hood onward and uses p leasure to teach us about character,
emotion, and action. Our people3 even claimed that only the
[ 1 ] Hipparchus’s critical response to Eratosthenes: 67 C, 7–94 C, 20.

[ 2 ] 6 C, 31–7 C, 7.
[ 3 ] Strabo probably refers to Stoic philosophers.
28
wise man is a poet. This is the reason Greek cities in the first
instance educate their c hildren by means of poetry, not pre-
sumably for the sake of mere enjoyment but for the sake of
imposing moral discipline. It is why even musicians, when
teaching stringed instruments and how to play the lyre and
flute, lay claim to this virtue: for they are, they say, educators
and builders of character.
16 C, 3-12 It is possible to learn this not only from what the Pythag-
Aristoxenus (4th c. BCE) oreans say. Aristoxenus made the same statements. Homer,
Homer (8th c. BCE) too, says that bards impose moral discipline, like Clytaemes-
tra’s guardian, on whom the heavy duty was laid / by the son of
Atreus when he left for Troy, to guard his wife; and that Aegisthus
did not seduce Clytaemestra until, taking the bard to a deserted
island, / he left him there; / and took her, who was as willing as he
was, to his h ouse.
16 C, 13-22 Quite apart from this, Eratosthenes contradicts him-
self. Shortly before the said declaration,1 at the start of his
Strabo points out that treatment of geography, he says that all strive to publicize their all = all poets
Eratosthenes recognizes
Homer’s geographical abilities knowledge about such m atters. Homer sets down in his poetry what he
learned about the Ethiopians and about places in Egypt and Libya;
as for places in Greece and nearby regions, he goes into even too much
detail (describing Thisbe as “dove-rich,” Haliartus as “grassy,” An-
thedon as “farthermost,” and Lilaea as “at Cephissus’s source”), and
utters not one epithet in vain.
16 C, 22-27 Does the creator of these descriptions seem like some- creator of these
descriptions = Homer
Strabo introduces an imaginary one who causes delight, or more like someone who provides
interlocutor, who concedes an
element of instruction in poetry
instruction?
“Well, by Zeus, he does make these statements, but he he = Homer
and others fill out what is beyond observation with stories of
mythical wonders.”
Then what he should have said is that every poet composes he = Eratosthenes
some elements only for the sake of causing delight but some elements
for the sake of instruction, but what he said was that [every poet
composes] for the sake of delight alone, not for the sake of instruction.
16 C, 28-31 He complicates t hings further when he asks: How does it He = Eratosthenes

enhance a poet’s excellence for him to possess practical experience of a
multitude of places, of military strategy, agriculture, oratorical skill,
or whatever sorts of things some people wanted to attribute to him?
16 C, 31–17 C, 2 One might say that striving to attribute to him all things him = Homer
is the mark of an excessively ambitious man, just as if, says
[ 1 ] I.e., Eratosthenes’s declaration that every poet aims to cause delight, not to be
instructive.
29
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) Hipparchus, one w ere to make an Attican “eiresione” responsible
for apples and pears1 (which it cannot grow), in the same way
making that fellow the source of all knowledge and e very skill. that fellow = Homer
You might be right in that sense, Eratosthenes, but you are

not right in the sense that you deprive him of extensive poly-
mathy and in declaring that poetry is the mythologizing of an old
lady, for whom, he says, it is permitted to make up w hatever fiction
appears appropriate to her, for the purpose of giving enjoyment.
17 C, 2-5 Surely it enhances excellence even for t hose who listen to
poets? I mean the possessing of practical experience of a multitude of
places, of military strategy, agriculture, or oratorical skill—which,
it is reasonable to suppose, the act of listening imparts. |
17 C, 6-16 The poet credited all these things to Odysseus, whom, poet = Homer 1.2.4
Citations of Homer (8th c. BCE) above all others, he embellishes with e very excellent qual-
ity. This man, according to him, saw the cities of many men and This man = Odysseus
learned their mind. This man knows all sorts of tricks and many
cunning devices. This man is always called the sacker of cities and
the man who took Troy through counsel, through words, through
skill in deceit. Diomedes says, with this man as my companion, even
out of a burning fire, / we would both return.
17 C, 16-21 He is proud of his competence in agriculture, both in reap- He = Odysseus
ing (in the grass might I have a well-bent sickle, / and might you
have the same) and in plowing (then you might see me, if I cut an
unbroken furrow before me). |
17 C, 22-27 Oratorical skill is having a way with words, something Od- 1.2.5
ysseus displays throughout the entire poem—in the Trial, in

the Prayers, and in the Embassy,2 where he says, whenever he sent he = Homer
forth from his breast his g reat voice / and words like winter snow-
flakes, / then no other mortal could compete with Odysseus.
17 C, 28-40 It cannot be that, on the one hand, Homer displays such
wisdom and that, on the other hand, educated men do not all
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) use the poet as a source when he is correct in his statement
that such practical experience tends toward wisdom. Who,
then, would assume that the poet—who portrays other men
as having rhetorical and military skills and as displaying the
other accomplishments of excellence—is himself one of those
drivelers and showmen, a man capable only of beguiling and flat-
tering his listener, not of benefiting him? Would we describe
the excellence of a poet as anything other than the art of imitat-
ing life through composition? How would he “imitate life” if he
[ 1 ] An eiresione is a wreath of olive branches, used in ancient Greek ritual and

adorned with decorative fruit. A modern analogy might be a Christmas tree
to which ornaments have been added.
[ 2 ] These “titles” refer to parts of Homer’s Iliad: 4 C, 14-20n.
30
has no experience of it and no wisdom? We do not talk of the

excellence of poets in the same way as we talk of the excellence
of a carpenter or metalsmith. The latter depends on nothing
noble and revered. The excellence of a poet is inextricably
linked with the excellence of man, and it is not possible to be
a good poet without first being a good man. |
17 C, 41–18 C, 5 To deprive the poet of the art of oratory is the mark of a 1.2.6
Strabo introduces an imaginary man who totally ignores us. What is more important to ora-
interlocutor who objects that
poetry is different from other
tory than style? What is so important to poetry as style? Who
skills is better than Homer at style?
“Yes, but poetic style is diff erent.”
Certainly it is in type, just as, within poetic style, there is
a tragic style as well as a comic style, and within prose style,
there is a historical style as well as a legal style. For surely
speech is generic, while verse and prose are types within it.
Or is speech generic, but not oratorical speech, nor style, nor
excellence in composition?
18 C, 5-13 In short, prose (at least when polished) is an imitation
of polished poetry. In the very first place, polished poetry
emerged and won approval. Then, works w ere composed in
imitation of it by those associated with Cadmus, Pherecydes,
and Hecataeus,1 who did away with meter but retained other
poetic elements. Then those who came later, continually de-
priving it of such elements, reduced it as if from a sublime
height to its current form, just as one might say that com-
edy has a form that has been brought down from tragedy
and tragedy’s sublime height into what is now called the
“vernacular.”
18 C, 13-23 The use of “to sing” rather than “to say” among the an-
cients is evidence of this same fact, that poetry was the well-
spring and start of a polished and rhetorical style. Poetry
made additional use of melody in p erformances. This was
the ode (song)—a composition set to a melody—as a result of
which people talked about “rhapsody” (recital of song), “tragedy”
(tragic song), and “comedy” (comic song). In consequence, when “to
say” was used at the very beginning in the case of poetic style,
and poetic style made use of song, “to sing” and “to say” w ere
the same t hing for p eople. When p eople used the former even
in the case of prose composition, its use shaded into the lat-
ter. The very fact that a composition without meter is called
[ 1 ] The expression “those associated with Cadmus, Pherecydes, and Hecataeus” is

idiomatic, meaning simply Cadmus (?6th c. BCE), Pherecydes (6th c. BCE), and
Hecataeus (6th–5th c. BCE).
31
pezon,1 is indicative of its descent from a height and from a

carriage to the ground. |
18 C, 24-30 Homer describes not only regions nearby, as Eratosthenes 1.2.7
says, and among the Greeks, but accurately describes many of

those that are far away. At least, more so than later poets, he
mythologizes—not in the sense of making a marvel out of
everything but in the sense of using allegory, elaboration, or
popularization for our edification on various topics, includ-
ing the wanderings of Odysseus. Concerning these, he makes he = Eratosthenes
many errors, even though he describes commentators and the

poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) poet himself as full of drivel. It is worth describing t hese errors
at greater length. |
18 C, 31–19 C, 9 In the first place, there’s the fact that not only poets but 1.2.8
also, much earlier, cities and lawgivers approved of myths for

the sake of expedience, with a view to the natural state of the
rational animal: mankind is fond of learning, and a love of
myth is a precursor to this. Therefore, children start by lis-
tening to stories and engaging with them at greater length.
The explanation is that myth is a sort of novelty, telling not
of established facts but of other matters alongside these: what
is novel and hitherto unknown is appealing. (This is the very
thing that makes man fond of learning.) When what is amaz-
ing and what is marvelous are additionally present, they en-
hance p leasure, which is an incitement to learning.
19 C, 9-14 At the beginning, then, it is necessary to use such bait as
this, but as children grow older, it is necessary to lead them
toward the learning of facts, their intellect having been
strengthened and no longer requiring encouragement. Every
common and uneducated man is, in a sense, a child and in the
same way a lover of myth. Likewise, the man who is only mod-
erately educated: he does not have a strong rational faculty,
and the habits of his childhood are still present.
19 C, 15-26 What is marvelous is not only appealing but also terrify-
ing. Both types are useful, for both children and older people.
In the case of c hildren, we employ myths that are appealing
in order to motivate them and myths that are terrifying in
order to deter (Lamia is a myth, as also Gorgo, Ephialtes,
and Mormolyca). Most of the citizenry is motivated by myths Mormolyca was a bogeyman
used to scare children
that are appealing, as when they listen to poets describing
heroic and mythical deeds (such as the l abors of Heracles or
[ 1 ] Pezon, the Greek word for prose, literally means “pedestrian.”
32
of Theseus) or honors granted by the gods; or, by Zeus, when

they see pictures or cult statues or sculptures portraying some
such mythical twist of fortune. In contrast, they are deterred
when they anticipate retribution, horror, and threats from
the gods, influenced either by stories or by some visual things;
or even when they believe that such events have come to pass.
19 C, 26-32 It is not possible to influence a throng made up of women
and the common herd by means of philosophical discussion,
not to entice them to piety and observance and faith, but fear
of the gods is necessary, and this is not possible without con-
structing myths and marvels. Thunderbolt, aegis, trident,
torches, snakes, and thyrsus javelins—the weapons of the
gods—are myths, as is ancient theology in its entirety. The
founders of constitutions approved of these things as being
“Mormolycas” for the simpleminded.
20 C, 1-8 Mythmaking being such as described, and leading to the
social and political ordering of life as well as to knowledge of
the truth, the ancients preserved childhood education even
for those who were completely grown up, and assumed that
every age group gained sufficient self-discipline through po-
etry. In l ater times, the writing of history and the philosophy
of today have emerged. This, however, is for the few. Poetry is
more beneficial for the mass of p eople and is capable of filling
theaters. This is especially the case with the poetry of Homer.
And the first historians and physicists were also mythogra-
phers. |
20 C, 9-22 The poet, in using myths for educational purposes, largely poet = Homer 1.2.9
Citations of Homer (8th c. BCE) focused on truth but mingled in fiction as well, preferring the
former but winning over and corralling the masses by means
of the latter. As when someone overlays gold with silver, in the same
way this man adds myth to actual events, spicing up and orna-
menting his style, having in view the same end as the historian
and the narrator of facts. Thus, he took the historical Trojan
war and ornamented it with mythmaking, as he did likewise
with the wanderings of Odysseus. It is not Homeric to hang
baseless marvels from something that is not true. It is reason-
able to suppose that the rationale is that someone would thus
lie more convincingly, if they w ere to mix in an element of the
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) truth, which is what Polybius says, too, in his treatment of the
wanderings of Odysseus. This is the meaning of the statement
33
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) he told many lies that were close to the truth—not all but many,
otherwise they would not have been close to the truth.
20 C, 23-33 He therefore started with historical tradition. People say He = Homer
that Aeolus ruled over the islands associated with Lipara; that
the islands associated with Etna and Leontina were ruled by
the Cyclopes and the Laestrygonians, inhospitable people,
which is why the area around the Strait was inaccessible to Strait, Straits of Messina
people of that time; and that Charybdis and Scyllaeum w ere

in the grip of pirates. Thus, too, we have historical knowledge
about other p eople mentioned by Homer in other parts of
the world. Thus, knowing of the Cimmerians who inhabited
the Cimmerian Bosporus, which is northerly and gloomy, he Cimmerian Bosporus,
Straits of Kerch'
transferred them to a shadowy region in Hades, which was
suitable for the myths he made about the wanderings. That
he knew of them is shown by the chronographers, who date
the invasion of the Cimmerians either just before his time or
in his time. |
21 C, 1-8 Likewise, knowing of the Colchians, of the voyage of Jason 1.2.10
to Aea, of the myths and facts told about Circe and Medea in
connection with their knowledge of poison and their similar-
ity of character in other respects, he concocted a fictional kin- he = Homer
ship between t hese two w omen (living so far apart, one in the
innermost recess of the Pontus, the other in Italy!) and sub- Pontus, Black Sea
oceanization = literary transfer jected them to “oceanization”—and perhaps Jason did wander
to Atlantic of events that took
place in Med. Sea/Black Sea as far as Italy, given that certain indications of the wanderings
of the Argonauts are identified in the region of the Ceraunian Ceraunian mts., range incl.
Cikes mt. (Alb.)
Adria, Adriatic Sea mountains and the Adria, in the Posidonian bay and the is-
lands off Tyrrhenia. Posidonian bay, Gulf of Salerno
21 C, 8-10 A further factor was added by the Cyaneae,1 which they call
the “Symplegades” (Clashing [rocks])—certain rocks that make
rough g oing of the passage through the Byzantine mouth. Byzantine mouth = Bosporus
(Tky.)
21 C, 10-13 In consequence, Aeaea appeared plausible b ecause of Aea;
the Planctae (Wandering [rocks]) and the voyage between them ap-
peared plausible b ecause of the Symplegades; the voyage be-
tween the cliffs appeared plausible b ecause of Scyllaeum and
Charybdis.
21 C, 13-19 Simply put, men of those times thought of the Pontic Pontic sea, Black Sea
sea as like another ocean; and they thought that those who
voyaged thither had traveled as far as those who sailed a long beyond the Pillars = along the
way out beyond the Pillars. It was believed to be the largest of Atlantic coast
[ 1 ] Cyaneae = rocky islets at the northern end of the Bosporus (Tky.): 319 C, 26-31.
34
our seas, which was why people called it by the proper name our seas = Med. Sea + Black
Sea + Sea of Azov
“Pontus” (= Sea), just as they called Homer “the poet.” Per-
haps, then, this was also the reason he transferred events from
the Pontus to the ocean, b ecause prevailing opinion made it
easy to accept.
21 C, 19-28 I suppose that, since the Solymians inhabited the highest
peaks of the Taurus in the vicinity of Lycia stretching as far as
Pisidia, and since they represented the most famous southern
extremes for t hose within the Taurus and especially for those Pontus, Black Sea
oceanized = metaphorically in the vicinity of the Pontus, he “oceanized” t hese p eople, too, he = Homer
transferred to supposed
southern ocean because of a certain degree of congruence. He says of him, him = Odysseus
sailing on his raft, that the lord, the Earthshaker, on his way from Earthshaker = Posidon
the Ethiopians, / saw him from afar, from the mountains of the Soly-
mians. Perhaps, too, he borrowed the one-eyed Cyclopes from
Scythian history: people say that the Arimaspians—whom
Aristeas (7th c. BCE) Aristeas of Proconnesus publicized in his Arimaspian Epic—
are men such as t hese. |
21 C, 29–22 C, 3 Now that I have made these introductory remarks,1 I must 1.2.11
consider what those people mean who say that Odysseus’s

wanderings took place according to Homer in the vicinity of Sicily or
Italy.2 The statement can be understood in two ways, a good
way and a bad way. The good way is if one understands that
he believed the wanderings of Odysseus to have taken place he = Homer
there and, taking this assumption as true, used poetic embel-

lishment. This could be said fittingly about him. Indeed, it is
possible to discover evidence of the wanderings of that man, that man = Odysseus
and of various others, not only in the vicinity of Italy but even
as far as the remotest parts of Iberia.
22 C, 3-12 The bad way is if a person were to take the embellishment
as historical fact—whereas Ocean, Hades, the cattle of He-
lius, hospitality by goddesses, shape changes, g iant Cyclopes
and Laestrygonians, Scylla’s shape, sailing distances, and
various other such things are clearly the product of marvel-
mongering. It is not worth contradicting this person, when
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) he is so clearly falsely accusing the poet (just as it is not worth
it, if he w
ere to deny that Odysseus’s voyage home to Ithaca,
the murder of the suitors, and the Ithacans’ battle with him
in the countryside happened in this way). Nor is it justifiable
to argue with the person who understands things in a fitting
way. |
[ 1 ] 15 C, 26–21 C, 28.
[ 2 ] A statement attributed by Strabo to Polybius: 25 C, 4-10; 26 C, 15-24.
35
22 C, 13-17 Eratosthenes incorrectly takes issue with both these con- 1.2.12
tentions. He takes issue with the second in that he tries to

discredit what are clear fictions not deserving of lengthy ar-
gumentation. He takes issue with the former in saying that
every poet talks drivel and in believing that practical knowledge of
places or skills does not lead to excellence.
22 C, 17-25 Again, although some myths are described as set in nonfic-
titious places (e.g., Ilium, Ida, and Pelium), and some are set
in fictitious places (like those places where the Gorgons live,
or where Geryones lives), he says that the scenes of Odysseus’s he = Eratosthenes
wanderings are of the latter type and that those who claim that Pelorias, Capo Peloro (Sic.)
they are not fictitious but that they are identifiable are proven wrong Sirenussae, Punta della
Campanella (It.)
from the very fact that they cannot agree. At any rate, some of them
Cumaean bay, Golfo di Napoli
locate the Sirens on Pelorias, others locate them on Sirenussae, more (It.)
than two thousand stades away. Sirenussae is a triple-peaked crag Posidonian bay, Gulf of Salerno
that separates the Cumaean and the Posidonian bays. (It.)
22 C, 25-31 However, this crag does not have three peaks nor, in fact,
Strabo accuses Eratosthenes of any high peak at all. Rather, it juts out as a sort of elbow-
misdescribing Sirenussae
shaped promontory, long and narrow, from the Surrentum Surrentum, Sorrento (It.)
area to the strait at Capriae, having on one side of its ridge Capriae, Capri (It. island)
the t emple to the Sirens and on the other side, the side t oward
the Posidonian bay, three little islands lying offshore, unin-
habited and rocky, which people call the “Sirens”; and on the Sirens, Li Galli (It. islands)
strait itself is the Athenaeum (temple to Athena), with which the Athenaeum
(promontory) = Sirenussae,
elbow-shaped promontory itself is homonymous.1 | Punta della Campanella (It.)
22 C, 32–23 C, 10 Even if those who hand down the tradition of historical 1.2.13
Strabo argues that research into places do not agree with each other, it is not
disagreement among sources
does not necessarily undermine necessary immediately to jettison the research in its entirety.
their credibility Sometimes, the general point is all the more to be believed,
as I say. If the question is w hether the wanderings took place
in Sicily and Italy and w hether the Sirens are placed some-
where t here, the man who places them on Pelorias disagrees Pelorias, Capo Peloro (Sic.)
with the man who places them on Sirenussae, but neither Sirenussae, Punta della
Campanella (It.)
one disagrees with the man who places them in the vicinity
of Sicily and Italy; in fact, they provide extra credibility in
that, although they do not each give the same place, they have
nevertheless not gone beyond the region of Italy and Sicily.
If someone adds that in Neapolis a memorial to Parthenope Neapolis, Napoli/Naples (It.)
(one of the Sirens) is identified, even more credibility ensues,

even though this place is the third one mentioned. Given that
[ 1 ] The promontory called by Eratosthenes Sirenussae is called by Strabo “Ath-

enaeum”: 242 C, 15-21; 247 C, 18-23.
36
Neapolis is situated on this bay, which is called by Eratosthe-

nes the Cumaean bay 1 and is formed by Sirenussae, we believe
more firmly in the existence of the Sirens in t hese regions.
23 C, 10-13 We do not demand that the poet ascertained every de-
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) tail precisely, nor do we demand precision from him. On the
other hand, we do not go so far as to assume that he recited
his songs without having ascertained the location and nature
of the wanderings. |
23 C, 14-27 Eratosthenes surmises that Hesiod, having ascertained in 1.2.14
Strabo points out that connection with Odysseus’s wanderings that they took place in Sicily
Eratosthenes is inconsistent in
his treatment of Hesiod (late
and Italy, trusting in this view, mentions not only places named by
8th–7th c. BCE) and Homer Homer but also Etna, Ortygia (the l ittle island off Syracuse), and
the Tyrrhenians, but Homer does not know these places, nor does he
want to set the wanderings in places that are familiar. W ere Etna
and Tyrrhenia familiar—but not Scyllaeum, Charybdis, Cir-
caeum, and Sirenussae? Was it appropriate that Hesiod did
not talk drivel but rather followed prevailing opinion, but that
Homer yelled out whatever random utterance came to his tongue?
Quite apart from what has been said about the type of myth-
making appropriate for Homer, the large number of writers
who chatter about t hese t hings and the store of local lore con-
cerning t hese places allow us to learn that t hese t hings are
not the fictions of poets and writers but are evidence for real
people and events. |
23 C, 28–24 C, 4 Polybius has the right ideas about the wanderings. He says 1.2.15
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) that Aeolus, who predicted when to make the voyage through the re-
gion of the Strait, which was tidal and difficult to sail through on ac- Strait, Straits of Messina
count of the changing tide, was called the “steward of the winds” and
considered to be king, just like Danaus (who pointed out the w ater
supply in Argos) and Atreus (who pointed out that the sun moved
in a direction opposite to that of the heavens); men who w ere seers
and diviners were appointed kings; and Egyptian priests, Chaldae-
ans, and Magi, who excelled other men in a certain type of wisdom,
had leadership and status bestowed on them by men from before our
times. So, too, each of the gods is honored as being the discoverer of
something useful.
24 C, 4-12 Having established t hese principles, he allows us to take as he = Polybius
mythical constructs neither Aeolus nor Odysseus’s wanderings as a

whole. Rather, small mythical elements have been added, just as in
the case of the Trojan war, but as a whole they are set in the Sicily
[ 1 ] The bay is called “Crater” in Strabo’s day: 242 C, 15-21. Eratosthenes’s use of the
name Cumaean bay: 22 C, 17-25.
37
region by the poet and by other writers who narrate local lore con- poet = Homer
cerning Italy and Sicily. Nor does he have any praise, he says,
for Eratosthenes’s statement that “you will discover the scene of the
wanderings of Odysseus when you find the leatherworker who sewed
up the sack of the winds.”
24 C, 13-25 The following lines concerning Scylla—“there, she fishes around
the cliff, eagerly seeking / dolphins and dogfish and, if she can, larger
/ sea creatures”—are appropriately spoken in connection with Scyl-
laeum and the catching of the “galeotae.” Tuna fish move along the galeotae, swordfish
Italian shore in schools, and when trapped and prevented from reach-
ing Sicily, they fall victim to larger creatures like “dolphins, dogfish,
and other sea creatures”; from preying on them, the “galeotae”—
which, he says, are also called “swordfish” and “dogfish”—grow fat.
The same phenomenon occurs here—and also when the Nile and other
rivers flood—as occurs in the case of conflagrations and forest fires:
animals gather together and flee from the flames (or w ater) and be-
come food for larger animals. |
24 C, 26–25 C, 3 In making t hese statements, he describes the capture of he = Polybius 1.2.16
the galeotae as practiced in the Scyllaeum region. A communal

lookout man is posted on high. People wait at anchor in a multitude
of little two-oared boats, with two people per boat. One person steers,
and one person stands on the bow with spear poised, after the look-
out man signals the arrival of the “galeotes” (the creature swims a
third above w ater). When the boat comes close, the man shoots his
spear, then pulls it out of the creature’s body, minus its spearhead: it
is barbed and only loosely attached to the spear on purpose. And it
has a long string attached to it. They give the string some slack until
the wounded creature gets exhausted from the effort of struggling to
escape. Then they haul it onto land or, if the creature is not r eally
enormous, heave it up into the boat. If the spear falls into the sea,
it is not lost: it is made of oak and fir so that, when the oaken part
sinks b ecause of its weight, the remaining part sticks up and is easy
to grab hold of. It sometimes happens that the oarsman is wounded
through the boat b ecause of the length of the sword of the “galeotae”
and because the creature’s strength during the hunt is like that of a
wild boar.
25 C, 4-10 One would guess from such m atters, he says, that “[Odysseus’s] he = Polybius
wanderings took place according to Homer in the vicinity of Sicily,” 1

in that he attributed to Scylla the type of fishing that is local to Scyl- he (attributed) = Homer
laeum, and from the fact that what is said about Charybdis is similar
[ 1 ] 21 C, 29–22 C, 3n.
38
to the phenomenon at the Strait (the statement that “thrice [a day] Strait, Straits of Messina
she spews it forth”—instead of “twice [a day]”—is either an editorial

mistake or wrong information). | Also, the conditions on Meninx are 1.2.17
consistent with what is said about the Lotophagi.1

25 C, 11-17 If there is inconsistency, one has to attribute this to change, to
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) lack of knowledge, or even to poetic license, which combines historical
research, artistic composition, and myth. The objective of historical
research is truth—as when the poet, in the “Catalogue of Ships,” 2
describes the reality of each place, calling one city “rocky” and one
“far-flung,” another “dove-rich” and another “by the sea.” The ob-
jective of artistic composition is liveliness—as when he represents men
in combat. The objective of myth is pleasure and amazement.
25 C, 17-21 The fictionalization of everything is neither credible nor typical
of Homer. Everybody takes the latter’s poetry as a subject of philo-
sophical inquiry rather than doing as Eratosthenes says when he bids
us “not to judge the poems intellectually nor to seek historical fact
from them.”
25 C, 22-29 It is more credible to understand “for nine days I traveled thence,
blown by baneful winds” as applying to a short distance (the winds oceanize = to place events in
the Atlantic ocean
are “baneful” not “favorable”) than to oceanize events as if the winds
were favorable and steady. Giving a total distance from Maleae to
the Pillars as twenty-two thousand five hundred stades, he says that, he = Polybius
if we assume the voyage was made over the nine days at a consistent Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
speed, the distance sailed each day would be two thousand five hun-
dred stades. Who has recorded that anyone arrived in Alexandria
from Lycia or Rhodes—a distance of four thousand stades—on only
the second day?
25 C, 29-32 In response to those who demand how it is that Odysseus
comes to Sicily three times, yet does not once sail through
the Strait, he replies that even men of l ater times all avoided this Strait, Straits of Messina
voyage. |
25 C, 33–26 C, 15 The foregoing is what he says.3 In the main, what he he = Polybius 1.2.18
says is correct, but when he undercuts the oceanization ar- oceanization = literary transfer
to the Atlantic of events that
gument and reduces a voyage expressed in days to precise took place on the Med. Sea/
measurements and distances, he is extremely inconsistent. Black Sea
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) On the one hand, he cites the poet’s words (for nine days I
traveled thence, blown by baneful winds); on the other hand, he
draws a veil over them. The line after the ship had left behind
the stream of river Ocean; the line on the island of Ogygia, which
is the navel of the sea (and the statement that the daughter of
[ 1 ] Meninx (Gerba, Tun. island): 834 C, 25-33.

[ 2 ] The “title” Catalogue of Ships refers to a part of Homer’s Iliad: 4 C, 14-20n.
[ 3 ] 23 C, 28–25 C, 32.
39
Atlas lives there); and the lines about the Phaeacians (we live
far away, on the billowing sea, / remotest of people; no other mortal
visits us)—all t hese are clear evidence of fictional placement in
the Atlantic. He, however, in drawing a veil over them, does
away with clear evidence.
26 C, 15-24 So, then, the preceding argument is not valid, but his
statement that the wanderings occurred in the vicinity of Sicily and
Italy1 is correct and is confirmed by . . . *. What poet or writer
persuaded the Neapolitans to name a memorial in honor
of Parthenope the Siren, or the inhabitants of Cumae, Di-
caearchia, and Vesuvius to speak of “Pyriphlegethon,” “lake
Acherusia,” the “oracle of the dead in Aornus,” and “Baius”
and “Misenus” (companions of Odysseus)? And similarly, in
the region of Sirenussae and the Strait, “Scylla,” “Charybdis,”
and “Aeolus”? It is necessary neither to analyze them precisely
nor yet to pass over them on the basis that they have no roots
or foundation, no element of truth nor any historical utility. |
26 C, 25-31 Eratosthenes himself senses this, one might suppose, 1.2.19
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) when he says that the poet intends to set the wanderings of Odys-
seus in western locations but deviates from his plan, partly because his
knowledge is inaccurate and partly b ecause his priority is not to do so
but rather to represent details with a view to what is more inspiring
and marvelous, correctly understanding the fact but not the
reason he does it: he does it not for the sake of drivel but for he = Homer
the sake of utility.

26 C, 31-37 In consequence, he is justly called to account about this, he = Eratosthenes
as also for the statement that faraway places are depicted as more
marvelous because they are easier to fictionalize. For the marvels
told of faraway places are a tiny fraction of those set in Greece
and near Greece: for example, mythical events to do with the
labors of Heracles and Theseus, and t hose set in Crete, Sicily,
and other islands, and t hose associated with Cithaeron, Heli-
con, Parnassus, Pelium, all of Attica, and the Peloponnese.
27 C, 1-6 Nobody charges creators of myths with lack of knowledge 2
on the basis of the myths. Furthermore—since they do not
mythologize everything but (especially Homer) only add
various mythical elements—the person who inquires as to
which mythical element the ancients add, does not inquire
whether the mythical elements existed (or exist) but rather
seeks the truth about the places and p eople to which the
[ 1 ] Strabo returns to this view (21 C, 29–22 C, 3; 25 C, 4-10), which he supports.

[ 2 ] Homer’s supposed lack of knowledge, alleged not only by Eratosthenes but
also by Polybius (25 C, 11-17) and o
thers (31 C, 22-29), is repeatedly rebutted by
Strabo in the following discussion: 27 C, 1–47 C, 8.
40
mythical element is added—for example, w hether the wan-

derings of Odysseus happened, and where. |
27 C, 7-13 In general, it is incorrect to compare the poetry of Homer 1.2.20
with that of other poets—in any respect, but particularly in

regard to the very questions with which we are dealing here,
concerning geography—and not to accord him the place of
Sophocles (5th c. BCE) honor. If we do nothing else than go over Sophocles’s Trip-
Euripides (5th c. BCE) tolemus or the prologue to Euripides’s Bacchae, and compare
Homer’s careful treatment of such matters, it is easy to dis-
cern the difference in his approach.
27 C, 13-27 Wherever t here is a need of an orderly sequence of the
places he mentions, he preserves that order, whether the he = Homer
Citations of Homer (8th c. BCE) places are Greek or faraway. They strove to pile Ossa on Olympus
and, on Ossa, / Pelium of the trembling leaves; and Hera, swooping
down from the peak of Olympus / and coming to Pieria and lovely
Emathia, / sped over the snowy mountains of the horse-loving Thra-
cians . . . from Athos to the sea. In the Catalogue,1 he does not
name the cities in sequence (since it is not necessary), but he
does name the nations in sequence. Likewise, in the case of
faraway places: having traveled to Cyprus, Phoenicia, and Egypt, /
I reached the Ethiopians, Sidonians, Erembians, / and Libya (lines
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) to which Hipparchus, too, makes reference).
27 C, 27-35 They, in cases where sequence is necessary (one describing They = Euripides + Sophocles
Dionysus visiting the nations, the other describing Triptol- one = Euripides
emus traveling over the seed-sown earth), put places that are other = Sophocles
far apart close together and tear apart places that are next
Citation of Euripides’s to each other: traveling from the gold-rich lands of Lydians / and
description of Dionysus’s travels
(5th c. BCE)
Phrygians, to the sun-baked plains of Persians, / walled Bactrian
cities, the wintry land / of Medes, and Blessed Arabia. (Triptol-
emus does much the same.)
27 C, 36–28 C, 11 In the matter of climata and the winds, too, Homer illustrates climata, geographical
coordinates
the breadth of his geographical knowledge, since his topographi-
cal descriptions include these matters in many instances. It, It = island of Ithaca (Odysseus’s
home)
Citations of Homer (8th c. BCE) low-lying, lies highest up in the sea / t oward the misty gloom; the o thers
are far away toward the daylight and the sun. And . . . there are two
gates, / one to the north . . . / one to the south. And whether they go to
the right, t oward the daylight and the sun, / or to the left, t oward the
misty gloom . . . Indeed, he considers lack of such knowledge as
a state of total confusion: my friends, we know not where is the misty
gloom, nor where is the daylight, / nor where is the sun.2
[ 1 ] The “title” Catalogue refers to a part of Homer’s Iliad: 4 C, 14-20n.

[ 2 ] Further discussion of these Homeric passages: 33 C, 9–34 C, 22; 454 C, 36–
455 C, 23.
41
28 C, 12-24 In the passage where the poet correctly says Boreas and Boreas, north wind
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) Zephyrus, which blow from Thrace, he does not understand it he = Eratosthenes
the fellow = Homer correctly in falsely alleging that the fellow makes a general state- Zephyrus, west wind
ment that “Zephyrus blows from Thrace,” when the fellow is not
making a general statement but is referring to the winds’ conver-
gence in the Melas gulf area of the Thracian sea, which is itself
part of the Aegaean sea. Thrace curves southward to form a
peninsula where it borders on Macedonia. Since it protrudes
into the sea, it makes it seem to people on Thasos, Lemnos,
Imbros, Samothrace, and on the sea around them, that the
Zephyri blow from t here, just as in Attica, they appear to blow Zephyri, west winds
from the Scironian cliffs, which is why the Zephyri (particu-

larly the Argestae) are called “Scirones.” Eratosthenes did Argestae, southwest winds
not think of this, but nevertheless suggested it: he himself

described the curvature (to which I refer) of the territory.
28 C, 24-26 So, then, he understands the statement in a general sense, he = Eratosthenes
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) then accuses the poet of lacking knowledge—since Zephyrus blows Zephyrus, west wind
from the west and from Iberia, and since Thrace does not extend that
far!
28 C, 27-30 Is he r eally “unaware that Zephyrus blows from the west”? he = Homer
After all, he preserves the appropriate order when he says Eurus, east wind
the following: Eurus, Notus, stormy Zephyrus, / and Boreas Notus, south wind
converged. Boreas, north wind
28 C, 31-36 Is he really “unaware that Thrace does not jut out beyond he = Homer
the Paeonian and Thessalian mountains”? A fter all, he knows

this territory where it borders on the Thracians, and correctly
names the coastline and the interior; he catalogues some of
the Magnesians and Malians, and the Greeks who come next
as far as the Thesprotians, similarly the Dolopians who share a
border with the Paeonians, and the Dodonian Sellans as far as
the Achelous. He does not mention any Thracians further on.
28 C, 36–29 C, 2 He is fond of the sea that is nearest and best known to He = Homer
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) him, as when he says: the assembly rippled like the high waves of
the sea, / the Icarian sea. |
29 C, 3-10 There are some who say that there are two chief winds— Boreas, north wind 1.2.21
Schema of winds “Boreas” and “Notus”—and that the other winds diverge Notus, south wind
from them only slightly, “Eurus” blowing from the direction Eurus, northeast wind
of the summer sunrise, “Apeliotes” from the direction of the Apeliotes, southeast wind
winter sunrise, “Zephyrus” from the direction of summer Zephyrus, northwest wind
sunset, and “Argestes” from the direction of winter sunset. Argestes, southwest wind
42
Thrasyalces (?5th c. BCE) They cite, as sources for t here being only two winds, Thrasy-
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) alces and the poet, b ecause of his combination of “Argestes”
with “Notus” (Argestes Notus) and “Zephyrus” with “Boreas”
(Boreas and Zephyrus, which blow from Thrace).
29 C, 10-16 Posidonius says that no one who is an expert in t hese m
atters— Caecias, northeast wind
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) such as Aristotle, Timosthenes, and Bion the astronomer—says that Lips, southwest wind
cites Aristotle (4th c. BCE),
Timosthenes (3rd c. BCE), and
the winds are so, but rather that the wind from the direction of the Eurus, southeast wind
Bion (?ca. 300 BCE) summer sunrise is “Caecias” and the wind diametrically opposite, Argestes, northwest wind
Posidonius revises schema of blowing from the direction of the winter sunset, is “Lips”; further- Apeliotes, east wind
winds
more, the wind blowing from the direction of the winter sunrise is Zephyrus, west wind
“Eurus,” the opposite one is “Argestes”; in between are “Apeliotes”
and “Zephyrus.”
29 C, 16-25 The poet means by “stormy Zephyrus” what we call Argestes; stormy Zephyrus/Argestes,
northwest wind
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) by “clear-blowing Zephyrus” what we call Zephyrus; by “Argestes
(Brightening) Notus” what we call Leuconotus. The last produces clear-blowing Zephyrus, west
wind
few clouds, whereas Notus in the main is somewhat cloudy:
as when Zephyrus drives away the clouds / of Argestes Notus, blasting Argestes Notus/Leuconotus,
south-southwest wind
them with a deep windstorm. He means here stormy Zephyrus,
which usually scatters the wispy clouds gathered by Leucono-
tus (Notus h ere being qualified as “Argestes Notus”).
29 C, 26-27 These t hings, said at the beginning of the first of the geo
graphical [volumes],1 are subject to the foregoing revisions.2 |
29 C, 27-30 Sticking with these false assumptions about Homer, he he = Eratosthenes 1.2.22
Eratosthenes notes Homer says the following: he does not know that the mouths of the Nile
(8th c. BCE) does not mention
the number of mouths of Nile are several in number nor even know of the name “Nile” itself, but
Hesiod does (since he mentions it). Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE)
29 C, 30-32 Now then, it is reasonable to suppose that the name was

not yet used in his time. As for the mouths, if on the one hand his time = Homer’s time
they were unknown or if their multiplicity as opposed to their

singularity was known to only a few, then one might grant
that he had not learned of them.
29 C, 32–30 C, 5 If, on the other hand, the river was (and is) the best-
known and most amazing thing in Egypt, of all things the
most deserving of mention and record, and if it is the same
Strabo argues that Homer’s for its floodings and mouths—who would suppose that t hose
failure to mention mouths of
Nile does not necessarily imply people who informed him of “Egypt” (the river and the terri-
that Homer has no knowledge tory) and “Egyptian Thebes” and “Pharus” had no knowledge
of them
of these m atters or, knowing of them, did not mention them?
(Unless b ecause the m atters w
ere well known?). It is still more
incredible if he mentioned Ethiopia, Sidonians, Erembians,
[ 1 ] I.e., Eratosthenes’s volumes. The word “volumes” is supplied by analogy with

62 C, 18n; 66 C, 23-31n.
[ 2 ] 15 C, 22–29 C, 25.
43
the outer sea, and the Ethiopians split into two groups but did
not mention places nearby and well known.
30 C, 5-8 That he did not mention these t hings is not evidence that
he did not have knowledge of them (since he did not mention his
own fatherland nor many other things). Rather, it is evidence
for his belief that well-known facts are not worth mentioning
to p eople who know of them. |
30 C, 9-22 People are incorrect in reproaching him for the statement him = Homer 1.2.23
concerning the island of Pharus, that it is (he says) in the open Pharus, island joined by a mole
to Alexandria (Iskandariya. Egy.)
sea, as if he is speaking through lack of knowledge. One might on in Strabo’s day
the contrary use this as evidence for the claim that nothing
of what has just been mentioned in connection with Egypt1
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) was unknown to the poet. You might reason as follows. Every
man is boastful when describing his own travels. This includes
Menelaus, who, having sailed upstream as far as the Ethio-
pians, learned of the Nile’s floods, the amount of sediment
the river deposits on the land, and the extent to which it had
already silted up the seaway at its mouths and added them to
the mainland. (In consequence, the w hole of Egypt is justi-
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) fiably called by Herodotus a gift of the river—and, if not the
whole of it, at least the territory below the Delta, called the
“Lower Territory.”) He learned that Pharus was in the open sea
in antiquity. He added the fiction of it being in the open sea,
even though it no longer was. The poet was responsible for
perpetuating this, with the consequence that we can surmise
that he knew about the Nile’s floodings and mouths. |
30 C, 23-31 The same error is made concerning his not knowing of the isthmus, Isthmus of Suez (Egy.) 1.2.24
isthmus between the Egyptian sea and the Arabian gulf, and Egyptian sea, Med. Sea
concerning his fictitious description of the “Ethiopians, split Arabian gulf, Red Sea
into two groups, remotest of men.” Rather, while that fellow that fellow = Homer
speaks truly, later commentators incorrectly censure him.

The statement that Homer does not know this isthmus is so far
from being true as to warrant my claim that the fellow not
only knows of it but explicitly refers to it, while the literary
scholars (starting with Aristarchus and Crates, the experts in
this discipline) do not even realize what he says.2
30 C, 31–31 C, 1 When the poet says Ethiopians, split into two groups, remot- poet = Homer
est of all, there is a difference of opinion about the following where Hyperion goes
down = west
Aristarchus (late 3rd–2nd c. BCE) line—Aristarchus writing, some [living] where Hyperion goes down,
Crates (2nd c. BCE) some [living] where he goes up; and Crates writing, where Hyperion where Hyperion goes up = east
[ 1 ] 29 C, 27–30 C, 5.
[ 2 ] Strabo proceeds (30 C, 31–35 C, 29) to develop his idea that Homer, although
not explicitly referring to the “isthmus” (Isthmus of Suez), nevertheless knows
of it.
44
goes down and up—although it makes no difference to the in-

terpretation of either man whether it is written one way or
the other.
31 C, 2-10 One fellow, following what seem to be rather astronomical One fellow = Crates
tenets, says that the burnt zone is occupied by the ocean, while the
temperate [zone]—both our temperate [zone] and the [temperate zone] in
the other part—is either side of it. Just as our Ethiopians are said to other part = southern
hemisphere
be t hose in the south, the “remotest of men” in the w hole of the lived-
in world in that they dwell along the ocean coast, in the same way
Crates argues for existence he thinks it is necessary to imagine Ethiopians on the far side of the
of people in the southern
hemisphere
ocean, who are the “remotest of men” in the other temperate [zone] and
who dwell along the coast of the same ocean. They are twofold and
“split into two groups” by the ocean.
31 C, 10-15 The line “where Hyperion goes down and up” is added because,
since the zodiac is always overhead the terrestrial zodiac, and since
the latter does not extend beyond the territory of both groups of Ethio-
pians in its oblique motion, it is necessary for all the sun’s path to be
imagined within this breadth, and for its “going down” and its “going
up” 1 to occur there differently for diff erent p eople, within various zo-
diacal signs.
31 C, 15-21 He said the foregoing, being rather astronomically He = Crates
minded, but it would have been simpler to say (preserving the

twofold division of the Ethiopians as noted) that the Ethiopi-
ans dwell e ither side of the ocean, from where the sun goes up
to where it goes down.2 What difference does it make to the
sense w hether we follow his wording or Aristarchus’s wording
(some [living] where Hyperion goes down, some [living] where he goes
up)? For the latter, too, means dwelling on either side of the
ocean t oward both “sundown” and “sunup.”
31 C, 22-29 Aristarchus rejects this hypothesis and thinks that “divided
Aristarchus (late 3rd–2nd c. BCE) into two groups” refers to our Ethiopians, who, for the Greeks, are
farthest to the south. These men are not “divided into two groups” in
the sense of there being “two Ethiopias” (one toward the sunrise and
one toward the sunset); rather, t here is only one Ethiopia, lying south
of the Greeks and located near Egypt. The poet is ignorant of this (as poet = Homer
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) of other matters noted by Apollodorus in the second volume
of his “About the Catalogue of Ships”) 3 and falsely attributes
untruths to the locations. |
31 C, 30–32 C, 3 To respond to Crates requires a long argument, one that 1.2.25
Crates (2nd c. BCE) is perhaps not relevant to the present discussion. As for
[ 1 ] Crates uses the sun’s “going down” and “going up” to refer to the annual pas-
sage of the sun—i.e., from the winter tropic “up” to the summer tropic, then
“down” from the summer tropic to the winter tropic.
[ 2 ] Strabo perhaps understands Crates as referring to the sun’s daily motion—i.e.,
“going up,” or rising, in the east; “going down,” or setting, in the west. Similar
confusion: 830 C, 1-27.
[ 3 ] About the Catalogue of Ships was a commentary by Apollodorus on the part
of Homer’s Iliad that was traditionally referred to by the “title” Catalogue of
Ships. Cf. 4 C, 14-20n.
45
Aristarchus (late 3rd–2nd c. BCE) Aristarchus, while I commend him for rejecting the Cratesian
hypothesis (open to many objections) and believing that the
description applies only to our Ethiopia, let me analyze his
other points. First, the fact that his micro-emendation of the his = Aristarchus’s
text is futile: whichever way it is written, it can be reconciled

with his views. What difference does it make w hether it is read
as “our Ethiopians are in two groups, some toward sunup,
some t oward sundown” or “toward sunup and sundown”?
32 C, 3-11 Second, he champions a false belief. Suppose that the poet he = Aristarchus
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) has no knowledge of the isthmus but does refer to the Ethiopi- isthmus, Isthmus of Suez (Egy.)
ans next to Egypt when he talks of the Ethiopians, split into two
groups. What then? Are they not thus split into two groups? Or
does the poet describe them in this way out of ignorance? Is
not Egypt, are not the Egyptians from the Delta to Syene, split
into two groups by the Nile, some [living] where Hyperion goes down,
some [living] where he goes up? What is Egypt, if not the river-land
that gets flooded by the river’s water? This land lies on either
side of the river, t oward sunup and sundown.
32 C, 11-16 Ethiopia is a continuum of Egypt and similar in regard to
the Nile and other aspects of its topography. It, too, is nar-
row, elongated, and subject to flooding; of the areas outside
the flood zone—empty, waterless, and able to support only a
few settlements—some are to the east and some to the west.
How, then, is it not also split into two?
32 C, 16-20 Or did it seem to those people who divide Asia from Libya
that the Nile was a worthy boundary since it stretches length-
wise for more than ten thousand stades to the south and is
wide enough to include islands populated by thousands of
people, the largest island being Meroe, the Ethiopian royal Meroe island = region along
Nile between Atbara r. and
residence and metropolis—but was the Nile not good enough Blue Nile/Bahr el Azraq
to split into two Ethiopia itself ?
32 C, 20-25 Furthermore, critics of those people who use rivers to di-
vide the continents cite the following as the most important
of the allegations against t hese p eople: they tear Egypt and
Ethiopia apart and create for each of them a Libyan section
and an Asian section; or, if this is not what they want to do,
then they do not divide the continents, at least not by means
of the river. | river = Nile
32 C, 26–33 C, 3 It is also possible to divide Ethiopia in a different way 1.2.26
from this. All those who sailed on the ocean along the
46
coast of Libya—both those who started from the Erythra and Libya = Africa
those who started from the Pillars—proceeded a certain dis- Erythra, Red Sea
tance and then turned back, prevented from going on by nu- Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
merous difficulties. In consequence, they left behind a belief
among many people that the intervening space was split by
an isthmus, although the entire Atlantic is a continuous sea,
especially in the south. All t hese men named the places at the
end of their voyages “Ethiopian” and broadcast it so. Would
it be in any way unexpected for Homer to be influenced by
such reports and to split them into two groups, meaning “those in
the east” and “those in the west” (it being unknown whether
there existed p eople in between or not)?
33 C, 3-8 Indeed, Ephorus tells another bit of ancient history, which
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) it would not be unexpected for Homer to have come across.
He says that it is related by the Tartessians that the Ethiopians
invaded Libya as far as Dyris, and that some of them stayed t here Dyris, Atlas mts. (Mor.)
and that some of them occupied a large swath of the coastline. He

concludes that this is why Homer talks of the “Ethiopians, split into
two groups, remotest of men.” |
33 C, 9-17 One might make the foregoing points in response to 1.2.27
Aristarchus and t hose who follow him, and also other more
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) plausible points to exonerate the poet from the charge of
gross ignorance. I say that, in ancient Greek thought, just as
people called the known northern regions by the single name
of “Scythians” or (in the manner of Homer) “Nomads,” and
just as later on, when the western regions became known,
people w ere called “Celts” and “Iberians” or, in a hybrid
fashion, “Celtiberians” and “Celtoscythians” (different na-
tions being categorized under one name through ignorance),
in just the same way all the southern oceanic regions w ere
called “Ethiopia.”
33 C, 17-29 The evidence is as follows. Aeschylus in Prometheus
Aeschylus (5th c. BCE) Unbound says this: with its scarlet bed the sacred flow / of the
Erythran sea, / and the sea with its gleam of bronze on Ocean’s
stream / p roviding nourishment of all kinds to the Ethiopians, / where
all-seeing Helius regularly / revitalizes his immortal body and his Helius = Sun
weary horses / in the warm outpourings / of soft w ater. Since the
ocean has this function and this relationship with regard to
the sun along the entire southern clima, he clearly positions clima, band of latitude
the Ethiopians along this entire clima, too.
47
33 C, 29–34 C, 3 Euripides says in the Phaethon that Clymene was presented

Euripides (5th c. BCE) to Merops, lord of this land, / the first country that, with golden flame /
hurled from his chariot and four, / Helius strikes as he rises. / The
neighboring black men call the land / the “bright-shining stables
of Eos and Helius.” In this passage, he represents the stables
as being shared by Eos and Helius; in what comes next, he
says that they are near the habitation of Merops. The fact is
woven into the entire drama, not as being a particular feature
of Ethiopia near Egypt but rather a particular feature of the
coast stretching along the entire southern clima. | clima, band of latitude
34 C, 4-10 Ephorus makes clear the ancient belief about Ethiopia. He 1.2.28
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) says, in his description of Europe, that the heavens and earth are
divided into four parts: the eastern part has Indians; the southern
part, Ethiopians; the western part, Celts; the northern part, Scyth-
ians. He adds that Ethiopia and Scythia are larger—for, he says,
the Ethiopian nation stretches from the southeast to the southwest,
and Scythia corresponds to this nation.1
34 C, 11-22 That the poet is in agreement with these views is clear
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) from the following statements, that Ithaca lies toward the
misty gloom (i.e., “to the north”), whereas the others are far away
toward the daylight 2 and the sun, by which he means “all along
the southern side,” and further when he says, whether they go
to the right, t oward the daylight and the sun, / or to the left, t oward
the misty gloom. Again, my friends, we know not where is the misty
gloom nor where is the daylight, / nor where the light-bringing sun
sinks below the earth, / nor where it returns anew. These matters
are discussed more lucidly in my description of Ithaca.3
34 C, 23-36 Thus, when he says Zeus went to Ocean, to the blameless Ethio- he = Homer
pians / yesterday, the ocean and similarly the Ethiopians must

be understood in rather general terms as stretching along the
entire southern clima. To whichever part of this clima you turn clima, band of latitude
your imagination, you will be both “on the ocean” and “in
Ethiopia.” He uses the lines on his way from the Ethiopians . . . /
saw him from afar, from the mountains of the Solymians as equiva-
lent to “from the south,” meaning by “Solymians” not t hose
in Pisidia, but, as I said e arlier, he makes up some men of the
same name who are in a position—with regard to the man on
the raft and the people (Ethiopians as it were) to the south—
analogous to the Pisidian Solymians with regard both to the
Pontus and the Ethiopians beyond Egypt.4 Pontus, Black Sea
[ 1 ] I.e., Scythia stretches from northeast to northwest. For “corresponds to”: 496 C,
26–497 C, 4n.
[ 2 ] The word translated as “daylight” might more normally be translated as “sun-
rise” and taken to mean the “east,” but Strabo l ater argues strenuously against
such an interpretation: 455 C, 11-23. Cf. 27 C, 36–28 C, 11n.
[ 3 ] 454 C, 4–455 C, 25.
[ 4 ] 21 C, 13-28.
48
34 C, 36–35 C, 8 In this way, using general terms to represent the story of

the cranes, he says, when they have fled from winter and incessant he = Homer
rain, / they fly with a shriek to the streams of Ocean, / bringing doom
and destruction to Pygmy men. It is not that the crane is seen
flying south in Greece, but that it is never seen flying south
in Italy, Iberia, the Caspian sea, or Bactriana. Since the ocean
stretches along the entire southern coastline, and the cranes
migrate to this entire stretch, one must understand the Pyg-
mies as mythically located along the entire coastline too.
35 C, 9-12 If men of later times used “Ethiopians” and the story of
the “Pygmies” only in connection with the Ethiopians near
Egypt, that would not be relevant to antiquity. Nowadays,
we do not describe all those who campaigned against Troy
as “Achaeans” and “Argives,” but Homer uses this name for
all of them.
35 C, 12-20 What I say about the Ethiopians split into two groups is simi-
lar, that one must understand them as t hose people who ex-
tend along the entire oceanic coast, from where the sun rises
to where it sets. The Ethiopians who are thus described are
physically split into two groups by the Arabian gulf—as if by a Arabian gulf, Red Sea
segment of a meridian circle, in the manner of a significant

river—in length some fifteen thousand stades, in breadth not
more than one thousand stades at its widest point. Added
to this length is the fact that the gulf ’s innermost recess is
a journey of three or four days from the sea at Pelusium, a sea at Pelusium = Med. Sea
distance occupied by the isthmus. isthmus, Isthmus of Suez (Egy.)
35 C, 20-29 The most accomplished of those who divide Asia from

Libya consider this gulf more suitable than the Nile as a
boundary between the two continents, since the former
stretches almost entirely from sea to sea, whereas the Nile
is many times more distant from the ocean, with the conse-
quence that it does not separate all of Asia from Libya. In
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) just the same way, I take it that the poet believed that all the
southern parts of the entire lived-in world are split into two by
this gulf. How then could he have no knowledge of the isthmus, isthmus = Isthmus of Suez (Egy.)
which this gulf forms together with the Egyptian sea? | Egyptian sea = Med. Sea
35 C, 29–36 C, 2 It would be completely irrational if he had clear knowledge 1.2.29
of Egyptian Thebes (which is only a little short of five thou-

sand stades from our sea) but no knowledge of the innermost our sea = Med. Sea
recess of the Arabian gulf nor of the isthmus t here (which has Arabian gulf, Red Sea
49
a breadth of no more than one thousand stades).1 It would ap-

pear to be much more irrational if he knew that the Nile had
the same name as so extensive a territory but did not see the
reason for this: Herodotus’s statement would be particularly
relevant, that the territory was a gift of the river, and it was for
this reason deemed to deserve the same name.2
36 C, 2-11 In addition, the details most widely known concerning
individual regions are those details that offer an element of
the marvelous and that are obvious to all. Such details are
the flooding of the Nile and its silting up of the sea. T hose
who visit Egypt learn nothing about the territory before
first learning about the physical characteristics of the Nile,
because the locals are unable to tell visitors anything more
novel than this nor any more obvious detail concerning their
region (since the nature of the entire territory becomes ob-
vious to anyone who learns about the river). In just the same
way, those who study it from far away learn nothing about it
before this fact.
36 C, 11-14 Add to this the poet’s love of knowledge and love of distant
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) places, to which all his biographers attest—many examples of
this can be gleaned from the poems themselves.
36 C, 15-23 So, then, it is proven through various examples that he is
knowledgeable, that he says explicitly what needs to be said
and is s ilent about what is too obvious—or uses an adjectival
expression. | One must therefore wonder at the Egyptians Egyptians and Syrians = 1.2.30
Aristarchus + Crates
and Syrians (to whom I am now addressing my argument)
if they fail to understand him (even when he is talking about
matters local to them) and charge him with lacking knowledge,
when the argument shows that it is they who lack knowledge!
In general, failure to mention something is not evidence of
not knowing about it: he does not mention the Euripus, with he = Homer
its changing currents, nor Thermopylae, nor various other

things familiar to the Greeks. He does not, however, lack
knowledge of them. It is rather that he does talk about them,
but what he says lands on deaf ears. Consequently, it is those those fellows =
Aristarchus + Crates
fellows who should be found guilty!
36 C, 24-34 The poet calls rivers—not only winter torrents but all
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) rivers—heaven-fed in a general sense, in that they are all re-
plenished by rainfall. But the general sense becomes particu
lar in definitive cases. One would take heaven-fed in a diff erent
[ 1 ] Strabo returns to the point raised earlier (30 C, 23-31).

[ 2 ] Strabo returns to the point raised earlier (29 C, 27–30 C, 22).
50
sense in the case of a winter torrent and in the case of a per-

manently flowing river. In this case, it is doubly definitive. In
just the same way as there can be hyperbole on hyperbole (in
the case, for example, of the expressions “being lighter than
the shadow of a cork” or “being more timid than a Phrygian
hare,” or the expression “having a landholding smaller than a
Laconian letter”), so hyperbole follows hyperbole in the case
of the Nile being called heaven-fed. A winter torrent surpasses
other rivers in being heaven-fed, but the Nile surpasses even
winter torrents b ecause of the amount and duration of its
replenishment.
36 C, 34–37 C, 4 The consequence is that, since the behavior of the river
was known to the poet (as I have interpreted him)1 and poet = Homer
since he uses this epithet for it, it cannot be understood in

any other sense than as I said.2 Running out to sea through
several mouths is a feature shared by several rivers, with the
consequence that he assumed that it did not warrant mention,
Alcaeus (late 7th–early 6th c. particularly when his audience knew of it (just as Alcaeus as-
BCE)
sumed it did not warrant mention, despite saying that he
himself visited Egypt).
37 C, 5-13 The process of sedimentation can be deduced both from
the floodings and from what he says about Pharus. Concern- he = Homer
ing Pharus, the person who told him, or rather the common Pharus, island joined by a mole
to Alexandria (Iskandariya, Egy.)
rumor, that it was at that time as far away from the mainland in Strabo’s day
as he says (a voyage of a day), would not have gained currency
if it was fictitious to such a degree. It is reasonable to suppose
that the nature of the flooding and of the sedimentation was a
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) matter of general knowledge. The poet, concluding from this
that, at the time of Menelaus’s visit, the island lay farther away
from the mainland, added on his own account a much greater
distance for the sake of the mythical element.
37 C, 13-16 Mythical creations are certainly not a sign of lack of knowl-
edge, nor are the stories of Proteus and the Pygmies, the
powerful potions, and other such poetic creations. They are
told not on the basis of lack of knowledge about places but for
the sake of p leasure and enjoyment.
37 C, 16-24 How is it, then, that he says that the island, which is in island = Pharus, island joined
by a mole to Alexandria
reality waterless, has w ater (on it is a harbor with a good anchor- (Iskandariya, Egy.) in Strabo’s day
age, whence men launch their well-balanced ships / onto the sea, after
drawing supplies of dark water)? It is not impossible that the
[ 1 ] 29 C, 32–30 C, 22.
[ 2 ] 36 C, 24-34.
51
supply of water has dried up. Nor does he say that the water
is from the island, only that the ships put out to sea from the
island on account of the excellence of the harbor. It is possible
that the water was drawn from the mainland, something that
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) the poet to some extent acknowledged through suggestion,
in that he described it as being on the open sea not with a view
to truth but with a view to hyperbole and myth. |
37 C, 25-28 Since the description of Menelaus’s wanderings appears description = by Homer 1.2.31
to support the charge that he lacks knowledge about the places he = Homer
concerned, it is perhaps better if, at the same time as I lay out

the questions that arise in those lines, I investigate them and
more lucidly defend the poet.
37 C, 29–38 C, 5 Menelaus says to Telemachus, who is marveling at the dec-
orations in the royal palace: Suffering much and traveling far, /
I carried them in my ships and arrived in the eighth year. / Having
traveled to Cyprus, Phoenicia, and the Egyptians, / I reached the
Ethiopians, Sidonians, and Erembians, / and Libya.1 People ask,
who are the “Ethiopians” to whom he came, given that he
sailed from Egypt? (There are no Ethiopians living on our our sea = Med. Sea
sea; nor was it possible to pass through the cataracts on the

Nile by ship.) Who are the “Sidonians”? (They are not those
in Phoenicia: having used a generic name, he would not have
then given a specific one.) Who are the “Erembians”? (The
name is a new one.)
38 C, 6-13 Our literary expert Aristonicus, in Concerning Menelaus’s
Aristonicus (?contemporary of Wanderings, records the statements of many men concern-
Strabo)
ing each of the topics raised. For me, however, it w ill be
enough if I give an abbreviated account. Of those who say
that he sailed to Ethiopia, some posit a circumnavigation
past Gadira as far as India, at the same time associating the Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
duration that he gives (in the eighth year) with the length
of the journey; some posit a voyage across the isthmus at isthmus, Isthmus of Suez (Egy.)
the inmost recess of the Arabian gulf; some posit a voyage Arabian gulf, Red Sea
through one of the canals.2

38 C, 13-20 The circumnavigation, which is what Crates posits, is un-
Crates (2nd c. BCE) necessary: it is not that it is impossible—Odysseus’s wander-
ings are impossible, too—but rather that it is superfluous, both
with regard to astronomical assumptions and with regard to
the length of the journey. Unwanted stops caused by difficult
sailing conditions delayed him (he says that out of sixty ships, he = Homer
[ 1 ] The ensuing section of Strabo’s narrative (38 C, 6–43 C, 20) is a commentary on

these lines of Homer.
[ 2 ] Strabo proceeds to address each topic in turn, arguing first against circum-
navigation of Africa (38 C, 13-20); then, against crossing the isthmus (Isthmus of
Suez, Egy.) by canals (38 C, 21-25); finally, against the idea that, since the isthmus
was underwater, it was not an obstacle (38 C, 25–39 C, 13).
52
five w
ere left to him), as did stops made by choice for the pur-
pose of enrichment. Nestor says: thus, amassing much property
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) and gold, / t here he wandered with his ships.
38 C, 21-25 If the voyage across the isthmus or through the canals w ere
mentioned, it would be understood as mythical; if it w ere not
mentioned, its introduction would be superfluous and un-
convincing. I say that it is introduced unconvincingly, since
before Trojan times t here was no canal: p eople say that Seso-
stris, who attempted to cut one, desisted b ecause he assumed
that the level of the sea was higher. sea = ?Red Sea
38 C, 25-30 The isthmus was certainly not navigable. Rather, the con-
jecture by Eratosthenes is not true. He surmises that the out- Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
rush at the Pillars had not yet happened so that, in this place, the inner inner sea = Med. Sea
sea was contiguous with the outer sea and, because of its higher level, outer sea = Red Sea
Casium, Ras Qasrun/Khatib el covered the isthmus; its level went down when the outrush occurred and Pelusium, Tell el-Farama (Egy.)
Gals (Egy.)
exposed the land at Casium and Pelusium as far as the Erythra. Erythra, Red Sea
38 C, 30–39 C, 11 What record do we have about this “outrush” that speci-

Strabo points out that fies that it had not yet occurred before Trojan times? Perhaps
Eratosthenes’s theory would
mean that Homer is inconsistent the poet on the one hand represents Odysseus as sailing out poet = Homer
into the ocean in this way (as if the outrush had already oc- ocean = Atlantic Ocean
curred) yet on the other hand simultaneously conveys Mene-

laus by ship from Egypt to the Erythra (as if it had not yet Erythra, Red Sea
Citations of Homer (8th c. BCE) occurred)? Also, he represents Proteus as saying to him: to he = Homer
the Elysian plain and the ends of the earth / the immortals will send
you. What kind of “ends”? The introduction of “Zephyrus” Zephyrus, west wind
makes it clear that he means that this place is “remote” in the

sense of being in the west: the breezes of clear-blowing Zephyrus
are continuously / sent forth by Ocean. T hese t hings are full of
riddles. |
39 C, 11-13 If, however, the poet has information that this isthmus was isthmus, Isthmus of Suez (Egy.) 1.2.32
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) at one time u nder a continuous sea, how much greater the evi-
dence that the Ethiopians, divided by a strait of such immense
size, were split into two groups!
39 C, 14-22 What opportunities are t here for “enrichment” among the
outer Ethiopians living on the ocean? On the one hand, t hose
Strabo gives his own associated with Telemachus1 are amazed by the quantity of
explanation for the sense in
which Menelaus “reached” the
decorations made of gold, amber, silver, and ivory in the royal Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE)
Ethiopians palace; on the other hand, none of these items, except ivory,
are abundant among t hose p eople, who are for the most part
the poorest of all, living as nomads.
[ 1 ] The expression “those associated with Telemachus” is idiomatic, meaning pri-

marily Telemachus.
53
Strabo introduces an imaginary “Yes, by Zeus, but Arabia belonged to them, too, as did also
interlocutor, who argues that
the phrase “outer Ethiopians”
the regions as far as India. Of these, the former, alone of all
includes Indians and Arabs places, is given the name ‘Blessed,’ but people assume and rec
ord the latter as highly blessed, even if they do not so name it.”1
39 C, 22-32 But Homer had no knowledge of India (if he had known of
it, he would have mentioned it), only of Arabia. Men of today
call Arabia “Blessed,”2 but at that time it was not wealthy. It
was poor, much of it belonging to tent dwellers. The spice-
bearing area, because of which the territory acquired its name
(such produce being rare and precious in our parts), was nev-
ertheless small. Nowadays, the inhabitants have plenty and
grow rich because trade is plentiful and thriving, but it is
not likely that this was so at that time. Furthermore, thanks
to spices alone, some prosperity might accrue to a trader or
camel driver from such trade, but Menelaus needed booty
and gifts from kings and dynasts who had the means at their
disposal and the willingness to give them to him b ecause of
his distinction and fame.
39 C, 33–40 C, 3 The Egyptians, and the nearby Ethiopians and Arabs,
were neither completely lacking in resources nor oblivious
to the fame of the Atreids (particularly in respect to their Atreids = Agamemnon
+ Menelaus
success in the Trojan war), with the consequence that there
was an expectation of help from them, just as is said in the case
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) of Agamemnon’s breastplate, which once Cinyras gave to him as a
guest gift; / he had heard of his great fame in faraway Cyprus.
40 C, 4-9 The greater part of the duration of his wanderings is to be his wanderings = Menelaus’s
wanderings
understood as taking place in Phoenicia, Syria, Egypt, Libya,
the places associated with Cyprus, and in general along our our coastline = coastline of
Med. Sea
coastline and its islands. Guest gifts could be received from
these places, and also acquisitions from there made by force
and plunder, particularly from those who had fought on the
side of the Trojans. The outer barbarians3 in faraway places
gave rise to no such expectation.
40 C, 10-20 Menelaus is said to have reached Ethiopia not in the sense
Strabo implies that Menelaus that . . . * as far as the border with Egypt.4 Perhaps also the
could have traveled up the
Nile to the border between border of that time was nearer to Thebes. Even the current-
southern Egypt and Ethiopia day border is nearby—that is, the border at Syene and Phi-
lae5 (the former being part of Egypt, while Philae is a joint
settlement of Ethiopians and Egyptians). It would not be in
any way illogical for someone who has reached Thebes also
[ 1 ] Other examples of introduction of an imaginary interlocutor: 16 C, 22-27; 17 C,

41–18 C, 5.
[ 2 ] “Men of today” are Latin speakers. Strabo provides a translation of the Latin
name Arabia Felix: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 3 ] I.e., barbarians on the “outer sea”—i.e., on the shores of the Atlantic or Indian
ocean.
[ 4 ] I.e., the border between southern Egypt and Ethiopia; the same as the “bound-
ary with Ethiopia,” which is the southern limit of Strabo’s own travels through
Egypt: 117 C, 12-20n.
[ 5 ] Strabo’s presence in Philae: 818 C, 3-21.
54
to have reached the border with the Ethiopians or farther,

especially if he enjoyed royal hospitality. Thus, too, Odysseus
says that he reached the land of the Cyclopes, despite only getting
as far away from the sea as the cave (which he says was situ-
ated somewhere at the land’s edge). Wherever and whenever
he dropped anchor—Aeolia, the Laestrygonians and other
peoples—he says that he “reached” that place. he = Odysseus
40 C, 20-22 In this sense, then, Menelaus reached Ethiopia, and in this

sense too he reached Libya—meaning that he touched on t hese Libya = Africa
places, which is why the harbor at Ardania above Paraeto-

nium is called “Menelaus.” 1 |
40 C, 23-34 If he says Phoenicians but also names the Sidonians (the in- he = Homer 1.2.33
habitants of the Phoenician metropolis), he uses a familiar fig-

ure of speech. For example, he brought the Trojans and Hector to
the ships; and the sons of greathearted Oeneus were no more, / nor the
man himself, and fair-haired Meleager, too, was dead; and he reached
Ida . . . and Gargarum; and they held Euboea . . . and Chalcis and
Sappho (7th c. BCE) Eretria. Sappho, too: whether Cyprus or Paphos or Panormus.
40 C, 35–41 C, 4 There was something e lse that caused him, despite hav-
ing already mentioned Phoenicia, to add Sidon specifically
to the list. For the purpose of listing the nations in order, it
would have been sufficient for him to say the following: hav-
ing traveled to Cyprus, Phoenicia, and the Egyptians, / I reached
the Ethiopians. In order, however, to indicate the length of the
sojourn among the Sidonians, it was fine to make a repetition
or an addition. . . . * he indicates through his praise of their
craftsmanship and through the fact that Helen was previously
honored as a guest by them, along with Alexander.
41 C, 4-15 For this reason he describes many such items stored up by he = Homer
Alexander (where the embroidered robes were held, created by the Alexander = Paris
women / of Sidon whom godlike Alexander himself / brought back

from Sidon . . . / on the journey on which he brought back Helen her-
self) and by Menelaus, who says to Telemachus: I will give you
a finely wrought bowl for mixing wine. It is made of silver / entirely,
and its rim is finished off with gold, / the work of Hephaestus. It was
given to me by the hero Phaedimus, / king of the Sidonians, when his
palace offered me protection / on my way home.
41 C, 16-22 The expression work of Hephaestus must be understood as
spoken with hyperbole (as works are said to be “of Athena,”
“of the Graces,” or “of the Muses”), since he shows that the
[ 1 ] “Menelaus” is on the coast of Libya (= Africa), very near the border with Egypt:
838 C, 9-19.
55
eople w
p ere skilled craftsmen when he praises the bowl that
Euneos exchanged for Lycaon. He says: it was the most beautiful
in the entire world / by far, since the highly skilled Sidonians made it
well / and the Phoenicians conveyed it. |
41 C, 23-29 As for the Erembians, there has been much discussion,1 but 1.2.34
the people who are most convincing are those who suppose
Zeno (4th–3rd c. BCE) emends that the “Arabs” are meant. Our Zeno even writes it thus:
Homer (8th c. BCE)
I reached the Ethiopians, Sidonians, and Arabs. It is not necessary
to alter the wording, since it is ancient. It is better to seek the
cause in a change of name, that being a frequent and obvi-
ous occurrence amongst all nations; and indeed some people
achieve it by a change in the spelling.
41 C, 30–42 C, 2 But Posidonius would seem to give the best solution, in
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) this case deriving an etymology from the kinship and shared
characteristics of the nations. The Armenian nation, the Syr-
ian nation, and the Arab nation show much ethnic similar-
ity in their language, their way of life, and their bodily build,
especially where they are neighbors. This is clearly shown
in Mesopotamia, which is made up of these three nations.
The similarity is particularly marked among these people:
if there is some variation commensurate with the climata, climata, geographical
coordinates
mostly between t hose in the north and t hose in the south,
but also between t hese and the Syrians in the m iddle, nev-
ertheless common characteristics prevail. The Assyrians and
the Arimanians are also similar, both to t hese nations and to
each other.
42 C, 2-9 He conjectures also that the names of these nations are related He = Posidonius
to each other, since those people who are called by us “Syrians” are
by the Syrians themselves called “Aramaeans,” to which the names
“Armenians,” “Arabs,” and “Erembians” are similar, the Greeks of
old perhaps using the last name for “Arabs,” something that
the etymology supports—for the majority derive the name the name = “Erembians”
from the expression eran embainein (go-into-the-earth),2 with

people of l ater times changing the name for greater clarity
and calling them “Troglodytes” (Dwellers-in-holes).3
42 C, 9-18 These are the Arabs located on the other side of the Ara- These = Troglodytes
bian gulf (the side toward Egypt and Ethiopia). It is rea- Arabian gulf, Red Sea
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) sonable to suppose that the poet refers to t hese people and
means that Menelaus reached them (in the way in which, as
has been said, he reached the Ethiopians),4 since these people,
[ 1 ] I.e., by other writers, as noted in the ensuing narrative (41 C, 23–42 C, 33);
cf. 784 C, 12-30.
[ 2 ] Strabo l ater distances himself from this semantic theory: 784 C, 12-20n.
[ 3 ] I follow Radt in giving “Troglodytes” here, and also at 784 C, 12-20. At all other
occurrences of the name in the mansucripts, Radt reads “Trogodyte(s)” (Radt,
vol. 3, commentary on 318 C, line 17f.). I follow Radt except at 506 C, 16-23 (where
I read troglodytae) and 828 C, 18-27 (where I read “Troglodyte-style”).
[ 4 ] 40 C, 10-22.
56
too, border on the Thebaïs. Similarly, t hese people are men-

tioned not for their crafts nor their wealth (which was not
great) but because of the length of the journey and its fame,
since a journey to so remote a place was indeed famous. Such,
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) too, are the expressions he saw the cities of many men and learned
their mind; and suffering much and traveling far, / I carried them.
42 C, 18-23 Hesiod refers, in his Catalogue, to the d aughter of Arabus,
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) who was the son of guileless Hermes / and of Thronia (who was the
Stesichorus (late 7th–6th c. BCE) daughter of lord Belus). So says Stesichorus, too. It is possible to
guess from this that the territory was called “Arabia” already at
this stage but perhaps not yet so called during the heroic age. |
42 C, 24-33 Those p eople who invent a specific Ethiopian nation, the 1.2.35
Erembians—and a second nation of “Cephenians,” a third

nation of “Pygmies,” and myriads of others—should not be
believed since, in addition to lacking credibility, they display
confusion between the mythical and the historical. Similar to
them are those people who describe the Sidonians as being on
the Persian sea or on another part of the ocean, and who oce- oceanize = transfer to the outer
ocean (including in this context
anize the wanderings of Menelaus. Ditto with the Phoenicians. the Persian Gulf) events that
Not the least explanation for the lack of credibility is the fact took place in the Med. Sea
that those who make these claims contradict each other. Some
state that our Phoenicians and Sidonians are colonists from
those [Phoenicians and Sidonians] on the ocean,1 adding that the
reason they w ere called “Phoenicians” (Red men) was that the
sea, too, was called “Erythra” (Red). O thers state that the latter
were colonists from the former.
42 C, 33–43 C, 5 There are some who make Ethiopia into our Phoenicia and
also say that events associated with Andromeda took place in
Iope, the story being told not through lack of knowledge about Iope, Jaffa (Isr.)
places but rather in the guise of myth, just as in the case of

Strabo complains that stories told by Hesiod and others, stories that Apollodorus
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE)
accepts stories told by Hesiod promulgates, unaware of the manner in which he differenti-
(late 8th–7th c. BCE) while not ates them from t hose told by Homer. He cites stories told by He = Apollodorus
accepting stories told by Homer
(8th c. BCE) Homer in connection with the Pontus and Egypt, accusing Pontus, Black Sea
him of lacking knowledge, saying that although he wants to repre-

sent reality, he does not do so, but rather represents untruths as reality
on account of lacking knowledge.
43 C, 5-13 Nobody would accuse Hesiod of “lack of knowledge” when
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) he talks of hemicynes (men-who-are-half-dog), macrocephali (men-with-
long-h eads) , and Pygmies. Nor should one accuse Homer
[ 1 ] For the theory that Phoenician Tyrus (es-Sur, Leb.) and Aradus (Rouad, Syr.)
were colonized from Tyrus (Bahrain) and Aradus (Muharraq, Bah.) in the Persian
gulf: 766 C, 20-24n.
57
himself when he refers to similar mythical beings (includ-

Alcman (7th c. BCE) ing these very same Pygmies), nor Alcman when he talks of
Aeschylus (5th c. BCE) steganopodes (men-who-cover-themselves-with-their-feet), nor Aeschylus
when he talks of cynocephali (men-with-the-head-of-a-dog), sternoph-
thalmi (men-with-eyes-in-their-breasts), and monommati (one-eyed men).
43 C, 13-20 Nor do we pay much heed to t hose writing prose in the
form of history, even when they do not acknowledge that they
are using myth. It is immediately obvious that they are con-
sciously interweaving a mythical element not b ecause they
lack knowledge of the truth but because they invent the impos-
sible for the sake of creating wonder and causing pleasure;
they only appear to do so out of lack of knowledge because they
mostly, and credibly, create such myths concerning m atters
Theopompus (4th c. BCE) that are obscure or unknown. Theopompus does make an
acknowledgment when he says that he will recount myths, too, in
his history (this is better than Herodotus, Ctesias, Hellanicus,
and the writers of Indica).1 |
43 C, 21-30 As for the characteristics of the ocean, they are described 1.2.36
in the guise of myth (for the poet must “aim at” this, too).2
Charybdis is created by him, as a myth, out of the low and
high tides. She is not entirely a fiction created by Homer, but
rather she is composed out of what is recorded in connec-
tion with the Sicilian strait. If, although the tide returns twice Sicilian strait, Straits of Messina
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) every day-and-night, he speaks of it returning “thrice” (thrice
a day she spews it forth, and thrice she sucks it back), one would say
the following: this should be understood not as being said out
of lack of knowledge of what is recorded but rather for the sake
of tragedy and the g reat element of terror that Circe adds to
her speech as a deterrent, with the consequence that an ele
ment of untruth is mixed in.
43 C, 30–44 C, 5 This is what Circe says in these very lines: thrice a day she
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) spews it forth, and thrice she sucks it back, / in fearsome manner. Do
not go t here when she sucks it back! / No one could save you from di-
saster, not even the Earthshaker. Yet Odysseus was present at the Earthshaker = Posidon
sucking back and did not perish, as he himself says: she sucked
back the salty seawater / but I was lifted up to a tall fig tree, / to which
I clung like a bat. Then he waited for the pieces of flotsam and,
holding onto them again, he survived. So Circe lied!
44 C, 5-9 Just as she lied in this respect, so she also lied in the
words thrice (instead of “twice”) a day she spews it forth, such
[ 1 ] The “title” Indica (lit., “Stuff about India”) refers e

ither to works on India or to
the relevant parts of works on broader subjects. Strabo’s use of such “titles”:
639 C, 15-27n.
[ 2 ] Strabo riffs on Eratosthenes’s own statement, as cited at 15 C, 26–16 C, 3.
58
hyperbole being customarily used by all, as when people say

poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) “thrice-blessed” and “thrice-wretched”; and the poet says
thrice-blessed Danaans and welcomed and thrice prayed for and
threefold and fourfold.
44 C, 9-19 Perhaps one might also conclude from the passage of time
that he hints at the truth. It fits better with the recurrence he = Homer
of the tide twice within the total period of a day-and-night

(than with its recurrence “thrice”) that the pieces of flotsam
remained submerged for such a long time and were “belat-
edly” cast up, despite him “longing” for them and “continu- him = Odysseus
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) ally clinging” to the branches: I persistently held on until such
time as she might regurgitate / the mast and keel. Despite my hopes,
they came / belatedly: at the hour when a man goes home from the
assembly for his meal, / arbiter of the many quarrels of young men
who plead their cases, / at that hour the pieces of wood reappeared
from Charybdis.
44 C, 20-24 All this gives the impression of a considerable lapse of
time, in particular his extension of the evening, since he
does not use the accepted expression—“when the judge goes
home”—but rather “when the arbiter of many quarrels goes
home” (meaning that he is considerably delayed). Besides, it
would not provide a credible means of escaping the shipwreck
if, before he could get very far, he was immediately drawn
back in the reverse direction! |
44 C, 25-34 Apollodorus, who pleads in defense of those associated 1.2.37
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) with Eratosthenes,1 criticizes Callimachus because, despite
criticizes Callimachus
(3rd c. BCE) being a literary expert, in contravention of the Homeric mindset
and the oceanization of those vicinities in which the wanderings oceanization = literary transfer
to the Atlantic of events that
are located, he specifies Gaudus and Corcyra. If the wanderings took place on the Med. Sea/
did not take place anywhere but rather are a total invention Black Sea
Homer (8th c. BCE) by Homer, his criticism is valid. If they did take place, but
in other locations, he should at the outset say where those he = Apollodorus
locations are, at the same time amending his charge of lack

Strabo defends Callimachus of knowledge. Since it is not credible that the wanderings are
against Apollodorus’s charges
total invention, as I show,2 nor are other places identified with
greater credibility, Callimachus is absolved from the charge. |
44 C, 34–45 C, 10 Nor is Demetrius the Scepsian correct, but in fact he was 1.2.38
Demetrius (2nd c. BCE) rebuts the cause of some of Apollodorus’s errors. He rather ambi-
Neanthes (?4th–3rd c. BCE)
tiously contradicts the statement by Neanthes the Cyzicene
(that the Argonauts, on the voyage—acknowledged by Homer and
[ 1 ] The expression “those associated with Eratosthenes” is idiomatic, meaning

simply Eratosthenes.
[ 2 ] 18 C, 24–44 C, 24.
59
o thers—to Phasis, founded the temples to the Idaean mother in the

Cyzicus region) by saying that Homer had no knowledge whatso-
ever of Jason’s journey to Phasis. This statement is at odds not
Strabo points out that only with what is said by Homer but also with what he himself he himself = Demetrius
Demetrius contradicts himself
says. He says that Achilles sacked Lesbos and other places but spared
Lemnos and the nearby islands because of his kinship with Jason and
with Jason’s son Euneos, who at that time possessed the island.
45 C, 10-23 How is it that the poet knew that Achilles and Jason were
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) kinsmen or countrymen or neighbors, or connected in some
way to each other (the result of nothing other than the fact
that both came from Thessaly and that one was an Iolcian and
the other was from Achaean Phthiotis), but lacked knowledge
as to why it occurred to Jason, a Thessalian and Iolcian, to
leave no successor in his fatherland and set up his son as lord
of Lemnos? Did he know of Pelias and the Peliads, including Peliads = daughters of Pelias
the fairest of them all and her son, Eumelus, whom she bore to
Admetus—she was the noblest of women, / Alcestis, the most comely
of the daughters of Pelias, but had he not heard of the events,
acknowledged by all, associated with Jason, the Argo, and
the Argonauts? And did he make up a voyage from Aeetes
across the ocean without taking any element of it at all from
history? |
45 C, 24-28 Everyone says that the initial voyage to Phasis has an ele 1.2.39
ment of credibility (given that Pelias o rganized it); also, the

return voyage and the . . . * dominance over islands while
sailing along the coast; even, by Zeus, the onward extension
of the journey, just as in the case of Odysseus and Menelaus,
based on what is even now identified and credited on the basis
of Homer’s words.
45 C, 28-36 For example, a city, “Aea,” is identified near Phasis;
Aeetes is believed to have ruled over Colchis, and this name
is found locally among t hose who live t here. Medea the sor-
ceress is recorded in history, and the wealth of the territory
there—derived from the mining of gold, silver, and iron—
suggests a justifiable motive for the campaign (which also
earlier motivated Phrixus to dispatch a fleet along the same
route). There are commemorations of each campaign: the
Phrixium (temple to Phrixus) on the border of Colchis and Iberia;
the Jasonia (temples to Jason) that are identified everywhere in
Armenia and Media and places next to them.
60
46 C, 1-13 In the vicinity of Sinope, too, and the coastline there and
the Propontis and Hellespont as far as the area facing Lem-
nos, there is said to be much evidence for the expeditions of
Jason and Phrixus; and there is evidence, too, for Jason and
the Colchians who pursued him, even as far as Crete and Italy
Callimachus (3rd c. BCE) and the Adria. To some of these places Callimachus draws Adria, Adriatic Sea
attention, in one passage mentioning Aeglete and Anaphe, next

to Laconian Thera (beginning how the heroes from Cytaean Aeetes
/ sailed back to Haemonia in ancient days); in another passage,
in connection with the Colchians, that ceasing their rowing on
the Illyrian seaway / by the stone of fair-haired Harmonia, who be-
came a snake, / they built a small city there, which would be called
“Phygadon” ([City of] exiles) / by a Greek, but in their language was
called “Polae.”
46 C, 14-17 There are p eople who say that t hose associated with Jason1
sailed up the “Ister” for a long way, and some even say that
he sailed as far as the Adria. Sometimes their claims are the Adria, Adriatic Sea
result of their lacking topographical knowledge (in the case of

those who say that an “Ister” river flows from the great Ister great Ister, Danube r.
and into the Adria), but sometimes their claims are neither
incredible nor unfounded. |
46 C, 18-25 The poet, using such starting points as these,2 is some- 1.2.40
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) times in agreement with historical information but then adds
an element of myth to it, in accordance with a custom both
general and individual. He is in agreement with historical
information when he names Aeetes, speaks of Jason and the
Argo, creates “Aeaea” on the model of Aea, puts Euneos on
Lemnos, represents the island as well disposed to Achilles,
represents Circe—own s ister to the baleful Aeetes—as a sorceress
on the model of Medea. He adds an element of myth in the
oceanization of the wanderings that derive from the voyage. oceanization = literary transfer
to Atlantic of events that took
46 C, 25-33 Since that is the case, if these assumptions are made, the place on Med. Sea/Black Sea
Argo, widely sung about is an apt description, meaning that the
expedition took place in areas that w ere well known and well
Scepsian = Demetrius (2nd c. populated. If, however, the situation is as the Scepsian says
BCE) uses Mimnermus (7th c.
BCE) (using as his source Mimnermus, who represents the dwell-
ing of Aeetes as being on the ocean in the east, and who says
that Jason was sent to the outer sea by Pelias and brought
back the fleece),3 then the journey thither for the fleece, to
unknown and obscure places, would not be a credible story;
[ 1 ] The expression “those associated with Jason” is idiomatic, meaning predomi-

nantly Jason but in this context including his men.
[ 2 ] 45 C, 28–46 C, 17.
[ 3 ] As per the lines of Mimnermus cited below, at 47 C, 1-8.
61
and a voyage past areas that w ere deserted, uninhabited, and

so extremely remote from our own world, would be neither
famous nor widely sung about.
47 C, 1-8 Never would Jason have retrieved the great fleece / from Aea,
Citation of Mimnermus completing a mind-defying journey, / fulfilling the difficult task set by
(7th c. BCE)
the arrogant Pelias, / nor would he ever have reached the fair stream
of Ocean. Further on: to the city of Aeetes, where the swift sun’s /
rays lie in a golden chamber / by Ocean’s rim, which the divine Jason
reached. |
47 C, 9-18 Nor is Eratosthenes right in this, in that he mentions at 1.3.1
great length men who do not deserve mention. In some cases,

he refutes them, but in other cases he trusts them and uses
Strabo censures Eratosthenes them as sources—for example, Damastes and other such men.
for using sources such as
Damastes (5th c. BCE) Even if anything they say is true, one should not use them as
sources for it, nor trust them on this account. One should use
this method only in the case of reputable men, most of what
is said by whom is correct; they may omit much or deal with it
in an unsatisfactory way but they lie about nothing. He, how- He = Eratosthenes
ever, in using Damastes as a source, is no different from the

Euhemerus (4th–3rd c. BCE) man who uses as a “source” either the Bergaean Euhemerus or Bergaean = liar
others whom he himself criticizes for their nonsensical prattle. he himself = Eratosthenes
47 C, 18-24 He himself says that one of the foolish notions of this fellow is He = Eratosthenes
Strabo points out that his belief that the Arabian gulf is a lake, and also his statement that this fellow = Damastes
Eratosthenes cites statements
by Damastes that show how “Diotimus, son of Strombichus, at the head of an embassy of Athe- Arabian gulf, Red Sea
gullible Damastes is nians, sailed from Cilicia by means of the Cydnus to the Choaspes
river (which runs past Susa) and arrived at Susa on the fortieth Susa, Shush (Iran)
day.” He says, “Diotimus himself told him these things,” then expresses He = Damastes
surprise that it is possible for the Cydnus river to cut through the Eu-
phrates and the Tigris, and to join the Choaspes! |
47 C, 25–48 C, 2 One should point not only to the foregoing but also to 1.3.2
the fact that, while stating that precise details concerning certain
places are not yet known even in his own times and bidding us not
Strabo points out that to be facile in trusting random facts and setting out at length Pontus, Black Sea
Eratosthenes is guilty of
believing random facts, despite the reasons we should not trust them (e.g., concerning the regions of Adria, Adriatic Sea
bidding o
thers to treat them the Pontus and the Adria), he himself nevertheless trusted in he = Eratosthenes
with skepticism
random facts! He therefore believed that the Issian gulf is the
easternmost point of our sea, even though the one at Dioscurias, our sea = Med. Sea + Black Sea
in the inmost recess of the Pontus, is some three thousand

stades farther east according to his own stade-reckoning! As
for the Adria, as he goes through its northernmost and most
62
distant regions, he does not abstain from anything that is

mythological. He also believes many myths concerning the
region outside the Pillars of Heracles, naming the island of outside the Pillars of
Heracles = on the Atlantic coast
Cerne and other places as yet unidentified, which I w ill men-
tion later.1
48 C, 3-7 After saying that the earliest men set sail with a view to raid-
Strabo points out that ing and trading and that they did not sail across the open sea but
Eratosthenes contradicts
himself followed the coast, just like Jason (who also campaigned as far
as Armenia and Media from Colchis, a fter abandoning his
ships), he l ater says that in antiquity, none dared to navigate the Euxine, Black Sea
Euxine nor to follow the Libyan, Syrian, or Cilician coast. Libyan = African
48 C, 7-19 If, by those in antiquity, he means those from before our he = Eratosthenes
records begin, it is no concern of mine to talk about w hether

they made such voyages or not. If he means t hose for whom
records exist, one would not hesitate to say that the ancients
appear to have made much longer journeys, both by sea and
overland, than their successors—if one should pay heed to
characters like Dionysus, Heracles, Jason himself, and fur-
thermore to Odysseus and Menelaus, characters described by
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) the poet. It is reasonable to suppose that, because of the long
campaigns that they endured, Theseus and Perithous left
behind them a reputation for having descended into Hades,
and the Dioscuri w ere called “sea-guardians” and “saviors
of sailors.” The thalassocracy of Minos is common lore, as
are the naval explorations of the Phoenicians, who reached
even as far as the regions outside the Pillars of Heracles and outside the Pillars of
Heracles = on the Atlantic
founded cities there as well as around the midsection of the Ocean
Libyan coast, a short while after Trojan times.
48 C, 19-28 Is it not worthwhile to rank among the ancients Aeneas,
Antenor, the Enetians, and, simply put, those who were dis-
placed by the Trojan war and wandered through the entire
lived-in world? It so happened that, through the years of the
campaign, both the Greeks of that time and barbarians used
up their domestic goods as well as the goods acquired on
campaign. In consequence, b ecause of their lack of resources,
the victors turned to pillaging a fter the fall of Troy; and this
was even more the case for those who were defeated yet sur-
vived the war. Indeed, very many cities are said to have been
founded by these men, all along the coastline beyond Greece
and in some places in the interior. |
[ 1 ] E.g., 107 C, 6-11; 825 C, 25–826 C, 22; 829 C, 1-11.
63
48 C, 29-34 After commenting on how far knowledge of the lived-in 1.3.3

Alexander the Great, late 4th
world was advanced by t hose who came after Alexander and c. BCE
in his own time, he changes direction to discuss the shape not he = Eratosthenes
of the lived-in world (which would have been more appropri-

ate to a description of it) but of the earth in its entirety (which
should be mentioned but not out of its proper place).1
48 C, 34–49 C, 9 He says that the entire earth is spheroid, but not as if it were He = Eratosthenes
turned on a lathe; rather, it has imperfections. He brings forth as spheroid, ball-shaped
evidence the large number of alterations in parts of the world

(alterations brought about by w ater, fire, earthquakes, erup-
tions, e tc.), but, in d
oing this, he does not keep to the proper
order. The sphericity of the earth as a w hole is a product of
the configuration of the entire universe, whereas t hese altera-
tions make no change to the earth as a w hole (things on such
a small scale disappear in a large-scale context). These altera-
tions do, however, result in different conditions within the
lived-in world at diff erent times, and their immediate causes
are varied, too. |
49 C, 10-18 He says in particular that the question arises: How is it that a He = Eratosthenes 1.3.4
large number of mussel shells, oyster shells, and scallop shells, as well
as saltwater lagoons, are seen at a distance of two thousand or three
thousand stades from the coast, in the interior—for example (he
says), in the vicinity of the temple to Ammon and the road heading t emple to Ammon, Aghurmi/
Siwa (Egy.)
to it, which is three thousand stades long? T here is a large quantity of
oyster shells, and much salt is found there even now, and a . . . * throws
up high jets of salt water. Next to it, the wrecked pieces of seafaring
ships have been identified, which p eople said have been cast up through
the chasm; on pieces of stern-pillars are dedications in the form of
dolphins bearing the inscription “from the Cyrenaean deleg ation.”
49 C, 19-25 In discussing these matters, he praises the opinion of he = Eratosthenes
Strato (the physicist) and, furthermore, that of Xanthus the

Strabo cites Eratosthenes’s Lydian. Xanthus says that “in the time of Artaxerxes, such a huge Artaxerxes ruled Persia,
report of Xanthus’s comments 465–424 BCE
(5th c. BCE) drought occurred that rivers, lakes, and wells dried up”; and that “he
himself saw in many locations, far from the coast, stones in the shape
of mussels and . . . * shaped like bivalves, and scallop-like impres-
sions, and saltwater lakes among the Armenians, Matienans, and in
Lower Phrygia, on account of which he was convinced that the plains
were once sea.”
Euxine, Black Sea
49 C, 26-32 Strato reaches even more deeply into causation: he says that “he mouth at Byzantium, Bosporus
thinks the Euxine did not formerly have a mouth at Byzantium, but (Tky.)
[ 1 ] In alluding in the ensuing section (48 C, 34–61 C, 31) to the sphericity of the
world, Strabo looks ahead to Eratosthenes’s 2nd volume: 62 C, 18–67 C, 6.
64
Strabo cites Eratosthenes’s the rivers flowing into it created pressure and opened it up, then the
report of Strato’s comments
(4th–3rd c. BCE) water flowed into the Propontis and the Hellespont” and that “the Propontis, Marmara Denizi
same t hing happened in the case of our sea—in this case, the strait our sea = Med. Sea
at the Pillars broke open when the sea was filled up by the rivers, and strait at the Pillars, Straits of
Gibraltar
when the water rushed out, what had previously been shallows were
completely exposed.”
49 C, 32–50 C, 12 He1 advances as the causes, first, that the floor of the outer outer sea = Atlantic Ocean
sea is different from that of the inner sea, and secondly, that even inner sea = Med. Sea + Black
Sea + Sea of Azov
now a sandbank stretches underwater from Europe to Libya, as if the
inner and the outer seas were not once one sea; those associated with Libya = Africa
the Pontus are the shallowest, while the Cretan, Sicilian, and Sar- t hose associated with the
Pontus = Black Sea + Sea of Azov
doan seas are very deep (the rivers r unning from the north and east
are the most numerous and the largest, filling the former with mud
while the others stay deep—which is why the Pontic sea has the freshest
water); the outrushes occur in the direction in which the floors slope; it
seems the entire Pontus might get silted up in the f uture, if the inflows
continue in the same way (the Left-Hand Side of the Pontus 2—the
Salmydessus and what are called by sailors the “Breasts” in the region Salmydessus, coastline nr.
Midye (Tky.)
of the Ister and of the Scythian desert 3—is even now full of shoals);
Ister, Danube r.
perhaps, indeed, the temple to Ammon was formerly on the coast, but
t emple to Ammon, Aghurmi/
now that the outrush has occurred, it lies in the interior. Siwa (Egy.)
50 C, 12-24 He guesses that the oracle achieved its fame and reputation with He = ?Eratosthenes
justification due to its situation on the coast (its being so very far from oracle = temple to Ammon
the coast makes its current fame and reputation odd); in antiquity,
Egypt was flooded by the sea as far as the marshes associated with
Pelusium, mount Casium, and lake Sirbonis; 4 and even now, when Pelusium, Tell el-Farama (Egy.)
salt mines are dug in Egypt, the pits are discovered to be sandy and Casium, Ras Qasrun/Khatib el
Gals (Egy.)
full of mussels, as if the territory had been covered by sea and the w hole
Sirbonis, Sabkhat el Bardawil
area associated with mount Casium and what is called “Gerrha” was (Egy.)
covered with shallow water so as to be contiguous with the gulf of the Gerrha, ?Tel Mahmudiyeh (Egy.)
Erythra; the area was exposed when the sea receded, but lake Sirbonis gulf of the Erythra, Red Sea
remained; then this lake also experienced an outflow so that it became
a marshland; in the same way, the shores of the lake of Moeris are lake of Moeris, Birket Qarun
(Egy.)
more like beaches than riverbanks.5
50 C, 25-33 Let one grant that a large portion of the continents was
flooded at certain periods and then uncovered; and, likewise,
that all the earth’s surface that is currently below the sea is
uneven, just like, by Zeus, the earth that we inhabit above
the sea, which has been subjected to all those changes that
Eratosthenes himself noted.6 In consequence, in response
[ 1 ] Eratosthenes or Strato? The latter is often assumed. What follows (49 C,

32–50 C, 24) appears, however, to be derived from Eratosthenes, albeit based
on Strato’s ideas. The work of neither Eratosthenes nor of Strato is available for
clarification.
[ 2 ] The “Left-Hand Side of the Pontus (Black Sea)” as a technical term: 289 C, 1-7n.
[ 3 ] The “Scythian desert” is perhaps to be identified with the “Getan desert”
(305 C, 16-22; 306 C, 13-17).
[ 4 ] Eratosthenes’s interest in the marshes, mount Casium, and lake Sirbonis: 741 C,
25–742 C, 3nn.
[ 5 ] Lake of Moeris: 809 C, 21-29 (where Strabo’s description is probably taken from
Eratosthenes).
[ 6 ] 48 C, 34–50 C, 24.
65
to Xanthus’s argument, one could not bring a charge of ab-

surdity. | In response to Strato, it might be said that although 1.3.5
there are many causes, he ignores them and advances causes

that do not exist, since he gives as the first cause that the floor
and depth of the inner sea and the outer sea are not the same.
51 C, 1-7 In regard to the sea rising and falling, submerging certain
areas and receding from them, the cause is not that the re-
spective seafloors are lower or higher, but that the seafloors
themselves sometimes rise and sometimes get lower again,
and the sea rises up and recedes along with them; when the sea
rises, it would cause flooding, and when it gets lower it would
recede to its original position.
51 C, 7-13 If it were not so, flooding would necessarily occur at
every sudden swelling of the sea—for example, at high tides
or when rivers rise (sometimes when water is moved in from
elsewhere, sometimes when the amount of water increases).
However, the increases are neither frequent nor sudden, and
the high tides do not last for such a long time, nor are they ir-
our sea = Med. Sea + Black
regular, nor do they cause the flooding of our sea or any other. Sea + Sea of Azov
51 C, 13-16 It remains to seek the cause in the ground, w hether the
ground beneath the sea or ground that gets flooded, more
probably the seabed. What is saturated is more easily moved
and capable of undergoing swifter changes: for the element
of breath, which c auses all such phenomena, is greater t here.
51 C, 17-25 However, as I said, the effective cause of such phenomena
is that the seafloors themselves sometimes rise up and some-
times settle back, not that some are high and some are not.
He assumes the latter in the belief that what happens in the
case of rivers also occurs in the case of the sea, namely that the
flow is away from higher levels. Otherwise, he would not have
alleged that the seafloor is the cause of the current at Byzantium (by
which he means that the floor of the Euxine is higher than the Euxine, Black Sea
floor of the Propontis and of the sea that comes next), adding Propontis, Marmara Denizi
at the same time by way of explanation: the depths are filled up sea that comes next = Med. Sea
with the mud deposited by the rivers and become shallower, and for
this reason the flow is outward.
51 C, 25-32 He applies the same argument to our sea in its entirety (with
respect to the outer sea), that this sea also makes its floor higher than
the floor beneath the Atlantic ocean, on the grounds that this sea is
also filled by many rivers and experiences an analogous buildup of
66
mud. It would therefore follow that t here must be an outflow-

ing current at the Pillars and Calpe, similar to the current at Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
Byzantium. Let me allow this to pass, for they will say that they = Eratosthenes + Strato
another phenomenon happens there: the current is counter-

acted by low tides and high tides and is not detectable. |
51 C, 32–52 C, 9 I ask, however, what would have prevented the Euxine Euxine, Black Sea 1.3.6
floor, before the opening up of the mouth at Byzantium, mouth at Byzantium, Bosporus
(Tky.)
even if the floor w ere lower than the floor of the Propontis
and of the sea that comes next, from being filled up by riv- Propontis, Marmara Denizi
ers, whether it was even then a sea or whether it was a lake

larger than the Maeotis? If this is conceded, I will ask this, Maeotis, Sea of Azov
too: Was it not that the w ater levels in it and the Propontis
were such that, while they w ere the same, they did not force an
outrush—because resistance and pressure were equal—but
that when the level of the interior one rose, it caused pressure interior one = Black Sea
and disgorged the excess water? And, from that time onward,
the exterior sea became confluent with the interior one and exterior sea = Med. Sea
had the same level as it? (Whether the interior one consisted
formerly of seawater or lake w ater, it l ater consisted of seawa-
ter that mixed with it and predominated).
52 C, 9-19 If they will concede this, the present-day outflow would they = Eratosthenes + Strato
not be prevented, although it would not be from a higher floor

nor a sloping one, as Strato thought. | This is what should also 1.3.7
be applied to our sea in its entirety and to the outer sea, putting the
cause of the outrush not in the seafloors and their inclinations but
in the rivers. For it is not impossible, not even according to
them, that if our sea in its entirety was formerly a lake, the lake them = Eratosthenes + Strato
level r ose as it was filled up by rivers, and the lake rushed out
through the narrows at the Pillars, as if through a cataract; narrows at the Pillars, Straits of
Gibraltar
undergoing a continual increase, it was made into a confluent
sea by it over time, with a single level; it all became seawater
through predominance.
52 C, 20-29 Nor is it at all in accordance with physics to compare the
sea to rivers. Rivers follow a sloping course, while the sea is
static and unsloping. Straits have currents of a different sort,
not because the mud from the rivers silts up the depths of the
sea. For silting occurs around river mouths themselves. For
example, around the mouths of the Ister are what are called
“the Breasts,” and the Scythian desert and the Salmydessus,1
other torrents contributing to this phenomenon; around the
[ 1 ] A reference to the words of Eratosthenes/Strato cited at 49 C, 32–50 C, 12.
67
mouths of the Phasis is the Colchian shoreline, which is sandy,

low-lying, and soft; around Thermodon and the Iris is all of
Themiscyra—the plain of the Amazons—and most of Sidene.
52 C, 29–53 C, 5 This happens, too, in the case of other rivers. They all copy
the Nile in turning the channel at their mouths into dry land,
some to a greater extent, and some to a lesser extent. They do
it to a lesser extent when they do not carry down much mud.
They do it to a greater extent when they flow through a g reat
deal of territory with soft earth and when they are joined by
many streams. The latter type includes the Pyramus,1 which Pyramus, Ceyhan Nehri
has added a large part to Cilicia, and concerning which the fol-
lowing oracle was given: it will come about, for men of f uture times, oracle, divine prophecy
that the Pyramus, with its broad stream, / will silt up the sacred shore
and reach Cyprus. Flowing as a navigable river through the
middle of the Cataonian plains and escaping through the nar-
row passes of the Taurus into Cilicia, it flows into the channel
between Cilicia and Cyprus. |
53 C, 6-15 The reason the sediment brought down by the rivers does 1.3.8
not immediately proceed into the open sea is that the sea ex-
erts a natural counterforce and shoves it back again. It is like
living creatures, and just as they continuously breathe in and
out, so too does the sea, continuously moving inward and
outward in a recurrent motion. This is apparent to anyone
who stands on the shore where the waves break: one’s feet
are at the same time covered and uncovered, then they are
covered again, and this happens continuously. Each reflux is
followed by a wave, which, even if very gentle, has a sort of
greater strength as it surges inward and flings foreign matter
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) onto the land (it deposited seaweed all along the shore).
53 C, 15-22 This happens more when the wind blows, but also hap-
pens in windless conditions and even when an offshore wind
blows. The wave is nonetheless carried toward the land in op-
position to the wind, as if it were moving together with the
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) sea according to the sea’s own peculiar motion, as in around the
headlands, / it rises with arching crest and spits the foam from the sea,
and the shores resound as the sea spews forth. |
53 C, 23-32 The surging wave, then, has such strength that foreign 1.3.9
matter is expelled. Indeed, p eople say that this is a sort of

“catharsis” of the sea, by means of which dead bodies and
fragments of wrecked ships are cast up onto the land. The
[ 1 ] Strabo has himself observed the upper reaches of the Pyramus: 536 C, 3-29n.
68
reflux does not have enough strength that a corpse, a piece

of wood, or a cork (the lightest thing) is picked up off the
ground by the wave, and thus, when matter is scooped up by
the surging wave, for it to be cast into the sea from places
nearby. It thus happens that the silt, and the w ater muddied
by it, are deposited with the help of gravity, so as to quickly
sink down t oward the ground before reaching the open sea.
(The force of the river ceases when it proceeds only a short
distance from the mouth.)
53 C, 32–54 C, 3 So, then, the entire sea, starting from its shores, could
be silted up if the inflow from the rivers w ere constant; and
this would happen even if we suppose that the Pontus is Pontus, Black Sea
deeper than the Sardonian sea, which is said to be the deep-

est of those measured—some one thousand orguiae, according 1 orguia = 6 ft.
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) to Posidonius. |
54 C, 4-15 One would be less accepting of this as a causal explana- 1.3.10
tion.1 Rather, one should base the argument on more obvi-

ous c auses, seen, in a manner of speaking, e very day. Floods,
earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, and upheavals of the subma-
rine floor cause the sea to rise; the sinking down of the floor
lowers it. If volcanic matter and small islands can emerge, so
can large islands; if islands can emerge, so can continents. In
like manner, the sinking down of the earth may be on a small
scale or on a large scale, if both chasms and the swallowing up
of places and settlements (as in the case of Bura, Bizona, and Bura, ?Kastro, nr. Diakofto (Gr.)
various other places) are the result, as p eople say, of seismic Bizona, Kavarna (Bul.)
activity. One would also guess that Sicily was not so much
broken off from Italy as thrown up from below by an Etnaean
Liparaean islands = Aeolian eruption, and that it stayed there, as also in the case of the
islands (Isole Eolie, It.)
Liparaean islands and Pithecussae. | Pithecussae, Ischia (It. island)
54 C, 16-22 He is so naïve that, despite being a learned mathemati- He = Eratosthenes 1.3.11

Archimedes (3rd c. BCE) cian, he would not confirm the doctrine of Archimedes in-
asmuch as the latter, in his On Floating Bodies, says that the
surface of every liquid body that is at rest and motionless is part of
a sphere, the center of which is the same as the earth. All who con-
cern themselves to any extent with mathematical learning
accept this doctrine. He, however, considers that the inner inner sea = Med. Sea + Black
Sea + Sea of Azov
sea—despite being, as he says, a single sea—is not consti-
tuted under a single surface, not even in t hose parts close to
each other.
[ 1 ] 49 C, 32–54 C, 3.
69
54 C, 23-31 He cites engineers as providing evidence for this piece of

ignorance, since even mathematicians claim that engineer-
ing is part of mathematical learning. He says that Demetrius
attempted to cut through the Peloponnesian isthmus with a view to
providing his fleets with a through passage; he was s topped by the en-
gineers, who took measurements and announced that the sea in the
Corinthian gulf was higher than the sea at Cenchreae, so that, if
he were to cut through intervening space, the w hole seaway around
Aegina, as well as Aegina itself and the nearby islands, would be
flooded, and the passage would be useless.
54 C, 31–55 C, 10 This is why straits, too, have currents, particularly the strait at
Sicily, which, he says, is synchronized with the rising and ebbing tides
of the ocean: the current changes direction twice e very day-and-night,
just as the ocean has two rising tides and two ebbing tides. The current
flowing from the Tyrrhenian sea toward the Sicilian sea, as if from a
higher level, and indeed being called the “descendant,” agrees with the
rising tide. It agrees with it in the sense that it starts at the same
time and ends at the same time as the rising tides: it starts
around the time that the moon rises and at around the time
the moon sets, and finishes when the moon reaches each me-
ridian (the meridian above the earth and the meridian below
the earth). The opposite current, agreeing with the falling tide, is
called the “outgoing,” beginning when the moon is at e ither merid-
ian, just like the falling tide, and ending when the moon rises or sets. |
55 C, 11-19 The rising and falling tides have been sufficiently de- 1.3.12
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) scribed by Posidonius and Athenodorus. As for the change
Athenodorus (1st c. BCE– in direction of currents in straits, which has a more physical
contemporary explanation, it is sufficient for the present purpose to say the
following. There is no one explanation for straits having cur-
rents, at least no definitive one. Otherwise, the Sicilian strait Sicilian strait, Straits of Messina
would not undergo a change twice per day, as he himself says, he = Eratosthenes
while the Chalcidian strait undergoes a change seven times

per day, and the strait at Byzantium undergoes no change at strait at Byzantium, Bosporus
(Tky.)
all but consistently has an outflow from the Pontic sea into the
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) Propontis; as Hipparchus records, it even at times stands still.
55 C, 19-27 Nor, if there w ere one single explanation, would the cause
be what Eratosthenes says it is—namely that the sea on e ither
side has a different surface level. This would not even be the
case for rivers—except where they have waterfalls. When they
have waterfalls, they do not run backward but flow continu-
70
ously t oward the lower level. This happens b ecause the stream
and its surface level are sloping. In consequence, they are not
backward-running nor even at rest and motionless, there being
a shared current but no single surface level, it being higher in
one case and lower in the other.
55 C, 27-32 Who would say that the surface level of the sea is slop-
ing, especially in light of the assumptions that make the four
bodies—which we also call “elements”—spherical? Water is
not like the earth, which, being solid, retains its shape so that
its indentations and projections are permanent; rather, it is
Archimedes (3rd c. BCE) held against the earth by the force of gravity and assumes the
spherical surface that Archimedes mentions. |
55 C, 33–56 C, 5 He adds to what he says about Ammon and Egypt the He = Eratosthenes 1.3.13
Ammon, Aghurmi/Siwa (Egy.) statement that it would seem that mount Casium, too, was sur- Casium, Ras Qasrun/Khatib el
Gals (Egy.)
rounded by water, as also the whole area where now what is called
“Gerrha” . . . * was a shoal that reached the gulf of the Erythra; and gulf of the Erythra, Red Sea
it was exposed when the sea receded. The statement that the said
place was a shoal that reached the gulf of the Erythra is ambiguous,
since reach means both “extend near to” and “touch” (so as, in
the case of a body of water, “to become confluent, one body
of water with another”).
56 C, 5-8 I understand it to mean that t here was a shoal that ex-
tended “near to” the Erythran sea as long as the straits at the
Pillars remained closed but receded when the breakthrough Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
occurred, since our sea became shallower b ecause of the out-

rush of water at the Pillars.
56 C, 8-17 Hipparchus, however, understanding reach to mean the
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) same as our sea became confluent with the Erythra b ecause it was
getting filled up, reproaches him: why, at the outrush of the water
at the Pillars, when our sea changed in that direction, was there not a Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
change at the same time in the sea—the Erythra—which was conflu- Erythra, Red Sea
ent with it? and why did it retain the same surface level rather than
being lowered? According to Eratosthenes himself, “the entire outer
sea is confluent, so that the western sea and the Erythra are one and
the same sea.” Saying this, he adds the corollary: the sea outside he = Hipparchus
the Pillars and the Erythra and furthermore the sea contiguous with
the latter have the same height. |
56 C, 18-25 But Eratosthenes will claim that he did not say “it became 1.3.14
confluent with” the Erythra when it was getting filled up but only
that “it extended near to,” nor that the corollary of it being one and
71
the same continuous sea is that it has the same height and surface
level, as this is not the case for our sea nor, by Zeus, the sea at
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) Lechaeum and the sea near Cenchreae, something that Hip-
parchus himself notes in his argument against him. Knowing
this to be his opinion, let him bring that specific argument to
bear against him and let him not unhesitatingly assume that,
when he says the outer sea is one and the same, he necessarily
says that its surface level is one and the same. |
56 C, 26-31 He claims that the inscription on the dolphin by the Cyrenaean He = Hipparchus 1.3.15
delegation is fake, on grounds that are not convincing: the

founding of Cyrene is put in historical times, but nobody records the
oracle as ever having been on the coast. What if nobody records it oracle = temple to Ammon
but, on the evidence on the basis of which we assume that the

place was once by the sea, the dolphins were dedicated and the
inscription made by the Cyrenaean delegation?
56 C, 32–57 C, 5 Although he agrees that the sea was raised up at the same he = Hipparchus
time as the rising up of the ground, and flooded the area as far as the
oracle even though the area was more than three thousand stades from
the sea, he nevertheless does not agree that the rise was great
enough that the whole of Pharus and many parts of Egypt
were covered—as if a rise of such a height were not sufficient
to flood t hese areas, too!
57 C, 5-18 He says that, if our sea had been filled up to the extent claimed He = Hipparchus
by Eratosthenes before the occurrence of the breakthrough at the Pil- Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
lars, all of Libya and much of E urope and Asia would have to have
first been covered. He adds to this that the Pontus would also have Pontus, Black Sea
been confluent with the Adria in certain areas, inasmuch as the Ister,
starting from the Pontus region, splits and flows into each sea b ecause
of the topography of the territory. However, the Ister does not
start in the Pontus region but, on the contrary, in the moun-
tains above the Adria; nor does it flow into each sea but into
the Pontus alone, and it only splits at its mouths. He shared
this piece of ignorance, common among his p redecessors,
with certain p eople who assumed that a homonymous river
“Ister” split off from it and flowed into the Adria, as a result
of which the people past whom the river flows got their name;
and that by this means Jason made his return voyage from the
Colchians. |
57 C, 19-29 With a view to not being amazed at changes of such a kind 1.3.16
as I have said to be the cause of flooding and of other phenom-
72
ena (such as I have described in Sicily and the Aeolian islands

and Pithecussae),1 it is worth citing several other phenomena
existing in different places, or occurrences similar to these.
Numerous such examples brought before our eyes w ill put
an end to our amazement. Now, the unaccustomed disturbs
our senses and shows our inexperience of natural events and
life as a whole, if, for example, one speaks of those things as-
sociated with the islands of Thera and Therasia (situated in
the channel between Crete and Cyrenaea; Thera is the mother
city of Cyrene) and with Egypt, and such things associated
with many parts of Greece.2
57 C, 30-36 Flames, shooting up from the sea midway between Thera
and Therasia for a period of four days so that the whole sea
seethed and burned, threw up an island—gradually, as if by
means of levers—which was composed of red-hot stone and
measured twelve stades in circumference. After the event was
over, the Rhodians, who ruled the sea, w ere the first who w ere
bold enough to sail to the place. They erected a temple to
“Asphalius” (Make-safe) Posidon on the island.
58 C, 1-9 In Phoenicia, says Posidonius, when an earthquake occurred,
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) a city situated above Sidon was swallowed up, and near enough two
parts of Sidon itself fell down, albeit not all at once, so that t here
was not much loss of life. The same phenomenon extended over all of
Syria—although somewhat tempered—and crossed over to certain
islands, to the Cyclades and to Euboea. In consequence, the sources of
Arethusa (a spring in Chalcis) were stopped up, but several days later,
they spouted forth again through a different mouth; and the island
did not stop shaking in parts u ntil an earth chasm, which had opened
up on the Lelantine plain, spewed forth a river of molten mud. |
58 C, 10-23 Although many people have collected such examples, 1.3.17
Demetrius (2nd c. BCE) cites those collected by the Scepsian Demetrius will suffice,
Homer (8th c. BCE)
properly applied. He cites these lines: They came to the two He = Demetrius
fine-flowing springs. From there / stream forth the two sources of the
eddying Scamander. / One flows with tepid water . . . / the flow of the
other feels, even in summer, like hail. He forbids us to be amazed
that nowadays, while the cold-water spring still exists, the
warm-water spring is no longer seen. He says it is necessary
to allege as the cause the failure of the warm w ater, and he cites in
Democles (5th/4th c. BCE) this context the words of Democles, who records certain mas-
sive earthquakes, some occurring in antiquity in the region of Lydia
[ 1 ] 54 C, 4-15.
[ 2 ] Thera, Therasia, and similar phenomena elsewhere: 57 C, 30–58 C, 23. Egypt:
58 C, 24-32. Greece: 59 C, 1–61 C, 4.
73
and of Ionia as far as the Troad, as a result of which villages were

swallowed up, and Sipylus was destroyed during the reign of Tan-
talus, . . . * and lakes were formed from marshes, and a tidal wave
washed over Troy.
58 C, 24-32 Egyptian Pharus was once on the high sea but is now a
sort of peninsula (as likewise Tyrus and Clazomenae). When
I was residing in Egyptian Alexandria,1 the sea in the vicinity
of Pelusium and mount Casium rose up and flooded the land Pelusium, Tell el-Farama (Egy.)
and made an island of the mountain, with the consequence Casium, Ras Qasrun/Khatib el
Gals (Egy.)
that one could travel by boat along the road past Casium to
Phoenicia. It should not, therefore, cause amazement if even
the isthmus that separates the Egyptian sea from the Ery- isthmus, Isthmus of Suez (Egy.)
thran sea one day splits apart or sinks down, opens up a chan-
nel, and makes the outer sea confluent with the inner sea, just
as happened in the case of the strait at the Pillar of Heracles.
58 C, 33-35 Some things were said about such matters at the beginning
of the project.2 It is necessary to aggregate them and build a
strong case for both the workings of nature and changes that
come about in other ways. |
59 C, 1-10 People say that “Piraea” (On-the-far-side) 3 was so named Piraea, Pireëfs/Pireas (Gr.) 1.3.18
because it was previously an island and lay “across the sea”

from the promontory.4 Conversely, Leucas became an island
when the Corinthians cut through the isthmus. It was previ-
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) ously a promontory. People say that Laertes, in saying since
I took the well-built city of Neritum,5 / a promontory of the main-
land, refers to this. In this instance, t here is a man-made cut-
through. In other cases, there are embankments or bridges:
for example, in the case of the island near Syracuse, there is
nowadays a bridge connecting the island with the mainland,
Ibycus (6th c. BCE) although formerly, according to Ibycus, t here was an embank-
ment made of picked stone, which he calls “selected.”
59 C, 10-22 Bura and Helica w ere wiped out by, in the case of the for-
mer, a chasm and, in the case of the latter, a tidal wave. In
the vicinity of Methone on the Hermionic gulf, when a fiery
eruption occurred, a seven-stade-high mountain emerged,
unapproachable by day b ecause of the heat and smell of
sulfur, visible at night from far away, and so hot that the sea
seethed for a distance of five stades, was turbid for twenty
stades, and had rock fragments as big as towers deposited in
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) it. Lake Copaïs swallowed up Arna and Midia, which the poet
[ 1 ] Strabo first visited Alexandria as a young man (early 20s BCE) and was based
there for much of his life: 101 C, 14-24n; 117 C, 35–118 C, 14n.
[ 2 ] 48 C, 29–50 C, 24.
[ 3 ] The feminine form of the adjective (“Piraea”) is used, perhaps as a witticism,
because “island” is a feminine noun in Greek. The usual form of the name, for
its mainland location, is “Piraeus”: e.g., 395 C, 18–396 C, 5.
[ 4 ] The “promontory” is mainland Attica: 391 C, 13-22.
[ 5 ] Strabo later appears to correct the name to Nericus: 451 C, 34–452 C, 7; 454 C,
4-24n.
74
named in the Catalogue:1 those who held vine-rich Arna, those who
held Midia. Lake Bistonis and the lake now called Aphnitis
probably submerged several cities belonging to the Thracians
(according to o thers, to the Treres, who w ere neighbors of
the Thracians).
59 C, 22-33 The island formerly called “Artemita”—one of the Echi-
nades islands—has become part of the mainland. People say
that others of the islets in the vicinity of the Achelous under-
went the same p rocess through the sedimentation of the sea
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) by the river; and the remaining ones are, as Herodotus says,
becoming connected. There are certain Aetolian headlands that
were previously islands. Asteria has undergone a change. The
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) poet calls it “Asteris”: in the middle of the sea is a rocky island, /
Asteris, not very big; and on it are harbors safe for ships, / protected on
both sides. Now, however, it does not even have a good place to
anchor. On Ithaca, there is no cave nor Nymphaeum such as
Homer describes: it is better to look for the cause in change
rather than in ignorance or falsification of places to make
them mythical.
59 C, 34–60 C, 7 This being an unclear example, I leave it open to consider-
Myrsilus (3rd c. BCE) ation. | Antissa was, however, an island formerly, as Myrsilus 1.3.19
says. Since Lesbos was formerly called “Issa,” it came about

that the island was called “Antissa” (Opposite-Issa), although now
it is a city on Lesbos. Some p eople believe that Lesbos is a
fragment from Ida, just as Prochyta and Pithecussa are frag-
ments from Misenum, Capreae from Athenaeum, Sicily from
Regina, and Ossa from Olympus: for there have been such
changes in the vicinity of these places.
60 C, 7-15 The Ladon in Arcadia once ceased its flow. Duris says that
Duris (4th–3rd c. BCE) Rhagae (Sundered) in Media got its name from earthquakes, when
the earth in the vicinity of the Caspian Gates was sundered, so that
many cities and villages w ere toppled, and rivers underwent various
Ion (5th c. BCE) changes. Ion says of Euboea, in the satyr play Omphale, that the
narrow water of the Euripus separated the land of Euboea / . . . *. |
60 C, 16-35 Demetrius of Callatis, describing the earthquakes that Probably a reference to the 1.3.20
earthquake and tsunami that
Demetrius (ca. 200 BCE) once occurred throughout all Greece, says that a great number occurred in Greece in 426 BCE
of the Lichades islands and the greater part of Cenaeum were sub-
merged; the hot springs in Aedepsus and Thermopylae were stopped
up for three days and then flowed again, and t hose in Aedepsus welled
up through other springs; the seaward wall of Oreus and around seven
75
hundred of its buildings collapsed; as for Echinus, Phalara, and Her-

aclia Trachis, the greater part of two of them collapsed, while the
city of Phalara was utterly destroyed, and similar things happened
to the Lamians and the Larisaeans; Scarphia was ripped from its
foundations, and no fewer than one thousand seven hundred p eople
were swept away, and over half this number of Thronians; a threefold
wave rose up, one part flowing toward Scarpha and Thronium, one
part toward Thermopylae, and a third part toward the plain as far as
Phocian Daphnus; the sources of rivers dried up for several days; the
Sperchius diverted from its course and turned roads into waterways,
while the Boagrius flowed through a different chasm; g reat parts of
Alopa, Cynus, and Opus were cast down, and Oeum, the fort lying
above them, was completely overturned; a part of the wall at Elatia
was torn apart; in the vicinity of Alponus, during the Thesmophoria,
twenty-five young girls ran up one of the harbor towers to get a better
view and fell down with the tower into the sea.
60 C, 35–61 C, 4 People say that the m iddle part of Atalanta off Euboea,
when a chasm opened up, got a waterway through it; some
of the plains w ere submerged for a distance of twenty stades;
and a trireme was picked up from the shipyard and flung over
the wall. |
61 C, 5-15 They additionally talk of changes that are the result of 1.3.21
migration (since they wish to instill in us the quality of “not

Democritus (5th–4th c. BCE) feeling amazement,” a quality praised by Democritus and by
all other philosophers, on the grounds that it ranks along-
side the qualities of “not feeling fear, perturbation, or trepi-
dation”). For example, the western Iberians immigrated to
the area above the Pontus and Colchis (which is not separated
Apollodorus (1st c. BCE) from Armenia by the Araxes, as Apollodorus says, but rather by
the Cyrus and by the Moschian mountains), the Egyptians to
the Ethiopians and Colchians, the Enetians from Paphlagonia
to the Adria. This also happened in the case of the Greek na-
tions: Ionians, Dorians, Achaeans, and Aeolians. The Aenia-
nians, who currently share a border with the Aetolians, used
to inhabit the vicinity of Dotium and Ossa with the Perrhae-
bians. The Perrhaebians themselves are migrants of a type.
61 C, 16-29 The present project is full of such examples. Some of
them are familiar to the majority of people. However, the
migrations of the Carians, Treres, Teucrians, and Galatians,
and likewise the distant campaigns of leaders (of Madys the
76
Scythian, Tearcus the Ethiopian, Cobus the Treran, Sesostris Tearcus, early 7th c. BCE
and Psammetichus the Egyptians, the Persians from Cyrus Cyrus, 6th c. BCE
to Xerxes), are not so readily known to all. The Cimmeri- Xerxes, early 5th c. BCE
ans, or one of their nations, whom p eople also call “Treres,”

often overran the Right-Hand Side of the Pontus1 and the
parts that come next, sometimes aiming their attacks against
the Paphlagonians, sometimes the Phrygians (at that time
when, p eople say, Midas drank the blood of a bull and met his
doom). Lygdamis, as leader of these same p eople, drove them
as far as Lydia and Ionia, and took Sardis; he was killed in
Cilicia. The Cimmerians and Treres often made such inroads.
People say that the Treres and Cobus were finally repelled by
Madys, the Scythian king.
61 C, 30-31 Let the foregoing be stated as providing sufficient infor-
mation that is appropriate to the entire description of the
world in general.2 |
61 C, 31 ill return to the next item from where I digressed.3
Iw 1.3.22
61 C, 31–62 C, 4 Eratosthenes says that when Herodotus claims that t here are
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) no Hyperboreans (People-beyond-the-north-wind)—on the grounds that
there are no Hypernotians (People-beyond-the-south-wind)—his ratio-
nale is laughable and is just as if one w ere to make the silly argument
that no “epichaerecaci” (rejoicers-over-the-misfortunes-of-others) exist
on the grounds that there are no “epichaeragathi” (rejoicers-over-the-
blessings-of-others); and it so happens that there are Hypernotians, since
“Notus” (south wind) does not blow in Ethiopia but in areas farther
down.4
62 C, 4-8 Since the wind blows in e very clima, and everywhere the clima, band of latitude
wind called Notus blows from the south, it would be remark-

able for there to be a strip of habitation in which this does
not happen! On the contrary, not only would Ethiopia have
our Notus but so would all the territory farther up, as far as up = south
the equator.
62 C, 8-13 Perhaps this charge could have been laid against Herodo-
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) tus, that he understood “Hyperboreans” to mean the p eople
where boreas (north wind) does not blow. Even if the poets speak
in this rather mythical fashion, their interpreters should
understand the clear sense that “Hyperborean” means “the
most northerly of peoples.”5 The limit of northern peoples is
the pole, and the limit of southern p eoples is the equator; the
same limit applies to the winds. |
[ 1 ] The “Right-Hand Side of the Pontus” (Black Sea coast of Tky., Geo., Russ.) as a
technical term: 126 C, 3-11n.
[ 2 ] 48 C, 29–61 C, 29.
[ 3 ] In the following section (61 C, 31–62 C, 17), Strabo appears to add to and com-
plete his earlier discussion (15 C, 22–48 C, 28) of Eratosthenes’s 1st volume.
[ 4 ] In using the expression “farther down,” Eratosthenes is influenced by the direc-
tion of the Nile’s flow: “farther down” the river means farther downstream, i.e.,
farther north. In the next paragraph, “farther up” means farther upstream,
i.e., farther south.
[ 5 ] In Greek, the word for “north” means, literally, “of the north wind.”
77
62 C, 14-17 Next, he addresses t hose who tell stories that are plainly he = Eratosthenes 1.3.23
fictitious and impossible, some in the guise of myth and some

in the guise of historical research. It is not worth mention-
ing them. Nor should he have covered such drivel in such an
undertaking.
62 C, 18 The first section in his volumes is such as this.1 |
62 C, 18-21 In the second section, he attempts to correct the descrip- 1.4.1
tion of the world and gives his own assumptions. Again, I

should try to correct (where relevant) these assumptions.2
62 C, 22-29 It is correctly said that mathematical and physical hypotheses
must be used, and that if the earth is spherical like the cosmos, it is
habitable all the way around, and suchlike. Later scholars are
not in agreement as to w hether the earth is as large as he says
it is, nor do they approve of his measurement. Nevertheless,
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) Hipparchus uses t hese distances to indicate the phenomena
in each individual strip of habitation along the meridian that Meroe, region of Bagrawiya
Borysthenes, mouth of Dnieper r. passes through Meroe, Alexandria, and Borysthenes, claim- (Sud.)
(Ukr.)
ing that they differ only a little from the truth.3 Alexandria, Iskandariya (Egy.)
62 C, 30-32 As for what comes next about its shape, he proves by vari he = Eratosthenes
ous means that the earth, with its body of water, is spherical,
as is the cosmos; and he would seem to stray into irrelevance.4
A brief account is enough. |
62 C, 33–63 C, 9 Proceeding with a determination of the width of the lived- 1.4.2
in world, he says that from Meroe (along the meridian running he = Eratosthenes
through it) to Alexandria, it is ten thousand stades; from t here to the
Hellespont, around eight thousand one hundred; then five thousand to Hellespont, Dardanelles/
Çanakkale Boğazı (Tky.)
Borysthenes; then approximately another eleven thousand five hundred
Pytheas (4th c. BCE) to the circle through Thule, which Pytheas says is a six-day sail north of Thule, ?Iceland
Brettanica and is near the frozen sea. If, then, we further add a fur- Brettanica, Great Britain
ther three thousand four hundred [stades] beyond Meroe, so that
we take into account the Island of the Egyptians,5 Cinnamon- Cinnamonland, Somalia
land, and Taprobane, it will be thirty-eight thousand [stades]. | Taprobane, Sri Lanka
63 C, 9-14 Let most of these distances be granted to him, on the 1.4.3
grounds that t here is sufficient agreement about them—but

who in their right mind would grant him the distance from
Borysthenes to the parallel circle through Thule? Pytheas, Borysthenes, mouth of Dnieper r.
(Ukr.)
who gave a report about Thule, has been exposed as a man
of extreme mendacity; t hose who have seen Brettanica and Brettanica, Great Britain
Ierne describe various small islands near Brettanica but say Ierne, Ireland
nothing of Thule.
[ 1 ] Strabo’s representation of Eratosthenes’s 1st volume: 15 C, 22–48 C, 28; 61 C,

31–62 C, 17.
[ 2 ] Strabo’s representation of Eratosthenes’s 2nd volume: 62 C, 18–67 C, 6; cf. 48 C,
29–61 C, 31.
[ 3 ] 131 C, 26–132 C, 10nn.
[ 4 ] Strabo discusses these questions e arlier (48 C, 29–61 C, 31).
[ 5 ] The word “Island” probably denotes an area between the Nile and a tributary,
just as the “island” of Meroe is an area between the Nile and two tributaries
(Atbara r. and Blue Nile/Bahr el Azraq).
78
63 C, 14-18 Brettanica itself, stretching alongside Celtica and roughly

equal to it lengthwise, is no bigger than five thousand stades
and is defined by end points that correspond to Celtica—
eastern end corresponding to eastern end, and western end
corresponding to western end.1 The respective eastern ends—
Cantium and the outlets of the Rhine—are close enough to Cantium, South Foreland,
Kent (UK)
each other to be within sight.
63 C, 18-23 He, however, gives the length of the island as more than He = Pytheas
twenty thousand stades and claims that Cantium is several Cantium, South Foreland,
Kent (UK)
days’ sail from Celtica. As for the Ostidaean region, and the
Ostidaean region = Finistère
area beyond the Rhine as far as the Scythians,2 he has lied (Fr.)
about t hese regions in e very respect. He who has told such
lies about known places would scarcely be able to tell the truth
about places unknown to all. |
63 C, 24-34 Hipparchus and others estimate that the parallel through 1.4.4
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) Borysthenes is the same as the [parallel] through Brettanica, on Brettanica, Great Britain
the basis that the [parallel] through Byzantium is the same as Byzantium, Istanbul (Tky)
the [parallel] through Massalia. Hipparchus says that he finds Massalia, Marseille (Fr)
gnomon, rod placed vertically the ratio of gnomon to shadow that he gives for Massalia is the same in he (gives) = Pytheas
shadow Byzantium on the identically named date.3 It is not more than five
thousand stades from Massalia to the center of Brettanica.
If, from the center of Brettanica, you proceed not more than
four thousand stades, you would find it somewhat indiffer-
ently habitable (this would be the Ierne region). In conse-
quence, the regions even farther out, in which he places far off he (places) = Pytheas
Thule, would no longer be habitable. I cannot see by means

of what estimation he would say that the distance from the he (would say) = Eratosthenes
[parallel] through Thule to the [parallel] through Borysthenes is
eleven thousand five hundred stades. |

64 C, 1-8 Since he is completely wrong about the width, he necessar- he = Eratosthenes 1.4.5
ily misses the mark in regard to the length. T hose that came
after him, as well as the most discerning of the o thers, agree
that the known length is more than double the known width
(I mean, the distance from the end of India to the end of Iberia
is more than double the distance from the Ethiopians to the
[parallel] circle through Thule). Determining the said width, he
extends the length more than necessary in order to make it

more than double the said width.
64 C, 8-20 He says that the length of India up to the Indus river is sixteen He = Eratosthenes
thousand stades at its narrowest (the length extended to the capes is
[ 1 ] I.e., the eastern end of Brettanica is supposed to lie due north of the eastern
end of Celtica, and the western end of Brettanica due north of the western end
of Celtica: 496 C, 26–497 C, 4n.
[ 2 ] For Strabo, the “Scythians” live north of the Black Sea and in the Caspian region.
Pytheas may have been aware of transcontinental trade routes from the Baltic
to the Black Sea and Caspian: 104 C, 6-19n.
[ 3 ] Strabo refers to these words of Hipparchus again later: 71 C, 30–72 C, 3; 115 C,
4-9.
79
greater by three thousand stades); from t here to the Caspian Gates, Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
fourteen thousand; then ten thousand to the Euphrates; to the Nile
from the Euphrates, five thousand; another one thousand three hun-
dred to the Canobic mouth; then thirteen thousand five hundred to
Carthage; then at least eight thousand to the Pillars. This distance is Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
eight hundred [stades] more than seventy thousand. One must further
add the bulge of E urope outside the Pillars of Heracles, which lies
opposite the Iberians but juts westward not less than three thousand
stades; various promontories including the Ostidaean promontory,
which is called “Cabaeum”; and the islands off this promontory, of Cabaeum, Pointe du Raz
(Finistère, Fr.)
Pytheas (4th c. BCE) which Pytheas says, “the most remote, Uxisame, is three days’ sail
Uxisame, Ushant (Fr.)
away.”
64 C, 20-26 These last places he describes—the promontories, the he = Eratosthenes
Ostidaeans, Uxisame, and the islands of which he speaks—

contribute nothing to the length since they all lie to the
north, and are not Iberian but Celtic (or rather, they are fic-
Pytheas (4th c. BCE) tions wrought by Pytheas!). Nevertheless, he adds, to the said
components of the length,1 another two thousand stades on
the western side and another two thousand on the eastern
side, in order that he might maintain the length as being more
than double the width. |
64 C, 27–65 C, 3 After justifying in g reat detail that it is in accordance with 1.4.6
physics to say that the distance from east to west is greater, he says he = Eratosthenes
that it is in accordance with physics for the lived-in world to be longer

from east to west, as I said 2 . . . *3 as the mathematicians say,4
completes a circle, connecting up with itself. In consequence, if the im-
mensity of the Atlantic ocean did not prevent it, we could sail from
Iberia to India along the same parallel, covering the portion that re-
mains after accounting for the said distance,5 which is more than a
third of the entire parallel circle—if the Athens parallel, on which we
have based the said stade distance from India to Iberia,6 is not less
than two hundred thousand [stades].
65 C, 3-9 He is not correct in the foregoing.7 This description of
our temperate zone, one part of which comprises the lived-
in world, might be given according to the mathematicians but as
for the lived-in world . . . *. We use the term “lived-in world”
for the world we live in and know; it is possible that there
are two or more lived-in worlds within the same temperate
zone, especially in the vicinity of the Athens parallel where it
is drawn through the Atlantic ocean.
[ 1 ] 64 C, 8-20.
[ 2 ] 64 C, 1-8.
[ 3 ] There should probably be some reference here to the “temperate zone” (65 C,
3-9).
[ 4 ] 62 C, 22-29.
[ 5 ] Strabo replaces the a
ctual figure given by Eratosthenes with a back reference
to Strabo’s own words (64 C, 8-26, where he provides the constituent distances
given by Eratosthenes for the length of the lived-in world, amounting to 73,800
or 77,800 stades).
[ 6 ] Again, Strabo replaces the figure given by Eratosthenes with a back reference
to 64 C, 8-26.
[ 7 ] 64 C, 27–65 C, 3.
80
65 C, 10-12 Again, when he dwells on his demonstration of the earth’s

sphericity, he lays himself open to the same charge. He like-
wise incessantly argues with Homer about the same matters. |
65 C, 13-17 Next, as concerns the continents, he says that there has been 1.4.7
much discussion: some people demarcate them by means of rivers (the

Tanaïs, Don r.
Nile and the Tanaïs) and declare them to be islands;1 others mark
Pontic sea, Black Sea
them off by isthmuses2 (the isthmus between the Caspian and the Pon-
Erythra, Red Sea
tic sea, and the isthmus between the Erythra and the Ecregma), and
Ecregma = outlet of lake Sirbonis,
these p eople say that the continents are peninsulas. Sabkhat el Bardawil (Egy.)
65 C, 17-28 He says that he does not see how this inquiry achieves anything
useful, but it is of interest only to p eople who are argumentative, in
Democritus (5th–4th c. BCE) the manner of Democritus. Since t here are no precise boundaries as
in the case of Colyttus and Melita (e.g., stone tablets or walls), it is Colyttus, Melita, areas in Attica
(s. cen. Greece)
possible for us to say this, that Colyttus is “here,” and “here” is Melita,
but it is not possible for us to describe the boundaries. Which is why
disputes often arise concerning certain pieces of territory, as between
the Argives and Lacedaemonians in the m atter of Thyreae, between Thyreae, in Kynouria (Gr.)
the Athenians and Boeotians over Oropus. Furthermore, the Greeks Oropus, nr. Skala Oropou (Gr.)
named the three continents not with a view to the lived-in world but
with a view to their own mainland and the Carian mainland oppo- Carian mainland, sw. Turkey
site, which the Ionians and their neighbors now occupy. As time passed
and the Greeks moved farther afield, and more and more territories
became known to them, they revised the division with this in view.
65 C, 29–66 C, 3 So, then, to begin at the end in arbitrating the dispute (not
in the manner of Democritus but in his own manner): Were the
first people who tried to differentiate their own mainland
from the Carian mainland opposite also the first to make the
division into three continents? Or were they concerned not
with “Europe” and “Asia,” nor likewise “Libya,” but only with
Greece and Caria (and a little of the neighboring territory)?
Was it others who, traveling far enough abroad as was suffi-
cient to provide the basic notion of the “lived-in world”—was
it these who made the division into three continents? How
could they not make a division of the lived-in world?
66 C, 3-7 Who, in speaking of three parts and calling each part a
“continent,” does not first have a concept of the whole, which
he then subdivides? If he has no concept of the lived-in world
but subdivides a part of it, who could say of what part of the
lived-in world Asia (or Europe or a “continent” in general)
is a subdivision?
[ 1 ] Some early Greek writers had speculated that the Nile and Tanaïs flow inward
from the outer ocean, making each continent effectively an island. Strabo,
aware that the rivers do not flow from the outer ocean, nevertheless believes
that they can be used to demarcate the continents: 66 C, 17-22n.
[ 2 ] The isthmuses: 491 C, 12–492 C, 9n.
81
66 C, 7 His discussion of these matters is obtuse.1 |

66 C, 8-17 Even more obtuse is the fact that he uses Colyttus and 1.4.8
Melita as examples when he says that he does not see how this
inquiry into boundaries achieves anything useful—but then con-
tradicts himself! If the wars over Thyreae and Oropus came
about because of ignorance as to boundaries, the demarcation
of territory would have achieved something useful. Or does he
mean this, that in the case of small territories and, by Zeus,
individual nations, precise demarcation is useful, but that in
the case of the continents it is superfluous? Although in this
case, too, it would be in no way less useful. There might arise a
dispute over these matters between great leaders, one holding
Asia and one holding Libya, as to which of the two has a claim
to Egypt (i.e., what is called the “Lower” Territory of Egypt).2 Lower Territory, region of Nile
Delta
66 C, 17-22 Even if one w ere to ignore this case on account of it being
unlikely, it must anyway be stated that the continents are di-
vided according to a demarcation that is large-scale and rel-
evant to the lived-in world as a whole. Accordingly, we should
not worry about this fact, that p eople treating the rivers as rivers = Nile and Tanaïs (Don r.)
boundaries leave some areas unbounded, as the rivers do not

reach as far as the ocean, nor do they really make the conti-
nents into islands.3 |
66 C, 23-31 At the conclusion of the volume,4 he has no praise for those 1.4.9
men who divide the mass of mankind into Greeks and barbarians,
nor for those men who counseled Alexander to treat Greeks as friends
and barbarians as enemies. He says that it is better to make the divi-
sion according to goodness and badness: many Greeks are bad, and
many barbarians are civilized—for example, Indians, Arianans,
and furthermore Romans and Carthaginians, who are so incredibly
well governed. That is why Alexander, ignoring his counselors, wel-
comed as many well-respected men as possible and did them f avors.
67 C, 1-6 As if those who thus divided men into a blameworthy
category and a praiseworthy category did so for any reason
other than that there prevails in one category lawfulness,
good governance, and what is proper for education and de-
bate, whereas in the other category the reverse is true. Alex-
ander therefore did not ignore his counselors but accepted their
opinion and did what logically followed from it, rather than
the opposite, focusing on the spirit of those who gave him
instructions. |
[ 1 ] 65 C, 13–66 C, 7.
[ 2 ] For “Asia” and “Libya” meaning, respectively, east and west of the Nile above
the Delta: 806 C, 31–807 C, 3. This division of the continents leaves “Lower
Egypt” (the Delta itself) undefined.
[ 3 ] Strabo himself treats the Nile valley above the Delta as the boundary between
Asia and Libya: 789 C, 13-22. This leaves him unsure of the boundary between
Libya and Asia in the extreme south: 839 C, 3-9. He treats the Tanaïs (Don r.)
as the boundary between Asia and E urope: 490 C, 1-3; 491 C, 12-23. His lack of
certainty over the upper course of the Tanaïs (492 C, 29–493 C, 16) makes him
unsure of the boundary in the extreme north.
[ 4 ] I.e., Eratosthenes’s 2nd volume, with which Strabo engages from 62 C, 18, to
67 C, 6. Cf. 48 C, 29–61 C, 31.
82
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE), Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE)
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) and Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE)1

67 C, 7-14 In the third of his geographical [volumes],2 in establishing the his = Eratosthenes’s 2.1.1
map of the lived-in world, he splits the map into two parts, by
Pillars of Heracles, Straits of
Eratosthenes establishes a means of a line drawn from west to east parallel to the equator. Gibraltar
straight-line, east–west axis for
the lived-in world He sets as its western limit the Pillars of Heracles, and as its mountain range = Himalayas
eastern limit the farthermost end of the mountain range de- Sicilian strait, Straits of Messina
fining the northern side of India. He traces this line from the Rhodia = Rhodian Peraea, sw.
Pillars through the Sicilian strait and the southern ends of the Turkey
Peloponnese and Attica, as far as Rhodia and the Issian gulf. Issian gulf, Gulf of İskenderun
67 C, 14–68 C, 5 Up to this point, he says, the said line passes across the sea and he = Eratosthenes
Eratosthenes believes the between continents, given that our sea in its entirety itself stretches out our sea = Med. Sea
Taurus mt. range lies along a
straight-line, east–west axis lengthwise as far as Cilicia. Then it extends more or less in a straight
line along the entire Taurus mountain range as far as India. The Taurus, mt. system from sw.
Turkey to ne. India
Taurus, as it continues in a straight line with the sea from the Pillars,
divides all Asia lengthwise into two parts, creating the northern part
of Asia and the southern part. The consequence is that the Taurus
sits on the parallel through Athens, as does the sea from the Pillars
up to that point. |
68 C, 6-9 Stating this, he thinks that it is necessary to correct the old he = Eratosthenes 2.1.2
geographical map on the grounds that, on the old map, the eastern
end of the mountain range deviates greatly to the north, and India is
dragged along with it, ending up farther north than necessary.
68 C, 9-17 As proof of this statement, he adduces a first argument he = Eratosthenes
Eratosthenes’s 1st proof as follows, namely that the southern end of India is agreed by rise opposite = be on the same
of straight-line, east–west parallel as
orientation of Taurus mt. range many p eople (citing as evidence climatic and astronomical data)
to rise opposite the Meroe region; and the distance from there to the from there = from s. India
northernmost parts of India, at the Caucasian mountains, is said by

Eratosthenes uses Patrocles Patrocles—who is especially credible owing to his eminence and to the
(late 4th–early 3rd c. BCE) as
his source
fact that he is no amateur when it comes to geography—to be fifteen
thousand stades. The distance from Meroe to the parallel through Meroe, region of Bagrawiya
(Sud.)
Athens is roughly this same amount. The consequence is that the
northern part of India, where it reaches the Caucasian mountains, Caucasian
mountains = Himalayas
terminates at this circle. |
68 C, 18-29 As a second proof, he adduces the following, that the dis- 2.1.3
Eratosthenes’s 2nd proof tance from the Issian gulf to the Pontic sea is some three thousand Issian gulf, Gulf of İskenderun
of straight-line, east–west
orientation of Taurus mt. range
stades, as you go northward in the direction of the region of Amisus Pontic sea, Black Sea
and Sinope. This is also said to be the width of the mountain range. Amisus, Sinope Samsun, Sinop
(n. coast of Tky.)
If you sail t oward the equinoctial sunrise 3 from Amisus, you first
reach Colchis, then the overland passage to the Hyrcanian sea, and Colchis, Georgia
after that the route to Bactra and the Scythians beyond that,4 with Hyrcanian sea, Caspian Sea
[ 1 ] Strabo lays out the arguments in Eratosthenes’s 3rd volume together with Hip-
parchus’s criticisms of them (67 C, 7–94 C, 20). Since Strabo often disagrees with
Eratosthenes but also disagrees with Hipparchus’s criticisms of Eratosthenes,
Strabo’s arguments at times get very complicated. For a particularly convoluted
example: 76 C, 7-30.
[ 2 ] The word “volumes” is supplied by analogy with 66 C, 23-31. Cf. 29 C, 26-27n;
688 C, 25–689 C, 2.
[ 3 ] “Toward the equinoctial sunrise” = due east.
[ 4 ] Bactra (Balkh, Afg.) and the “Scythians beyond”: 516 C, 17–519 C, 3.
83
the mountain range to your right. If the line through Amisus is ex-
tended westward, it passes through the Propontis and Hellespont. Propontis, Marmara Denizi
From Meroe to the Hellespont is not more than e ighteen thousand Hellespont, Dardanelles/
Çanakkale Boğazı (Tky.)
stades, which is the distance from the southern side of India toward
Meroe, region of Bagrawiya
the parts in the Bactrian region, if three thousand [stades] are added (Sud.)
to the fifteen thousand (of which the former figure accounted for the
width of the mountain range, and the latter figure accounted for the width = north–south dimension
width of India). |
68 C, 30–69 C, 7 Hipparchus disputes this statement1 by discrediting these 2.1.4
Hipparchus criticizes “proofs.”2 Patrocles is not credible, t here being two witnesses against
Eratosthenes’s 1st proof
him, Deimachus and Megasthenes, who say that the distance from Deimachus (3rd c. BCE)
the southern sea is in some places twenty thousand stades and in some Megasthenes (late 4th–early
3rd c. BCE)
Hipparchus argues that places thirty thousand. Such is what t hese men say, and the old maps
Eratosthenes uses only one
source, and not a credible one are in agreement with these men. He considers somewhat incred-
at that ible the view that we should believe a single source, namely Patrocles,
while passing over t hose whose witness against him is so strong, and
that we should rectify the ancient maps on this basis alone, rather than
leaving them be, u ntil such time as we have more credible knowledge
about them. |
69 C, 8-18 I think that this argument requires much correction. 2.1.5
In the first place, he says that Eratosthenes uses only Patrocles, he = Hipparchus
Strabo argues that Eratosthenes whereas Eratosthenes uses many witnesses. Who are the
uses many sources for his vari
ous statements people who say that the southern parts of India rise opposite the rise opposite = are on the same
parallel as
Meroe region? Who are the people who say that the distance from
Meroe to the parallel through Athens is this amount? Then again,
who are the people who give the width of the mountain range,
or who say that the distance from Cilicia to Amisus is equivalent to
it? Who is it who says that from Amisus past the Colchians and
Hyrcania, as far as the Bactrians and t hose situated beyond them
right up to the eastern sea, is a straight line g oing due east and follow-
ing the mountain range, with the mountain range on the right-hand
side? Or again, concerning the westward continuation of this line,
that it goes to the Propontis and the Hellespont? Propontis, Marmara Denizi
69 C, 18-21 Eratosthenes has access to all this information, as cor-

roborated by p eople who had been present in the localities,
Hipparchus’s own words show through his reading of many works. He had a copious supply
that Eratosthenes uses many
sources of these works—if his library was as big as Hipparchus himself
says it is! |
69 C, 22-25 Patrocles’s credibility is based on many testimonies: the 2.1.6
testimony of the kings who entrusted him with such an
[ 1 ] 68 C, 6-9.
[ 2 ] 68 C, 9-29.
84
Hipparchus’s own words show important command, the testimony of the men who accom- Patrocles served under
that Eratosthenes’s main source, Seleucus, king of Macedonian
Patrocles, is credible panied him, and the testimony of the men (named by Hippar- Syria (ruled late 4th–early 3rd c.
chus himself!) who argued against him, since their reproaches BCE) and Antiochus (ruled
3rd c. BCE)
guarantee his statements.
69 C, 26-30 Nor is this an indication of Patrocles’s lack of credibility, that
Hipparchus’s own words show he says Alexander’s fellow campaigners kept records of each place
that Eratosthenes’s main source,
Patrocles, had access to impor through which they passed, and only Alexander himself had detailed
tant information knowledge, since his experts wrote up for him an account of the whole territory = India
territory. He says later that the written account was given to him him = Patrocles
by Xenocles, the treasurer. |

69 C, 31–70 C, 5 Hipparchus further says, in his second volume,1 that Era- 2.1.7
tosthenes himself attacked Patrocles’s credibility, on the basis of a

discrepancy with Megasthenes concerning the length of India along length = east–west dimension
its northern side, Megasthenes giving it as sixteen thousand stades,

Hipparchus points out that Patrocles claiming it to be one thousand [stades] less; using as his start-
Eratosthenes uses Patrocles
selectively ing point an official record of stopping points, he disbelieved these men he = Eratosthenes
on account of the discrepancy between them, and prioritized the of-
ficial record.2 If Patrocles lacks credibility in this instance b ecause of
disagreement, even though the difference is only one thousand stades,
how much greater his lack of credibility must be when the difference
two men = Megasthenes and
is eight thousand stades, against two men who are in agreement with Deimachus
each other in saying that the width of India is twenty thousand stades, width = north–south dimension
while he says it is twelve thousand stades? 3 |
70 C, 6-10 I will say that he did not base his argument on the bare dis- he = Eratosthenes 2.1.8
Strabo defends Eratosthenes’s agreement but on the contrast with the consistency and trustworthi-
selective use of Patrocles
ness of the official record of stopping points. It is not to be considered
strange if something that is even more trustworthy overrides
something that is trustworthy, nor if we believe in some in-
stances the same man whom we disbelieve in other instances,
when more reliable material is found in another source.
70 C, 10-15 The belief is ridiculous that the greater the amount by which
two parties disagree, the greater their loss of credibility. On the con-
trary, the smaller the disagreement, the more likely an error
on the part not only of ordinary people but also of those who
think more deeply than others. When the disagreement is
great, it would be the ordinary man who errs, while the more
knowledgeable man would be less susceptible to this, which
is why he has greater credibility. |
70 C, 16-20 All those who have written descriptions of India are for 2.1.9
the most part fabricators. This is particularly the case with
[ 1 ] Strabo (69 C, 31–70 C, 5) temporarily looks ahead to Hipparchus’s 2nd volume,

treated at greater length at 92 C, 8–94 C, 8. Cf. 76 C, 31–77 C, 15n.
[ 2 ] The official record apparently supported the figure of 16,000 stades for the
length (east–west dimension) of India: 689 C, 17-26.
[ 3 ] Patrocles’s figure of 12,000 stades applies to the north–south dimension of
India, presumably as measured down its western side, while his figure of 15,000
stades (68 C, 9-17) applies to the north–south dimension measured down the
longer eastern side. For the “western” and “eastern” sides of India: 689 C, 13-26.
85
Deimachus (3rd c. BCE) Deimachus; second prize goes to Megasthenes; finally, One- Onesicritus, Nearchus (4th c.
BCE)
Megasthenes (late 4th–early sicritus, Nearchus, and such writers, stammer out a version
3rd c. BCE)
of the truth. I had the opportunity to see this in more detail
when I was taking notes1 on the Activities of Alexander.2
70 C, 20-27 Deimachus and Megasthenes are especially deserving of
our disbelief. It is they who record the enotocoetae (those-who-
sleep-in-their-ears), the astomi (those-with-no-mouths), the arrhines (those-
with-no-noses), the monophthalmi (the one-eyed), the macrosceleis (those-
with-long-legs), the opisthodactyli (those-with-fingers-pointing-backward);
and with their reference to trispithami (those-three-spans-high), they

Homer (8th c. BCE) revived interest in the Homeric b attle of the cranes against
the Pygmies.3 It is they who also record the gold-digging
myrmeces,4 and sphenocephali (wedge-headed) Pans, and snakes
that swallow cattle and deer, horns and all. In connection with
these, the one refutes the other, as Eratosthenes notes.
70 C, 27-30 They were sent out to Palimbothra—Megasthenes to San- Sandracottus (= Chandragupta)
ruled Mauryan empire, 320–298
Palimbothra, Patna (Ind.) dracottus, Deimachus to the latter’s son, Amichotrades—as BCE
ambassadors. Such were the accounts of their sojourns that
they left to posterity, whatever the reason that prompted them.
70 C, 30-31 Patrocles was no such type of man.
70 C, 31–71 C, 6 The other witnesses used by Eratosthenes are also not
Strabo defends credibility of lacking in credibility.5 | . . .*. If the meridian through Rhodes 2.1.10
sources used by Eratosthenes in
his 2nd proof and Byzantium has been correctly drawn, then the meridian
through Cilicia and Amisus would also be correctly drawn.
Their parallel nature is apparent at many points, when no
convergence from either side can be proved. | That the voy- 2.1.11
age from Amisus toward Colchis is in the direction of the equinoctial in the direction of the
equinoctial sunrise = due east
sunrise is proven by the winds, seasons, crops, and the sunrises
themselves, as likewise the overland crossing to the Caspian sea,
and the route onward from there to Bactra.
71 C, 6-11 In many instances, self-evidence and agreement of all
sources are more trustworthy than instrumental data. Hippar-
chus himself did not base his belief that the line from the Pillars Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
to Cilicia is a straight line in the direction of the equinoctial sunrise in the direction of the
equinoctial sunrise = due east
entirely on instrumental data and geometric calculation: for all
of the distance from the Pillars to the Strait, he relied on sailors. Strait, Straits of Messina
71 C, 11-15 In consequence, he is not even correct when he makes the he = Hipparchus

Hipparchus recommends statement that, since we are unable to say what the ratio is of the gnomon, rod placed vertically
leaving line of Taurus mt. range on the earth’s surface to cast a
on a slant longest to the shortest day, or of the gnomon to its shadow,6 along the shadow
edge of the mountain range from Cilicia to the Indians, and are also
[ 1 ] Strabo probably refers to his preparatory research on India. In the finished he uses Activities of Alexander as the “title” of a subsection of his geographical
version of his work, he does indeed describe India through the conflicting ac- work—namely, the part of his account of India that is based on the campaigns
counts of Deimachus, Megasthenes, Onesicritus, Nearchus, and o thers: 685 C, of Alexander the G reat (4th c. BCE) and their aftermath: see previous note.
11–720 C, 7, esp. 689 C, 32–690 C, 6. [3] Most of these creatures/people are mentioned by Strabo in his account of
[ 2 ] Some scholars see Strabo as referring here to a lost (and otherwise unattested) India: 711 C, 3-24.
work, entitled Activities of Alexander, which Strabo is then supposed to have [4] Myrmeces are mentioned by Strabo in his account of India: 705 C, 33–706 C, 11n.
produced. O thers think that Strabo refers rather to his historical work (lost [5] Strabo, having defended (68 C, 30–70 C, 31) the credibility of Patrocles, which is
but attested by Strabo himself, 13 C, 22-29), in which case he uses Activities vital to Eratosthenes’s 1st proof (68 C, 9-17), proceeds (70 C, 31–71 C, 23) to defend
of Alexander as the “title” of a subsection of that work. This is possible, since the credibility of the sources used in Eratosthenes’s 2nd proof (68 C, 18-29).
Strabo does indeed use “titles” to refer to subsections of his work: 639 C, 15-27n. [6] Use of the “gnomon”: 111 C, 29–112 C, 2n.
However, it is also possible that Strabo is not referring to another work but that
86
unable to say w hether it is angled along a parallel line, we should

rather leave it uncorrected, preserving its slant as the ancient maps
have it.
71 C, 15-20 First, to be unable to say is the same as to refrain from
Strabo criticizes Hipparchus’s saying. He who refrains from saying inclines in neither direc-
reasoning
tion. Yet he who bids us leave it as shown by the ancients inclines
in that direction. He would better keep to the consequence
of his statement if he advised us not to undertake geogra-
phy at all, on the grounds that we are similarly unable to say
what is the orientation of other mountain ranges, such as the
Alpine, Pyrenean, Thracian, Illyrian, and German ranges.
71 C, 20-23 Whoever would consider that men of long ago, whose
many cartographic errors have been rightly criticized by Era-
tosthenes, are more trustworthy than their successors? Yet
Hipparchus contradicts none of them. |
71 C, 24-29 What comes next is also full of major problems.1 See what 2.1.12
weirdness results if one w ere to, on the one hand, leave un-
disturbed the statement that the southern end of India rises rises opposite = is on the same
parallel as Meroe, region of
Strabo criticizes Hipparchus’s opposite the Meroe region and the statement that the distance Bagrawiya (Sud.)
premise that the north–south
dimension of India is 30,000 from Meroe to the mouth at Byzantium is around eighteen thou- mouth at Byzantium, Bosporus
stades sand stades2 but w ere, on the other hand, to make the distance (Tky.)
from the southern Indians, as far as the mountain range, thirty

thousand [stades].3
71 C, 30–72 C, 3 In the first place, if the parallel through Byzantium is the same Byzantium, Istanbul (Tky.)
as the parallel through Massalia, as Hipparchus says, trusting Massalia, Marseille (Fr.)
Pytheas (4th c. BCE) Pytheas; and if the meridian through Byzantium is the same as
Hipparchus’s own data show the meridian through Borysthenes,4 as Hipparchus also believes;
that n. Celtica is on the same
parallel as Borysthenes and if he believes that the distance from Byzantium to Borys-
thenes is three thousand seven hundred stades; then that would be
the number of stades from Massalia to the parallel through
Borysthenes—and this would be the parallel through the oce- oceanic coast of Celtica, North
Sea coast of France, Belgium
anic coast of Celtica,5 since people who travel this number of
stades reach the ocean. |
72 C, 4-11 Then again, since we know that Cinnamonland is the most Cinnamonland, Somalia 2.1.13
remote part of the lived-in world to the south and that, ac-
Hipparchus’s own words show cording to Hipparchus himself, the parallel through it marks
that the distance from the
southern limit of the lived-in
the start of both the temperate [zone] and the lived-in world, and is
world to n. Celtica is 25,200 around eight thousand eight hundred stades from the equator, and
stades
since he says that the parallel through Borysthenes is thirty-four
thousand stades from the equator, the resulting number of stades,
[ 1 ] Strabo proceeds with a cascading series of rebuttals of Hipparchus’s criticisms

of Eratosthenes: 71 C, 24–75 C, 10; 75 C, 11–76 C, 6; 76 C, 7–77 C, 25; 77 C, 26–78 C,
4; 78 C, 5–83 C, 15; 86 C, 12–89 C, 21; 90 C, 22–92 C, 7.
[ 2 ] Both statements are derived from Eratosthenes (68 C, 9-29, where “Hellespont”
is used rather than “mouth at Byzantium”).
[ 3 ] 30,000 stades: 72 C, 28-31.
[ 4 ] It is unclear w
hether Hipparchus refers to the city of Borysthenes (Parutino, Ukr.)
or to the mouth of the river Borysthenes (Dnieper r.); he seems to treat them
interchangeably.
[ 5 ] This reference to the oceanic coast of Celtica is Strabo’s own. Hipparchus puts
the coast of Celtica much farther north: 75 C, 11-31.
87
from the parallel between the burnt [zone] and the temperate
[zone] to the parallel through Borysthenes (and oceanic Celtica)
will be twenty-five thousand two hundred.

72 C, 11-15 The farthest voyage from Celtica northward is said by men
Strabo shows that the north– of today to be the voyage to Ierne, which is more remote than Ierne, Ireland
south dimension of the lived-in
world is approx. 30,000 stades Brettanica and wretched to live in because of the cold, with Brettanica, Great Britain
the consequence that the parts beyond it are considered unin-

habitable. They say that Ierne is not more than five thousand
stades from Celtica.
72 C, 15-17 The consequence would be that the sum total making up
the width of the lived-in world would be around thirty thou- width = north–south dimension
sand [stades] or a l ittle more.1 |

72 C, 18-28 Come, let me return to the part opposite Cinnamonland 2.1.14
and lying on the same parallel as it to the east—that is, the

Taprobane region. T here is a firm belief that Taprobane Taprobane, Sri Lanka
is a huge island lying out to sea off India to the south. It

stretches out in the direction of Ethiopia for more than five in the direction of
Ethiopia = toward Somalia
thousand stades, so p eople say, and from it, ivory, tortoise-
shell, and other goods are exported to the Indian markets.
An addition for the width for this island, proportional to its
length, together with the sea crossing to it from India, would
give a distance of not less than three thousand stades—the
same as the distance from the boundary of the lived-in world (Sud.)
to Meroe—if the end of India is to rise opposite Meroe (although rise opposite = be on the same
it is more plausible to add more than three thousand). parallel as
72 C, 28-31 If one w
ere to add this to the figure of thirty thousand
Deimachus (3rd c. BCE) that Deimachus gives for the distance to the overland passage to
the Bactrians and Sogdianans,2 then these nations would be jet-
tisoned from the lived-in world and the temperate [zone]!3
72 C, 31–73 C, 3 Who would be bold enough to make this claim when one
learns, from the words of men of old as well as from the men of
today, about the temperate climate and fertile soil primarily
Strabo argues that places north of the northern Indians, then in Hyrcania and Aria, and next
of India are fertile and cannot
lie north of lived-in world in Margiana and Bactriana? 4 All these countries are contigu-
ous with the northern side of the Taurus (and Bactriana, at
least, is close to the overland passage to the Indians) but enjoy
such blessings that they must be very far indeed from the
uninhabited [zone]!
73 C, 3-10 People say that in Hyrcania, the vine yields one metretes of metretes, largest fluid measure
in Greek system
wine, and the fig tree sixty medimni; grain grows again from
[ 1 ] 25,200 + 5,000 = 30,200 stades.

[ 2 ] The overland passage: 68 C, 18-29; 70 C, 31–71 C, 6. Cf. 72 C, 31–73 C, 3.
[ 3 ] 30,000 + 3,000 (or more) = 33,000 stades (or more), which is a figure greater
than Strabo’s figure for the entire north–south dimension of the lived-in world.
[ 4 ] Hyrcania (sw. Turkmenistan + n. Iran): 508 C, 27–510 C, 25. Aria, Margiana, Bactri-
ana (n. Afghanistan, se. Turkmenistan, s. Uzbekistan, Tajikistan): 510 C, 26–511 C,
8; 516 C, 1–519 C, 3.
88
seed that drops off the stalk; bees are busy in the trees, honey medimnus, largest volume
measure in Greek metrical
dripping from the leaves. (This also happens in Median Ma- system
tiana, and in Armenian Sacasene and Araxene. It is not so
surprising here, if it is true that t hese places are farther south here = in Matiana, Sacasene,
Araxene
than Hyrcania and enjoy a climate superior to the rest of the
territory, but it is more surprising there). there = in Hyrcania
73 C, 10-15 People say that in Margiana the stem of the vine is found
oftentimes to need the outstretched arms of two men to en-
circle it, and grape clusters are twice the length of the lower
arm.1 People say that Aria is similar and produces the very
best wine, in that the wine survives into the third genera-
tion in jars not sealed with pitch; and that Bactriana, lying
alongside and near Aria, yields produce of e very sort (except
olive oil). |
73 C, 16-24 It is not surprising if there are parts of these regions— 2.1.15
parts at high altitude and mountainous—that are cold. Even

in the southern climata, mountains and land in general at climata, bands of latitude
higher elevations (even plateaus) are cold. In Cappadocia,

the part bordering the Euxine is much farther north than the part bordering Euxine =
n. Turkey
part toward the Taurus. Yet Bagadania, a huge plateau that
part toward Taurus = s. Turkey
falls between mount Argaeus and the Taurus, produces few
Bagadania, s. Turkey
if any fruit-producing trees though lying farther south than
the Pontic sea by three thousand stades, while the suburbs of
Sinope, Amisus, and Phanaroea are for the most part capable Sinope, Amisus, Phanaroea = n.
Turkey
of growing olive trees.
73 C, 24-27 People say that the Oxus, which divides Bactriana from Oxus, Amu Darya
Sogdiana, is so easily navigable that cargo from India, hav-

ing been easily transferred overland to it, is brought down
to Hyrcania2 and to the places that come next as far as the Hyrcania, sw. Tkm., n. Iran
Pontus, by means of rivers. | Pontus, Black Sea
73 C, 28-35 Would you find such fertility in the Borysthenes region Borysthenes region = Ukraine, s. 2.1.16
Russia
or the region of oceanic Celtica, where vines either do not
oceanic Celtica, n. France,
grow or do not bear grapes? In places farther south than these Belgium
and lying on the coast, and in places on the Bosporus, vines Bosporus = Straits of Kerch'
produce grapes, but only of small size, and the vines are bur-
ied in winter. People experience such freezing conditions at
the mouth of lake Maeotis that Mithridates’s general, in the mouth of lake Maeotis = Straits
of Kerch
very same spot where he had vanquished the barbarians in a
cavalry b attle fought on ice, fought them in a naval battle in
the summer when the ice had melted!
[ 1 ] “Outstretched arms” (orguia) is a unit of m easurement, usually rendered

“fathom.” “Lower arm” (pechus) is a unit usually rendered “cubit.” H ere, how-
ever, the literal meaning of the words comes to the fore.
[ 2 ] Territory of Hyrcania? Or the Hyrcanian (Caspian) sea? Confusion between the
two could be a contributing f actor to Strabo’s erroneous belief that the Oxus
flows into the Caspian: 507 C, 6-13n; 509 C, 11-25n; 510 C, 3-14; 518 C, 9-20n.
89
74 C, 1-7 Eratosthenes cites this inscription in the temple to Ascle-

pius at Panticapaeum, from a bronze water vessel that split Panticapaeum, Kerch' (Crim.),
founded late 7th–6th c. BCE
because of the ice: If any man does not believe what happens h ere, / let
him learn by looking at this water vessel, / which has been dedicated
not as a fine offering to the god, but as an example / of our severe
winter, by Stratius the priest.
74 C, 8-13 Since conditions in the enumerated places 1 are
c omparable neither to conditions on the Bosporus nor Bosporus = Straits of Kerch'
even to conditions in Amisus and Sinope (which one would

say are even more temperate than the former), they would
hardly be on the same parallel as Borysthenes and the re-
motest Celts, since they would hardly even be in the same
clima as the regions of Amisus, Sinope, Byzantium, and clima, band of latitude
Massalia, which are agreed to be farther south than Bo-

rysthenes and the Celts by three thousand seven hundred
stades. |
74 C, 14-23 If those associated with Deimachus2 add to this thirty 2.1.17
thousand [stades] the distance as far as Taprobane and the Taprobane, Sri Lanka
boundaries of the burnt [zone] (which must be put at not

less than four thousand [stades]),3 this will push Bactra and
Aria into the region thirty-four thousand [stades] from the
burnt [zone]—that is, the number of stades claimed by Hip-
parchus for the distance from the equator to Borysthenes.4
These places will end up in the regions more northerly than
Borysthenes and Celtica by eight thousand eight hundred
stades—that is, the number of stades by which the equator
is farther south than the parallel circle that divides the burnt
[zone] from the temperate [zone], which circle I said is drawn
approximately through Cinnamonland.5

74 C, 23-32 I show that the parts beyond Celtica as far as Ierne,
which are at a distance of not more than five thousand
[stades], are scarcely habitable.6 But this argument declares
that t here is a parallel circle that is habitable still farther

north than Ierne by three thousand eight hundred stades!7
Bactra would be altogether much farther north even than
the mouth of the Caspian (or Hyrcanian) sea. This mouth
is around six thousand stades from the recess of the Cas-
pian sea and from the Armenian and Median mountains;
it seems that it is the most northerly point of the same coastline
stretching as far as India and holds out the possibility of circum-
[ 1 ] 72 C, 31–73 C, 15.
[ 2 ] The expression “those associated with Deimachus” is idiomatic, meaning simply
Deimachus (3rd c. BCE).
[ 3 ] Cf. 72 C, 18-28, where it is speculated that the distance is “not less than three
thousand” and “more than three thousand.” The figure of “not less than four
thousand” fits more neatly into Strabo’s mathematical calculation here.
[ 4 ] 72 C, 4-11.
[ 5 ] 72 C, 4-11.
[ 6 ] 72 C, 11-15.
[ 7 ] 8,800 (Bactra to Borysthenes) minus 5,000 (Ierne to parallel through Borys-
thenes) = 3,800 stades.
90
Patrocles (late 4th–early 3rd c. navigation from India,1 as claimed by Patrocles, who held
BCE)
command in this region.
74 C, 32–75 C, 10 Furthermore, Bactriana extends one thousand stades north-
ward. The Scythian nations inhabit a territory beyond, which
is much greater than this; they end at the northern sea, living a
nomadic life but a life nonetheless. How can this be, if Bactra al-
ready falls outside the lived-in world? This distance—from the
Caucasus through Bactra to the northern sea—would be a l ittle
more than four thousand [stades]. This figure, added to the num-
ber of stades from Ierne northward, results in a total distance
through the uninhabited [zone] along the meridian through Ierne
of seven thousand eight hundred stades.2 If one were to leave
aside the four thousand stades, the very parts of Bactriana next
to the Caucasus w ill be farther north than Ierne by three thou-
sand eight hundred stades, and farther north than Celtica and
Borysthenes by eight thousand eight hundred [stades]! |
75 C, 11-14 Hipparchus says that, at Borysthenes and Celtica, the light of 2.1.18
the sun is visible all night long in summer, as the sun moves around
from the west to the east; and, at the time of the winter solstice, the
sun rises above the horizon a maximum of nine cubits.
75 C, 14-19 In the regions six thousand three hundred [stades] from Massalia
(where he assumes t here are Celts, but where I think t here
are Britons, living two thousand five hundred stades farther
north than Celtica), this phenomenon is even more pronounced: on
winter days, the sun rises only six cubits above the horizon.
75 C, 19-24 It rises only four cubits in the regions that are nine thousand one
hundred stades from Massalia and less than three cubits in the regions
beyond—which, according to my argument, would be much
Pytheas (4th c. BCE) farther north than Ierne; but he, trusting Pytheas, makes
this a habitable region in the area farther south than B rettanica, Brettanica, Great Britain
and says that the longest day there is nineteen equinoctial hours but
eighteen where the sun rises four cubits above the horizon.
75 C, 24-31 He says that these people are nine thousand one hundred stades
He = Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) from Massalia, so that the most southerly of the Britons are
farther north than they are. They are therefore either on They = most southerly Britons
the same parallel as the Bactrians near the Caucasus or on

a nearby parallel. It has been said that, according to t hose
associated with Deimachus, the Bactrians near the Cauca-
sus will be farther north than Ierne by three thousand eight
hundred stades.3 If this number is added to the number of
[ 1 ] The Caspian Sea is not a gulf, so a coastal voyage from India is impossible.
Speculation that goods from India could be taken via the Oxus river (Amu
Darya) to Hyrcania (73 C, 24-27n) possibly lies behind the claims for a trade
route by boat. Cf. 518 C, 34–519 C, 3.
[ 2 ] 4,000 + 3,800 (Ierne to parallel through Bactria: 74 C, 23-32) = 7,800 stades.
[ 3 ] 74 C, 14–75 C, 10.
91
stades from Massalia to Ierne, the result is twelve thousand

five hundred [stades].1
75 C, 31–76 C, 4 Who has recorded, in these locations (I mean the Bac-
trian locations), that this is the length of the longest day,
or that this is the distance by which the sun at its zenith is
above the horizon at the winter solstice? All such phenomena
are immediately apparent even to the layman, and do not
require mathematical calculation, so that they would have
been written down by many men of long ago, in research-
ing their Persica,2 as well as by many of their successors right
down to our own times. How would the locations’ fertility,
as described, be consistent with such celestial phenomena?
76 C, 4-6 From what has been said,3 it is clear how cleverly he con-
he = Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) tradicts the demonstration, on the grounds of using some-
thing equivalent to the object of inquiry to demonstrate the
object of inquiry. |
76 C, 7-21 Again, that fellow wants to show that Deimachus is an that fellow = Eratosthenes 2.1.19
Eratosthenes points out amateur and unskilled in such matters, because he believes that he = Deimachus
that Deimachus (3rd c. BCE)
contradicts himself “India lies between the autumnal equinox and the winter tropic”
and because he disagrees with Megasthenes’s claim that, in the
southern parts of India, the Bears disappear 4 and the shadows fall
in the opposite direction,5 on the grounds that “neither of these is
Eratosthenes pokes fun at true anywhere in India”; and that, when he says t hese t hings, he he = Deimachus
Deimachus for his improper
understanding of astronomical speaks in ignorance, since it is ignorant to believe that the “autumnal
terms [equinoctial circle]” differs from the “spring [equinoctial circle]” in terms
of distance from the tropics, both the circle 6 and the sunrise 7 being
Deimachus’s words better suit identical. The distance between the terrestrial tropic and the equator
Eratosthenes’s own figure for
the north–south dimension (between which that fellow places India), having been shown through that fellow = Deimachus
of India measurement to be much less than twenty thousand stades,8 the situ-
ation would be, even according to that fellow, what he himself thinks
rather than what that fellow says: whether India is twenty or thirty
thousand [stades], it would not fit within this distance, whereas if it
is the size he himself says,9 it would fit. he himself = Eratosthenes
76 C, 21-23 Equally ignorant is the claim that “nowhere in India do the Bears claim = by Deimachus, rebutting
Megasthenes
disappear nor the shadows fall in the opposite direction” (a phenom-
enon that begins to become apparent as soon as you have trav-
eled five thousand stades from Alexandria).10
76 C, 24-30 Again, Hipparchus is not justified in criticizing him for him = Eratosthenes
saying these things.11 First, he understands “summer tropic” he = Hipparchus
[ 1 ] 3,800 (distance from parallel through n. Bactrians to parallel through that India extends south of the Cinnamonland (Somalia) parallel: 132 C, 25-33.
Ierne) + 5,000 (Ierne to n. Celtica, 72 C, 11-15) + 3,700 (n. Celtica to Massalia, 71 C, Megasthenes’s work has not survived, so corroboration is impossible.
30–72 C, 3) = 12,500 stades. [ 5 ] For an observer north of the summer tropic (Tropic of Cancer), the shadow cast
[ 2 ] Persica (lit., “Stuff about Persia”) refers either to works on Persia or to the rel- by the midday sun falls north. As the observer moves south of the tropic, the
evant parts of works on broader subjects: 639 C, 15-27n. shadow falls south (i.e., “in the opposite direction”) for one or more days during
[ 3 ] 71 C, 24–76 C, 4. the year, depending on how far south the observer is.
[ 4 ] For an observer at northern latitudes in the northern hemisphere, there is a [ 6 ] The “circle” is the equator.
circle around the north celestial pole containing stars that never dip below [ 7 ] The sun rises due east at both the spring and the autumn equinoxes.
the horizon. This circle includes at least parts of the constellations of the Great [ 8 ] 16,800 stades: 114 C, 11-18.
Bear and the Little Bear. As the observer moves south, the circle diminishes in [ 9 ] 689 C, 13-17.
size, excluding first the stars of the Great Bear and then the stars of L ittle Bear; [ 10 ] A journey made by Strabo himself (early 20s BCE): 817 C, 7–818 C, 21.
by the time the observer reaches the equator, the circle is nonexistent, and [ 11 ] 76 C, 7-23.
so, by definition, the Bears are not within it. Megasthenes perhaps supposes
92
Hipparchus criticizes rather than “winter tropic”; secondly, he does not believe that
Eratosthenes’s ridicule of
Deimachus one should use an astrally uneducated man as a source for astronomi-
cal matters, as if Eratosthenes were prioritizing the testimony
of that fellow, rather than using a common custom in replying
to t hose who talk nonsense. When we accept whichever of
their statements supports our case, that is one way of chal-
lenging t hose who make nonsensical allegations. |
76 C, 31–77 C, 3 At this point, assuming that the southernmost parts of India 2.1.20
rise opposite the Meroe region, which many state and believe, I Meroe, region of Bagrawiya
(Sud.)
have shown what weirdness results.1 Since Hipparchus at this
point does not reject the hypothesis but later, in his second
volume, does not accept it,2 I should also consider his latter
argument.
77 C, 3-15 Now, he says that, since “rise opposite each other” means “lying on he = Hipparchus
the same parallel as,” when the distance between places is great, this fact—
Hipparchus is open to the that places are on the same parallel—cannot be ascertained without com-
possibility that India extends
farther south than the Meroe paring the climata at each place. In regard to the Meroe clima, Philo, the Meroe clima = astronomical
data for region of Bagrawiya
parallel compiler of “Voyage to Ethiopia,” records that forty-five days before the (Sud.)
summer solstice, the sun is overhead, and he gives the ratio of the gnomon
to its shadow at the solstices and equinoxes; 3 and Eratosthenes agrees very gnomon, rod placed vertically
closely with Philo. In regard to the clima in India, no one records it, not shadow
even Eratosthenes. If both the Bears disappear there, as he sup-
poses, relying on those associated with Nearchus,4 it is not pos
sible for Meroe and the end of India to be on the same parallel.
77 C, 16-19 Now, if Eratosthenes, regarding the Bears, agrees with
Strabo points out that those who state that they both disappear, how is it that “no one
Hipparchus contradicts himself
in criticizing Eratosthenes talks about the clima in India, not even Eratosthenes”? For
this is a statement about the clima! If he does not agree with
the statement, let him be found not guilty of the charge.
77 C, 19-25 In fact, he does not agree with the statement. Rather, when he = Eratosthenes
Deimachus claims that nowhere in India do the Bears disappear

nor the shadows fall in the opposite direction (as Megasthenes has as-
sumed), he accuses him of ignorance, believing it is the com-
bined statement which is false, because it is a matter of con-
sensus (even according to Hipparchus himself!) that at least
Eratosthenes objects only to the statement that the shadows do not fall in the opposite direction
Deimachus’s statement that
“the shadows do not fall in the is a fabricated falsehood. For he appears to concede that the
opposite direction” end of India, even if it does not rise opposite Meroe, lies on a Meroe, region of Bagrawiya
(Sud.)
more southerly parallel than Syene.5 |
[ 1 ] 71 C, 24–76 C, 30.
[ 2 ] Strabo (77 C, 3-15) looks ahead to Hipparchus’s 2nd volume, treated at greater
length at 92 C, 8–94 C, 8. Cf. 69 C, 31–70 C, 5n.
[ 4 ] The expression “those associated with Nearchus” is idiomatic, usually meaning
simply Nearchus. However, the view that “both the Bears disappear” is attrib-
uted to Megasthenes at 76 C, 7-21, and 77 C, 19-25.
[ 5 ] For Strabo, Syene (Aswan, Egy.) marks the summer tropic.
93
77 C, 26-28 Also, in what follows, testing the same matters, either he he = Hipparchus 2.1.21
says things that are the same as what I have disproved, or he

adds additional falsehoods to his assumptions, or he comes
to illogical conclusions.
77 C, 28–78 C, 4 For example, from the statement that it is four thousand eight
hundred stades from Babylon to Thapsacus, and thence northward to Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
the Armenian mountains two thousand one hundred [stades], it is not Thapsacus, uncertain point on
Euphrates r. (in present-day
Hipparchus puts words into a logical conclusion that from Babylon to the northern mountains Syr.)
Eratosthenes’s mouth
there are more than six thousand [stades] measured along the meridian
passing through the city.1 Nor does Eratosthenes ever say that the
distance from Thapsacus to the mountains is two thousand one hun-
dred [stades], but rather that an unmeasured section remains,2
with the result that the ensuing attack, since it is based on an
assumption that has not been made, would not be valid. Nor
did Eratosthenes anywhere declare that Thapsacus lies north of
Babylon 3 by more than four thousand five hundred stades.4 |
78 C, 5-7 Continuing his defense of the old maps, he does not pre he = Hipparchus 2.1.22
sent what was said by Eratosthenes concerning the third

sphragis,5 but fabricates for his own gratification a statement
that is easy to refute.6
78 C, 8-15 He, following the aforementioned orientation of the He = Eratosthenes
Taurus and the sea from the Pillars,7 uses this line to divide sea from the Pillars = Med. Sea
Eratosthenes divides the the lived-in world into two parts. He calls one the “northern
lived-in world into the northern
part and the southern part, part” and the other the “southern part”; and he attempts to
then subdivides each part into subdivide each of these into manageable units, which he calls
“sphragides”
sphragides. As for the southern part, calling India the “first
sphragis” and Ariana the “second sphragis” (since they are quite
well defined), he managed to give the length and breadth of
both, and in a sense the shape, as if he were a geometrician.
78 C, 15-18 He says that India is rhomboid: some of its sides are washed He = Eratosthenes
Eratosthenes’s 1st sphragis by the sea (the southern sea and the eastern sea), which does
not make many indentations on these coasts; one of its other
sides is formed by a mountain range, and the other by a river.
In this case, a straight-sided shape is more or less preserved.
78 C, 18-25 He defines Ariana as having three sides compatible with He = Eratosthenes
Eratosthenes’s 2nd sphragis forming the shape of a parallelogram but, being unable to de-
fine the western side by fixed points because the nations are
mixed up with each other, he shows it as a line that starts at
Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
the Caspian Gates and finishes at the end of Carmania, which pass (Iran)
[1] See Hipparchus’s calculation at 81 C, 31–82 C, 24.

[2] Eratosthenes’s statement: 80 C, 9-16.
[3] I.e., on a more northerly latitude, rather than due north.
[4] Perhaps a reference to Hipparchus’s calculation at 82 C, 6-12.
[5] Sphragis is a name introduced by Eratosthenes to denote a subdivision of the
lived-in world for which dimensions (measured or calculated) can be given.
Strabo provides a description of the first three of Eratosthenes’s sphragides
(78 C, 8–80 C, 29), before proceeding with Hipparchus’s criticism of the
3rd sphragis (80 C, 31–83 C, 15).
[ 6 ] Hipparchus’s statement: 80 C, 29–81 C, 13. Strabo’s rebuttal: 81 C, 14-30. Further
statements by Hipparchus in defense of the old maps: 81 C, 31–82 C, 24; 86 C,
12-22. 86 C, 25–87 C, 9.
[ 7 ] 67 C, 7–68 C, 5.
94
touches the Persian gulf. He calls this the “western side”

and the side along the Indus the “eastern side,” but he does
not say that they are parallel. Nor does he say that the other
sides—the side represented by the mountain range and the
side represented by the sea—are parallel, only that one side
is the “northern side” and the other is the “southern side.” |
78 C, 26-30 While he represents the second sphragis in this somewhat he = Eratosthenes 2.1.23
Strabo criticizes Eratosthenes’s imprecise manner, he represents the third sphragis in a very
3rd sphragis
much less precise manner even than this, for a number of
reasons. The first reason is, as noted,1 that the side from the
Caspian Gates to Carmania, which is the side that the second
sphragis shares with the third sphragis, has not been defined
on a sound basis.
78 C, 30–79 C, 3 The second reason is that the Persian gulf intrudes into the
southern side, as he himself says. The consequence is that he
is forced to take the line from Babylon as if it w ere a straight Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
line—through Susa and Persepolis to the boundary be- Susa, Shush (Iran)
tween Carmania and Persia—on which he managed to find a Persepolis, Takht-e Jamshid
(Iran)
measured route, the whole length of which is, in stades, a little
more than nine thousand. He calls this the “southern side,”
but he does not say that it is parallel with the northern side.
79 C, 3-12 It is clear that the Euphrates, by means of which he deter- he = Eratosthenes
mines the western side, is not even approaching a straight line.

Rather it flows from the mountain range southward, then turns
eastward and southward again to its outlet into the sea. He
would show that the river is not straight when he describes the
shape of Mesopotamia, a shape formed by the Tigris and the
Euphrates when they converge—like a rowboat, as he says. Nor
has he completely measured the western side, which is defined
by the Euphrates. Rather, he says that he cannot give the length
of the section t oward Armenia and the northern mountains, on
account of the fact that it is not measured.
79 C, 12-14 He says that, for all t hese reasons, he gives the third section He = Eratosthenes
only in rough outline. He also says that he takes the distances from
a variety of treatises on stopping points, some of which he calls
“unattributed.”
79 C, 14-19 Hipparchus would seem to be ill-advised in rebutting
such a rough outline with geometrical precision, when we
should be grateful to those who have reported the nature of
[ 1 ] 78 C, 18-25.
95
t hese places in any way whatsoever. Whenever he takes, as

his geometric premises, not what that fellow says but what that fellow = Eratosthenes
he fabricates for himself, his competitive spirit is shown all

the more clearly. |
79 C, 20-32 He thus says that the third section is given only in rough outline as He = Eratosthenes 2.1.24
amounting to ten thousand stades from the Caspian Gates to the Eu- Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
phrates. Breaking that figure down, he gives the measurements
as he found them recorded, taking his start from the Euphrates
Eratosthenes gives a and the river crossing at Thapsacus. He records two thousand Thapsacus, uncertain point on
measurement of 10,300 stades Euphrates r. (in present-day Syr.)
for northern side of 3rd sphragis four hundred stades to where Alexander made his crossing
of the Tigris; the distance from there to the places that come
next—through Gaugamela, the Lycus, Arbela, and Ecbatana Gaugamela, ?Tell Gomel (Iraq)
(in which Darius took refuge from Gaugamela) to the Caspian Lycus, ?Greater Zab r.
Gates—would fill out the ten thousand [stades], exceeding it by Arbela, Erbil (Iraq)
only three hundred. That is how he m easures the northern Ecbatana, Hamadan (Iran)
side. He does not make it parallel to the mountains nor to the

line through the Pillars, Athens, and Rhodes: Thapsacus is a Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
long way away from the mountains. The mountain range con-
verges with the route from Thapsacus at the Caspian Gates.
That is, the northern part of the . . . *. |
80 C, 1-8 After thus giving the northern side, he says it is not possible, he = Eratosthenes 2.1.25
Eratosthenes gives 9,200 stades owing to the intrusion of the Persian gulf, to take the southern side as
for southern side of 3rd sphragis
going along the coast, but from Babylon through Susa and Persepolis Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
to the boundary between Persia and Carmania is nine thousand two Susa, Shush (Iran)
hundred stades. He calls this the “southern side” but does not say Persepolis, Takht-e Jamshid
(Iran)
the southern side is parallel to the northern side. He says the
discrepancy in the length given for the northern side as compared with
the southern one arises from the fact that the Euphrates, after running
southward to a certain point, deviates greatly toward the east. |
80 C, 9-16 As for the oblique sides, he first describes the western one. he = Eratosthenes 2.1.26
It is an open question as to whether it is one line or two. He

Eratosthenes describes western says that from the crossing at Thapsacus along the Euphrates to Thapsacus, uncertain point on
side of 3rd sphragis Euphrates r. (in present-day Syr.)
Babylon is four thousand eight hundred stades; thence to the outlets
of the Euphrates and the city of Teredon, three thousand; the distance Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
from Thapsacus northward as far as the Armenian Gates has been Teredon, ?in Kuwait
measured and is approximately one thousand one hundred stades, but

the number of stades past the Gordyaeans and Armenians has not yet
been m easured, so he ignores them.
80 C, 16-20 As for the eastern side, he thinks that the stretch from the he = Eratosthenes
Erythra through the length of Persia roughly in the direction of Erythra, Persian Gulf
96
Eratosthenes describes eastern Media and the north is not less than eight thousand [stades]—but,
side of 3rd sphragis
because of certain land spurs, more than nine thousand [stades]—and
the remainder past Paraetacene and Media to the Caspian Gates, Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
approximately three thousand [stades].
80 C, 20-28 The Tigris river and the Euphrates flow out of Armenia south-
ward; when they have left b ehind the Gordyaean mountains, forming
a great circle and surrounding the extensive territory of Mesopota-
mia, they bend southeastward and southward—more so the Euphra-
tes, which, getting progressively closer to the Tigris at the Cross-wall
of Semiramis and the village called “Opis” (from which village it is Opis, Tell Mujeili' (Iraq)
some two hundred stades distant), flows through Babylon and empties Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
into the Persian gulf. He says that the shape of Mesopotamia and
Babylonia is like a rowboat. |
80 C, 29-31 The foregoing is what Eratosthenes said about the third 2.1.27
sphragis.1 Even though he does make various errors (which I

will analyze),2 he makes none of the errors that Hipparchus
alleges against him.
80 C, 31–81 C, 8 Let me consider what he says.3 Wanting to bolster his origi- he = Hipparchus
Hipparchus begins his nal claim, that India is not to be moved farther south as Eratosthenes
argument showing that
Eratosthenes’s 3rd sphragis has thinks, he says this becomes particularly clear from what that fellow that fellow = Eratosthenes
consequences for the position himself says, since a fter saying that “the third section is defined on its
of India
northern side by the line from the Caspian Gates to the Euphrates, Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
measuring ten thousand stades,” he then goes on to say that “the south-
ern side, from Babylon to the Carmania boundary measures a little Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
more than nine thousand; the western side from Thapsacus along the Thapsacus, uncertain point on
Euphrates r. (in present-day Syr.)
Euphrates to Babylon is four thousand eight hundred stades, then to
the outlets three thousand, and with regard to the stretch northward
from Thapsacus, one part has been measured as far as one thousand
one hundred [stades], but the remainder has not yet been measured.”
81 C, 8-13 Since therefore, he says, the northern side of the third portion is
approximately ten thousand [stades],4 and the straight line parallel
to this, from Babylon to the eastern side, was reckoned to be a l ittle Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
more than nine thousand,5 it is clear that Babylon is not much more Thapsacus, uncertain point on
than one thousand stades farther east 6 than the Thapsacus crossing. |
81 C, 14-22 I will say that, if the Caspian Gates and the boundary be- Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh 2.1.28
pass (Iran)
tween the Carmanians and Persians w ere accurately assumed
to be on the same meridian line, and if the line to Thapsacus
and the line to Babylon w ere drawn at right a ngles from the
said meridian line, this would be the case. The line that is an
extension of the line through Babylon as far as the Thapsacus
[ 1 ] 78 C, 26–80 C, 28.
[ 2 ] Valid criticisms of Eratosthenes: 83 C, 15–86 C, 11; 89 C, 22–90 C, 22; 92 C,
10–94 C, 8.
[ 3 ] Hipparchus argues (80 C, 31–82 C, 24) that Eratosthenes’s own data show that
India extends much farther to the north than Eratosthenes claims.
[ 4 ] More precisely, 10,300 stades: 79 C, 20-32.
[ 5 ] More precisely, 9,200 stades: 80 C, 1-8.
[ 6 ] I.e., on a more easterly meridian, as opposed to due east.
97
meridian line would to all appearances be the same, or nearly

the same, as the line from the Caspian Gates to Thapsacus,
with the consequence that Babylon would be farther east than
Thapsacus by the amount by which the line from the Caspian
Gates to Thapsacus is longer than the line from the Carma-
nian boundary to Babylon.
81 C, 22-30 However, Eratosthenes does not say that the line marking
off the western side of Ariana lies on a meridian. Nor does he
say that it is the line from the Caspian Gates to Thapsacus
that is at right angles to the meridian through the Caspian
Gates, but rather the line representing the mountain range,
with which the line to Thapsacus makes an angle (when drawn
from the same point as the line of the mountain range). Nor
is the line drawn from Carmania to Babylon said to be parallel
to the line drawn to Thapsacus—and even if it were parallel,
since it is not at right a ngles to the meridian through the Cas-
pian Gates, it would not help the calculation. |
81 C, 31–82 C, 6 Making t hese ready assumptions and accepting (as he he = Hipparchus 2.1.29
thinks) that Babylon, according to Eratosthenes, is farther east Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
than Thapsacus by a l ittle more than one thousand stades, he then

again idly fabricates for himself an assumption for his next
proof.1 He says, if a straight line is imagined running from Thap-
sacus southward, and a perpendicular one r unning to this same line
from Babylon, the result will be a right-angled triangle, composed of
the side stretching from Thapsacus to Babylon, the perpendicular line
from Babylon to the meridian line drawn through Thapsacus, and
the meridian through Thapsacus itself.
82 C, 6-12 He takes as the hypotenuse of this triangle the line from Thap- He = Hipparchus
sacus to Babylon, and says this line is four thousand eight hundred
[stades], the perpendicular line from Babylon to the Thapsacus merid-
ian a little more than one thousand (which was the amount by which
the line to Thapsacus exceeds the line to Babylon); as a result, the
other line associated with the right a ngle is reckoned to be many times
longer than the said perpendicular.
82 C, 12-15 He adds to this line the extension from Thapsacus northward Thapsacus, uncertain point on
to the Armenian mountains, one part of which Eratosthenes said
“had been m easured and was one thousand one hundred [stades],” the
unmeasured part of which he said “he would ignore.” This fellow This fellow = Hipparchus
assumes it is at least one thousand [stades], with the consequence that

the total of both is two thousand one hundred [stades].
[ 1 ] Hipparchus’s next proof: 81 C, 31–82 C, 24.
98
82 C, 16-24 Adding this distance to the side of the triangle that contin-
ues in a straight line to the perpendicular from Babylon, he reck- Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
ons many thousands [of stades] for the distance from the Armenian
Hipparchus points out that mountains and the Athens parallel to the perpendicular from Baby-
Eratosthenes contradicts
himself lon, which is situated on the Babylon parallel. He points out that
the distance from the Athens parallel to the Babylon parallel is not
greater than two thousand four hundred stades—if the whole me-
ridian is assumed to m easure as many stades as Eratosthenes says.
If this is so, the Armenian mountains and the Taurus mountains
would not be on the Athens parallel, as per Eratosthenes, but many
thousands of stades farther north, according to the that fellow
himself!
82 C, 25–83 C, 3 In this case, in addition to his use of assumptions that have
Strabo takes issue with been invalidated1 in connection with the layout of the right-
Hipparchus’s assumptions
angled triangle, he also assumes another fact not granted, he = Hipparchus
namely that the hypotenuse—the straight line from Thapsacus to

Babylon—is four thousand eight hundred stades. Eratosthenes
says that this route follows the Euphrates and, stating that Meso-
potamia and Babylonia are encompassed within a great circle by
both the Euphrates and the Tigris, he says that most of the encircling he = Eratosthenes
is done by the Euphrates. The consequence is that the straight

line from Thapsacus to Babylon neither would follow the Eu-
phrates nor would it measure this number of stades, not even
close! His calculation is invalidated. His = Hipparchus’s
83 C, 3-15 It has been noted2 that even if two lines are granted as
drawn from the Caspian Gates—one line to Thapsacus, and Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
the other line to the Armenian mountains corresponding to
Thapsacus, uncertain point on
Thapsacus but, according to Hipparchus himself,3 two thou- Euphrates r. (in present-day Syr.)
sand one hundred stades away from Thapsacus—it is not pos
sible for both lines to be parallel either with each other or with
the line through Babylon, which line Eratosthenes called the Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
southern side. That fellow, since he is unable to say that the That fellow = Eratosthenes
route along the mountain range has been m easured, instead

describes the route from Thapsacus to the Caspian Gates, and
adds that he speaks only in broad outline. For one who wanted one who = Eratosthenes
only vaguely to give the length of the territory that comes

next a fter Ariana and extends to the Euphrates, it made l ittle
difference w hether the m easurement was made along the for-
mer route or the latter. He, in understanding that the lines He = Hipparchus
are described as parallel, would seem to accuse the chap of chap = Eratosthenes
[ 1 ] 80 C, 29–81 C, 30.
[ 2 ] 81 C, 22-30.
[ 3 ] 82 C, 12-15.
99
a totally childish ignorance. But it is the foregoing that we

should ignore as being childish.1 |
83 C, 15-16 The charges that one might bring against Eratosthenes 2.1.30
are as follows.2
83 C, 16-24 Limb-by-limb 3 dismemberment differs from other forms
of section-by-section dismemberment in that the former
takes parts that are naturally defined by the bone joint and
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) that have a meaningful outline—as is said, chopping him up
limb by limb—whereas the latter does nothing of the sort, and
we use each technique as appropriate for the circumstances
and purpose. In just the same way, in describing the world, I
should dismember it into sections when I go into it in detail,
imitating limb-by-limb rather than random dismember-
ment. It is thereby possible to achieve the meaningfulness
and definability that serves the geographer’s purpose.
83 C, 24–84 C, 2 A section is “well defined” when it can be defined by rivers
or mountain ranges or seas; by a nation, or by nations; and by
its size and shape when this is possible. In all cases, it is suf-
ficient to speak in s imple and general terms, rather than with
geometrical precision. For “size,” it is therefore sufficient if
you give the greatest length and breadth—in the case of the length = east–west dimension
lived-in world, a length of something like seventy thousand breadth = north–south

dimension
[stades], and a breadth of a little less than half its length. For
“shape,” it is sufficient for you to make a comparison to a geo-

metric shape (to a triangle in the case of Sicily) or to any fa-
miliar shape (such as an oxhide in the case of Iberia, or the leaf
of the plane tree in the case of the Peloponnese). The larger
the section that is cut out, the less precise the cuts need to be. |
84 C, 3-9 The division of the lived-in world by means of the Taurus 2.1.31
and the sea as far as the Pillars is fine. As far as concerns the sea as far as the Pillars = Med.
Sea
southern section, India has been delineated by means of many
features—mountain range, river, sea, and its unique name,
betokening one nation; as a consequence, it is correctly said
to be four-sided and rhomboid.4 Ariana—less easily outlined,
because its western side is muddled up—has nevertheless
been defined by means of three sides, which are more or less
straight, and by its name, betokening one nation.5
84 C, 9-16 The third sphragis cannot be outlined at all, not at any rate
Strabo criticizes Eratosthenes’s as defined. The side it shares with Ariana has been muddled,
3rd sphragis
as stated earlier. Its southern side has been very incompletely
[ 1 ] 80 C, 29–83 C, 15 (Hipparchus’s criticisms of Eratosthenes’s 3rd sphragis).

[ 2 ] 84 C, 3–86 C, 11.
[ 3 ] Throughout this paragraph, Strabo plays on the Greek words for “limb” (melos)
and “section” (meros).
[ 4 ] Strabo bases his later detailed account of India (685 C, 11–720 C, 7, esp. 688 C,
25–689 C, 31) on Eratosthenes’s 1st sphragis.
[ 5 ] Strabo bases his l ater detailed account of Ariana (720 C, 8–727 C, 10, esp. 720 C,
8-14; 723 C, 15-24) on Eratosthenes’s 2nd sphragis.
100
drawn and does not mark the outline of the sphragis (since it
runs through its middle and leaves many parts to the south)
nor does it represent its greatest length (since the northern
side is longer). The Euphrates is not a “western” side—nor
would it be even if it followed a straight line—since its end
points do not lie on the same meridian. How is it “western”
rather than “southern”?
84 C, 16-26 Apart from that, given the meager size of the remaining
part as far as the Cilician sea and the Syrian sea, it is not cred- Cilician, Syrian seas = e. Med. Sea
ible for the sphragis not to be extended to them. Semiramis Semiramis, a semi-legendary
figure, was Assyrian ruler,
and Ninus are said to be Syrians: the first of these two founded 9th–8th c. BCE
and used as her royal residence Babylon; the second founded Ninus, husband of Semiramis,
and used as his royal residence Ninus, as being the metropo- was legendary founder of
Assyrian empire
lis of “Syria”; and the language remains the same up to the
Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
present day for t hose on “the far side of the Euphrates” and
Ninus (city), Kuyunjik (Iraq)
those on “this side of the Euphrates.”1 It would therefore not
be at all fitting to sunder—by means of such a division in this
location—this most famous of nations and to join its parts to
people of a different nationality. He cannot say that he was He = Eratosthenes
forced to do so through considerations of size: even with the

distance to the sea, it would not be equivalent to India, nor
even Ariana, even adding the distance to the boundaries of
Blessed Arabia and Egypt.
84 C, 26–85 C, 5 The consequence is that it would have been much better to
Strabo enlarges Eratosthenes’s extend it thither and to speak of the third sphragis (with such
3rd sphragis
an addition as far as the Syrian sea) as having its southern side
not as that fellow described nor even a straight line, but a line
passing directly from Carmania along the right-hand shore
(for someone sailing into the Persian gulf ) as far as the out-
let of the Euphrates, a fter that connecting with the bound-
ary between Mesene and Babylonia (which marks the start
of the isthmus that separates Blessed Arabia from the rest
of the continent), then cutting across this very isthmus and
continuing until the recess of the Arabian gulf and Pelusium, Arabian gulf, Red Sea
and farther to the Canobic mouth of the Nile—to speak of Pelusium, Tell el-Farama (Egy.)
this as its southern side, and the remaining western side as the
coastline from the Canobic mouth to Cilicia.2 |
85 C, 6-13 The fourth sphragis would comprise Blessed Arabia, the 2.1.32
Arabian gulf, and all of Egypt and Ethiopia.3 The length of Arabian gulf, Red Sea
this section will be the dimension defined by the two meridians length = east–west dimension
[ 1 ] Strabo argues that Syria on this side (west) of the Euphrates (749 C, 8–765 C,
11) should be treated in combination with (As)syria on the far side (east) of the
Euphrates (736 C, 13–749 C, 7, esp. 737 C, 3-19).
[ 2 ] Strabo bases his detailed account of Persia, Assyria, and Syria (727 C, 11–765 C,
11) on this enlarged version of the 3rd sphragis.
[ 3 ] Strabo bases his detailed account of Arabia, Egypt, and Ethiopia (765 C,
21–824 C, 21) on this version of the 4th sphragis.
101
Strabo adapts Eratosthenes’s (one meridian through the westernmost point of the sec-
4th sphragis
tion, the other through its easternmost point), and its width width = north–south dimension
will be the dimension defined by two parallels, one of them

through the northernmost point, the other through the
southernmost point. This is because, in the case of irregular
shapes, where it is not possible to define length and width
by reference to “sides,” this is how size is to be determined.
85 C, 13-19 In general, it must be realized that “length” and “width”
are not used interchangeably in the case of the w hole and
a part. In the case of the whole, the greater dimension is
called “length,” while the lesser dimension is called “width.”
In the case of a part, “length” is the segment of it that is par-
allel to the length of the whole, while “width” is the segment
of it that is parallel to the width of the whole, regardless
of which dimension is greater (and even if the dimension
given for its width is greater than the dimension given for
its length).
85 C, 19-26 The lived-in world stretches lengthways from east to west
and widthwise from north to south; its length is measured
along a line parallel to the equator, its width along a meridian.
That is why one should take, as the lengths of its parts, the
stretches parallel to the length of the lived-in world; and, as
their widths, the stretches parallel to its width. In this way, a
better indication might be given, first, of the size of the entire
lived-in world, and then of the disposition and shape of its
parts, making apparent by this type of comparison where it
shrinks and where it expands.1 |
85 C, 27-33 Eratosthenes measures the length of the lived-in world 2.1.33
along the line through the Pillars, the Caspian Gates, and the Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
Caucasus, assuming it to be a straight line. He m easures the Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
length of the third section along the line through the Caspian
Gates and Thapsacus. He measures the length of the fourth
section along the line through Thapsacus and Heroon Polis2
to the coastline between the mouths of the Nile, a line that must
end in the region of Canobus and Alexandria, since this is
where the farthermost mouth (called both “Canobic” and
“Heracleotic”) is located.
85 C, 33–86 C, 10 Whether, then, he joins the lengths together so as to make
a straight line or so as to make a line angled at Thapsacus, it
is nevertheless obvious—from his own statements—that this
[ 1 ] 118 C, 15–120 C, 26.

[ 2 ] 809 C, 21-29n.
102
line is in no way parallel to the length of the lived-in world. He

represents the length of the lived-in world as passing through
the Taurus and continuing on through the sea as far as the Pil- sea = Med. Sea
lars, using the line that passes through the Caucasus, Rhodes, Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
and Athens. And he says that the distance from Rhodes to Al-
exandria, measured along the meridian that passes through them,
is not much less than four thousand stades. The consequence is
that this is the distance by which the parallels—the [parallel]
through Rhodes and the [parallel] through Alexandria—stand
apart from each other. The [parallel] through Heroon Polis is
approximately the same as this [parallel] or, if anything, farther this [parallel] = parallel through
Alexandria
south than it. The consequence is that a line that converges
with this and with the [parallel] through Rhodes and the Cas- Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
pian Gates, w hether this line is straight or angled, is parallel
to neither.
86 C, 10-11 The lengths used are not therefore valid nor are the north-
ern sections.1 |
86 C, 12-22 However, let me first return to Hipparchus and see what 2.1.34
comes next.2 Again, proceeding from assumptions he has fab-

ricated for himself, he demolishes with geometrical precision
Hipparchus shows that what is stated in broad outline by that fellow. He says he gives that fellow = Eratosthenes
Eratosthenes’s distances lead
to an impossible right-angled the distance from Babylon to the Caspian Gates as six thousand seven Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
triangle hundred stades, and the distance to the Persia/Carmania boundary Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
as more than nine thousand [stades], lying on a line drawn straight
toward the equinoctial sunrise; this line is perpendicular to the side toward equinoctial
sunrise = due east
common to the second and third sphragis, so that, even according to
him, it results in a right-angled triangle with its right angle at the him = Eratosthenes
Carmanian boundary and its hypotenuse measuring less than one

of the perpendicular lines. One should therefore make Persia part of
the second sphragis.
86 C, 22-25 It has been said in reply to this that the line from Babylon Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
to Carmania is not assumed to be on a parallel,3 nor is it said

that the straight line marking the edge of the sphragides is a
meridian. The consequence is that there is not a valid case
against him. him = Eratosthenes
86 C, 25-31 Nor is his deduction valid. He says that the distance from the He = Hipparchus (citing
Eratosthenes’s figures)
Caspian Gates to Babylon is as said; 4 to Susa, it is four thousand nine
hundred stades; and from Babylon, it is three thousand four hundred. Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
Starting again from these same premises, he claims that an
oblique-angled triangle is formed between the Caspian Gates, Susa, Susa, Shush (Iran)
[ 1 ] Northern sections: 92 C, 8-10n.

[ 2 ] Hipparchus, having attempted to show that Eratosthenes puts India too far
south (80 C, 31–82 C, 24), argues that Eratosthenes should show the southern
end of India as jutting farther east (86 C, 12–87 C, 9).
[ 3 ] 81 C, 22-30.
[ 4 ] 6,700 stades: 86 C, 12-22.
103
and Babylon, with its oblique angle at Susa and with the lengths of
its sides as set forth.
86 C, 31–87 C, 9 He then calculates that it will be the case, based on t hese prem-
ises, that the meridian line through the Caspian Gates intersects the
parallel through Babylon and Susa at a point more than four thou- Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
Hipparchus calculates that the sand four hundred [stades] farther west than the intersection with the Susa, Shush (Iran)
line from the Caspian Gates to
the Carmania boundary slants same parallel by the straight line extending from the Caspian Gates
southeastward to the Carmania-Persia boundary; the straight line through the Cas-
pian Gates and the Carmania-Persia boundary makes pretty much
half of a right a ngle with the meridian through the Caspian Gates; the
line heads in a direction midway between south and the equinoctial equinoctial sunrise = due east
sunrise; the Indus river is parallel with this line, with the consequence
that this river flows from the mountains not southward, as Eratos-
thenes claims, but in a direction between south and the equinoctial
sunrise, as depicted in the old maps.
87 C, 9-15 Who will concede that the triangle just now formed1 is
oblique-angled, without conceding that the triangle that en-
compasses it is right-angled? Who w ill concede that the line
(one of those enclosing the oblique a ngle) from Babylon to Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
Susa is on a parallel, without conceding the w hole line as far Susa, Shush (Iran)
as Carmania? Who will concede that the line from the Caspian Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
Gates to the boundary of Carmania is parallel to the Indus?
Without t hese concessions, the reasoning is invalid.
87 C, 15-19 Without t hese concessions, he says that India is rhomboid he = ?Hipparchus
in shape; just as its eastern side has been dragged very far eastward,2
particularly at its farthest promontory (which also juts farther south
than the rest of the coast), so too has the side along the Indus. |
87 C, 20-26 In all this, he uses geometric proofs, but not convincingly. he = Hipparchus 2.1.35
Having made t hese deductions for himself, he defends himself

by saying that if the charge concerned only small distances, he would
forgive it, but when he was apparently off by thousands of stades, the
distances should not be forgiven; at any rate, that fellow declares that that fellow = Eratosthenes
degrees of difference are observable over four hundred stades, as in the

case of the parallel through Athens and the parallel through Rhodes.
87 C, 26-29 This matter of observability is not simple, but it is some-
times meant more broadly and sometimes less broadly. When
it is meant more broadly, we can place our trust in the naked
eye, in crops, or in the environment to differentiate the cli- climata, geographical
coordinates
mata. When it is meant less broadly, we can use instruments,
such as gnomons 3 and dioptras.
[ 1 ] Triangle between Babylon, Susa, Caspian Gates: 86 C, 25-31.

[ 2 ] I.e., in the old maps preferred by Hipparchus. Cf. 68 C, 6-9.
104
87 C, 29–88 C, 5 The parallel through Athens has been established by

means of the gnomon, as also the parallel through Rhodes gnomon, rod placed vertically
and Caria, and this probably made the variation perceptible. shadow
However, he who takes the line from west to equinoctial east, he who = Eratosthenes
where the width is three thousand stades and where the length
is forty thousand [stades] along the mountain range and thirty
thousand [stades] across the sea, and he who names the parts on
either side of it the “southern parts” or “northern parts,” and
calls t hese parts “bricks” and sphragides—let it be considered
in what sense he means this and calls some sides “north” and
some sides “south” and in what sense he calls some “west” and
some “east.” Where he overlooks a gross error, let him be held
accountable (for that is just), but he is not to be charged with
overlooking small errors.
88 C, 5-8 In this case, neither charge can be made against him. him = Eratosthenes
Strabo refutes Hipparchus’s No geometrical proof would be possible of what is given so
accusations against
Eratosthenes broadly. Nor, in cases in which he tries to use geometry, does he = Hipparchus
he use accepted premises, but rather fabricates them for him-

self. |
88 C, 9-16 His discussion of the fourth section is better, although he His = Hipparchus’s 2.1.36
brings to this, as well, something of his love of blame and his

adherence to the same premises, or similar ones. He is correct
Hipparchus criticizes in criticizing him for calling the line from Thapsacus to Egypt Thapsacus, uncertain point on
Eratosthenes’s definition of Euphrates r. (in present-day Syr.)
4th sphragis the “length” of this section—as if one would call the diameter
of a parallelogram its “length.” Thapsacus and the coastline of
Egypt do not lie on the same parallel but on parallels that lie
far away from each other. The line from Thapsacus to Egypt
crosses the intervening distance somewhat diagonally and
obliquely.
88 C, 16-22 He is, however, incorrect in wondering how he dared to say He = Hipparchus
that the distance from Pelusium to Thapsacus is six thousand stades,

when it is more than eight thousand. Taking it as proven, on the
one hand, that the parallel through Pelusium is more than two Pelusium, Tell el-Farama (Egy.)
Hipparchus disputes thousand five hundred stades farther south than the parallel through
Eratosthenes’s figure of 6,000
stades for distance from Babylon and that, on the other hand, according to Eratosthenes— Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
Pelusium to Thapsacus as he supposes—the parallel through Thapsacus is four thousand
eight hundred stades farther north than the parallel through Baby-
lon, he claims that what results1 is more than eight thousand.
88 C, 22-30 In what sense, I ask, does he show that this is the dis-
tance2 between the parallel through Babylon and the parallel
[ 1 ] I.e., for the distance from Pelusium to Thapsacus.

[ 2 ] I.e., 4,800 stades.
105
Strabo points out that through Thapsacus according to Eratosthenes? While the lat-
Hipparchus mis-cites
Eratosthenes ter does indeed say that such is the distance from Thapsacus to
Babylon,1 he does not say that it is the distance from the parallel
through one to the parallel through the other, since he does
not say that Thapsacus and Babylon lie on the same meridian.
Strabo points out that Hipparchus himself showed,2 on the contrary, that according
Hipparchus contradicts himself
to Eratosthenes, Babylon is more than one thousand stades farther
east than Thapsacus.
88 C, 30–89 C, 9 I also cite Eratosthenes’s statements 3 in which the Tigris
and the Euphrates encircle Mesopotamia and Babylonia, and the
Euphrates creates the greater part of the encirclement for, after
running from north to south, it bends around to the east and empties
southward into the sea. So, then, the route from north to south is
as if on a meridian, but its bend toward the east and toward
Babylon is a deviation away from the south and does not form
a straight line, because of the said encirclement. He says that
the route to Babylon from Thapsacus is four thousand eight hundred Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
stades, adding along the Euphrates, as appropriate for someone

who does not take the route as being e ither a straight line or
am easure of distance between two parallels.
89 C, 9-14 If this is not granted, the demonstration that apparently
Hipparchus tries to show follows from it is not valid: that, a right-angled triangle being
Eratosthenes’s distances lead
to an impossible right-angled formed between Pelusium and Thapsacus and the point of intersec- Pelusium, Tell el-Farama (Egy.)
triangle tion between the parallel through Pelusium and the meridian through Thapsacus, uncertain point on
Thapsacus, one of the triangle’s perpendiculars (the one on the merid-
ian) will be greater than the hypotenuse (the side from Thapsacus to
Pelusium).
89 C, 14-21 Also invalid is the corollary to this, based as it is on an
Strabo argues that Hipparchus assumption that is not accepted. It is not granted that the
mis-cites Eratosthenes
distance from Babylon to the meridian through the Caspian Gates Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
is four thousand eight hundred stades:4 I have proven that Hip-
parchus bases this on premises not accepted by Eratosthenes.5
In order that what is granted by that fellow might be sound,
assuming that there are more than nine thousand stades from
Babylon to the line extended from the Caspian Gates in the way
claimed by that fellow, let him show the same to the bound-
ary of Carmania. |
89 C, 22-24 This is not the charge 6 that should be laid against Eratos- 2.1.37
thenes, but rather the charge that, for shapes and sizes de-
scribed broadly, t here should be a standard m easure, and it
[1] 80 C, 9-16.
[2] 81 C, 8-13.
[3] 80 C, 20-28; 82 C, 25–83 C, 3.
[4] 9,200 (distance from Babylon to Carmania-Persia boundary, 80 C, 1-8) minus
4,400 (distance from Caspian Gates meridian to Carmania-Persia boundary,
86 C, 31–87 C, 9) = 4,800 stades for the distance from Babylon to Caspian Gates
meridian.
[ 5 ] 86 C, 12–87 C, 15.
[ 6 ] 86 C, 12–89 C, 21.
106
should be agreed as to when they are described more broadly

and when they are described less broadly.
89 C, 24-33 The width of the mountain range that extends t oward the toward equinoctial
sunrise = due east
equinoctial sunrise having been assumed to be three thousand
stades (as likewise the width of the sea as far as the Pillars), sea as far as the Pillars = Med.
Sea
one should concede—as estimated to be on one line—those
lines drawn that are parallel to it within the same width, in
preference to those lines that converge. Of the converging
lines, one should concede those that converge within that
width, in preference to those that converge outside it. Like-
wise, one should concede those lines that are not so long as
to exceed the width, in preference to those that do exceed it,
and those of greater length rather than lesser. The inequality
of length w
ill be less obvious, as also the dissimilarity of shape.
90 C, 1-10 For example, three thousand stades being assumed for the
width of the entire Taurus and of the sea as far as the Pillars,
the space encompassing the entire mountain range and said sea
is conceived as one parallelogram. If you then cut the length
into several parallelograms and take the diameter both of the
one parallelogram and its parts, the diameter of the whole is
more easily reckoned as parallel and equal to the long side than
is the case for the diameter in its parts (and the smaller the
parallelogram that is taken, the truer this is). This is because
the slant of the diameter and the inequality of its length are
less obvious in large parallelograms, in which you would not
hesitate to say that the diameter is the length of the figure.
90 C, 11-21 If, however, you w ere to tilt the diameter to a greater
degree so that it extends beyond both sides, or at least be-
yond one side, the same would not be the case. (This is what
I mean by a standard measure for what is described broadly.)1 He He who = Eratosthenes
who takes from the Caspian Gates one line right through the Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
mountain range as if it w ere drawn on the same parallel as
far as the Pillars, and he who takes another that deviates in a Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
straight line to Thapsacus, far outside the mountain range, Thapsacus, uncertain point on
and which he extends with a further line going as far as Egypt
and covering so much width, and he who then measures the
length of the place by the length of this line—this man would
seem to measure a quadrilateral’s length by means of the
quadrilateral’s diameter. When the line is not even a diameter
but an angled line, he would seem to err far more (the line
[ 1 ] 89 C, 22-24.
107
drawn from the Caspian Gates through Thapsacus to the Nile

is angled). |
90 C, 22 This is the charge against Eratosthenes.1 2.1.38
90 C, 22-27 This is the charge against Hipparchus, that just as he crit-

icized that fellow’s statements, so he should also have cor- that fellow’s = Eratosthenes’
rected the errors (as I do). He, to the extent that he thinks
of it at all, bids us focus on the old maps—which require far
more correction than Eratosthenes’s map does!
90 C, 27–91 C, 4 His argument’s conclusion suffers from the same weak-
ness (since he bases his premise on data that have not been
granted, as I have proven),2 namely the conclusion that Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
Babylon is not much more than one thousand stades farther east than
Thapsacus. In consequence, if the city’s being more than two Thapsacus, uncertain point on
thousand four hundred stades farther east r eally is implied
by Eratosthenes’s statements (that from Thapsacus to the Tigris
crossing used by Alexander is a shortcut of two thousand four hun-
dred stades,3 and that the Tigris and the Euphrates, a fter encircling
Mesopotamia, for a while flow east, then bend southward and at that
stage approach each other and Babylon),4 there is nothing strange
about the calculation. |
91 C, 5-8 He errs, too, in his next argument, in which he wishes 2.1.39
to prove that he gives the route from Thapsacus to the Caspian Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
Hipparchus puts words into Gates (which Eratosthenes says is ten thousand stades, not
Eratosthenes’s mouth
measured along a straight line) as if m easured “along a straight
line,” even though the straight line is much shorter.
91 C, 9-15 His line of attack is as follows. He says that according to
Eratosthenes, the meridian through the Canobic mouth and the me- Canobic mouth = westernmost
mouth of Nile r.
ridian through the Cyaneae are one and the same; this meridian is
six thousand three hundred stades from the meridian through Thap-
sacus; the Cyaneae are six thousand six hundred stades from the Cas- Caspium range, Caucasus mts.
pium mountain range (which lies at the pass to the Caspian sea from
Colchis); the consequence is that, except for three hundred stades, the
distance from the meridian through the Cyaneae is the same to both
Thapsacus and the Caspium.
91 C, 15-22 In a sense, Thapsacus and the Caspium lie on the same merid- Thapsacus, uncertain point on
ian. It follows from this that the Caspian Gates are equidistant from
Hipparchus claims that Thapsacus and the Caspium; that they are far less distant from the Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
Eratosthenes contradicts pass (Iran)
himself Caspium than the ten thousand stades that Eratosthenes claims is
their distance from Thapsacus; that they are indeed far less than ten
thousand [stades] distant along a straight line; that the ten thousand
[1] 89 C, 22–90 C, 21.

[2] 80 C, 31–81 C, 30.
[3] 79 C, 20-32.
[4] 80 C, 20-28; 82 C, 25–83 C, 3; 88 C, 30–89 C, 9.
108
[stades], which that fellow reckons “along a straight line” from the
Caspian Gates to Thapsacus, are measured along a circuitous route.
91 C, 22-27 Iw ill rebut him by saying that Eratosthenes uses “straight
Hipparchus treats lines” in the broad sense appropriate for geography, and uses
Eratosthenes’s general terms as
if they are exact in a broad sense, too, “meridians” and lines heading “due
east.” That fellow, however, holds him to geometric standards That fellow = Hipparchus
of precision, as if someone had used instruments for each of

these matters, although even he does not use instruments but
rather employs estimates with regard to m atters of perpen-
diculars and parallels.1
91 C, 27–92 C, 5 That is one error, and another is that he does not give
distances as found in that fellow’s work, nor adduce proofs that fellow = Eratosthenes
against t hose distances but rather against distances that are

his own fabrications. That explains why, in the first place,
Hipparchus misrepresents when that fellow says that from the mouth 2 to Phasis is eight thou-
Eratosthenes’s words
sand stades and adds six hundred [stades] from there to Dioscurias,
and says that the overland pass from Dioscurias to the Caspium is
a five-day journey (the pass that is estimated to be, according
to Hipparchus himself, some one thousand stades), with the
consequence that the entire route is summarized, according
to Eratosthenes, at nine thousand six hundred [stades], he abbrevi- he = Hipparchus
ates it and says that it is five thousand six hundred [stades] from the
Cyaneae to Phasis, thence to the Caspium another thousand. The
consequence is that it w ill not be according to Eratosthenes 3
that the Caspium and Thapsacus are on roughly the same
meridian—but according to himself!
92 C, 5-7 Suppose it is according to Eratosthenes: How then does it fol-
low from this that the line from the Caspium to the Caspian Gates is
equal to the line from Thapsacus to the same point?4 |
92 C, 8-10 In his second volume,5 after revisiting the same inquiry 2.1.40
into the boundaries at the Taurus (concerning which I have

said enough),6 he moves on to the northern sections of the he = Hipparchus
lived-in world.7
92 C, 10-16 He then cites what Eratosthenes says about places coming He = Hipparchus
Hipparchus criticizes after the Pontus—he says that three promontories extend from the he (says) = Eratosthenes
Eratosthenes’s
conceptualization of Europe north, the first containing the Peloponnese, the second being the Italian Pontus = Black Sea
promontory, the third being the Ligystican; and the Adriatic and the
Tyrrhenian gulfs are formed by them. Citing this general statement,
he attempts to disprove detailed statements about these places he (attempts) = Hipparchus
with geometric precision rather than in a geographical way.
[ 1 ] Cf. 71 C, 6-11.
[ 2 ] Eratosthenes uses “mouth” to mean the Bosporus (Bogaziçi, Tky.): 71 C, 24-29.
[ 3 ] Strabo uses the phrase used by Hipparchus himself, as cited at 91 C, 9-15.
[ 4 ] Strabo addresses the phrase used by Hipparchus, as cited at 91 C, 15-22.
[ 5 ] Earlier references by Strabo to Hipparchus’s 2nd volume: 69 C, 31–70 C, 5; 76 C,
31–77 C, 15n.
[ 6 ] 67 C, 7–92 C, 7.
[ 7 ] Hipparchus presumably dealt with the unsatisfactory nature of Eratosthenes’s
northern sections, as criticized by Strabo himself (86 C, 10-11).
109
92 C, 16-23 So great is the mass of errors concerning these places made

Timosthenes (3rd c. BCE) by Eratosthenes and by Timosthenes (compiler of the Har-
bors), whom that fellow commends above all o thers but with
whom he is exposed as disagreeing in very many respects, that
I do not consider it worthwhile to waste time on these fellows,
who so grossly missed reality, nor on Hipparchus. The latter
ignores some of the errors, and does not correct o thers but
merely shows them to be false or contradictory.
92 C, 23-29 For example, one might perhaps find fault with this, that
Strabo gives his own criticisms he says there are three promontories in Europe, counting the prom- he = Eratosthenes
of Eratosthenes
ontory containing the Peloponnese as one of them, on the grounds
that the latter is somewhat multibranched. Sunium forms
a promontory, like the Laconian one; it is not much less far
south than Maleae, and it forms a significant gulf. The Thra-
cian Cherronesus, together with Sunium, forms both the
Melas gulf and the Macedonian gulfs that come next.
92 C, 29–93 C, 6 Even if I leave t hese m atters aside, the g reat number of
fictitiously rendered distances show that his lack of empiri- his = Eratosthenes’s
cal knowledge of places is extreme and does not need to be

subjected to geometrical proofs but to ones that are obvious
and capable of being borne out on the spot, such as that the
overland crossing from Epidamnus to the Thermaean gulf is
more than two thousand stades. He says that it is nine hundred He = Eratosthenes
[stades] and that from Alexandria to Carthage is over thirteen
thousand [stades], although it is no more than nine thousand if

Strabo points out that (according to him) Caria and Rhodes are on the same meridian
Eratosthenes is inconsistent
as Alexandria, and the Strait is on the same meridian as Carthage, Strait, Straits of Messina
since there is unanimous consensus that the voyage from

Caria to the Strait is no more than nine thousand stades.
93 C, 6-13 A meridian might be granted to be the same, when it is
extended over a great distance, as one that is farther west
versus one farther east, to the extent that Carthage is farther
west than the Strait.1 When, however, the distance is four
thousand stades, it is open to obvious disproof. He puts even
Rome (which is so much farther west even than Carthage)
on the same meridian and is not lacking in a surplus of ig-
norance about these places and those farther west, as far as
the Pillars. | Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
93 C, 14-24 For Hipparchus (who was not describing the world but 2.1.41
analyzing what was said in Eratosthenes’s description of the
[ 1 ] I.e., lies on a more westerly meridian.
110
world), it was fitting to examine every detail at length. As

for me, I considered that where he is correct, and even more
so where he errs, I should give the argument befitting each
case, making further corrections in some cases, in o thers ab-
solving him from the charges laid by Hipparchus.1 I examine
Hipparchus himself where he indulges somewhat in blame-
mongering. In these matters,2 however, seeing that one man one man = Eratosthenes
goes entirely astray, and the other man indicts him with good the other = Hipparchus
cause, I consider it sufficient if I correct him as I describe
things within the geography itself.3 In cases where the errors
are continuous and common, it is better not even to mention
them, except rarely and in general. That is what I s hall try to
do in my detailed description.4
93 C, 25-28 For now, let it be said that Timosthenes, Eratosthenes,
Timosthenes (3rd c. BCE) and writers yet e arlier than them w ere completely ignorant
of Iberia and Celtica but ten thousand times more ignorant
of Germany and Brettanica, as likewise the regions belonging
to the Getans and Bastarnians.
93 C, 28–94 C, 8 They managed to be greatly ignorant even of the region of
Italy and the region around the Adria and the Pontus and of Adria, Adriatic Sea
the regions that come next to them to the north—although Pontus, Black Sea
this is perhaps blame-mongering. Eratosthenes says that,

in the cases of very remote places, he will give traditional distances
without corroborating them, just stating what he hears but adding
here and t here that places are more or less on a straight line. It is not
therefore necessary to apply a precision test to distances that
are themselves contradictory, as Hipparchus tries to do, in
the passages discussed 5 and in t hose passages where he states
distances for the Hyrcania region as far as the Bactrians and
the nations beyond them, and the distances furthermore from
Colchis to the Hyrcanian sea. He is not to be held to the same He = Eratosthenes
standard for these distances as for distances along the con-

tinental shoreline and in other places similarly well known.
Even in the latter cases, he is not to be tested with geometric
precision but rather in a geographical way, as I said.6
94 C, 9-20 He finds fault with some Ethiopian matters at the end of He = Hipparchus
the second volume of those volumes written in refutation of

Eratosthenes’s geography, and says that in the third volume, the
greater part of the treatment w ill be mathematical, but to a certain
extent it will be geographical. It seems to me that his treatment
[1] 67 C, 7–92 C, 7.
[2] As introduced at 92 C, 10-16.
[3] I.e., in the bulk of Strabo’s narrative: 136 C, 18–839 C, 10.
[4] The term “detailed description”: 104 C, 1-5n.
[5] 71 C, 24–93 C, 24.
[6] A recurrent theme: 79 C, 14-19; 87 C, 20-26; 88 C, 5-8; 91 C, 22-27; 92 C, 10-16; 92 C,
29–93 C, 6; 93 C, 28–94 C, 8.
111
is not to a certain extent geographic al but entirely mathematical,

although Eratosthenes gives him the pretext for d oing this: in
many places, he strays into realms too scientific for his project
and then, having strayed, makes statements that are not pre-
cise but general, so that in a certain sense he is a mathematician
in geographical matters, and a geographer in mathematical
matters. In consequence, he is open to attack by critics in both
Timosthenes (3rd c. BCE) fields. In this volume, the attacks to which he and Timosthenes
are subjected are so justified that t here is nothing left for me to
contribute, and what Hipparchus says is sufficient. |
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE)

94 C, 21-25 Let me also look at what Posidonius says in About the Ocean. In 2.2.1
it, he seems to spend a lot of time describing the earth, some

of which is appropriate, some of it rather mathematical. It is
not therefore out of place to examine critically—either at this
stage or in my detailed description,1 as the need arises—some
of what he says, always maintaining a sense of proportion.2
THE ZO NE THE O RY
94 C, 26-35 One of the t hings that is appropriate to geography is to as-

sume that the earth as a whole, like the cosmos, is spherical;
and to accept the other conclusions that follow from this as-
sumption, including that the earth is five-zoned. | Posidonius 2.2.2
Posidonius criticizes Parmenides says that the originator of the five-zone division was Parmenides,
(5th c. BCE) and Aristotle (4th c.
BCE) but this fellow states that the “burnt [zone]” is virtually twice as wide this fellow = Parmenides
as the [zone] between the tropical circles and that it extends over each
of the tropical circles into the space beyond, into the temperate [zones];
but that Aristotle uses it for the [zone] between the tropical circles, it = term “burnt zone”
and calls the [zones] between the tropical circles and the arctic circles
“temperate [zones].” 3
94 C, 35–95 C, 9 He justifiably censures both men, on the grounds that the He = Posidonius
Strabo agrees with Posidonius’s “burnt [zone]” means the [zone] that is uninhabited on account of the
criticisms of Parmenides and
Aristotle burning heat, while more than half of the width of the [zone] between
the tropical circles is habitable,4 to make a guess based on the Ethio-
pians beyond Egypt. The assumptions are that one-half of this entire width = of zone between
entire width is what lies on e ither side of the equator (which tropical circles
splits [the width] in two); and that, within this [one-half width], Syene, Aswan (Egy.)
the distance from Syene (the limit of the summer tropic) to

Meroe is five thousand [stades], and the distance from there to (Sud.)
[ 1 ] For the term “detailed description”: 104 C, 1-5n.

[ 2 ] Posidonius’s zone theory is partly a reaction to the earlier ideas of Polybius
(96 C, 6-8; 97 C, 4–98 C, 12).
[ 3 ] Strabo delays Posidonius’s rationale for rejecting the use of the “arctic circles”
in defining the temperate zone u ntil 95 C, 18-23. Strabo proceeds to address
Posidonius’s rejection of the tropical circles in defining the burnt zone: 94 C,
35–95 C, 17.
[ 4 ] This statement by Posidonius, that more than half . . . is habitable, is probably
based on his figure of 180,000 stades for the circumference of the earth.
112
the parallel through Cinnamonland (which is the beginning Cinnamonland, Somalia
of the burnt [zone]) is three thousand [stades].

95 C, 9-11 Whereas this entire distance has been measured by ship
and by land, the next leg as far as the equator is a deduction
based on Eratosthenes’s measurement of the earth and comes
out as eight thousand eight hundred stades.1
95 C, 11-14 The ratio of sixteen thousand eight hundred to eight thou-
sand eight hundred would thus be the ratio of the distance
between the tropical circles to the width of the burnt [zone].
95 C, 14-17 Even if the measurement is adopted that, of all the more
recent m easurements, results in the earth being smallest
(being around one hundred and eighty thousand stades in
Posidonius’s judgment), he states that the burnt [zone] is some-
thing like half of the [zone] between the tropical circles, or slightly more
than half, but certainly not equal to and commensurate with it.2
95 C, 18-23 As for the arctic circles, which do not exist for all p eople and are
not the same everywhere, who would use them to mark off the tem-
Strabo is in qualified agreement perate [zones], which are unchangeable? 3 The statement that the
with Posidonius’s criticism of
Aristotle arctic circles do not exist for all people would be irrelevant to the
argument, since it is only necessary for them to exist for all
those who live in the temperate [zone], for whom alone the
term “temperate” has meaning. The statement that they do
not exist in the same way everywhere but are changeable is, how-
ever, valid. |
95 C, 24-28 Although he himself uses a seven-zone division,4 he says he himself = Posidonius 2.2.3
that the five [zones] are applicable to the heavens. Of these, the two
[zones] under the poles (extending as far as those areas where the arc-
tic circles are the same as the tropical circles) are “periscian” (having-
revolving-shadows); the [zones] next to t hese (extending as far as t hose
people living under the tropical circles) are “heteroscian” (having-

shadows-in-one-direction-or-the-other); the [zone] between the tropical
circles is “amphiscian” (having-shadows-in-both-directions).5

95 C, 28–96 C, 5 The [zones] applicable to man are the foregoing, together with two
other narrow and subtropical [zones],6 in which the sun is in the zenith
for approximately half a month, and through the midst of which the
tropical circles run. T hese zones have a peculiar feature, being par-
ticularly dry and sandy (and producing nothing other than silphium
and some crops that are rendered spicy by the heat). This is because
there are no mountains nearby to make the clouds discharge their
rain, nor does the area have rivers running through it. This is why
[ 1 ] The figure of 8,800 stades is based on Eratosthenes’s figure of 252,000 stades [ 5 ] Posidonius seems to have applied the terms “periscian,” “heteroscian,” and
for the circumference of the earth. “amphiscian” to the zones themselves. Strabo, in representing Posidonius’s
[ 2 ] Posidonius’s statement that the burnt [zone] is something like half of the [zone] account, sometimes does the same (133 C, 18-22) and sometimes applies the
between the tropical circles is consistent with his alternative and higher figure terms to the (hypothetical) inhabitants of each zone (135 C, 23–136 C, 12).
of 240,000 stades for the earth’s circumference rather than his lower figure of [ 6 ] “Subtropical” in the sense that they lie beneath the celestial tropical circles. We
180,000 stades, which appears to be mentioned in error by Strabo. would describe them as lying on the terrestrial Tropics of Cancer and Capricorn
[ 3 ] Strabo re-cites Posidonius’s criticism of Aristotle (94 C, 26–95 C, 9). respectively. The term “subtropical” t oday has a somewhat different connota-
[ 4 ] 95 C, 28–96 C, 5. tion, usually meaning latitudes immediately north of the Tropic of Cancer or
immediately south of the Tropic of Capricorn.
113
living beings are born with woolly hair, twisted horns, jutting lips,
and flat noses: their extremities turn in upon themselves. Also, these
are the zones where the ichthyophagi (fish-eaters) live. He says that
these peculiarities are characteristic of these zones, as shown by the
fact that the climate farther south is more temperate, and the land
more productive and better supplied with water. |
96 C, 6-8 Polybius makes the zones six in number: two of them being 2.3.1
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) the [zones] that fall u
nder the arctic circles, two of them being
the [zones] between the latter and the tropical circles, and two
of them being the [zones] between the tropical circles and the
equator.1
96 C, 9-14 The fivefold division seems to me both physically and
Strabo favors Posidonius’s geographically valid. It is physically valid in terms of both
5-zone division
astronomy and climate. “In terms of astronomy” because, as
well as this being the best way to define the “periscians,” the
“heteroscians,” and the “amphiscians,” it also defines the ap-
pearance of the heavenly bodies, whose appearance changes
according to a graduated system.
96 C, 14-22 “In terms of climate” because, since it is determined by
the sun, t here are three main criteria (having consequences
for the groupings of animals and plants, and the groupings
of other things beneath and within the atmosphere): namely,
excess of heat, deficiency of heat, and moderate heat. Each is
properly determined by means of the division into zones. The
two frozen [zones] suggest deficiency of heat and share one type
of climate. The temperate [zones] similarly share one moder-
ate climate. The one remaining [zone], the burnt [zone], has the
remaining type of climate.
96 C, 22-27 It is clear that the division is geographically valid. Geog-
raphy seeks to describe a portion of one of the temperate
[zones], the portion inhabited by us. While to the west and
the east, it is the sea that is the limiting factor, to the south
and the north it is the climate. The climate in the m iddle,
being temperate, is good for plants and animals, while the
climate on either side is intemperate because of an excess or
deficiency of heat.
96 C, 27-32 These three criteria necessitated the division into five
zones. The division by the equator of the s pherical earth into
two parts, the northern h emisphere (in which we live) and the
[ 1 ] Strabo delays full treatment of Polybius’s zone theory until 97 C, 4-23.
114
southern h emisphere, suggested the three criteria: the parts

toward the equator and the burnt zone are uninhabitable on
account of the heat, the parts t oward the pole are uninhab-
itable on account of the cold, and the parts in between are
temperate and inhabited.
96 C, 33–97 C, 3 He, adding the subtropical [zones], does not do so in a way He = Posidonius
Strabo criticizes Posidonius’s consistent with these five [zones], nor are the subtropical zones
addition of the subtropical
zones based on the same criteria. Rather, he described his zones as
if by ethnic criteria—one of them the “Ethiopian [zone],” an-
other the “Scythian and Celtic [zone],” and the third [zone] being
the one in the m iddle. |
97 C, 4-8 Polybius is incorrect in representing some of the zones as 2.3.2
Strabo criticizes the 6-zone being defined by the arctic circles, namely the two [zones] that
division of Polybius (2nd c. BCE)
lie beneath the arctic circles and the two [zones] between the
latter and the tropical circles. As has been said, one should not
define what is unchangeable by reference to points that are
changeable.1 Nor should one use the tropical circles as bound
aries of the burnt [zone], as has also been said.2
97 C, 9-14 When he divides the burnt [zone] into two parts, he appears he = Polybius
to have been motivated by a thought p rocess that is not at all

bad, by means of which we also conveniently divide the world
in its entirety into two parts (the northern hemisphere and
the southern hemisphere) using the equator. It is clear that
the burnt [zone] is also divided by this slicing . . . * has a cer-
tain usefulness, with the consequence that each h emisphere is
made of three complete zones that are symmetrical with the
zones in the other h emisphere.
97 C, 14-23 This slicing is conducive to the division into six zones,
but the alternative way of slicing is not at all conducive to
it. If you w
ere to slice the earth in half by means of the circle
through the poles, it would not be reasonable to slice each of
the hemispheres (the western and the eastern) into six [zones].
Rather, a division into five [zones] would be sufficient. The
similarity of each of the slices cut from the burnt [zone] by the
equator, together with their contiguity, makes their slicing
superfluous and irrelevant. (The temperate and the frozen
[zones], while similar, are not contiguous.) Thus, you would
sufficiently divide the whole earth into five [zones] if your con-
cept of the earth was derived from such h emispheres.
[ 1 ] 95 C, 18-23 (where Strabo cites Posidonius). For a similar sentiment: 108 C, 10-18.
[ 2 ] 94 C, 26–95 C, 17.
115
S UBE Q UATO RI AL TE MPERAT E REG I ON
97 C, 24-29 If, as Eratosthenes says, the [strip] beneath the equator is

Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) temperate—an opinion shared by Polybius (who additionally
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) says that the [strip] has the highest elevation, which is why there is a lot
of rainfall, since large numbers of clouds blown from the north at the
time of the etesian winds collide with the high ground there)—then
it would be far better to make this a third temperate [zone],
albeit a narrow one, than to introduce the subtropical [zones].
97 C, 29-33 In agreement with this is the following, mentioned by
Posidonius, that there, the movement of the sun into obliquity is
faster, as also its movement from east to west: for movements of a given
speed, passages along a great circle are faster. |
97 C, 34–98 C, 7 Posidonius criticizes Polybius for saying that the strip be- 2.3.3
neath the equator has the highest elevation, on the grounds that
there is no “high elevation” on a spherical surface, on account of its
being uniform. Nor indeed is the strip under the equator “mountain-
ous.” Rather, it is flat, lying approximately at sea level. The rainfall
that fills the Nile comes from the mountains of Ethiopia. While he
Strabo accuses Posidonius of says this in one passage, elsewhere he agrees, saying that he
inconsistency in his criticism of
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) suspects there are mountains beneath the equator, with which clouds
from the two temperate [zones] on both sides collide, causing rain. The
inconsistency is clear.
98 C, 7-12 However, another inconsistency would appear to arise, if
we grant that the strip beneath the equator is mountainous.
These same individuals claim that the surrounding ocean same individuals = Polybius and
Posidonius
is a continuum. How can they situate mountains in the
middle of it (unless they mean types of island)? W hatever
the case, inquiry into t hese matters falls outside the remit of
geography—although it is perhaps allowable for the man who man who = Posidonius
has set himself the task of describing the ocean. |
CI RCUMNAVI GATI O N O F L I BYA (= AFR I CA)
98 C, 13-17 Referring to t hose who are said to have circumnavigated 2.3.4

Posidonius cites Herodotus Libya, he says that Herodotus claims, “certain individuals dis- he = Posidonius
(5th c. BCE) and Heraclides
(4th c. BCE) patched by Darius completed the circumnavigation,” 1 while Hera-
clides the Pontic, in a dialogue, represents a certain Magus as coming
to Gelo and claiming to have made the circumnavigation. Gelo ruled Syracuse, 5th c. BCE
98 C, 17-21 Saying that t hese m atters are unsupported by evidence, he re-

Posidonius reports the story of ports that Eudoxus, a Cyzicene, a festival envoy and o rganizer of Cyzicene = from Cyzicus, Belkiz
Eudoxus (2nd c. BCE) Kale (Tky.)
the games in honor of Cora, came to Egypt at the time of Euergetes the
[ 1 ] Herodotus attributes the circumnavigation to the Egyptian king Necho (late

7th–early 6th c. BCE) and an unsuccessful attempt to the Persian king Xerxes
(early 5th c. BCE). The statement h ere, that Herodotus attributes the circum-
navigation to the Persian king Darius (late 6th–early 5th c. BCE), is false. Strabo
may be pointing to a mis-citation of Herodotus by Posidonius, or Strabo himself
may mis-cite Posidonius. The mis-citation is repeated at 100 C, 24-34. Other
examples of such repeated errors: 517 C, 20–518 C, 4n.
116
second; he established himself with the king and his men, particularly Cora = Greek goddess
Persephone
in connection with voyages up the Nile, being inclined to wonder at the
Euergetes ruled Egypt, 145–116
peculiar nature of the places, and not uneducated. BCE
98 C, 21-28 It happened that an Indian man was brought to the king by the
soldiers guarding the Arabian recess, who said that they found him Arabian recess, Red Sea
half dead, having landed alone in his ship; they did not know who
he was or where he came from, as they w ere unable to understand
his language. The king handed him over to men to teach him Greek.
Once he had learned the language, he explained how, when sailing
from India, he lost his way; he managed to survive to reach this place
but lost his fellow sailors to hunger. Having been well received, he
promised that he would show, to men chosen by the king, the sailing
route to the Indians.
98 C, 28–99 C, 2 Having sailed away with gifts, he came back with a return cargo
of aromatics and precious stones (some of them washed down by rivers,
along with pebbles; others of them unearthed by digging, the product
of solidification from a liquid state, as is the case with our crystals).
His prospects were destroyed, however, when Euergetes deprived him
of all his cargo.
99 C, 3-11 When Euergetes died, his wife Cleopatra ruled as his successor. Cleopatra succeeded Ptolemy
Euergetes, 116 BCE
Eudoxus was sent off again, with a larger fleet, but on his return,
the winds drove him off course beyond Ethiopia. Putting in at some Ethiopia = Somalia
place or other, he won the trust of the local population by giving them
grain, wine, and cakes of dried fruit, which the locals did not have,
and received in exchange supplies of water and the s ervices of a p ilot.
He also noted down some of their words. He discovered, in a ship-
wreck, a wooden figurehead carved as a horse, and learned that the
ship “had belonged to some people who sailed from the west.” He took
the figurehead with him and set off on the voyage home.
99 C, 11-20 When he successfully reached Egypt, with Cleopatra no lon-
ger ruling but her son, he was again deprived of everything: he was
exposed as a thief who had stolen a great many things. He took the
figurehead with him into the market, showed it to the ships’ captains,
and learned that it must belong to Gadirans, since, while wealthy Gadirans = citizens of Gadira,
Cádiz (Sp.)
Gadirans outfitted large ships, poor Gadirans outfitted small ves-
sels, which they called “horses”—after the figurehead designs—and
in which they sailed on fishing trips around Maurusia to the Lixus Maurusia, Morocco
river. But some of the captains recognized the figurehead as belonging Lixus, ?Draa r.
to one of those who had ventured farther beyond the Lixus river and
never returned.
117
99 C, 21-27 Eudoxus concluded on this basis that the Libyan circumnavigation

would be possible. Traveling home and loading all his possessions on home = Cyzicus, Belkiz Kale (Tky.)
board, he set sail. He visited Dicaearchia first, then Massalia and the Dicaearchia, Pozzuoli (It.)
coastline following on from there as far as Gadira. Having everywhere Massalia, Marseille (Fr.)
loudly proclaimed his story, and having raised money, he outfitted a Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
large vessel together with two lightweight vessels similar to pirate ships.
He loaded dancing girls, doctors, and other technicians on board, and
set sail for India on the high sea with favorable west winds.
99 C, 28–100 C, 1 When his fellow-travelers wearied of the voyage, he sailed unwill-
ingly for land, as he feared the ebb and flow of the tides—and, indeed,
what he feared came to pass. The ship ran aground, but in a gentle
enough fashion that not everything was destroyed: the cargo was suc-
cessfully brought ashore, as also most of the ship’s timbers. From t hese
timbers, he constructed a third lightweight vessel, similar to a pente-
conter, and he sailed onward u ntil he was among p eople who spoke the
same words as he had previously recorded.
100 C, 1-12 At the same time as he learned this fact (that the local p eople w
ere
of the same ethnicity as those Ethiopians),1 he also learned that they
shared a border with the kingdom belonging to Bogus. Abandoning kingdom belonging to
Bogus = Maurusia, Morocco
the voyage to the Indians, he reversed course (making a note of an
Bogus (a.k.a. Bocchus) ruled
island, ?Cabo Verde island he saw as he sailed along the coast—a deserted island with Maurusia, late 2nd c. BCE
water and trees). Having successfully reached Maurusia, he sold his
vessels, traveled overland to Bogus, and advised him to take over the
maritime expedition. Bogus’s courtiers prevailed with their counter-
arguments, raising the fear that the territory’s security might be jeop-
ardized once the route became known to outsiders with hostile intent.
When he learned that he, ostensibly being sent on the expedition that
he had proposed, in reality would be abandoned on a certain deserted
island, he fled to Roman-controlled territory and from there made
the crossing over to Iberia.
100 C, 12-17 He once more outfitted a round-bottomed vessel and a long pen-
teconter, one to be used for sailing on the open sea and the other for
exploring the coast. Taking on board agricultural tools, seeds, and
builders, he set out on the same circumnavigation, his intention being
island spotted earlier, ?Cabo (if the voyage took a long time) to overwinter on the island spotted
Verde
earlier and, sowing the seeds and reaping the harvest, to complete the
voyage as originally envisaged. |
100 C, 18-20 I have come thus far in the story of Eudoxus, he says. It is rea- 2.3.5
sonable to suppose that the men from Gadira and Iberia know what
happened afterward.
[ 1 ] I.e., Ethiopians who spoke the language he had previously recorded: 99 C, 3-11.
118
100 C, 20-23 On the basis of all this, he says, it is proven that the lived-in
Posidonius cites an anonymous world is encircled by the ocean—“not encircled by the fetters of land /
Greek poet
but limitless in its extension, spoiled by nothing.”
100 C, 24-34 Posidonius is, in all t hese respects, to be marveled at. He
Strabo criticizes Posidonius for considers that the circumnavigation by the Magus as reported
gullibility in believing Eudoxus’s
story by Heraclides is unsupported by evidence, as was also the circum-
navigation by the individuals dispatched by Darius 1 as recounted by
Herodotus, yet he holds as trustworthy this Bergaean fable, Bergaean = false
which was either concocted by him or believed by him albeit

concocted by others. First of all, what credibility adheres to
the Indian’s going astray? The Arabian gulf is narrow and long, Arabian gulf, Red Sea
like a river, stretching some fifteen thousand stades from the

mouth, which is itself exceedingly narrow. It is not likely that
the Indians, while sailing outside it, w ere forced into the gulf
through losing their way, since the narrows at the mouth would
have made their error obvious. Nor, once they had entered the
gulf on purpose, was there any excuse based on losing their way
or on inconstant winds.
101 C, 1-6 How w ere p
eople not suspicious that they all died of
hunger—except for one man? How was the lone survivor able
to pilot the ship, which cannot have been small, since it was
capable of crossing seas of such size? What about his swift
mastery of the language, as a result of which he was able to
convince the king that he was capable of acting as pilot on the
voyage? What about Euergetes’s lack of such pilots, when the
sea in that region was already known to many people?
101 C, 6-13 How come a Cyzicene festival envoy and games organizer left
his city and sailed to India? Why was he entrusted with so
great a responsibility? When, on his return, he lost everything
in contravention of his prospects and was dishonored, how come
he was then entrusted with a still greater shipment of gifts?
When, on the way back, he got blown off course to Ethio-
pia, what was his motivation for noting down their expressions
or making inquiries about the origin of the figurehead of the fish-
ing boat? Learning that the wrecked ship belonged to people
who sailed from the west would not prove anything, since he
would himself be someone who sailed from the west when he
went home!
101 C, 14-24 Reaching Alexandria and being exposed as a thief who had Alexandria, Iskandariya (Egy.)
stolen a g reat many t hings, how is it that he was not punished but
[ 1 ] An error for “Necho” (late 7th–early 6th c. BCE), repetition of an error made at
98 C, 13-17n. For other examples of such repeated errors: 517 C, 20–518 C, 4n.
119
went about making inquiries of the ships’ captains and showing them
the figurehead? Isn’t the man who recognized it to be marveled man who believed
him = Eudoxus
at? And isn’t the man who believed him to be more marveled
at—returning home on the basis of such prospects, then mak-
ing the journey from there to the regions outside the Pillars? outside the Pillars = Atlantic
coast
It was forbidden for anyone to put to sea from Alexandria
without documentation—especially someone who had sto-
len royal property! Nor is it possible that he sailed out to sea
secretly, since both the harbor and other exits were protected
by a large garrison. I, living in Alexandria for a long time,1
perceived that a garrison of such size still persists t oday, even
though nowadays, u nder Roman rule, the guard is much more
relaxed.2 The royal garrisons were far stricter.
101 C, 24–102 C, 3 Since he set off for Gadira, built ships, and was under- Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
taking the voyage in regal style, how (when his ship was de-
stroyed) did he construct a third lightweight vessel in a desert?
How is it that, when he resumed his voyage and discovered western
Ethiopians speaking the same language as the eastern Ethiopians, he
had no desire to continue his onward voyage despite his vain-
glorious love of travel and his expectation that the remain-
ing distance was but small? How is it that he gave up t hese
plans and instead conceived a desire for a maritime expedition
through the agency of Bogus? How did he learn of the secret
conspiracy against him? How was this (the fellow’s eradica-
tion) advantageous to Bogus, when it was possible to send
him away in some other manner? Learning of the conspiracy,
how was he able to escape preemptively to places of safety?
102 C, 3-7 Each of these episodes, while not impossible, is difficult
and unlikely, requiring a certain amount of luck. It always
so happened that he had good luck, even when exposed to
continual danger. How come, having made his escape from
Bogus, he was not fearful of revisiting his voyage around
the coast of Libya, even with an outfit capable of settling an Libya = Africa
island?
102 C, 7-11 These stories are not far short of the fabrications of Py-
Pytheas (4th c. BCE) theas, Euhemerus, and Antiphanes. These latter are excused Antiphanes (?4th–3rd c. BCE)
Euhemerus (4th–3rd c. BCE) because, like entertainers, it is their business. But who would
pardon a philosopher who seeks rational proof, a contender philosopher = Posidonius
for first-place honors in his field? |

102 C, 12 These m atters are not well argued.3 2.3.6
[ 1 ] Strabo arrived in Alexandria as a young man (early 20s BCE): 117 C, 35–118 C,
14nn. A note (probably a personal observation) by Strabo on the harbor in
Alexandria: 792 C, 32–793 C, 9n. Comment on Alexandrian glassmakers: 757 C,
32–758 C, 15n.
[ 2 ] The Greek word translated as “perceived” could also be translated as “know.”
Either way, Strabo’s use of “today” and “nowadays” suggests that he considers
his information still current.
[ 3 ] 98 C, 13–100 C, 23.
120
102 C, 12-20 He is, however, correct in his statement that the earth at times He = Posidonius
undergoes elevations and also experiences periods of settling and trans-

formations caused by seismic and other similar activity, as enumer-
Plato (late 5th–4th c. BCE) ated by me.1 In this respect, he aptly cites Plato for the state-
ment that the story of the island of Atlantis is possibly not a
Solon (late 7th–6th c. BCE) fiction: that fellow says that the story of the island was told by Solon, that fellow = Plato
who had learned from Egyptian priests that, having once existed, it
disappeared, although it was no smaller than a continent in size. He
thinks that saying this is better than saying that he who made it
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) up caused it to vanish, as the poet did with the wall of the Achaeans.
102 C, 20-22 He also conjectures that the departure from their homeland of Cimbrians were probably
originally from the Jutland
the Cimbrians and their kin took place at a time when the sea hap- peninsula (Den.)
pened to encroach, but not all of a sudden.
102 C, 22-25 He thinks that the length of the lived-in world, being some seven length = east–west dimension
seven myriad = 70,000 myriad stades, accounts for half the entire parallel circle along which parallel circle = line of latitude
it is drawn, with the result, he says, that if you were to sail from the
west with an easterly wind, you would reach the Indians within the
same number [of stades]. |
102 C, 26-31 Starting off by castigating those who divide the continents but 2.3.7
not by means of [circles] parallel to the equator,2 with which they would
show variations in animals, plants, environments, some of them bor-
dering on the frozen [zone] and some on the burnt [zone], so that the
continents are like zones, he then reverses course, withdraws the
accusation, and supports the existing division, thus treating
the inquiry as a matter of argument with no useful purpose.
102 C, 31–103 C, 8 Such variations are not the result of providence. Nor, like-
wise, are ethnic and linguistic differences. Rather, they are
the result of chance and happenstance. Technological skills,
power structures, business dealings—once someone takes
the first step, they generally prevail in any clima. There is a
climata-derived element, with the consequence that some climata, geographical
coordinates
local characteristics are the result of nature, and some the
result of habit and training. It is not because of nature that
the Athenians are lovers of learning, while the Lacedaemo-
nians are not, nor are the Thebans, who are even closer. It is
because of habit. Thus, the Babylonians and the Egyptians
are p hilosophers, not because of nature but because of train-
ing and habit. It is not location alone that is responsible for
the excellent qualities of h orses, c attle, and other animals, but
also training. He confounds all this.
[ 1 ] 57 C, 19–61 C, 4.
[ 2 ] Posidonius probably refers to Hipparchus’s theory of climata: 131 C, 26–135 C, 22.
121
103 C, 9-17 Praising the way of dividing the continents that is cur-
rently in use, he uses as an example the fact that the Indians he = Posidonius
differ from the Ethiopians in Libya, given that they are better formed
Homer (8th c. BCE) and less dried out by the climate. That is why Homer, when referring
to all the Ethiopians, splits them into two groups: “some [living] where
Crates (2nd c. BCE) Hyperion goes down, some [living] where he goes up.” 1 Crates, when
writing “where Hyperion goes down and up” and introducing a second Hyperion = sun
lived-in world, of which Homer knew nothing, is a slave to the hy-

pothesis.2 He says the text should be changed as follows: “where Hy- He = Posidonius
perion departs” (meaning “where he declines from the meridian”). |

103 C, 17-24 First of all, the Ethiopians by Egypt are themselves split 2.3.8
into two groups—one group is in Asia, the other in Libya3—

with neither group differing in any way from the other. Sec-
ondly, the reason Homer split the Ethiopians was not his
recognition of the similar body type of the Indians—in the
first place, it is unlikely that Homer even knew of the Indians
(when, according to the Eudoxus myth, not even Euergetes
knew of India or the sailing route there). Rather, the reason
was the division that I mentioned e arlier.4
103 C, 24-33 There, I also pronounced, in respect of the Cratesian
Crates (2nd c. BCE) emendation, that it makes l ittle difference w hether we write
it one way or the other.5 He says it does make a difference, and He = Posidonius
that it is better to make the emendation as follows: where [Hy-

perion] departs. How is this better than where [Hyperion] goes down?
The whole arc from the meridian to the setting sun is called
Aratus (3rd c. BCE) “western,” just like the half circle of the horizon, as Aratus
indicates (there, where / extreme west and extreme east meet). If
this is better in the case of the Cratesian emendation, one will
Aristarchus (late 3rd–2nd c. BCE) also say that it is necessarily better in the case of Aristarchan
emendation, too.
104 C, 1-5 The foregoing is my criticism of Posidonius.6 Many t hings,
to the extent they concern geography, w ill get appropriate
treatment in my detailed description.7 To the extent that they
are more concerned with physics, they will either be treated
elsewhere or ignored. T here is a g
reat deal of etiologizing in
his work, and aristotelizing, which my school avoids on ac-
count of the causes being obscure. |
[ 1 ] From Strabo’s representation of Posidonius, it sounds as if Posidonius inter- [ 5 ] 30 C, 31–31 C, 21.

preted Homer as using Ethiopians “where [Hyperion] goes up” to indicate Indi- [ 6 ] 94 C, 21–103 C, 33. Strabo’s positioning within this section of Polybius’s zone
ans, and Ethiopians “where Hyperion goes down” to mean Africans. Verification theory (96 C, 6-8; 97 C, 4-23) suggests that Strabo derives his criticisms of Poly-
is impossible, as Posidonius’s work is no longer available to us. bius at least in part from Posidonius.
[ 2 ] Emendation of text: Radt, vol. 1, critical apparatus on 103 C, line 14. Crates’s [ 7 ] The “detailed description” refers to the bulk of Strabo’s work—i.e., 136 C, 18–
theory: 30 C, 23–31 C, 21. 839 C, 10 (chaps. 3–5). Other examples of the term: 93 C, 14-24; 94 C, 21-25; 109 C,
[ 3 ] I.e., Ethiopians living east of the Nile belong to Asia; those living west of the 6-11; 116 C, 12-19; 124 C, 16-24; 300 C, 1-6; cf. 112 C, 3-11. The term almost functions
Nile, to Libya (= Africa). as a “title”: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 4 ] 30 C, 23–35 C, 29, where Strabo argues that the Ethiopians (in the sense of all
inhabitants along the southern margin of the lived-in world) are divided into
two groups by the Arabian gulf (Red Sea).
122
Polybius (2nd c. BCE)

104 C, 6-19 Polybius,1 in providing a chorography2 of Europe, says that 2.4.1
Polybius cites Dicaearchus (late he leaves aside the ancient writers and examines their critics, t hese
4th c. BCE), Eratosthenes (3rd c.
BCE), and Pytheas (4th c. BCE) being Dicaearchus; and Eratosthenes, who is the one who has most
recently busied himself with geography; and Pytheas, by whom many
have been led astray, since he claims that he traveled through all of
Brettanica overland, gives the perimeter of the island as more than
forty thousand stades, and additionally provides an account of Thule Thule, ?Iceland
and those places where the land itself, as well as the sea and the air,
cease to exist but where there is some admixture of them all, which
resembles sea-lung. He says that “land and sea and everything e lse He = Pytheas
are suspended in this; this is effectively what binds the whole, although
it cannot be walked over nor sailed through; he himself witnessed its
similarity to lung but as to the rest he recounts what he was told.”
These are the statements of Pytheas; also, that on his return
from t here he visited the w hole oceanic coastline of E urope oceanic = Atlantic
from Gadira as far as the Tanaïs.3 | Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
104 C, 19-29 Polybius says that this is what beggars belief, how such dis- 2.4.2
Polybius doubts Pytheas’s tances could be sailed or traversed by a private individual with no
credibility
resources; Eratosthenes, being at a loss to know whether he should
trust t hese statements, nevertheless did trust them where Bret- Brettanica, Great Britain
tanica and places in Gadira and Iberia are concerned. He says, He = Polybius
Messenian = Euhemerus it is much better to believe the Messenian than this man, since the this man = Pytheas
(4th–3rd c. BCE)
former at least only claims to have sailed to the one territory of
Panchaea, while the latter claims to have seen all the northern part latter = Pytheas
of Europe as far as the limits of the cosmos—something that no one
would believe, even if Hermes told them; and that Eratosthenes
calls Euhemerus a “Bergaean” but believes Pytheas, even though Bergaean = liar
Dicaearchus did not.

104 C, 29-34 This statement even though Dicaearchus did not is laughable—
Strabo thinks Polybius is as if it were appropriate to use that fellow as a yardstick, against that fellow = Dicaearchus
hypocritical in implying that
Eratosthenes should have whom he himself brings forward so many accusations! Era- he himself = Polybius
followed Dicaearchus (late tosthenes’s ignorance of the western and northern parts of
4th c. BCE)
Europe has been mentioned.4 He and Dicaearchus should be
excused, since they had not seen t hose places, but who would
excuse Polybius and Posidonius?
104 C, 35–105 C, 8 Polybius, who terms laodogmatic (reflecting laymen’s beliefs) 5 the
statements that he makes concerning distances in these and
many other places, is not exempt from the charges that he
lays against these men. He states that Dicaearchus says, “it is
[ 1 ] From a chronological point of view, Strabo’s treatment of Polybius (2nd c. BCE) north of lake Maeotis; that this is part of the sea surrounding the continen-
should have preceded his treatment of Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE). How- tal landmass; that the Tanaïs is potentially a conduit from this sea (cf. Strabo’s
ever, Strabo has dealt with Polybius largely via Posidonius’s engagement with conceptualization of the land between the Tanaïs and the Caspian sea as an
him (96 C, 6-8; 97 C, 4–98 C, 12). Strabo now proceeds with a mopping-up op- “isthmus”: 491 C, 12-23). Pytheas presumably shared these beliefs, probably
eration, criticizing those elements of Polybius’s work—primarily Polybius’s use interpreting a gulf or estuary on the Baltic Sea, or even the Baltic Sea itself,
of sources—that Strabo has not already treated via Posidonius. as the beginning of this conduit. Pytheas may also have been aware of trade
[ 2 ] A “chorography” is perhaps a description of the lived-in world as opposed to routes from the Baltic to the Black Sea and the Caspian: 63 C, 18-33n.
a description of the whole earth: 9 C, 35–10 C, 5n. See also 266 C, 6-19n; 224 C, [ 4 ] 92 C, 10–94 C, 8.
29-33. [ 5 ] Polybius’s use of the term laodogmatic: 465 C, 1-9.
[ 3 ] Mention here of the Tanaïs (Don r.), which flows into lake Maeotis (Sea of Azov),
seems bizarre to us t oday. Strabo believes that the sea is encountered not far
123
ten thousand stades to the Pillars from the Peloponnese” 1 and “more Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
than this” to the Adria (to its innermost recess).2 Of the distance to Adria, Adriatic Sea
the Pillars, the leg to the Strait he gives as three thousand stades, so he = Dicaearchus
that the remaining leg, from the Strait to the Pillars, becomes seven Strait, Straits of Messina
thousand stades. Quite apart from whether the three thousand stades
is accurately rendered or not, the seven thousand stades is inaccurate
whether you measure it along the coastline or the line through the
middle of the sea.
105 C, 8-21 The coastline looks very much like an oblique angle, with lines
Polybius corrects Dicaearchus’s heading to the Strait and the Pillars respectively, having Narbo as Strait, Straits of Messina
figure for the distance from the
Strait to the Pillars, then adds its apex. Thus, it forms a triangle that has as its base the straight line Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
3,000 stades for the distance through the sea and has as its sides the lines that form the said angle. Narbo, Narbonne (Fr.)
from the Peloponnese to the
Strait The side from the Strait to Narbo is more than eleven thousand two
hundred stades. The remaining side is only a little less than eight thou-
sand stades. The greatest distance from Europe to Libya is agreed to Libya = Africa
be not more than three thousand stades through the Tyrrhenian sea,
shorter through the Sardonian sea. He says, let that figure of three
thousand stades be granted, and on top of this let the further assump-
tion be made that the depth (a perpendicular,3 so to speak, from the
apex to the base of the oblique angle) of the gulf at Narbo is two thou-
sand stades. It is clear, he says, from school-level geometry, that the
entire coastline from the Strait to the Pillars exceeds the straight line
through the sea only very narrowly, by five hundred stades.
105 C, 21-23 If the three thousand stades from the Peloponnese to the Strait is
added, the total number of stades along the straight line will be more
than double what Dicaearchus said.
105 C, 24-33 He says, according to that fellow it w ill be necessary for the num- that fellow = Dicaearchus
ber of stades to the Adriatic recess to be “more than this.” | But “my 2.4.3
dear Polybius,” one might say: “just as empirical fact pro-

vides clear refutation of this falsehood, based on distances
Strabo lists Polybius’s you yourself have given—to Leucas from the Peloponnese, seven Leucas, Lefkada (Gk. island)
intermediate distances
constituting the length of the hundred [stades]; an equal number from there to Corcyra; an equal Corcyra, Kerkyra/Corfu (Gk.
island)
Adriatic sea number again from t here to the Ceraunians; then, on your right, is the
Ceraunians, range incl. Cikes
Illyrian coastline of six thousand one hundred and fifty stades, from mt. (Alb.)
the Ceraunians to Iapydia—so, too, these are falsehoods, both Iapydia = territory of Iapodes,
what Dicaearchus said (that from the Strait to the Pillars is seven sw. Slovenia, w. Croatia
thousand stades)4 and what you think you have demonstrated.”5

105 C, 33–106 C, 10 Most p eople agree in saying that the distance across the
sea is twelve thousand [stades]. This is in accordance with what
is asserted concerning the length of the lived-in world. People
[ 1 ] Polybius believes that the distance from the Peloponnese to the Pillars is more
than twice Dicaearchus’s figure of 10,000 stades: 105 C, 8-23. Strabo corrects
Polybius’s figure at 105 C, 33–106 C, 10.
[ 2 ] Polybius’s intermediate distances for the length of the Adriatic sea, from the
Peloponnese to the Adriatic recess, are added up by Strabo at 105 C, 24-33.
[ 3 ] Strabo corrects Polybius’s figure for the perpendicular at 106 C, 10-16.
[ 4 ] 104 C, 35–105 C, 8.
[ 5 ] 105 C, 8-23.
124
mostly say this is seventy thousand [stades]. Of this, the western

portion from the Issian gulf to the end of Iberia, which is the Issian gulf, Gulf of İskenderun
Strabo believes that the true westernmost point, is just shy of thirty thousand, composed
distance from the Strait to
the Pillars is 12,000 stades— of the following: five thousand from the Issian gulf to Rhodia; Rhodia = Rhodian Peraea, sw.
Turkey
higher than the figure given one thousand from there to Salmonium in Crete (its eastern
by Dicaearchus, lower than the Salmonium, Cape Sideros
figure given by Polybius end); more than two thousand for the length of Crete itself,
Criu Metopum, Cape Krios
to Criu Metopum; four thousand five hundred from there to
Pachynus, Capo Passero (Sic.)
Pachynus in Sicily; more than one thousand from Pachynus
Strait, Straits of Messina
to the Strait; then twelve thousand for the voyage from the
Strait to the Pillars; around three thousand from the Pillars
Sacred Promontory, Cabo de S.
to the end of the Sacred Promontory in Iberia. Vicente (Por.)
106 C, 10-16 Nor is the perpendicular properly calculated.1 Narbo is sit- Narbo, Narbonne (Fr.)
Strabo corrects Polybius’s figure uated on virtually the same parallel as the one through Mas- Massalia, Marseille (Fr.)
for the perpendicular
salia, and this city is situated (as Hipparchus, too, believes)
on the parallel through Byzantium. The line through the sea Byzantium, Istanbul (Tky.)
is on the same parallel as the parallel through the Strait and

Rhodia. The distance from Rhodia to Byzantium, assuming
that both lie on the same meridian, is around five thousand
stades, according to what people say. This would be the figure
for the said perpendicular.
106 C, 17-21 Since p eople say that the greatest distance across this sea
from E urope to Libya is some five thousand stades (measured Libya = Africa
from the recess of the Galatian bay), it seems to me either that Galatian bay, Gulf of Lion
they have erred in so stating, or that Libya in this region proj

ects northward a g reat deal and touches the parallel through
the Pillars.
106 C, 21-26 This, too, is incorrect, the statement that the said perpen-
dicular ends near Sardo: the crossing does not go near Sardo Sardo, Sardinia (It. island)
but much farther west than it, so as to include within the in-
tervening space virtually the entire Ligystican sea as well as
the Sardonian sea. Also, the lengths of the coastlines have
been exaggerated, albeit not to such a great extent. |
106 C, 27-28 He then proceeds to “correct” the statements of Eratos- He = Polybius 2.4.4
thenes, in some cases accurately, in other cases making less

accurate statements than that fellow does.
106 C, 28-31 For example, he says that it is more than nine hundred [stades] he = Polybius
Ithaca, Ithake (Gk. island)
Strabo approves of some from Ithaca to Corcyra (Eratosthenes claiming it is three hundred). Corcyra, Kerkyra/Corfu (Gk.
of Polybius’s corrections of
Eratosthenes He says that it is more than two thousand from Epidamnus to Thes- island)
Epidamnus, Durrës (Alb.)
salonicia (Eratosthenes claiming it is nine hundred). These correc-
Thessalonicia, Thessalonike/
tions are accurate. Salonica (Gr.)
[ 1 ] 105 C, 8-21, where Strabo cites Polybius as giving the length of the perpendicu-
lar as 2,000 stades.
125
106 C, 31–107 C, 5 However, he is less accurate when (Eratosthenes claiming he = Polybius
that it is seven thousand [stades] from Massalia to the Pillars, and Massalia, Marseille (Fr.)
Strabo disapproves of Polybius’s six thousand from the Pyrenees) he himself states that it is more Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
correction of Eratosthenes’s
figure for the length of Iberia than nine thousand from Massalia and a l ittle less than eight thou-
sand from the Pyrenees. That fellow’s statements are nearer the That fellow = Eratosthenes
truth. Men of today agree that if one excludes the irregulari-

ties of the roads, all of Iberia from the Pyrenees to the western
side is no greater than six thousand stades in length. He holds He = Polybius
that the Tagus river alone, from its source to its outlets, is Tagus, Tejo/Tajo r.
eight thousand stades in length, by which he does not mean

along its twisting course (which is not geographical) but as
measured in a straight line. Yet the sources of the Tagus are
more than one thousand stades distant from the Pyrenees.
107 C, 6-11 Then again, he makes with justification this statement, he = Polybius
Strabo approves of Polybius’s that Eratosthenes is ignorant of Iberia, and the statement that
criticism of Eratosthenes’s
ignorance and inconsistency in his declarations about it are sometimes contradictory, as when he
treatment of Iberia says that it is inhabited all around the outer side as far as Gadira by Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
Galatians, if “those people occupy western E

urope as far as Gadira,”
then forgets this in his descriptive journey around Iberia and makes
no mention whatsoever of the Galatians. |
107 C, 11-18 When he holds that the length of Europe is less than the com- he = Polybius 2.4.5
Strabo disapproves of Polybius’s bined length of Libya and Asia, his ratio is not correct. He says Libya = Africa
calculation of the relative
lengths of the continents, that the mouth at the Pillars lies in the direction of the equinoctial mouth at Pillars, Straits of
Gibraltar
and his views concerning the sunset,1 while the Tanaïs flows from the direction of the summer sun-
orientation of the Tanaïs (Don r.)
rise.2 It is less than the combined length by the [segment] between the It = Europe
summer sunrise and the equinoctial sunrise 3—for Asia takes up this
[segment] of the northern semicircle t oward the equinoctial sunrise.
Quite apart from his tortuosity in m atters that admit of easy

explanation, the statement that the Tanaïs flows from the direc-
tion of the summer sunrise is false.
107 C, 19-22 All t hose who have experience of the area say that the river
flows into the Maeotis from the north, with the consequence Maeotis, Sea of Azov
that the mouth of the river and the mouth of the Maeotis, mouth of the Maeotis, Straits
of Kerch'
together with the course of the river itself to the extent that
it is known, lie on the same meridian. |
107 C, 22-32 What some have said is not worth discussing, that the river Ister, Danube r. 2.4.6
Strabo disapproves of the claim starts in the Ister region and the west. They fail to note that in Tyras, Dniester r.
by some that the Tanaïs (Don r.)
flows from the west the intervening space, the Tyras, Borysthenes, and Hypanis— Borysthenes, Dnieper r.
large rivers—flow into the Pontus, one of them parallel to the Hypanis, Bug r.
Ister, the others parallel to the Tanaïs. Since the sources of Pontus, Black Sea
[ 1 ] Equinoctial sunset = due west.

[ 2 ] I.e., sunrise at the summer solstice = northeast.
[ 3 ] Equinoctial sunrise = due east.
126
neither the Tyras nor the Borysthenes nor the Hypanis have
been glimpsed, regions even farther north than these would
be even more unknown. In consequence, the reasoning that
has the Tanaïs passing through t hese regions in the direction
of the Maeotis, then turning into it (given that the outlets are
clearly identified in the northern parts of the lake, which are lake = Maeotis, Sea of Azov
also the most easterly parts)—this reasoning would be facti-

tious and inconclusive. Likewise inconclusive is the reasoning
that states that it flows northward through the Caucasus, then
turns into the Maeotis (for this, too, is claimed!).
107 C, 32–108 C, 3 No one says that the course is from the east. If it were to course = of Tanaïs (Don r.)
flow thus, the more acceptable authorities would not declare

that it runs opposite the Nile, and in a way diametrically op-
posite, as if the course of each river w
ere on the same meridian
or only slightly offset. |
108 C, 4-10 The length of the lived-in world is measured along the length = east–west dimension 2.4.7
Strabo explains his disapproval circle parallel to the equator, since the lived-in world stretches
of Polybius’s method of
calculating the lengths of the lengthwise in the same direction. In consequence, one should
continents similarly take the length of each of the continents as lying
between two meridians. The measurement of the lengths is
given as a number of stades, which we seek out e ither by tra-
versing the actual distances or by making parallel journeys
by land or sea. He rejects this method and introduces a new
one, with the segment of the northern semicircle between the summer
sunrise and the equinoctial sunrise.
108 C, 10-18 In regard to measurements that are unchangeable, no one
uses standards and units that are liable to change; nor does
one use what is relevant to one position or another to m easure
what is absolute and unvarying. “Length” means something
Equinoctial sunrise and unchangeable and absolute. Equinoctial sunrise and sunset, like-
sunset = east and west
wise summer and winter [sunrise and sunset], are not absolute but summer and winter
sunrise = northeast and
are dependent on us. If we move around from one place to southeast
another, the locations of sunsets and sunrises at equinoxes summer and winter
and solstices differ accordingly, but the length of the conti- sunset = northwest and
southwest
nent remains the same. It is not out of place for the Tanaïs
Tanaïs, Don r.
and the Nile to be used as limits, but summer sunrise and sunset
is an innovation. |
108 C, 19-24 Europe juts out in several promontories. This fellow This fellow = Polybius 2.4.8
describes them in a better fashion than Eratosthenes does,

but still not very well. The latter said that t here are three
127
Strabo approves of Polybius’s promontories: the promontory that extends to the Pillars Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
correction of Eratosthenes’s
enumeration of 3 promontories and contains Iberia; the promontory that extends to the
in Europe but thinks Polybius’s Strait and contains Italy; and the third one which ends at Strait, Straits of Messina
account itself can be improved
Maleae and contains all the nations between the Adria, the Adria, Adriatic Sea
Euxine, and the Tanaïs. Euxine, Black Sea
108 C, 24-28 This fellow represents the first two in the same way; a This fellow = Polybius
third promontory as the one ending at Maleae and Sunium, Maleae, Akra Maleas (Gr.)
Sunium, Kolonnes (Gr.)
containing all of Greece, Illyria, and some parts of Thrace; a
Thracian Cherronesus, Gallipoli
fourth as the promontory ending at the Thracian Cherrone- peninsula (Tky.)
sus, with the straits at Sestus and Abydus (this promontory straits at Sestus, Abydus,
Dardanelles (Tky.)
Polybius counts 5 promontories occupied by Thracians); a fifth as the promontory ending Cimmerian Bosporus, Straits of
in Europe
with the Cimmerian Bosporus and the mouth of the Maeotis. Kerch'
108 C, 28–109 C, 5 Let the first two be granted. They are hemmed by simple
bays: one, by the bay (on which Gadira is situated) between bay between Calpe and Sacred
Promontory = Atlantic coast of
Calpe and the Sacred Promontory, and by the sea between s. Spain and s. Portugal
the Pillars and Sicily;1 the other, by this sea and the Adria— Adria, Adriatic Sea
although the Iapygian headland has to be added, making Italy Iapygian headland, Capo S.
double-crested and providing something of a complication. Maria di Leuca (It.)
The remaining promontories—which are even more obvi-

ously complex and multisectioned—demand to be differently
divided. In the same way, the division into six, made accord-
ing to the promontories, faces the same objection.
109 C, 6-11 In my detailed description,2 I w ill make the appropriate
corrections to t hese and other errors he has made in Europe, he = Polybius
and in his descriptive journey around Libya. For now, it will Libya = Africa
be enough that the foregoing responses have been made 3 to

those of my predecessors who, when I considered them side
by side, provided me with sufficient proof that I myself have
justifiably chosen to embark on the same project, which is in
need of so much correction and addition. |
[ 1 ] “Sea between the Pillars and Sicily” = western basin of the Med. Sea: 122 C,
16–123 C, 9.
[ 2 ] The term “detailed description”: 104 C, 1-5n.
[ 3 ] 15 C, 1–109 C, 5.
128
CHAPT E R TWO The “Lived-in World”
This chapter is required reading for everyone who is drawn to Strabo’s work, wherever
their particular interests lie. In it, Strabo provides us with a full definition of the “lived-
in world,” the many and various parts of which he describes in detail in the following
chapters (chapters 3–5). The “lived-in world” is a difficult concept for modern readers
to grasp, not least because it is based largely on fallacies. One of those fallacies is that,
heading north from the Black Sea, human habitation becomes impossible at a latitude
running through what we now think of as northern Ukraine and southern Russia, and
that, heading south down the Nile, the latitude at which life becomes impossible runs
through what we now think of as South Sudan. Despite or b ecause of these fallacies, it
is important for the twenty-first-century reader to try to understand the concept of the
lived-in world, since it provides the raison d’être of Strabo’s work.
Strabo defines the lived-in world primarily through its external relationship to the
spherical earth. Modern readers are often surprised to learn that Strabo knows of the
earth’s sphericity. In truth, that belief is already several hundred years old by Strabo’s
day. Strabo even has the capability to determine what proportion of the earth’s surface is
occupied by the lived-in world: it occupies less than half the space within one half of the
northern h emisphere. Within this space, the essential characteristic of the lived-in world
is that it is surrounded by a vast expanse of “unlived-in-ness.” This supposed expanse of
unlived-in-ness provides a justification for the concept of the lived-in world and at the
same time acts as its boundary.
To the west, Strabo considers that the immense Atlantic ocean precludes habitation.
(Strabo seems not to have considered sea creatures as agents of habitation—the lived-in
world is a concept constructed for and by man.) In the east, Strabo is misled by reports
that it is possible to sail from India northward along the coast and into the Caspian sea.
These reports are either untrue or misunderstood, perhaps reflecting knowledge of trade
routes by river from India to the Caspian. Nevertheless, they are responsible for the fal-
lacious idea that t here is an expanse of ocean to the north and east of India. Strabo’s
readiness to accept this belief is also the result of a predisposition to see the lived-in
world as symmetrical, with the Atlantic coastline in the west mirrored by an eastern
oceanic coastline.
129
2. The “Lived-in World”
To the north, Strabo determines that a line of latitude running perhaps four thou-
sand stades (just over 450 miles, just under 750 kilometers) north of the Black Sea marks the
end of human habitation. Beyond that latitude, it is considered—wrongly, of course—
that the weather is just so inhospitable that nobody can survive. To the south, Strabo
determines—again, wrongly—that a line of latitude running three thousand four hun-
dred stades (nearly 400 miles, nearly 650 kilometers) south of Meroe marks the point be-
yond which temperatures are so high that h umans simply cannot live. “Meroe” is the
name of the area along the Nile between two of its tributaries (Atbara river and Blue Nile/
Bahr el Azraq), and is also the name of a city (Bagrawiya, Sudan) in the same area. When
Strabo uses “Meroe” as a datum point, it is often unclear in which of these two senses he
uses the name.
Strabo tries to keep an open mind as to whether the areas to the north and south
of the lived-in world are covered by sea—continuations of the sea that lies to the east
and west—or w hether the continental landmass protrudes into them. Strabo’s mind is,
however, most definitively closed when it comes to the possibility of human habitation in
these areas. His axiomatic belief in the ring of unlived-in-ness surrounding the lived-in
world means that he vigorously denies the veracity of any reports of habitation in t hese
areas. T
hese reports are of course true, but had Strabo accepted them, they would have
cut the ground from under the feet of the very concept of the lived-in world.
Having defined the lived-in world by reference to its external surroundings, Strabo
proceeds to describe its inner contents. He is aware that t here are numerous ways of
looking at the landmass that constitutes the lived-in world. It can be envisaged as a
huge island, penetrated by inlets from the surrounding outer sea—these inlets being
the Mediterranean, the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea, and (according to Strabo’s incorrect
assumption) the Caspian Sea. Alternatively, it can be envisaged as three separate con-
tinents: Europe, Asia, and Libya (= Africa). It can be described as it would appear to a
navigator sailing along the inner and outer coasts of these continents. Alternatively, it
can be described as a series of two-dimensional territories or, more abstractly, as a grid
of parallels and meridians.
In the later detailed description of the lived-in world that forms the body of his nar-
rative (chapters 3–5), Strabo uses all these approaches, constantly shifting from one to
another, not always seamlessly. Chapter 2 serves as a sort of table of contents for Strabo’s
detailed description, foreshadowing the order in which continents, territories, coast-
lines, and islands w ill be presented later in the narrative (as elucidated in the footnotes
to this chapter). This foreshadowing clearly shows that Strabo from the outset has a
well-developed mental plan of what he will say later in his work.
In the event, however, Strabo w ill occasionally deviate from his initial plan. A notable
example is provided by Strabo’s treatment of nations living within the Taurus mountain
range. The range itself is conceived of as a partition dividing Asia into two parts, the north
and the south. This raises a question: Are the nations living within the Taurus mountains
130
themselves best categorized as part of northern Asia or of southern Asia? In chapter 2,

Strabo follows tradition and counts them as part of southern Asia. When it comes to his
detailed description of Asia in chapter 4, Strabo will change his mind and allocate them to
the north. The fact that Strabo does not at that point go back and change what he stated
earlier is one of several indications that his work was written down in real time. What
he says or writes early on in his work remains unchanged, and any deviations from his
original plan are explained as he goes along.
Remember
Remember when reading this chapter that “ . . . *” represents a gap or a pre-

Strabo’s own ideas. Italics are also used where Strabo riffs on individual
phrases or words used by an earlier scholar or poet.
Italics are used for technical terms that are difficult to translate.
Consult “Special Features of this Translation” and “A User’s Guide” at
the start of this translation for a fuller discussion of aids provided to the
reader.
131
CH APT E R TWO The “Lived-in World”
How to Be a Geographer
109 C, 12-20 Since the undertaking of my own project follows on from my 2.5.1
criticism of these individuals,1 let me make a second start,

stating that the would-be chorographer 2 has to take as his
premise much of what has been said in connection with
physics and astronomy, and has to busy himself with the
consequences of what has been posited and proved. It has
been stated that a builder or planner would be no good at
constructing a dwelling, or a city, without prior consideration
of celestial coordinates or of geometric shape, size, heat, cold,
and so on 3—and no less so the man who arranges the entire
lived-in world.
109 C, 20-26 The representation on one and the same flat surface of the
Iberian extremity and the Indian extremity, and of the inter-
vening parts, and the definition of their “wests,” “easts,” and
“souths” so as to be consistent—this has geographical mean-
ing for the man who has prior knowledge of celestial layout
and movement and who accepts that the earth’s surface is in
reality s pherical but is for present purposes imagined as ap-
pearing flat. But it has no geographical meaning for the man
who has no such knowledge.
109 C, 26-30 It is not as it is for travelers crossing great plains (e.g.,
those of Babylonia) or for sailors crossing the ocean, for
whom everything—in front of them, behind them, and to
their sides—presents a flat appearance, without variation in
regard to celestial phenomena or the motions and positions
relative to us of the sun and the other stars. For geographers,
it is not always necessary to see things in the same way.
109 C, 30–110 C, 6 The sailor, or traveler across a plain, is guided by the same
ideas that underlie the activities of both the uneducated
man and the man who is politically inclined . . . * with no
experience of the celestial bodies nor any knowledge of their
[ 1 ] 15 C, 1–109 C, 11.
[ 2 ] A “chorographer” is perhaps someone who describes the lived-in world, as
opposed to the earth in its entirety: 9 C, 35–10 C, 5n.
[ 3 ] 7 C, 23–8 C, 2.
133
variations. He sees the sun rise and set, and pass overhead, but
he does not ask himself why (to do so would not be advanta-
geous for dealing with his immediate concerns, just as he does
not ask himself whether he stands parallel to his neighbor
or not). Perhaps he does ask himself but holds opinions an-
tithetical to astronomical principles, just as inhabitants of a
given locality do, for each place has its own misconceptions.
110 C, 6-13 He who is concerned with describing the world does not
describe it for the inhabitant of one locality, nor for the sort
of p
olitical being who never paid attention to what is called
“mathematics” in the specific sense—no more than for a
farmhand or ditchdigger. He describes it for the man capable
of taking on trust that the earth in its entirety is as claimed
by mathematicians, and who believes the other things associ-
ated with that assumption. He bids his students that, having
previously accepted t hose beliefs, they should concentrate on
their consequences. He w ill speak of what flows from t hose
beliefs, with the consequence that his audience can use what
they learn more profitably if they listen with a view to mathe
matics. He says that his description of the world is not for
those whose beliefs are otherwise. |
Geography, Geometry, Astronomy, and Physics
110 C, 14-16 The man who describes the world must, in matters of funda- 2.5.2
mental premises, rely on geometers who have calculated the

measurement of the whole earth; they, in turn, must rely on
astronomers, who in turn must rely on physicists.
110 C, 16-27 Physics is an arete (supreme philosophical principle), and people say
that the aretai are absolute—depending on themselves and
having within themselves their fundamental premises and
the proofs thereof. The following is what is propounded by
physicists. The cosmos and sky are s pherical; heavy m atter
has a tendency t oward the center; the earth having been made
sphere-shaped in accordance with this, it—as well as the axis
running through the earth and through the center of the
heavens—has the same center as the sky. The sky revolves
around the earth, and around the axis, from east to west. The
134
Geography, Geometry, Astronomy, and Physics
fixed stars revolve with the sky and at the same speed as it.
The fixed stars are therefore carried along parallel circles: the
best-known parallels are the equatorial [circle], the two tropi-
cal [circles], and the arctic [circles]. The wandering stars, together wandering stars = planets
with the sun and the moon, are carried along circles, drawn
obliquely, in the zodiac.
110 C, 27-32 Relying on all or some of these principles, astronomers con-
cern themselves with what follows from them: motions, time
periods, eclipses, sizes, distances, and a myriad other matters.1
Likewise, geometers calculating the measurement of the whole
earth accept the conclusions of physicists and astronomers.2
Geographers, in turn, accept the conclusions of geometers.3 |
111 C, 1-12 We must assume that the heavens are five-zoned, and that 2.5.3
the earth is also five-zoned, with the terrestrial and celestial

zones sharing the same names. I have given the reasons for the
division into five zones.4 The zones would be marked off by
circles drawn parallel to the equator and either side of it. Two
circles mark off the burnt zone. Two circles come a fter the lat-
ter: they create the two temperate zones alongside the burnt
zone and the two frozen zones alongside the temperate zones.
Under each celestial circle lies the terrestrial circle of the same
name; zone likewise lies u nder zone. P eople say that the “tem-
perate” zones are the ones that can be lived in, and that the
other zones are uninhabited on account of either heat or cold.
In the same way, people define the tropical and arctic circles—
wherever those arctic circles are—by using the names of the
celestial circles for the terrestrial circles that lie beneath them.
111 C, 13-19 Since the equatorial circle cuts the entire sky in half, it is
necessary that the earth be divided in two by its own equa-
tor. Each hemisphere—of the heavens and the earth—is
called e ither the “northern h emisphere” or the “southern
hemisphere.” Thus, since the burnt zone is split in two by
this same circle, one part of it will be “northern” and one
part “southern,” its name depending on the h emisphere in
which it lies. It is clear that one of the temperate zones, too,
is “northern,” and one is “southern,” named according to the
hemisphere in which the zone lies.
111 C, 19-28 The hemisphere called “northern” is the hemisphere that
contains the temperate zone in which, if you look from east
to west, the pole is on your right and the equator on your left;
[1] Astronomy: 111 C, 1-28.

[2] Geometry: 111 C, 29–112 C, 2.
[3] Geography: 112 C, 3-11.
[4] 94 C, 26–97 C, 23.
135
and in which, if you look to the south, west is to your right

and east is to your left. (For the southern hemisphere, the
opposite is the case.) In consequence, it is clear that we are in
one of the two h emispheres, and that it is the northern one. It
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) is not possible that we are in both, since in the middle are great
rivers, first and foremost Ocean, then there’s the burnt zone. But
there is no ocean nor burnt area in the middle of our lived-in
world, cutting the whole thing in two. Nor can any part of
climata = astronomical
our lived-in world be found where the climata are opposite to phenomena marking bands of
those described in the northern temperate zone. | latitude
111 C, 29–112 C, 2 The geometer accepts these matters and, in addition, 2.5.4
makes use of gnomon observations1 and other conclusions

reached by the astronomer, through which are established,
for each strip of habitation, the circles parallel to the equa-
tor, and the circles drawn through the poles that cut across
these at right a ngles. He then m easures the habitable part
by traveling through it and m easures the other part by cal-
culating the distances.2 He would thus be able to determine
what the distance is from the equator to the pole, which is a
quarter of the greatest circle of the earth. Having this figure,
he also has the quadruple of it, which is the circumference
of the earth.
112 C, 3-11 Thus, just as the earth-measurer took his starting princi
ples from the astronomer, and the astronomer from the
physicist, so in the same way the geographer takes his start
from the man who has measured the entire earth, relying
both on him and on t hose on whom he in turn relied. First,
the geographer must define the lived-in world—its size and
its nature, in terms of its shape and characteristics, and its
relationship to the earth in its entirety3 (for this is the proper
role of the geographer). Then, he must give an appropriate
account of its maritime and terrestrial details,4 at the same
time signaling what has not been adequately explained by
those of our p redecessors who are most trusted as the experts
in the field. |
[ 1 ] A “gnomon” is a rod placed vertically on the earth’s surface to cast a shadow.

The simplicity of the concept does not detract from the sophistication of the
theories derived from it. The shadow cast by the rod was used in antiquity to
(a) show the sphericity of the earth (e.g., 12 C, 9-13); (b) construct the astro-
geographical schema—still in use t oday—of arctic and antarctic circles, tropics,
equator (e.g., 136 C, 2-7n); (c) establish the time of year (solstices and equi-
noxes) and time of day; (d) compute latitude and north–south distances (e.g.,
115 C, 4-9n; 125 C, 31–126 C, 3n; 133 C, 29-32n).
[ 2 ] 113 C, 25–116 C, 12.
[ 3 ] Shape and size of the lived-in world: 118 C, 15–120 C, 26. Relationship of the
lived-in world to spherical earth: 112 C, 12–117 C, 11.
[ 4 ] Maritime: 121 C, 16–126 C, 24. Terrestrial: 126 C, 24–131 C, 26. Both aspects are
melded together in the main body of Strabo’s narrative: 136 C, 18–839 C, 10.
136
The “Lived-in World” and the Spherical Earth
Relationship of the “Lived-in World” to the Spherical Earth
112 C, 12-16 Let it be assumed, then, that the earth (with the sea) is 2.5.5
Spherical earth spherical, with its surface being one and the same as the oceans.
The upward projection of the ground would be obscured: it is
small in the grand scale of things and can be ignored. Conse-
quently, we use the term “spherical” in this case not in the sense
of a sphere produced by a lathe, nor in the theoretical sense in
which a geometer uses it, but in an empirical and rather rough
sense.
112 C, 16-19 Imagine the sphere as five-zoned, with the equatorial circle
drawn on it and another circle (drawn parallel to the equato-
rial circle), which is the boundary of the frozen zone in the
Northern hemisphere of northern h emisphere, and a circle drawn through the poles,
spherical earth
which cuts t hese parallels at right a ngles.
112 C, 19-24 The northern hemisphere contains two of the one-quarter
Northern hemisphere contains parts formed by the equator and the circle through the poles.
two one-quarter parts of the
sphere Each of these includes a quadrilateral area whose northern
Each one-quarter part contains side is half the circle in the direction of the pole and whose
within it one quadrilateral southern side is half the equatorial circle. The remaining sides
are segments of the line through the poles; they lie opposite
each other and are equal in length.
112 C, 24–113 C, 3 We say that in one of these quadrilaterals—it would seem
“Our” lived-in world lies in not to matter which—is located our lived-in world, seagirt
one of the two quadrilaterals
composing the northern like an island. As has been stated, this is a deduction based
hemisphere on empiricism and theory. If anyone distrusts the theory, it
makes no difference from the point of geography w hether
you make it into an island or whether you agree with what
we have learned from experience, namely that there have
been coastal navigations from both directions—from the
east and from the west—with the exception of limited areas
in the m iddle. It makes no difference w hether t hese areas
are bordered by sea or by uninhabited land. The geogra-
pher seeks to describe the known parts of the lived-in world,
and ignores the unknown parts, just as he ignores the parts
outside the lived-in world. It will be sufficient to join with
a straight line the farthest points reached on the coast from
each end and to complete the overall shape of what is said
to be an “island.” |
137
113 C, 4-9 Let the island be projected onto the said quadrilateral. We 2.5.6
should take the island’s actual size, isolating our hemisphere

from the mass of the whole earth, isolating half of this
hemisphere, and further isolating from this again the quadri-
lateral in which we say that the lived-in world lies. We should
undertake an analogous procedure concerning its shape, fit-
ting what is empirical to what is assumed.
113 C, 9-14 The shape of the section of the northern hemisphere be-
The slice of the northern tween the equator and the circle parallel to it in the direction
hemisphere between the
equator and the frozen of the pole is a spondylus.1 The circle through the poles that
zone forms a “spondylus,” cuts the hemisphere in half also cuts the spondylus in half and
consisting of the two northern
quadrilaterals forms the quadrilateral. It will consequently be clear that half
of the surface area of the spondylus is the quadrilateral in which Atlantic ocean = North
Sea + Atlantic Ocean + India
sits the Atlantic ocean. Ocean
113 C, 14-21 The lived-in world is a chlamydoid island within this and chlamydoid, cloak-shaped
The lived-in world takes up is less than a half portion of the quadrilateral.2 This is clear
less than one-half of one
quadrilateral from geometry; from the huge expanse of the surrounding
sea, which covers the ends of the continents in each direction
and presses in on them, to create a tapering shape; thirdly,
from its maximum length and width, the former of which is
seventy thousand stades (limited for the most part by sea on
which sailing onward is prevented by its vast emptiness), the
latter of which is less than thirty thousand stades (bounded
by what is uninhabited because of heat or cold).
113 C, 21-24 The part of the quadrilateral that is uninhabited on ac-
Area of quadrilateral that is count of the heat, having a width of eight thousand eight width = north–south dimension
uninhabited because of the
heat hundred stades and a maximum length of one hundred and length = east–west dimension
twenty-six thousand (i.e., half the equator), . . . * what re-

mains would be more. |
113 C, 25–114 C, 1 What Hipparchus says is approximately consistent with 2.5.7
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) cites this. That fellow says that one must subtract the lived-in world
from the earth, assuming the size of the earth is as Eratosthenes said,
for it makes little difference, as concerns the celestial phenomena
observable in each strip of habitation,3 whether this measurement
is used—or the m easurement given by his successors. Given that
the equatorial circle m easures, according to Eratosthenes,
two hundred and fifty-two thousand stades, a quarter-part
would be sixty-three thousand stades, which is the distance
from the equator to the pole, accounting for fifteen of the hexecontad = 60th of
sixty hexecontads that make up the equator. The distance from 360° = 6° = 4200 stades
[ 1 ] It is easier to envisage the 3-dimensional figure implied by the word spondy-

lus than to translate the word into E nglish. Spondylus can mean a vertebra, a
spindle whorl, or an artichoke.
[ 2 ] Strabo devotes the following section of narrative to showing that the lived-in
world occupies less than half the quadrilateral, by calculating the area of the part
of the quadrilateral uninhabited because of heat (113 C, 21–114 C, 1); calculating
the north–south dimension of the habitable part of the quadrilateral, which is the
same as the north–south dimension of the lived-in world (114 C, 1–116 C, 12); and
noting that the east–west dimension of the lived-in world takes up only a portion
of the east–west dimension of the habitable part of the quadrilateral (116 C, 12-19).
[ 3 ] Strabo seems to quote or paraphrase Hipparchus’s own words: 131 C, 26–132 C,
10nn.
138
the equator to the circle of the summer tropic (i.e., the parallel
drawn through Syene) is four hexecontads. Syene, Aswan (Egy.)
114 C, 1-6 The individual distances are figured out using a ctual
North–south dimension of measurements. It is the case that the tropical circle lies gnomon, rod placed vertically
lived-in world on the earth’s surface to cast a
at Syene, b ecause that is where, at the summer solstice, shadow
the gnomon casts no shadow at midday.1 The meridian Meroe, region of Bagrawiya
through Syene is drawn so that it generally follows the Nile (Sud.)
from Meroe to Alexandria, which is around ten thousand Alexandria, Iskandariya (Egy.)
stades.
114 C, 6-11 It is the case that Syene is located in the middle of this
space, with the consequence that the distance from Syene to
Meroe is five thousand stades. As you go farther south in a farther south = from Meroe
straight line for some three thousand stades, the remaining

parts are no longer inhabitable because of the heat. The con-
sequence is that we should treat the parallel through t hese
Southern limit of lived-in world places (identical with the parallel through Cinnamonland)2
as the beginning, and the southern limit, of our lived-in
world.
114 C, 11-18 Since, then, it is five thousand stades from Syene to Meroe, Syene, Aswan (Egy.)
and another three thousand have been added, the total to the Meroe, region of Bagrawiya
(Sud.)
edge of the lived-in world would be eight thousand stades.
The distance from Syene to the equator is sixteen thousand
eight hundred stades (i.e., the sum of four hexecontads, each of
which is given as four thousand two hundred stades). In con-
sequence, the distance to the equator that remains, measured
from the edge of the lived-in world, would be eight thousand
eight hundred stades; twenty-one thousand eight hundred
stades m easured from Alexandria.
114 C, 18-24 Again, everyone agrees that the voyage from Alexan- Alexandria, Iskandariya (Egy.)
dria to Rhodes is a continuation of the straight line drawn

through the Nile, as is the coastal voyage along Caria and Caria, Ionia, Troad, w. coast of
Turkey
Ionia as far as the Troad, Byzantium, and Borysthenes.3 Tak-
Byzantium, Istanbul (Tky.)
ing into account the known and sailed distances, they con-
Borysthenes, mouth of Dnieper r.
sider that the regions beyond Borysthenes, representing a
continuation of this straight line, are habitable only up to a
certain point and would mark the limit of the lived-in world
to the north.
114 C, 25-28 The most distant of the known Scythians living beyond beyond Borysthenes = north of
mouth of Dnieper r.
Northern limit of lived-in world Borysthenes are the Rhoxolanians.4 They are on a more
Rhoxolanians, Ukraine, Russia
southerly parallel than the farthest known parts beyond

[ 2 ] Parallel through Cinnamonland (Somalia): 132 C, 25–133 C, 4.
[ 3 ] In 114 C, 18–116 C, 12, Strabo reverts to his statement at 113 C, 14-21, and argues
that the north–south dimension of the habitable part of the quadrilateral
should be measured along a straight line, from the southern limit of the lived-
in world to its northern limit.
[ 4 ] Rhoxolanians: 306 C, 21-32.
139
Brettanica;1 and the regions beyond are already uninhabited

because of the cold. Farther south than t hese p eople are t hose
living above the Maeotis: Sauromatians and Scythians, as far Maeotis, Sea of Azov
as the eastern Scythians. |

114 C, 29–115 C, 3 Pytheas of Massalia says that the most distant parts are those 2.5.8
associated with Thule 2—the northernmost of the Brettanic isles—

where the circle of the summer tropic is the same as the arctic circle.3
Strabo rejects claims by Pytheas From other authorities, I can find nothing out, neither that
(4th c. BCE) of habitation as far
north as the arctic circle the island of Thule exists nor w hether the parts are habitable
up to the point where the arctic circle becomes the summer
tropic. I think that the northern limit of the lived-in world
is on a much more southerly parallel than this. Researchers
today are unable to describe anything beyond Ierne, which Ierne, Ireland
lies a short distance north of Brettanica,4 its inhabitants

completely wild and their living conditions miserable on ac-
count of the cold. In consequence, that is where I think the
boundary should be put.
115 C, 4-9 Hipparchus says, putting his trust in Pytheas, that the par-
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) cites allel through Byzantium goes approximately through Massalia, on Byzantium, Istanbul (Tky.)
Pytheas (4th c. BCE)
the grounds, he says, that in Byzantium the ratio of the gnomon Massalia, Marseille (Fr.)
to its shadow 5 is the same as what was recorded for Massalia by Py-
theas. The parallel through Borysthenes is around three thousand
this = parallel through
eight hundred stades from this. Based on the distance from Massalia Byzantium
to Brettanica, the circle through Borysthenes would be drawn roughly
there = through Brettanica
there. (Great Britain)
115 C, 9-21 Pytheas oftentimes leads men astray, and has lied in this
respect, too. It has been agreed by all that the line from the
Pillars to the places associated with the Strait, Athens, and Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
Rhodes, lies on the same parallel. It is agreed that the line Strait, Straits of Messina
from the Pillars to the Strait passes approximately through

the middle of the sea. Navigators say that the longest cross-
ing from Celtica to Libya is the one from the Galatian bay, Celtica = France
measuring five thousand stades; and that this is also the max- Libya = Africa
imum width of the sea. In consequence, the distance from Galatian bay, Gulf of Lion
the said line to the innermost recess of the bay would be two Massalia, Marseille (Fr.)
thousand five hundred stades, and the distance to Massalia
Rhodia = Rhodian territory
would be less (since Massalia is on a more southerly parallel (short coastal stretch in sw.
than the bay’s innermost recess). The distance from Rhodia Tky. + Rhodes)
to Byzantium is some four thousand nine hundred stades. Byzantium, Istanbul (Tky.)
[ 1 ] Farthest known parts beyond Brettanica (Great Britain) = Ierne (Ireland): 114 C,
29–115 C, 3.
[ 2 ] The term “those associated with Thule” is an idiomatic expression, meaning
simply Thule. The reference to the arctic circle (see next note) supports iden-
tification of Thule with Iceland.
[ 3 ] I.e., where the celestial circle of the summer tropic and the celestial arctic circle
appear the same to an observer on the earth’s surface. Nowadays, we would
describe such an observer as being “at the arctic circle.”
[ 4 ] Location of Ierne (Ireland) north of Brettanica (Great Britain): 201 C, 3-8n.
[ 5 ] A gnomon is a rod placed vertically on the earth’s surface to cast a shadow: 111 C,
29–112 C, 2n. The ratio of the rod to its shadow at midday gives the a
ngle at which
the sun’s rays pass over the rod, which in turn allows computation of latitude.
140
Consequently, the parallel through Byzantium would be far-

ther north than the parallel through Massalia.1
115 C, 22-30 The distance from there to Brettanica can be taken as t here to Brettanica = from
Marseille to Great Britain
agreeing with the distance from Byzantium to Borysthenes.
As for the distance from there to Ierne, it is no longer known from t here to Ierne = from Great
Britain to Ireland
what should be given, nor whether the parts even farther on
are still habitable. Nor is it necessary to think about it, if we
pay attention to what has been said above.2 From the point of
view of science, it is sufficient to conclude that, just as it was
appropriate to go three thousand stades beyond Meroe to the Meroe, region of Bagrawiya
(Sud.)
south and put the limit t here (not as being an especially precise
limit but as a nearly accurate one), so h ere, too, one should
assume that the distance beyond Brettanica is no greater than
this or only a little greater (some four thousand stades).
115 C, 30–116 C, 6 For government purposes, t here would be no added ad-
vantage in knowing about such territories nor about their in-
habitants, particularly if they dwell on islands such as these,
which, because of their isolation, are capable of neither harm-
ing nor helping us. The Romans, though capable of possess-
ing Brettanica, disdained to do so, seeing that t here was noth- Brettanica, Great Britain
ing at all to fear from its p

eople (since they are not sufficiently
strong to launch an attack against us) nor any g reat advantage
in occupation (since it seems that nowadays more is gained
from duties than would be paid in taxes, a fter taking into ac-
count the expenses of an army to guard the island and collect
the taxes). In the case of the other islands in the vicinity of
this one, it would be utterly pointless. |
116 C, 7-12 If the distance of four thousand stades, northward from 2.5.9
North–south dimension of Borysthenes, is added to the distance from Rhodia to Borys- Borysthenes, mouth of Dnieper r.
lived-in world is “less than
30,000 stades” thenes, the total is twelve thousand seven hundred stades. The Rhodia = Rhodian territory
(short coastal stretch in sw.
distance from Rhodia to the southern limit of the lived-in Tky. + Rhodes)
world is sixteen thousand six hundred stades. In consequence,
the total width of the lived-in world would be only slightly
less than thirty thousand stades from south to north.
116 C, 12-19 The length is said to be around seventy thousand stades.
East–west dimension of lived-in This is the distance from west to east, m easured from the end
world is “around 70,000 stades”
of Iberia to the end of India, partly overland and partly by sea.
That this distance for the length fits within the said quadrilat-
eral is clear from the ratio of the parallels with the equator. The
[ 1 ] Byzantium does not (as Strabo believes) lie farther north than the parallel
through Massalia, nor does it (as Pytheas and Hipparchus believe) lie on the
same parallel as Massalia. It lies slightly farther south.
[ 2 ] 112 C, 24–113 C, 3.
141
consequence is that the length is more than twice the width. It

is also said that the shape is roughly chlamydoid. In my detailed chlamydoid, cloak-shaped
description,1 much contraction of its width is found t oward

each end, particularly the western end.2 |
116 C, 20-29 We have now inscribed on a spherical surface the area in 2.5.10
which we say that the lived-in world is located. The man who
imitates reality as closely as possible must represent the earth
Crates (2nd c. BCE) as a sphere, just like the Cratetium ([Sphere] made by Crates); he
must include on the sphere the quadrilateral, and must place
the geographical map within it. However, the sphere has to
be enormous—so that the said portion, a tiny fraction of it,
is nevertheless sufficiently large to show clearly the constitu-
ent parts of the lived-in world and to give observers a proper
image. For the man with the resources to construct a sphere
of such size, it is best that he does so—and the sphere should
be not less than ten feet in diameter.
116 C, 29–117 C, 3 The man who does not have the resources to construct
a sphere of such size, or at least one not much smaller than
this, should make his drawing on a plane map measuring at
least seven feet. It makes little difference if, rather than using
circles (i.e., the parallels and meridians that we use to show
the climata, winds, other variables and the relationships of climata, geographical
coordinates
the parts of the world to each other and to the heavens),
we use straight lines—parallel straight lines for the parallel
circles, straight lines at right a ngles to them for the circles
at right a ngles to the parallel circles. The intellect is easily
capable of transferring what is perceived visually on a plane
surface, in terms of shape and size, onto the curved surface
of a sphere.
117 C, 3-4 We make an analogous statement about the oblique circles
and straight lines.
117 C, 4-9 If the individual meridians drawn through the poles all
converge at one point on a sphere, but if, on a plane map, the
meridians are represented as straight lines converging only
slightly, it will make no difference. There is no need for this
in many places, and the convergence, like the curvature, is not
apparent when the lines are transferred onto a plane map and
drawn as if straight. |
117 C, 9-11 I will talk in the ensuing narrative as if the drawing is on 2.5.11
a plane map.3
[ 1 ] The term “detailed description”: 104 C, 1-5n.

[ 2 ] The parts of the quadrilateral to the east and west of the lived-in world, while
habitable from the point of view of temperature, are occupied by de facto un-
inhabited expanses of ocean; the area they take up is such as to prove Strabo’s
claim that the lived-in world takes up less than half of the quadrilateral (113 C,
14-21n).
[ 3 ] I.e., in the section on the shape of the lived-in world (118 C, 15–120 C, 26) and in
the body of Strabo’s work (136 C, 18–839 C, 10). Ignoring the curvature of the
earth can lead to confusion in Strabo’s description of India: “Translator’s Note
on Strabo’s ‘India,’ ” chap. 4.2.
142
Direct vs Indirect Experience
Direct vs Indirect Experience
117 C, 12-20 I will distinguish between the part of the earth and sea that
I have myself visited and the part for which I trust in what is
said or written. From Armenia,1 I traveled westward as far as
the places in Tyrrhenia2 opposite Sardo.3 From the Euxine, Tyrrhenia, w. Italy
I traveled southward as far as the boundary with Ethiopia.4 Sardo, Sardinia (It. island)
Not one of those who have written about the world would be Euxine, Black Sea
found to have traveled much of the said distances more than
I have. T hose who have sailed around the western parts have
not reached so many places in the east; t hose who have sailed
in the opposite parts lag behind in the west. The situation is
the same for the north and the south.
117 C, 20-27 They and I largely use reports heard from o thers to piece
together shape, size, and other aspects of its qualitative and
quantitative nature, in the same way as the mind comes up
with concepts on the basis of what is perceived. Our senses
perceive the shape, color, and size of an apple, also its fra-
grance, feel, and flavor. From these, the mind puts together
the mental concept of an apple. Where large-scale figures
are concerned, the parts are seen by the senses, but the whole
is put together by the mind on the basis of what has been
seen.
117 C, 27-34 In just this way intellectuals, using as their “sense organs”
those individuals who have seen certain places and t hose who
have variously traveled through different parts of the world,
construct a unified image of the lived-in world in its entirety.
Even generals, who do everything but are not present every-
where, achieve success through o thers, making use of mes-
sengers and sending out proper instructions based on what
they have heard. Anyone who believes that people can only
have knowledge about things they have themselves seen, that
person ignores the faculty of hearing, which is much stronger
than eyesight when it comes to science. |
117 C, 35–118 C, 14 In particular, men of today would be much better able to 2.5.12
describe places among the Britons,5 the Germans,6 and the

inhabitants of the Ister region, both those inside the Ister inside Ister = south of Danube r.
and those outside (Getans, Tyregetans, and Bastarnians);7 outside = north of Danube r.
also, those in the Caucasus region—for example, Albanians
[ 1 ] Strabo probably means the boundary between Armenia and Cappadocia at [ 4 ] I.e., the boundary between s. Egypt and Ethiopia. The southernmost place at
the Euphrates river (526 C, 34–527 C, 15). Strabo’s nearest attested presence to which Strabo is attested is Philae (Bilaq, Egy.): 818 C, 3-21n.
this boundary is at Comana (Şar, Tky.) and the Pyramus r. (Ceyhan Nehri): 535 C, [ 5 ] Rome launched two attacks against Britain (mid-50s BCE). Strabo’s use of data
20–536 C, 20nn. derived as a result: 193 C, 9-18; 193 C, 34–194 C, 2; 199 C, 10–201 C, 2.
[ 2 ] The westernmost place at which Strabo is attested is Populonium (Populonia, [ 6 ] Rome conducted two major campaigns against Germany (12–9 BCE; 14–16 CE).
It.): 223 C, 27–224 C, 3n. It is possible that he traveled farther up the Italian Strabo’s use of data derived from the campaigns: 291 C, 11–292 C, 10.
coastline as far as Luna (Luni): 222 C, 9-22n. [ 7 ] Rome was militarily active in Danube area (29–28 BCE; after 4 CE; 11 CE). Strabo’s
[ 3 ] Tyrrhenia (w. Italy) is opposite Cyrnus (Corsica, Fr. island) rather than opposite use of the data: 303 C, 19–305 C, 15.
Sardo (Sardinia, It. island). Strabo later repeats the error (222 C, 9-22n) and then
corrects it (223 C, 24–224 C, 8nn). Sardo and Cyrnus w ere governed as one Roman
province (840 C, 13-26), which may have contributed to Strabo’s confusion.
143
and Iberians.1 I have been informed about m atters to do with

Hyrcania and Bactriana2 by those associated with Apol-
lodorus of Artemita,3 who wrote the Parthica 4—matters
that he very clearly delineated. Romans recently invaded
Blessed Arabia with an army (commanded by my dear friend
and companion Aelius Gallus); 5 and Roman merchants from Aelius Gallus was governor
of Roman Egypt, early to
Alexandria were already sailing via the Nile and the Arabian mid-20s BCE
gulf as far as India.6 These regions are also therefore much Arabian gulf, Red Sea
better known to us t oday than to our p redecessors. At any
rate, when Gallus was governor of Egypt, I accompanied him
on his voyage upstream as far as Syene and the Ethiopian Syene, Aswan (Egy.)
border 7 and learned that one hundred and twenty ships

might sail from Myus Hormus to India, whereas formerly,
at the time of the Ptolemaic rulers, few indeed were those Ptolemaic rule of Egypt ended
in 30 BCE, when Egypt fell to
who were brazen enough to make the voyage and to trade in the Romans
Indian goods.8 |
Shape of the “Lived-in World” on a Map
118 C, 15-19 The first and foremost requirement, from the point of view 2.5.13
of both science and political utility, is as follows: to attempt

to describe as simply as possible, in terms of its shape and
size, what falls within the geographical map (at the same time
showing how and to what extent it is a part of the world in its
entirety). That is the geographer’s job.
118 C, 19-24 To give a precise account of the entire world, and of the
whole spondylus comprising the zone that I am describing,9
belongs to a different branch of science—the question, for
example, of whether the spondylus is “lived-in” all the way
around, even in the opposite quarter. Even if such is the case,
it is not “lived-in” by t hose people who live in our world.
Rather, that other lived-in world would have to be considered
a separate one (which is plausible). It is my job, however, to
describe conditions in this “lived-in world.” |
118 C, 25-32 The lived-in world is something of a chlamydoid figure. The 2.5.14
chlamydoid, cloak-shaped greatest width of this figure is represented by the line through
the Nile, which starts at the parallel through Cinnamonland Cinnamonland, Somalia
and the Island of the Egyptian Fugitives, and goes as far as the
[ 1 ] Rome was active in Caucasus (mid-60s; late 30s BCE). Strabo’s use of the data: [ 6 ] In the event, Strabo is rather disparaging about the quality of data thus de-
499 C, 35–503 C, 23. rived: 685 C, 20–686 C, 16.
[ 2 ] Strabo probably uses Apollodorus’s work in much of his description of Hyrcania [ 7 ] Strabo frequently refers, in his description of the Nile, to observations he made
and Bactriana: 508 C, 27–510 C, 25; 516 C, 17–518 C, 25. during this voyage: 803 C, 13–818 C, 21. The period of Gallus’s governorship
[ 3 ] The expression “those associated with Apollodorus of Artemita” is idiomatic, provides evidence for the date of Strabo’s arrival in Alexandria (early 20s BCE),
meaning simply Apollodorus of Artemita (1st c. BCE). where he was based for a “long time”: 101 C, 14-24n.
[ 4 ] See 639 C, 15-27n. [ 8 ] For the way station on the Nile at which Strabo is likely to have acquired this
[ 5 ] Strabo’s use of data acquired by Gallus in his campaign against Blessed Arabia information: 815 C, 6-27.
(mid-20s BCE): 780 C, 1–782 C, 26. [ 9 ] For the definition of a spondylus: 113 C, 9-14.
144
Shape of the “Lived-in World” on a Map
parallel through Ierne. The length is represented by the line Ierne, Ireland
Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar at right angles to this, from the west through the Pillars and
Issian gulf, Gulf of İskenderun
Sicilian strait, Straits of Messina Sicilian strait to Rhodia and the Issian gulf, continuing along
the Taurus, which, like a belt across Asia, terminates at the Rhodia = Rhodian territory
(short coastal stretch in sw.
eastern sea, between the Indians and the Scythians beyond Tky. + Rhodes)
Bactriana. eastern sea, Bay of Bengal
118 C, 33-36 One must conceptualize a parallelogram in which the

chlamydoid (cloak-shaped) figure is inscribed in such a way that
its greatest length coincides with, and is equal to, the length
of the parallelogram; and its width coincides with the width
of the parallelogram.1 The chlamydoid figure is the lived-in
world.
118 C, 36–119 C, 8 I said that the width of the lived-in world is m easured
between t hose most distant and parallel sides,2 which divide
the habitation of the lived-in world from what is uninhab-
ited on e ither side: the northern side is the parallel through
Ierne, while the side bordering on the burnt zone is the paral- Ierne, Ireland
lel through Cinnamonland. These sides, if they are extended Cinnamonland, Somalia
eastward and westward to the parts of the lived-in world

on the same latitude, w ill make a parallelogram in conjunc-
tion with the adjoining sides drawn through the world’s end
points. That the lived-in world is inside this parallelogram is
apparent from the fact that neither its greatest width nor its
greatest length falls outside the parallelogram.
119 C, 8-10 That the shape of the lived-in world is chlamydoid (cloak-
shaped) is apparent from its tapering at either end of its length
where it borders the sea and from its diminishing width.

119 C, 10-17 This is made clear by t hose who have undertaken voyages
from e ither end, around the eastern and western parts. They
Sailing south from easternmost state that the island called “Taprobane” lies on a more south- Taprobane, Sri Lanka
end of lived-in world
erly parallel than does India, but that it is nevertheless in-
habited and (given the similarity of climate) lies on the same
parallel as the Island of the Egyptians and as Cinnamonland. Cinnamonland, Somalia
The region at the mouth of the Hyrcanian sea3 lies on a more
Sailing north from easternmost northerly parallel than does the farthermost part of Scythia,
which comes after the Indians. (The region of Ierne lies on an after = north of
even more northerly latitude.)
119 C, 17-23 The same is said about the part “beyond the Pillars.” beyond the Pillars = on the
Atlantic
The westernmost point of the lived-in world is the Iberian
Sacred Promontory, Cabo de
promontory that they call the “Sacred Promontory.” It lies S. Vicente (Por.)
[ 1 ] It is easier to conceive of the shape denoted by the term chlamydoid than to

understand how precisely it resembles a cloak. From Strabo’s description, the
term denotes a figure that can be fitted into a parallelogram so that it touches
each side of the parallelogram but does not fill out its corners. It probably
should no more be interpreted as an actual comparison with a cloak than the
term trapezoid (e.g., at 811 C, 5-15; 837 C, 4-15; cf. 130 C, 25-32) implies compari-
son with a real table.
[ 2 ] 114 C, 1–115 C, 3; 116 C, 7-12.
[ 3 ] Strabo mistakenly believes that the Hyrcanian (Caspian) sea is an inlet of the
supposed northern ocean.
145
approximately on the line through Gadira, the Pillars, the Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
Sicilian strait, and Rhodia. People say that the celestial ob- Sicilian strait, Straits of Messina
servations, the seasonal winds, and the lengths of the longest Rhodia = Rhodian territory
(Rhodes + short coastal stretch
days and nights (fourteen and a half equinoctial hours) are in sw. Tky.)
all in concordance; and that on the Gadiran coast also . . . *
is seen.
119 C, 24-31 Posidonius says that, from some high building in a city some
four hundred stades from t hese places, he saw a star that he concluded
was Canopus, based on the fact that people who travel only a little way
south of Iberia agree that they can see it and based also on research
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) done at Cnidus (given that Eudoxus’s observatory is not much higher 1 Cnidus, Tekir (sw. Tky.)
refers to observations made by
Eudoxus (4th c. BCE) than t hese strips of habitation 2 and it is said that the fellow saw the the fellow = Eudoxus
star Canopus from there, and given that Cnidus is on the Rhodian clima, parallel, or band of
clima,3 on which Gadira and its coast also lie). | latitude
119 C, 31–120 C, 3 As you sail from there, Libya lies to the south, and the Libya = Africa 2.5.15
Sailing south from westernmost most westerly parts of it jut out only a little farther than
Gadira, and then, a fter forming a narrow headland, recede Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
to the southeast and broaden out to some degree, u ntil they Western Ethiopians = Western
join up with the Western Ethiopians. These lie at the farthest Sahara, ?Mauritania, ?Senegal
remove from the Carthage region, linking up with the line Carthage, Carthage (Tun.)
through Cinnamonland. Cinnamonland, Somalia
120 C, 3-9 If you sail in the other direction from the Sacred Prom- Sacred Promontory, Cabo de
S. Vicente (Por.)
ontory as far as the p eople called “Artabrians,” the voyage is
Artabrians = Cape Touriñán (Sp.)
Sailing north from westernmost northward as long as you have Lusitania to your right, then
all the rest of the voyage is eastward, making an obtuse angle
as far as the end of the Pyrenees where they terminate at the
ocean. Due north of this lies the western part of Brettanica. Brettanica, Great Britain
Due north of the Artabrians likewise lie what are called the
“Cattiterides” (Tin islands) in the open sea, located approxi- Cattiterides, ?Cornwall
Brettanic clima = latitude of (UK)/?islands off nw. France
Great Britain mately on the Brettanic clima.
120 C, 9-11 It is consequently clear how greatly the surrounding sea
causes each end of the lived-in world to taper to a narrow point. |
120 C, 12-21 Such being the overall shape, it seems useful to take two 2.5.16
straight lines cutting each other at right a ngles, one of which

will extend all along the greatest length and the other of
which will extend along the greatest width—the former line
will be one of the parallels, the latter w ill be one of the merid-
ians; then, imagining lines parallel to t hese in each direction,
to use these lines to divide the land and the sea in a way that
is useful. The shape, as I described it,4 would be more appar-
[ 1 ] I.e., not much farther north?

[ 2 ] I.e., the strips of habitation a l ittle way south of Iberia. “Strips of habitation” as
bands of latitude: 132 C, 3–132 C, 16n.
[ 3 ] It is unclear whether Strabo refers to the island of Rhodes (652 C, 10–655 C, 28)
or to the larger area of Rhodia, which includes a stretch of the mainland coast
(sw. Tky.) (651 C, 14–652 C, 9; 125 C, 25-31). Rhodia as a determinant of the main
east–west clima or parallel: 115 C, 9-21; 118 C, 25-32; 119 C, 17-23; 134 C, 7-12, 25-30.
Rhodia as a determinant of the main north–south meridian: 116 C, 7-12.
[ 4 ] 118 C, 15–120 C, 11.
146
Role of the Sea in the “Lived-in World”
ent, and1 the size (the lines along and across it being of var-
ied dimensions); the climata will be more clearly revealed— climata, geographical
coordinates
the eastern and the western ones, likewise the southern and
northern ones.
120 C, 21-26 These straight lines are necessarily drawn through well-
known locations: some (I mean the two central lines, already
defined, representing the length and the breadth)2 were al-
ready drawn; the rest would be easily determined by reference
to the former. Using t hese as, in a way, our “measures” . . . *
the parallel parts, and the other conditions—terrestrial and
astronomical—of the strips of habitation.3 |
Role of the Sea in Defining the “Lived-in World”
120 C, 27-33 It is mostly the sea that describes the world and shapes the 2.5.17
landmass, creating gulfs, seas, and straits, and likewise isth-

muses, peninsulas, and headlands. Rivers and mountain
ranges contribute to the process. By means of such features
as t hese, the concept of continents, nations, and city loca-
tions arose, and also of the other details that fill up the cho-
rographic map,4 among them the large number of islands
sprinkled across the seas and all along the coastline.
120 C, 33–121 C, 3 Diff erent places exhibit diff erent benefits and drawbacks,
and the different advantages and disadvantages that result.
Some of these attributes are the result of nature, and some are
the result of design. It is necessary to speak of those attributes
that are the result of nature, since they persist through time,
while t hose that are factitious are subject to change.
121 C, 3-15 Of these latter, it is necessary to make mention of attri-
butes that are capable of persisting for quite a long time or
else, although not persisting for a long time, have a splendor
and fame that survives into the f uture, making what no lon-
ger exists in a sense part of the nature of the place. In conse-
quence, it is clearly necessary to mention t hese attributes. For
example, it is possible to say in the case of many cities what
Demosthenes (4th c. BCE) Demosthenes said of the cities around Olynthus, which he
says have been so obliterated that anyone visiting them would not
even know that they had ever been built. Nevertheless, people
[ 1 ] The translation follows the manuscripts and ignores Radt’s emendation of the
word “and”: Radt, vol. 1, critical apparatus on 120 C, line 18.
[ 2 ] 118 C, 25-32.
[ 3 ] I.e., the climata, Strabo’s treatment of which is delayed u ntil 131 C, 26–135 C, 22.
[ 4 ] A “chorographic” map is perhaps a map of the lived-in world, rather than of the
earth in its entirety: 9 C, 35–10 C, 5n.
147
happily visit t hese and other places, wanting to see clues to

such famous events, just as they want to see the graves of fa-
mous men. Thus I also mention customs and constitutions
that no longer exist, answering the call of what is beneficial
in these cases, just as I do in the case of historical events, for
the purpose of emulation or avoidance. |
Four Gulfs (Caspian Sea, Persian Gulf, Red Sea,

and “Our Sea”)
121 C, 16-21 Picking up again from the initial outline,1 I state that our 2.5.18
lived-in world, being seagirt, has many gulfs penetrating it

from the outer sea. The largest ones are four in number. Of
these, the northern gulf 2 is called the “Caspian sea”; some call
it the “Hyrcanian.”3 The Persian and Arabian gulfs are inlets Arabian gulf, Red Sea
of the southern sea.4 The former is precisely opposite the

Caspian, the latter the Pontic sea. Pontic sea, Black Sea
121 C, 21-28 The fourth gulf, which much exceeds these in size, is
formed by what is called both the “inner sea” and “our sea.”
It starts in the west with the strait at the Pillars of Heracles; strait at the Pillars of Heracles,
Straits of Gibraltar
stretches out lengthways to the east, and is of variable width;
then splits and culminates in two sea-like gulfs. One, which
we call the “Euxine sea,” goes to the left.5 The other is formed Euxine sea, Black Sea
by the Egyptian sea, together with the Pamphylian and Issian Egyptian, Pamphylian, Issian
seas = e. Med.
seas.6
121 C, 29–122 C, 4 All the said gulfs from the outer sea have narrow en-
trances, more so the Arabian one and the one at the Pillars, Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
the other two less so. The landmass that surrounds them has
been divided into three, as I said.7 Europe is the most varied
of all; for Libya, the opposite is the case; the configuration Libya = Africa
of Asia is somewhat between the two. The variety, or lack

thereof, in all cases stems from the coastline of the inner sea. inner sea, Med. Sea + Black Sea
+ Sea of Azov
The coastline of the outer sea is, as I said, s imple and chla-
mydoid (cloak-shaped), apart from the said gulfs.8 One should
ignore other minor variations: minor details are irrelevant
to the large picture.
122 C, 4-9 Furthermore, since in geographical research, as I said, we
seek not only shapes and dimensions but also their relation-
[ 1 ] 120 C, 27-33. More generally: 118 C, 15–120 C, 11.

[ 2 ] Strabo mistakenly believes that the Caspian sea is an inlet (gulf) of the sup-
posed northern ocean.
[ 3 ] Caspian sea: 507 C, 3–510 C, 25.
[ 4 ] Persian gulf: 765 C, 27–767 C, 14; 729 C, 6-21; 732 C, 2-6. Arabian gulf (Red Sea):
768 C, 27–782 C, 26.
[ 5 ] Euxine, etc.: 124 C, 28–125 C, 25.
[ 6 ] Egyptian, Pamphylian, and Issian seas: 125 C, 25–126 C, 3.
[ 7 ] Strabo elaborates on his e arlier discussions of the continents (65 C, 13–66 C, 7;
107 C, 11–109 C, 5).
[ 8 ] Strabo elaborates on his earlier discussion of the coastline of the outer sea
(119 C, 8–120 C, 11).
148
Our Sea (Med. Sea + Black Sea + Sea of Azov)
ships with each other,1 so in this respect, too, the inner sea
offers more variation than the outer sea. There is far more of
the known, the temperate, the settled with cities and well-
governed nations in the case of the former than the latter.
122 C, 9-15 We seek to know about those parts where there is a tra-
dition of more action, government, technology, and other
matters conducive to practical wisdom. Utilitarian consid-
erations urge us t oward t hose places where relationships and
alliances are attainable; and t hese are places that are settled,
rather than t hose where settlement is sketchy. In all t hese re
spects, as I said, our sea is superabundant.2 It is where one
should begin one’s geographical journey. |
Our Sea (Mediterranean Sea + Black Sea + Sea of Azov)
122 C, 16-23 It has been noted that the strait at the Pillars marks the start strait at the Pillars, Straits of 2.5.19
Gibraltar
of this gulf.3 At its narrowest point, it is said to be around
1st basin of Med. Sea, west of seventy stades. Those who sail through the narrows, which
Sicily
measure one hundred and twenty stades, see the shorelines
suddenly retreat from each other (more so in the case of the
left-hand shore), then catch sight of a great sea. The sea is
bordered on the right-hand side by the Libyan coastline as far
as Carthage.4 It is bordered on the other side by the Iberian
coastline and by the Celtic coastline at Narbo and Massalia; Narbo, Narbonne (Fr.)
after t hese, by the Ligystican coastline; finally, by the Italian Massalia, Marseille (Fr.)
coastline up to the Sicilian strait.5
122 C, 23-31 The eastern side of the sea is formed by Sicily and the straits
on either side of it. One of these is the seven-stade strait with
Italy. The other is the strait of one thousand five hundred stades
with Carthage. The line from the Pillars to the Heptastadium Carthage, Carthage (Tun.)
(Seven-stade [strait])—which line is part of the line to Rhodes and Heptastadium = Straits of
Messina
the Taurus6—cuts approximately across the middle of the said
sea and is said to m easure twelve thousand stades. This, then, is
the length of the sea. Its maximum width is some five thousand
stades, which is the distance from the Galatian bay (between Galatian bay, Gulf of Lion
Massalia and Narbo) to Libya on the opposite side.

122 C, 31-34 They give the name “Libyan sea” to all that part of the sea
that is t oward Libya. To the part toward the mainland on the Libya = Africa
[1] 112 C, 3-11.

[2] 121 C, 29–122 C, 4.
[3] 121 C, 21-28.
[4] Libyan (= African) coastline to Carthage (Carthage, Tun.): 827 C, 28–828 C, 12;
829 C, 20-31; 832 C, 1–833 C, 33.
[ 5 ] Iberian (Spanish) coastline: 156 C, 14–160 C, 35. Celtic (French) coastline: 178 C,
12–185 C, 7. Ligystican (nw. Italy, Monaco) coastline: 201 C, 31–202 C, 35. Italian
coastline (w. Italy) to Sicilian strait (Straits of Messina): 222 C, 3–226 C, 9; 231 C,
31–234 C, 7; 242 C, 11–248 C, 30; 251 C, 7–253 C, 13; 254 C, 23–257 C, 12.
[ 6 ] Strabo supposes that this is the longest line that can be drawn across the lived-
in world, from its westernmost point to its easternmost point: 118 C, 25-32.
149
opposite side, they give the names “Iberian sea,” “Ligystican

sea,” and “Sardonian sea.” To the final part as far as Sicily, they
give the name “Tyrrhenian sea.”
122 C, 34–123 C, 9 There are many islands along the coast of the Tyrrhenian
sea as far as Ligystica. A fter Sicily (which is the largest and Ligystica, nw. Italy, Monaco
best of the other islands in our sea),1 the largest are Sardo and Sardo, Sardinia (It. island)
Cyrnus.2 Much smaller than these are the islands of Panda- Cyrnus, Corsica (Fr. island)
taria and Pontia in the open sea;3 and, near the coast, Aethalia,
Planasia, Pithecussa, Prochyta, Capriae, Leucosia, and other
similar islands.4 In the other direction from Ligystica, the is-
lands lying off the rest of the coast as far as the Pillars are few Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
in number. They include the Gymnesians and Ebysus.5 The

islands lying off Libya and Sicily are likewise few in number.
They include Cossura, Aegimurus, and the Liparaean islands,
which some p eople call the “islands of Aeolus.”6 |
123 C, 10-13 After Sicily and the straits on either side of it, there are 2.5.20
2nd basin of Med. Sea, east other seas that come next, including the sea at the mouths of
of Sicily
the Syrtes and off Cyrenaea, and also the Syrtes themselves; Syrtes, bays off e. Tunisia,
present-day Libya
and the sea once called the “Ausonian sea,” now called the “Si-
Cyrenaea, e. present-day Libya
cilian sea,” confluent and contiguous with the former.
123 C, 13-21 The sea at the mouths of the Syrtes and off Cyrenaea is
called the “Libyan sea”; it ends up in the Egyptian sea. As for
the Syrtes themselves, the L ittle Syrtis is some one thousand
six hundred stades in perimeter.7 Lying at e ither side of its
mouth are the islands of Meninx and Cercina. The perimeter Meninx, Gerba (Tun. island)
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) of the Great Syrtis is, according to Eratosthenes, five thousand Cercina, Grand Kerkenna (Tun.
island)
stades; 8 the distance to its recess, from Hesperides to Automala and
Hesperides, Benghazi (Lib.)
the border of Cyrenaea with the rest of Libya in that region, one
Automala, Bu Sceefa (Lib.)
thousand eight hundred stades. Others gave the sailing distance
around its perimeter as four thousand stades; the distance to
its recess, one thousand five hundred, similar to the width of
its mouth.
123 C, 21-29 The Sicilian sea lies east of Sicily and Italy, and also east
of the channel between Regina (as far as Locri) and Messenia Regina = territory of Regium,
Reggio di Calabria (It.)
(as far as Syracuse and Pachynus). It opens out in an east-
Messenia = territory of
erly direction as far as the end of Crete; it also surrounds the Messene, Messina (Sic.)
greater part of the Peloponnese and fills what is called the
“Corinthian gulf.” It opens out to the north in the direction
of the Iapygian headland, the mouth of the Ionian gulf, the Iapygian headland, Capo S.
Maria di Leuca (It.)
southern parts of Epirus as far as the Ambracian gulf and as
[1] Sicily: 265 C, 27–275 C, 19.

[2] Sardo, Cyrnus (+ Aethalia): 223 C, 24–225 C, 24.
[3] Pandataria + Pontia: 233 C, 31-34.
[4] Pithecussa, Prochyta, Capreae: 247 C, 29–248 C, 30. Leucosia: 252 C, 1-7.
[5] Gymnesians (+ Pityussans), Ebysus: 167 C, 15–168 C, 24.
[6] Liparaean islands, Cossura, Aegimurus: 275 C, 20–277 C, 25; 834 C, 1-8n, and
14-18n.
[ 7 ] Little Syrtis (Med. coast of e. Tunisia) + islands: 834 C, 22–835 C, 4.
[ 8 ] Great Syrtis (Med. coast of present-day Libya): 835 C, 30–836 C, 28.
150
far as the shoreline that follows, and, together with the Pelo-
ponnese, forms the Corinthian gulf.
123 C, 30–124 C, 3 The Ionian gulf is a part of what is now called the “Adria.” Ionian gulf/Adria, Adriatic Sea
The right-hand side of the Adria is formed by Illyria; the left- Illyria, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-
Herzegovina, Montenegro,
hand side is formed by Italy as far as the recess at Aquileia. Albania
The gulf points north and west, narrow and long, its length
some six thousand stades, its maximum width one thousand
two hundred. Many of the islands there—the Apsyrtides,
Cyrictica and the Libyrnides, also Issa, Tragurium, Black
Corcyra, and Pharos—lie off the coast of Illyria.1 The Dio- Diomedian islands, Tremiti (It.
islands)
median islands lie off the coast of Italy.
124 C, 3-10 As for the Sicilian sea, people say that the distance to Crete
from Pachynus is four thousand five hundred stades, and the Pachynus, Capo Passero (Sic.)
same to Taenarum in Laconia. The distance from the Iapygian Taenarum, Akra Tainaron (Gr.)
headland to the recess of the Corinthian gulf is less than three Iapygian headland, Capo
S. Maria di Leuca (It.)
thousand stades. The distance from the Iapygian headland
to Libya is more than four thousand. The islands here are
Corcyra and the Sybota, off the Epirote coast,2 followed by
(at the mouth of the Corinthian gulf ) Cephallenia, Ithaca,
Zacynthus, and the Echinades.3 |
124 C, 11-15 Following on from the Sicilian sea are the Cretan, Sa- 2.5.21
ronic, and Myrtoan seas, the last of which is between Crete,

Argia, and Attica, with its maximum width being the distance Argia, e. Peloponnese (Gr.)
measured from Attica, some one thousand two hundred Attica, s. cen. Greece
stades, and its length less than twice that much. In this sea
are the islands of Cythera and Calauria,4 those associated with
Aegina and Salamis,5 and some of the Cyclades.6
124 C, 16-24 What comes next is the Aegaean, with the Melas gulf and Melas gulf, Saros Körfezi
the Hellespont; the Icarian sea; and the Carpathian sea as far Hellespont, Dardanelles/
Çanakkale Boğazı
as Rhodes, Crete, Cyprus,7 and the first parts of Asia. . . . * the
first parts of Asia = w. coast of
islands are the Cyclades,8 the Sporades,9 those off the coast Turkey
of Caria, Ionia, and the Aeolid, as far as the Troad (by which
I mean Cos, Samos, Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos),10 likewise
those off Greece, as far as Macedonia and neighboring Thrace
(Euboea, Scyros, Peparethos, Lemnos, Thasos, Imbros, Sa-
mothrace, and several o thers),11 which I s hall describe in my
detailed description.12
124 C, 24-28 The length of this sea is around four thousand stades or a
little more; the width around two thousand stades. It is sur-
rounded by the said parts of Asia, by the coastline from Sunium Sunium, Kolonnes (Gr.)
[1] Islands off Illyrian coast: 315 C, 7-12, and 24-27. [ 8 ] I.e., t hose Cyclades categorized as being in the Aegean: 485 C, 1–487 C, 31.
[2] Corcyra, the Sybota: 324 C, 11-21. [ 9 ] Sporades: 487 C, 32–489 C, 27.
[3] Cephallenia, Ithaca, Zacynthus, Echinades: 452 C, 34–458 C, 14. [ 10 ] Cos: 657 C, 15–658 C, 4. Samos: 636 C, 33–639 C, 2. Chios: 645 C, 10-31. Lesbos:
[4] Cythera: 363 C, 18-21. Calauria: 373 C, 28–374 C, 5. 616 C, 23–618 C, 27. Tenedos: 603 C, 30–604 C, 12.
[5] “Those associated with Aegina and Salamis” is idiomatic, meaning simply Ae- [ 11 ] Euboea: 444 C, 8–449 C, 30. Scyros, Peparethos: 436 C, 34–437 C, 14. The de-
gina and Salamis. Aegina: 375 C, 8–376 C, 6. Salamis: 393 C, 22–395 C, 6. scriptions of Lemnos, Thasos, Imbros, Samothrace fall primarily within the “east-
[ 6 ] I.e., those Cyclades categorized as being in the Cretan and Myrtoan seas: 484 C, ern E uropean gap”: 329 C, 15–332 C, 1.
29–484 C, 37. [ 12 ] The term “detailed description”: 104 C, 1-5n.
[ 7 ] “Cyprus” is mentioned here out of geographical context. Strabo, or his scribe, may
have intended to write “Cos,” named along with Rhodes and Crete at 488 C, 11-15.
151
to the Thermaean gulf (where the voyage is northward), and

Thracian Cherronesus, Gallipoli
by the Macedonian bays as far as the Thracian Cherronesus. | peninsula (Tky.)
124 C, 28-32 At the latter is the Heptastadium (Seven-stade [strait]) at Sestus Heptastadium = Dardanelles/ 2.5.22
Çanakkale Boğazı
and Abydus. Through this strait the Hellespont flows north
into another sea, which p eople call the “Propontis”; and that Propontis, Marmara Denizi
sea flows into another, called the “Euxine sea.”

124 C, 32–125 C, 2 The Euxine sea is, in a sense, dithalattos (two-sea’d). Ap- Euxine sea, Black Sea
proximately at the midway point, two headlands jut out, one

jutting out from E urope and the north, the other from Asia
opposite. Their convergence results in the strait between
them and creates two great seas. The European headland is
called “Criu Metopum” (Ram’s-forehead), and the Asian headland Criu Metopum, Cape Sarych
(Crim.)
is called “Carambis”; they are around one thousand five hun-
Carambis, Kerembe burnu (Tky.)
dred stades distant from each other.
125 C, 2-7 The western sea measures lengthways, from Byzantium Byzantium, Istanbul (Tky.)
1st (western) basin of Black Sea to the outlets of the Borysthenes, three thousand eight hun- Borysthenes, Dnieper r.
dred stades; widthways, two thousand stades. In this sea is

the island of Leuca.1 The eastern sea is elongated, ending in
2nd (eastern) basin of Black Sea the narrow recess at Dioscurias after five thousand stades or a Dioscurias, Sukhumi (Geo.)
little more. Its width is around three thousand stades.

125 C, 7-16 The circumference of the sea in its entirety is something
like twenty-five thousand stades. Some p eople liken the
shape of this circumference to a Scythian bow when it has
been strung. They say that the string is equivalent to what
is called the “Right-Hand Side of the Pontus”2—that is, the Pontus, Black Sea
coast from the mouth as far as the Dioscurias recess: with the
exception of Carambis, this whole coast has only minor pro-
jections and indentations, so that it appears as a straight line.
They compare the rest of the circumference to the curved
part of the bow, the curvature of which is split: the upper part
is more circular, the lower part is straighter. In just this way,
the sea’s perimeter forms two basins, of which the western one
is more circular than the other. |
125 C, 16-20 Lying to the north of the eastern basin is lake Maeotis, 2.5.23
Sea of Azov which has a circumference of nine thousand stades or even
a little more. Lake Maeotis flows into the Pontus at what is lake Maeotis, Sea of Azov
called the “Cimmerian” Bosporus. The Pontus flows into Cimmerian Bosporus, Straits
of Kerch'
the Propontis at the “Thracian” Bosporus: this is the name
Thracian Bosporus, Bogaziçi
people give to the mouth at Byzantium, which is a tetrasta- (Tky.)
dium (four-stade [strait]).
[ 1 ] Leuca: 305 C, 34–306 C, 8.

[ 2 ] The term “Right-Hand Side of the Pontus” (Black Sea coast of Tky., Geo., Russ.):
126 C, 3-11n.
152
125 C, 20-23 The Propontis is said to be one thousand five hundred Propontis, Marmara Denizi
stades in length as m easured from the Troad to Byzantium; Byzantium, Istanbul (Tky.)
its width is approximately the same. This is the location of the

Cyzicenes’ island and the small islands around it.1 |
125 C, 24-25 Such is the nature and size of the expanse of sea to the 2.5.24
north of the Aegaean.2

125 C, 25-31 To resume,3 the expanse of sea that, starting from Rhodia, Rhodia = Rhodian territory
(short coastal stretch of sw.
Egyptian, Pamphylian, Issian forms the Egyptian sea, the Pamphylian sea, and the Issian Tky. + Rhodes)
seas
sea, extends eastward as far as Issus in Cilicia and m easures Issian sea, Gulf of İskenderun
five thousand stades along Lycia, Pamphylia, and the entire Lycia, Pamphylia, entire Cilician
Cilician coast. From t here, Syria, Phoenicia, and Egypt sur- coast = s. coast of Turkey
round the sea to the south and west as far as Alexandria. It Syria, Phoenicia, Egypt = coast
of present-day Syria, Lebanon,
happens that Cyprus 4 lies in the Issian gulf and the Pamphy- Israel, Gaza Strip, present-day
Egypt
lian gulf, connecting up with the Egyptian sea.
125 C, 31–126 C, 3 The crossing from Rhodes to Alexandria, sailing with a Alexandria, Iskandariya (Egy.)
north wind, is some four thousand stades; the voyage around

Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) the coast is double that. Eratosthenes says that this is an assump-
tion concerning the sea crossing, as made by sailors, some of whom state
it thus, while o thers do not hesitate to say five thousand [stades]. He him- gnomon, rod placed vertically
self found, through the use of sundial gnomons,5 three thousand seven shadow
hundred and fifty [stades].
126 C, 3-11 This sea off Cilicia and Pamphylia, together with what is
called the “Right-Hand Side of the Pontic sea,”6 and also the
Propontis and the coastline that follows as far as Pamphylia,
all create a huge peninsula, with the peninsula having a large
isthmus, from the sea at Tarsus to the city of Amisus and the sea at Tarsus = Gulf of
İskenderun
Amazonian plain, Themiscyra. All the territory inside this
Amisus, Samsun (Tky.)
line—as far as Caria, Ionia, and the nations living “inside the
Themiscyra, nr. Terme (Tky.)
Halys”—is bordered by the Aegaean and by the aforemen-
inside Halys = west of Kızıl Irmak
tioned branches of this sea in each direction.7 We call this
territory “Asia” in the special sense, using the same name as
the overall continent. |
126 C, 12-23 Taking everything together, the southernmost point 2.5.25
of our sea is the recess of the Great Syrtis and, after that, Great Syrtis, bay off present-
Egyptian Alexandria and the outlets of the Nile. The north- day Libya
ernmost point is the mouth of the Borysthenes or, if one Alexandria, Iskandariya (Egy.)
were to include the Maeotis as a part of this sea, the mouth Borysthenes, Dnieper r.
strait at the Pillars, Straits of of the Tanaïs. The westernmost point is the strait at the Pil- Maeotis, Sea of Azov
Gibraltar
lars. The easternmost point is the said recess at Dioscurias.8 Tanaïs, Don r.
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) Eratosthenes is not correct in saying that it is the Issian gulf, Dioscurias, Sukhumi (Geo.)
[1] Cyzicus, Artaca: 575 C, 18–576 C, 19. Proconnesus: 588 C, 33–589 C, 3. the Black Sea; it is used in contrast to the “Left-Hand Side of the Pontic sea”
[2] 124 C, 28–125 C, 23. (Black Sea coast of Eur. Tky, Bul., Rom., Ukr., Crim., Russ.): 289 C, 1-7n. Cf. the
[3] Strabo picks up the thread of his narrative from 121 C, 21-28. “Right-Hand Side of the Maeotis” (310 C, 24-29); the “Right-Hand Side” and
[4] Cyprus: 681 C, 25–685 C, 5. “Left-Hand Side” of the Caspian sea (507 C, 13-17); the “Right-Hand Side” and
[5] 111 C, 29–112 C, 2n. the “Left-Hand Side” of lake Corocondamitis (494 C, 29–495 C, 5).
[6] The “Right-Hand Side of the Pontic sea” (Black Sea coast of Tky., Geo., Russ.) as [ 7 ] 121 C, 21-28.
a technical term: 61 C, 16-29; 125 C, 7-16; 494 C, 8-14; 497 C, 4-11; 541 C, 17-27. The [ 8 ] 125 C, 2-7.
term is coined from the viewpoint of a navigator sailing from the Med. Sea into
153
since the gulf is located on the same meridian as Amisus and

Themiscyra (or, if you wish, add Sidene as far as Pharnacia).1
It is a voyage of more than three thousand stades, in round
terms, eastward from t hese parts to Dioscurias, as w ill be
become clearer in my region-by-region descriptive journey.2
126 C, 24 Such is our sea.3 |
Three Continents (Europe, Asia, and Africa)
126 C, 24-29 I must also provide an overview of the continents surround- 2.5.26
ing our sea, starting at the same place where I started the
overview of the sea.4 Thus, as you enter through the strait strait at the Pillars, Straits of
Gibraltar
at the Pillars, Libya5 is on your right-hand side as far as the
Libya = Africa
course of the Nile; facing it across the strait, on your left-hand
urope.6 Both these two continents
side as far as the Tanaïs, is E Tanaïs, Don r.
have a boundary with Asia.7
126 C, 30–127 C, 7 One should begin with Europe b ecause of its varied
Overview of Europe topography and its superiority in terms of its p eople and
governance and b ecause it has been able to transfer to the
other two continents most of its own benefits, being en-
tirely habitable (except for a small section that is uninhab-
ited b ecause of the cold, namely the part bordering on the
hamaxoeci (wagon-dwellers) in the region of the Tanaïs, Maeotis,
and Borysthenes).8 The part of the continent’s habitable sec-
tion that is cold and mountainous provides a meager living
if relying on nature alone, but if u nder excellent steward-
ship, even t hose areas that offer only a miserable raiding life
can be made civilized. The Greeks, for example, although
living in mountains and on rocky terrain, achieved a fine
standard of living through their political and technical fore-
sight and their other life skills. The Romans took over many
nations who w ere by nature uncivilized b ecause of their
topography—rugged, harborless, cold, or otherwise not easy
to live in . . . *, and by bringing isolated p eoples into contact
with each other, they taught men who were rather savage to
live a civilized life.
127 C, 7-8 As for the part of E urope that is flat and temperate, it has
nature as its helper in these matters.
[ 1 ] Sidene (region of Side, between Fatsa and Boloman Irmak, Tky.) and Pharnacia [ 6 ] Europe: 36 C, 18–489 C, 27 (chap. 3).
(Giresun, Tky.) lie a little farther east than Amisus and Themiscyra, albeit not [ 7 ] Asia: 490 C, 1–824 C, 25 (chap. 4).
as far east as Dioscurias. [ 8 ] Strabo is, of course, incorrect in thinking that the Tanaïs, Maeotis, and Borys-
[ 2 ] 548 C, 15-19. thenes region (Ukraine, s. Russia) represents the northern limit of the Eurasian
[ 3 ] Our sea (Med. Sea + Black Sea + Sea of Azov): 122 C, 16–126 C, 23. landmass; he is also incorrect in assuming it to be uninhabited. For Strabo’s lack
[ 4 ] I.e., the Pillars (Straits of Gibraltar). of information about this region in general: 294 C, 15–295 C, 15; 306 C, 21-24.
[ 5 ] Libya (= Africa): 824 C, 26–839 C, 10 (chap. 5).
154
Three Continents
127 C, 8-18 What lies in fertile territory is wholly given to peace, while
what lies in miserable territory is characterized by war and
machismo; and each of these two types benefits the other,
the latter type helping in terms of weapons, the former type
in terms of agricultural produce, artisanship, and character
building. The harm suffered by each type if they do not co-
operate with each other is clear, but the strength of those
with weapons prevails, u nless brought u nder the control of
the people. This continent, then, has an advantage in this re
spect, for the entire continent is interlaced with plains and
mountain ranges, with the consequence that farming, poli-
tics, and fighting coexist, although the propensity for peace
has the greater influence. This latter element prevails over
the whole, aided by those in power (the Greeks first, later the
Macedonians and Romans).
127 C, 19-25 For this reason, the continent is self-sufficient both in
times of peace and in times of war, for it has an unstinting
supply of people for fighting, for working the soil, and for
governing cities. The continent excels in this respect, too: it
yields the best crops, those that are necessary for life, and such
metals as are useful. Incense and precious stones are imported
from abroad, but w hether p eople have these or not, life is no
worse. The continent likewise has a g reat quantity of livestock
but very few wild animals.
127 C, 26 Such is this continent generally in physical terms. |
127 C, 26–128 C, 2 In detail, the first territory, starting from the west, is 2.5.27
IBERIA Iberia,1 resembling an oxhide, its neck parts (so to speak) ex-
Spain, Portugal, Andorra,
Gibraltar
tending into neighboring Celtica. These are its eastern parts,
and this side is formed by the mountain range called the
“Pyrenees.”2 Iberia is surrounded by sea: on the south side,
by our sea as far as the Pillars; on the remaining sides, by the our sea = Med. Sea
Atlantic as far as the north end of the Pyrenees. The length Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
of this territory is around six thousand stades maximum, the length = east–west dimension
width five thousand stades. | width = north–south dimension
128 C, 3-16 After this territory, going east as far as the Rhine river, is 2.5.28
CELTICA Celtica.3 On its northern side, Celtica’s coast is washed by the

France, Belgium, Luxembourg,
w. Switzerland, s. Netherlands, entire length of the Brettanic channel: this whole island ex- Brettanic channel, English Channel
w. Germany tends parallel to Celtica in its entirety and matches its length, this whole island = Great Britain
stretching out for some five thousand stades. Celtica is de-

fined on its eastern side by the Rhine river, which runs parallel
[ 1 ] Iberia (+ islands): 136 C, 18–176 C, 8.

[ 2 ] Strabo mistakenly conceives of the Pyrenees as running due north–south.
[ 3 ] Celtica (+ Atlantic islands): 176 C, 13–201 C, 26.
155
to the Pyrenees;1 on its southern side, in one direction (i.e.,

from the Rhine) by the Alps, in the other direction by our sea
itself, where t here is the expanse of what is called the “Gala- Galatian bay (1), Gulf of Lion
tian bay,” on which the splendid cities of Massalia and Narbo Massalia, Marseille (Fr.)
are situated. Opposite this bay is another bay with the same Narbo, Narbonne (Fr.)
name, being called “Galatian,” facing in the other direction, Galatian bay (2), Bay of Biscay
toward the north and Brettanica.2 This is where Celtica is at

its narrowest, being compressed into an isthmus m easuring
less than three thousand, but more than two thousand, stades.
In between is a mountainous ridge—what is called the “Cem- Cemmenum, Cévennes (Fr.)
menum mountain range”—at right a ngles to the Pyrenees.

This range ends in the very middle of the Celtic plains.
128 C, 16-24 As for the Alps,3 which are very high mountains form-
ALPS ing a curved line, the convex side has been drawn so that it
se. France, Monaco, n. Italy,
Liechtenstein, Switzerland, is oriented toward the said Celtic plains and the Cemmenum
s. Germany, Austria, sw. Slovenia, mountain range, the concave side t oward Ligystica and Italy.
w. Croatia
These mountains are occupied by many nations, Celtic except
for the Ligyans, who are of a different ethnicity but have a
similar lifestyle. They inhabit the section of the Alps that is
contiguous with the Apennines. (This is a mountain ridge
running through the entire length of Italy from north to
south, ending at the Sicilian gulf.) |
128 C, 25-30 As for Italy,4 the first parts consist of the plains at the foot 2.5.29
ITALY of the Alps, extending to the Adriatic recess and the nearby re-
Italy, w. Slovenia, w. Croatia
gion. The next part is a long, narrow, peninsulating headland
(along the length of which, as I said, the Apennine mountain
range runs), some seven thousand [stades] in length, uneven in
width. Italy is made into a peninsula by the Tyrrhenian sea
(starting from Ligystica), the Ausonian, and the Adria. | Adria, Adriatic Sea
128 C, 31–129 C, 3 After Italy and Celtica, what remains of Europe are its 2.5.30
EASTERN EUROPE eastern parts,5 which are split in two by the Ister river. This Ister, Danube r.
river flows from the west in an easterly direction t oward the

Euxine sea. It leaves on its left 6 all of Germany (starting from Euxine sea, Black Sea
the Rhine), all of the Getan part, and the part belonging to
the Tyregetans, Bastarnians, and Sauromatians as far as the
Tanaïs river and lake Maeotis. It leaves on its right7 all of Tanaïs, Don r.
Thrace and Illyria, and the final and remaining part, Greece.8 lake Maeotis, Sea of Azov
129 C, 4-9 Lying off Europe are islands, which I mentioned.9 “Out- Outside the Pillars = in the
Atlantic
side the Pillars” are Gadira, the Cattiterides, and the Brettanic
Inside the Pillars = in the Med.
islands. “Inside the Pillars” are the Gymnesians and other Phoe- Sea
[ 1 ] Remember that Strabo thinks of the Pyrenees as running from north to south. [ 7 ] Right of Danube (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia,
[ 2 ] Strabo is unaware of the nw. bulge of France and thinks of the whole Atlantic Kosovo, w. Hungary, Bulgaria, se. Romania, E uropean Turkey, North Macedonia,
coast of France as more or less a straight line facing northward to Brettanica Albania, Greece): 313 C, 5–329 C, 15.
(Great Britain). [ 8 ] Greece: 332 C, 1–489 C, 27 (chap. 3.3).
[ 3 ] Alps: 201 C, 31–209 C, 14. [ 9 ] Strabo describes islands “inside the Pillars”: 122 C, 16–126 C, 24. He mentions
[ 4 ] Italy (+ islands): 209 C, 15–288 C, 33. Gadira (Cádiz, Sp.), Cattiterides (?Cornwall, UK/?islands off nw. France), and
[ 5 ] Eastern Europe: 289 C, 1–329 C, 15 (chap. 3.2). Brettanica (Great Britain): 119 C, 17–120 C, 9.
[ 6 ] Left of Danube (n. Netherlands, Germany, n. Austria, Czech Republic, Poland,
Hungary, n. Serbia, Romania, Moldova, Ukraine, s. Russia, Crimea): 290 C,
1–312 C, 27-28.
156
Three Continents
nician islets; islets belonging to the Massaliotes and Ligyans;

islands off Italy, as far as the islands of Aeolus and Sicily; is-
lands in the region of Epirotis and Greece, as far as Macedonia
and the Thracian Cherronesus. |
129 C, 10-15 . . . * starting from the Tanaïs and the Maeotis, what comes 2.5.31
Overview of Asia next is the part inside the Taurus and, following on from that,
the part outside.1 The continent is split in two by the Taurus
mountain range stretching across it from the end of Pamphy- end of Pamphylia = s. Turkey
lia to the eastern sea among the Indians and the Scythians in eastern sea, Bay of Bengal
that direction. The Greeks call the part of the continent to the inside Taurus = n. Asia
north “inside the Taurus” and the part to the south “outside.” outside Taurus = s. Asia
129 C, 15-22 The part next to the Maeotis and the Tanaïs is the part “in- Maeotis, Sea of Azov
Overview of northern Asia side the Taurus.” Of this part, the first section2 is that between Tanaïs, Don r.
the Caspian sea and the Euxine sea, which in one direction Euxine sea, Black Sea
ends with the Tanaïs and the ocean3 (both the outer ocean
1st + 2nd sections of northern and the Hyrcanian sea); and which, in the other direction, Hyrcanian sea, Caspian Sea
Asia
ends with the narrowest stretch of the isthmus between the
recess of the Pontus and the Caspian. Then t here’s the area Pontus, Black Sea
“inside the Taurus” that is beyond the Hyrcanian [sea], right

up to the sea bordering the Indians and the Scythians in that
direction, and up to the Imaeum mountain range.4 Imaeum, e. Himalayas
129 C, 22-26 The one section is occupied by the Maeotians and by those
people (Sauromatians, Scythians, Achaeans, Zygans, and He-
niochans) between the Hyrcanian [sea] and the Pontus as far as
the Caucasus/Iberians/ Albanians. The other section, beyond beyond Hyrcanian sea = east of
Caspian Sea
the Hyrcanian sea, is occupied by Scythians, Hyrcanians, Par-
thians, Bactrians, Sogdianans, and by t hose occupying the re-
maining area north of the Indians.
129 C, 27–130 C, 3 South of part of the Hyrcanian sea, and south of the whole Hyrcanian sea, Caspian Sea
isthmus between that sea and the Pontus, lies the greatest part Pontus, Black Sea
3rd + 4th sections of northern of Armenia, also Colchis and all Cappadocia as far as the Eux-
Asia
ine sea and the Tibaranian nations.5 There is, furthermore,
the territory called “inside the Halys,” encompassing (in the inside Halys = west of Kızıl Irmak
direction of the Pontus and the Propontis) Paphlagonians,

Bithynians, Mysians, and what is called “Phrygia-on-the-
Hellespont,” which includes the Troad; in the direction of the
Aegaean and the sea that comes next, the Aeolid, Ionia, Caria,
and Lycia; in the interior, Phrygia—part of which is Galatia,
belonging to the people called “Gallograecians,” and part of
which is Epictetus—and the Lycaonians and Lydians.6 |
[ 1 ] Asia inside the Taurus = n. Asia: 490 C, 1–685 C, 5 (chap. 4.1). Asia outside the
Taurus = s. Asia: 685 C, 6–824 C, 21 (chap. 4.2).
[ 2 ] 1st section of n. Asia (s. Russia, Georgia, n. Azerbaijan): 492 C, 20–506 C, 32.
[ 3 ] Strabo mistakenly believes in a northern ocean of which the Hyrcanian (Cas-
pian) sea is an inlet.
[ 4 ] 2nd section of n. Asia (sw. + s. Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan,
Kyrgyzstan, n. A fghanistan, n. Iran, n. India): 506 C, 33–520 C, 21.
[ 5 ] 3rd section of n. Asia (n. Iran, n. Iraq, s. Azerbaijan, s. Georgia, Armenia, e. + cen.
Turkey): 520 C, 22–540 C, 29.
[ 6 ] 4th section of n. Asia (n. + w. + s. Turkey, Cyprus): 540 C, 30–685 C, 5
157
130 C, 4-6 Coming after those “inside the Taurus” are the Par- 2.5.32
opamisadians, who occupy the mountains, and the Parthian,

Median, Armenian, and Cilician nations, also the Cataonians
and Pisidians.1
130 C, 6-14 After the mountain peoples comes the part outside the
Overview of southern Asia Taurus.2 The first of these territories is India—the greatest
and most blessed of all nations—which ends with the eastern eastern sea, Bay of Bengal
sea and the southern part of the Atlantic [sea].3 Lying off the southern part of Atlantic
[sea] = Bay of Bengal, Indian
coast of India in this southern sea is Taprobane, an island no Ocean
smaller than Brettanica. A fter India, as you head west with Taprobane, Sri Lanka
the mountains on your right, t here a large territory, poorly
settled because of the miserable conditions, its population
totally barbaric and not all of the same nationality. They are
called “Arianans,” and they stretch from the mountains to
Gedrosia and Carmania.4
130 C, 14-18 Following on from them, in the direction of the sea are
the Persians, Susians, and Babylonians—reaching as far as the
Persian sea—and the minor nations living around them. In
the direction of the mountains and in the mountains them-
selves are the Parthians, Medes, Armenians, the neighboring
nations, and Mesopotamia.5
130 C, 18-24 After Mesopotamia comes the part this side of the Eu- this side of Euphrates = west of
Euphrates r.
phrates. This consists of all of Blessed Arabia (delineated by
Arabian gulf = Red Sea
the entire Arabian gulf and the Persian one); the territory
that is occupied by the Scenitae and Phylarchs, who stretch as
far as the Euphrates and Syria; then the Arabs and Ethiopians
on the far side of the Arabian gulf as far as the Nile; a fter them,
the Egyptians, Syrians, and Cilicians—including those called
“Trachiotians” (Rough-landers)—and finally the Pamphylians.6 |
130 C, 25-32 After Asia comes Libya,7 contiguous with Egypt and 2.5.33
Overview of Libya (= Africa) Ethiopia. Libya has one coastline on our sea, starting at Alex- our sea = Med. Sea
andria and running as far as the Pillars, in what is virtually Alexandria, Iskandariya (Egy.)
a straight line excepting only the Syrtes (and excepting the Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
occasional moderate curvature of bays and the projection Syrtes, coastline of e. Tunisia,
present-day Libya
of headlands creating this curvature); and it has an oceanic
coastline,8 which runs, from Ethiopia up to a certain point,
approximately parallel to that other coastline but then devi- other coastline = Med. coast
ates toward it from the south to form a sharp promontory

jutting out just a little beyond the Pillars, thus creating an
approximate t able shape.
[ 1 ] In the event, Strabo decides (490 C, 13–491 C, 5) to categorize nations dwell- in describing s. Asia (748 C, 20–749 C, 7). Strabo likewise treats Medes and
ing wholly or partially within the Taurus mts. as part of n. Asia. He includes the Armenians as part of n. Asia (520 C, 22–533 C, 4).
Paropamisadians and Parthians in the 2nd section of n. Asia; Medes, Armenians, [ 6 ] The part this side of the Euphrates (s. + w. Iraq, Syria, se. Turkey, Lebanon, Israel,
and Cataonians in the 3rd section; Cilicians and Pisidians in the 4th section. Jordan, West Bank, Gaza, Sinai, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, United
[ 2 ] Part outside the Taurus (= s. Asia): 685 C, 6–824 C, 21 (chap. 4.2). Arab Emirates, Oman, Yemen, Somalia, Ethiopia, Egypt, Sudan, South Sudan,
[ 3 ] India (India, s. A
fghanistan, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka): 685 C, Eritrea, Djibouti): 749 C, 8–824 C, 25. In the event, Strabo describes Pamphylia
11–720 C, 7. and Cilicia (s. Turkey) as part of n. Asia: 667 C, 4–676 C, 33.
[ 4 ] Ariana, Carmania (w. Pakistan, s. Afghanistan, s. + e. Iran): 720 C, 8–727 C, 10. [ 7 ] Libya (= Africa): 824 C, 26–839 C, 10 (chap. 5).
[ 5 ] Persians, Susians, Babylonians, and Mesopotamians (Iran, Iraq, se. Turkey, e. [ 8 ] Strabo incorrectly assumes that the African continent truncates before it
Syria): 727 C, 11–749 C, 7. In the event, Strabo describes the Parthians as part reaches as far south as the equator.
of n. Asia (514 C, 24–515 C, 24) and thus makes only a brief reference to them
158
Three Continents
130 C, 32-35 As others declare and indeed as Gnaeus Piso,1 when he

was governor of the territory, explained to me,2 Libya is like territory = Roman province of
Africa
a leopard skin: it has a sprinkling of spots surrounded by land
that is waterless and empty. The Egyptians call such spots
“oases.”
130 C, 35–131 C, 7 Libya being such as described, it has certain regional
variations and can be divided in three. By far the greatest
part of the coastline on our sea is blessed by nature: this is
particularly the case from Cyrenaea and the Carthage re-
gion as far as Maurusia and the Pillars of Heracles. The oce- Pillars of Heracles, Straits of
Gibraltar
anic coast is moderately well settled. The interior is poorly
settled, producing only silphium, being mostly empty, con-
sisting of rock and sand. The same is true of the straight
line extended in this region through Ethiopia, Trogodyte
country, Arabia, and the part of Gedrosia belonging to the
Ichthyophagi (Fish-eaters).3 Ichthyophagi, s. Pakistan, s. Iran
131 C, 7-11 The nations inhabiting Libya are for the most part un-
known. Not much of the continent has been visited by the
military nor by outsiders. Few of the locals make the long
journey to the coast of our sea, and everything they say is du-
bious. Nevertheless, the reports are as follows.
131 C, 11-19 To the southernmost p eople, they give the name “Ethiopi-
ans.” To most of the people below them, they give the names below = north of
“Garamantians,” “Pharusians,” and “Nigritans.” To those

below even these people, they give the name “Gaetulians.”
To t hose near or bordering on the sea on the Egyptian side,
they give the name “Marmaridans” as far as Cyrenaea,4 while
to t hose beyond Cyrenaea and the Syrtes, they give the names Syrtes, Med. coast of e. Tunisia,
present-day Libya
“Psyllians,” “Nasamonians,” and some “Gaetulians,” then “As-
bystians” and “Byzacians” as far as Carchedonia. Carchedonia
is a large territory. Bordering on it are the Nomades. Of these,
they call the best known “Masylians” and “Masaesylians.”5
Last of all come the Maurusians.6
131 C, 19-25 The whole coastline from Carthage to the Pillars is blessed Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
by nature but infested with wild animals, as is also the w hole

of the interior. It is not unreasonable to suppose that some of
the people w ere called “Nomades” b ecause they w
ere unable
to practice agriculture in antiquity on account of the numer-
ous wild animals. Nowadays—although they excel in their ex-
perience of hunting wild animals, and the Romans contribute
[ 1 ] At the time Strabo writes this passage, Gnaeus Piso, who was e arlier the gover- andria after completing his governorship; or Strabo may have met Piso in Rome
nor of Africa, has just been appointed governor of Syria (17 CE). Strabo’s name- at some l ater date.
dropping suggests that he writes t hese words before Piso’s fall from f avor (19 [ 3 ] Cf. 133 C, 10-17.
CE), when Piso was implicated in the death of Germanicus, Tiberius’s a dopted [ 4 ] Cyrenaea + inland nations (present-day Libya): 836 C, 10–839 C, 9.
son and heir. Strabo omits Piso’s name when he refers to the same information [ 5 ] Masaesylia + inland nations (Algeria): 829 C, 20–831 C, 34. Masylians, Carchedo-
at 790 C, 29–791 C, 9. nia + hinterland (e. Algeria, Tunisia, w. present-day Libya): 832 C, 1–836 C, 10.
[ 2 ] Piso was governor of Africa at some point within 12 BCE–6 CE. It is not clear [ 6 ] Maurusians + inland nations (Morocco, sw. Algeria, Western Sahara, ?Maurita-
where Strabo’s conversation with Piso took place. Piso may have visited Alex- nia, ?Senegal): 825 C, 20–829 C, 19.
159
to this with their enthusiasm for wild animal contests—they

have mastery over both wild animals and farming.
131 C, 26 The preceding is my account of the continents.1 |
The Climata (Geographical Coordinates)
131 C, 26–132 C, 3 It remains for me to describe the climata 2—this too has 2.5.34
an overall outline—starting with the lines that I called the

“measures”3 (I mean the lines defining the greatest length
and width), especially the one defining the width. A fuller width = north–south dimension
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) description must be given by astronomers, as Hipparchus
gave it: as he himself says, he recorded the astronomical varia-
tions for each individual place on earth allocated to our quarter of the
sphere 4 (by which I mean from the equator to the north pole).
132 C, 3-10 Those who describe the world need not, however, pay any
attention to locations outside our lived-in world. The man
engaged in p olitical life need not spend time on the detailed
variations within the parts of the lived-in world—for they
are tortuous. Rather, it is sufficient to set forth the seminal
and more straightforward variations given by him and work him = Hipparchus
on the same assumption that he did, that the measurement of

the globe is twenty-five myriad stades plus two thousand [stades] (as twenty-five myriad = 250,000
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) Eratosthenes also declares), on the grounds that there will be
no g reat variation with respect to celestial phenomena in the distances
between the strips of habitation.5
132 C, 10-16 If one cuts the globe’s g reat circle into three hundred and
sixty units, each of the units will consist of seven hundred
stades. This is the metric he uses for the intervals that are to he = Hipparchus
be marked on the said meridian through Meroe.6 That fellow Meroe, region of Bagrawiya
(Sud.)
starts with the p eople who live on the equator and then, grad-
ually proceeding through the successive strips of habitation—
every seven hundred stades along the said meridian—he at-
tempts to describe the celestial phenomena in each case.
132 C, 17-24 It is not, however, necessary for me to start from that
point. The reason is that even if these parts are inhabited,
as some suppose, they nevertheless form a distinct lived-in
world, a strip through the center of the uninhabited belt that
is narrow on account of the heat, a lived-in world that is not
[1] 126 C, 24–131 C, 25.

[2] I.e., what “remains” of Strabo’s definition of the lived-in world.
[3] 120 C, 21-26.
[4] Strabo seems to quote or paraphrase Hipparchus’s own words: 132 C, 3-10n.
[5] This appears to be a loose quotation from Hipparchus, closely resembling the
words attributed to Hipparchus at 113 C, 25–114 C, 1; 131 C, 26–132 C, 3; cf. 62 C,
22-29n. Verification is impossible, given that Hipparchus’s work is no longer
available to us.
[ 6 ] 62 C, 22-29.
160
The Climata
part of our lived-in world. He who describes the world pays

attention only to this, our own lived-in world, which is con-
tained within limits, namely the parallel through Cinnamon- Cinnamonland, Somalia
land to the south and the parallel through Ierne to the north.
Bearing in mind this geographical shape, it is not necessary to
go through as many regions as the said intervening distance1
implies, nor to give all the celestial phenomena. |
132 C, 25-33 I should, however, start from the south, as Hipparchus did. 2.5.35
Cinnamonland parallel He says that, for t hose living on the Cinnamonland parallel—which Cinnamonland, Somalia
is three thousand stades south of Meroe, with the equator being eight Meroe, region of Bagrawiya
(Sud.)
thousand eight hundred stades south of the Cinnamonland parallel—
their strip of habitation is very nearly midway between the equator
and the summer tropic, which passes through Syene, given that Syene Syene, Aswan (Egy.)
is five thousand stades from Meroe; t hese are the first p eople for whom
the L ittle Bear is contained completely within the arctic circle and
is always visible,2 given that the bright star at the end of the Bear’s
tail—the constellation’s southernmost star—sits so precisely on the
arctic circle that it brushes the horizon.
132 C, 33–133 C, 2 The Arabian gulf lies roughly parallel to—and east of—
the said meridian,3 and the gulf ’s outlet into the outer sea is
the part of Cinnamonland where, in antiquity, elephant hunt-
ing took place.
133 C, 2-4 This parallel extends in one direction as far as a l ittle far-
ther south than Taprobane, or at least than those living at its Taprobane, Sri Lanka
extreme end; in the other direction, the parallel extends to

the southernmost parts of Libya.4 | Libya = Africa
133 C, 5-8 As for those living in the region of Meroe and Trogodyte Meroe, Bagrawiya (Sud.) 2.5.36
Meroe parallel Ptolemaïs, the longest day consists of thirteen equinoctial Ptolemaïs, ?Aqiq/?Trinkitat
(Sud.)
hours. This strip of habitation is roughly midway between the
equator and the parallel through Alexandria, with an extra
one thousand eight hundred stades on the side of the equator.
133 C, 8-9 The parallel through Meroe extends in one direction
through parts unknown,5 and in the other direction through
the end of India.6
133 C, 10-14 In Syene, in Berenice in the Arabian gulf, and in Trogo- Syene, Aswan (Egy.)
Syene parallel dyte country, at the summer solstice the sun is overhead; Berenice, Bender el-Kebir/
Medinet el-Haras (Egy.)
the longest day is thirteen-and-a-half equinoctial hours;
Trogodyte country, Red Sea
and nearly all the G reat Bear can be seen in the arctic circle coast of Egypt
(except for its legs, the tip of its tail, and one star in the
rectangle).
[ 1 ] 132 C, 10-16.
[ 2 ] The arctic circle is the circle of stars around the celestial north pole, which never
dip below the horizon.
[ 3 ] 118 C, 25-28.
[ 4 ] I.e., Ethiopia, Sudan, South Sudan, s. Chad, n. Nigeria, n. Benin, Burkina Faso,
s. Mali, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau. Strabo thinks that there is no h uman habitation
south of this parallel. This is a theoretical deduction by Strabo, who has no real
knowledge of these areas.
[ 5 ] I.e., Sudan, s. Chad, Niger, Mali, Mauritania.
[ 6 ] Strabo underestimates the true southern extent of the Indian subcontinent.
161
133 C, 14-17 The parallel through Syene extends in one direction

through the Ichthyophagi (Fish-eaters) in Gedrosia, and through Ichthyophagi in Gedrosia, s.
Pakistan, s. Iran
India; in the other direction, through the parts just about five
thousand stades farther south than Cyrene.1 | Cyrene, Ain Shahat (Lib.)
133 C, 18-22 For all t hose areas lying between the circle of the tropic and 2.5.37
the circle of the equator, shadows fall at midday in both direc-

tions (north and south),2 and in those areas a fter Syene and the
circle of the summer tropic, shadows fall north. The former
are called “amphiscian” (having-shadows-in-both-directions), the latter
are called “heteroscian”3 (having-shadows-in-one-direction-or-the-other).
133 C, 22-25 There is another variation in t hose areas u nder the tropical
circles—a variation that I mentioned before,4 in the section
About the Zones.5 The territory is sandy, silphium-bearing, and dry,
whereas the parts farther south are well watered and productive. |
133 C, 26-28 In places some four hundred stades south of the parallel 2.5.38
through Alexandria and Cyrene, where the longest day is

fourteen equinoctial hours, Arcturus is overhead, with just
a slight declination to the south.
133 C, 29-32 In Alexandria, the ratio of the gnomon6 to its shadow at Alexandria, Iskandariya (Egy.)
Alexandria parallel the equinox is five to three. Her inhabitants are farther south
than Carthage7 by one thousand three hundred stades, as- Carthage, Carthage (Tun.)
suming a ratio of the Carthage gnomon to its equinoctial

shadow of eleven to seven.
133 C, 32–134 C, 2 This parallel extends in one direction through Cyrene Cyrene, Ain Shahat (Lib.)
and the area nine hundred stades south of Carthage as far as

central Maurusia; and in the other direction through Egypt, Maurusia, Morocco
Coele Syria,8 upper Syria, Babylon, Susis, Persis, Carmania, Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
and upper Gedrosia as far as India.9 |

134 C, 3-6 In the region of Phoenician Ptolemaïs, Sidon, and Tyrus, Ptolemaïs, Tell Acco (Isr.) 2.5.39
Ptolemaïs parallel the longest day is fourteen-and-a-quarter equinoctial hours. Sidon, Saida (Leb.)
The p eople here are farther north than Alexandria by some Tyrus, es-Sur (Leb.)
one thousand six hundred stades, farther north than Carthage
by some seven hundred stades.
134 C, 7-12 In the Peloponnese, around central Rhodia and around Rhodia = Rhodian territory
(short coastal stretch in
Peloponnese/Rhodian parallel Lycian Xanthus (or just a little farther south) and the area sw. Tky. + Rhodes)
four hundred stades farther south than the Syracusans—here, Xanthus, Kınık (Tky.)
the longest day is fourteen-and-a-half equinoctial hours.
These places are three thousand six hundred and forty stades
from Alexandria, two thousand seven hundred and forty
stades from Carthage.
[ 1 ] I.e., s. Libya, s. Algeria, n. Mali, Mauritania, Western Sahara. Strabo has no pre- [ 4 ] 94 C, 26–98 C, 12 (esp. 95 C, 28–96 C, 5).
cise knowledge of these places. [ 5 ] Strabo often uses “titles” to refer to subsections of his work: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 2 ] Between the circle of the summer tropic (we would say “Tropic of Cancer”) and [ 6 ] A gnomon is a rod placed vertically on the earth’s surface to cast a shadow:
the equator, the midday shadow points south for at least one day a year, north 111 C, 29–112 C, 2n.
for the rest of the year: 135 C, 23–136 C, 12. [ 7 ] “Carthage” = parallel through Carthage. Strabo uses such shorthand through-
[ 3 ] The name takes into account both the zone north of the Tropic of Cancer out his account of the climata.
(where the midday shadow falls north) and the zone south of the Tropic of [ 8 ] For the sense in which “Coele Syria” is used here: 756 C, 16-18n.
Capricorn (where the midday shadow falls south). [ 9 ] I.e., Egypt, Israel, Jordan, n. Saudi Arabia, s. Iraq, s. Iran, s. Pakistan, India.
162
The Climata
134 C, 12-14 This parallel stretches, according to Eratosthenes, through

Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) Caria,1 Lycaonia, Cataonia, Media, the Caspian Gates, and the Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
Indians in the Caucasus.2 |
134 C, 15-24 In the region of Alexandria-in-the-Troad, at Amphipo- Alexandria-in-Troad, 2.5.40
Eskistanbul (Tky.)
Alexandria-in-Troad parallel lis, at Apollonia-in-Epirus, and south of Rome but north of
Amphipolis, Amphipolis (Gr.)
Neapolis, the longest day is fifteen equinoctial hours. This
Apollonia-in-Epirus, Pojan (Alb.)
parallel is some seven thousand stades north of the parallel
through the Egyptian Alexandria, more than twenty-eight
thousand eight hundred stades from the equator, and three
thousand four hundred stades from the parallel through
Rhodes. It is one thousand five hundred stades south of
Byzantium, Nicaea, and the Massalia region. (The parallel Nicaea, Nice (Fr.)
through Lysimachia is a little farther north, which parallel is Massalia, Marseille (Fr.)
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) said by Eratosthenes to go through Mysia, Paphlagonia, and Lysimachia, Baklaburnu (Tky.)
the region of Sinope, Hyrcania, and Bactra).3 |

134 C, 25-30 In the Byzantium region, the longest day is fifteen-and- Byzantium, Istanbul (Tky.) 2.5.41
Byzantium parallel a-quarter equinoctial hours. The ratio of the gnomon to its gnomon, rod placed vertically
shadow at the summer solstice is one hundred and twenty to shadow
forty-two, minus one-fifth. This region is around four thou-
sand nine hundred stades distant from the parallel through
Rhodia = Rhodian territory
central Rhodia, and approximately thirty thousand three (short coastal stretch in sw.
hundred stades from the equator. Tky. + Rhodes)
134 C, 31-36 If you sail into the Pontus and head north for some one Pontus, Black Sea
thousand four hundred stades, the longest day is fifteen-

and-a-half equinoctial hours. T hese places are equidistant
from the pole and the circle of the equator. The arctic circle
is overhead.4 Lying on the arctic circle are the star in the neck
of Cassiopia and (slightly more to the north) the star on the
right elbow of Perseus. |
134 C, 37–135 C, 11 In the parts that are some three thousand eight hundred 2.5.42
stades north of Byzantium, the longest day is sixteen equi-

noctial hours . . . * Cassiopia is in the arctic circle. This is the
region of Borysthenes and the southern parts of the Maeo- Borysthenes, mouth of Dnieper r.
tis, around thirty-four thousand one hundred stades from the Maeotis, Sea of Azov
equator. The northern horizon is illuminated nearly all night

long in the summer by the sun, as the light circles back from
where the sun sets to where the sun rises. The summer tropic
is one half of one zodiac sign plus one twelfth [of one zodiac sign] 1 zodiac sign = 30° of arc
one-half of 1 zodiac sign
from the horizon. Consequently, this is the amount by which plus one-twelfth of 1 zodiac
the sun is below the horizon at midnight. (Even for us, when sign = seven-twelfths of 30°
[ 1 ] By “Caria,” Eratosthenes is probably thinking specifically of Cnidus (Tekir, sw.

Tky.), where there was an astronomical observatory: 119 C, 24-31.
[ 2 ] I.e., the parallel stretches through s. Turkey, n. Iran, s. A fghanistan, Pakistan,
n. India.
[ 3 ] I.e., n. Turkey, n. Iran, n. Afghanistan.
[ 4 ] The arctic circle is the circle of stars around the celestial north pole that appear
to an observer never to dip below the horizon. At 45°N, the diameter of the
circle extends from the zenith (i.e., overhead) to the horizon.
163
it is this far below the horizon before sunrise and a fter sunset,
it still lights up the eastern and western sky.) On winter days,
the maximum height of the sun is nine cubits. 1 cubit = 2°
135 C, 11-14 Eratosthenes says that these places are slightly more than twenty-
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) three thousand stades from Meroe: it is e ighteen thousand stades Meroe, Bagrawiya (Sud.)
through the Hellespont, then five thousand stades to Borysthenes. Hellespont, Dardanelles/
Çanakkale Boğazı
135 C, 15-18 In the parts that are around six thousand three hundred
stades from Byzantium and farther north than the Maeotis,
the maximum height reached by the sun on winter days is
six cubits. The longest day is seventeen equinoctial hours. |
135 C, 19-22 The parts that come next, ultimately reaching the zone 2.5.43
that is uninhabited on account of the cold, are of no account

for the geographer.1 Whosoever wants to learn of these re-
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) gions and other astronomical m atters of which Hipparchus
spoke (but which I pass over as being rather distinct from the
project I have undertaken), should refer to his work.
Shadow Zones
135 C, 23-26 Also rather specialized is the description of the “periscian”

(having-revolving-s hadows) , “amphiscian” (having-s hadows-i n-b oth-
directions), and “heteroscian” (having-shadows-in-one-direction-or-the-

Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) other) [zones] as laid out by Posidonius. Nevertheless, one should
mention this topic at just enough length to provide a clear

understanding of the extent to which it is relevant to geog-
raphy and the extent to which it is irrelevant.
135 C, 26-30 The matter concerns the shadows cast by the sun. The sun,
Shadow patterns south of arctic as can be perceived, moves along the parallel along which the
circle and north of antarctic
circle universe also moves. For those where each revolution of the
universe causes a day-and-night (sometimes the sun moves
below the earth, sometimes above it), h ere p
eople are thought
of as “amphiscians” and “heteroscians.”2
135 C, 30-35 Those people are “amphiscians” who have the midday
Shadow patterns between the shadow falling at times t oward the north (i.e., when the sun
tropics
hits the gnomon—which is perpendicular to its level base— gnomon, rod placed vertically
from the south) and sometimes the reverse (i.e., when the shadow
sun’s position is reversed). This is the experience only of
those who live between the tropical circles.
[ 1 ] In this context, a “geographer” is someone who limits his description to the

lived-in part of the spherical world.
[ 2 ] Whereas the terms are previously used to describe zones (95 C, 24-28), they
are now applied to observers within the zones.
164
Shadow Zones
135 C, 35–136 C, 2 Those people are “heteroscians” for whom the shadows
Shadow patterns in temperate e ither always point northward (as is the case for us)1 or south-
zones
ward (as is the case for t hose who live in the other temperate
zone).2 This is the experience of all t hose for whom the arctic
circle is smaller than the tropic.
136 C, 2-7 Where it is the same or greater,3 this is the start—as far as
those who live right beneath the pole—of the “periscians.”
It is clear that, when the sun remains above the earth for
Shadow patterns within the the entire revolution of the universe, that the shadow will
arctic and antarctic circles
rotate around the gnomon,4 which is why he called them he = Posidonius
“periscians.” They have no relevance to geography. These re-

gions are uninhabitable 5 on account of the cold, as I said in
my arguments against Pytheas.6
136 C, 8-12 Nor need we pay attention to the size of the uninhabited
zone, other than to grasp that t hose who have the tropical
circle as their arctic circle are positioned u nder the circle
drawn by the pole of the zodiac as the universe revolves—if
the distance between the equator and the tropic is assumed
to be four-sixtieths of a g
reat circle. |
136 C, 13-17 Now that I have provided an initial outline of geography,7 the 3.1.1
Strabo segues from his ensuing narrative is appropriate as a detailed description.8
description of geography
in general to his detailed This is what I promised,9 and it seems that at this point the
geographical account of the matter has been correctly sectionalized. I must begin again
lived-in world
with Europe10 and with the parts where I began earlier,11 for
the same reasons. |
[ 1 ] I.e., those who live in the temperate zone in the northern hemisphere. [ 5 ] If the regions are uninhabitable, then “periscians” applies to hypothetical
[ 2 ] I.e., in the temperate zone in the southern hemisphere. rather than a ctual observers.
[ 3 ] I.e., places on the earth’s surface where the celestial arctic circle appears to an [ 6 ] 114 C, 29–115 C, 3.
observer to be the same size as, or greater than, the celestial tropical circle. [ 7 ] 1 C, 1–136 C, 12.
[ 4 ] I.e., will rotate around the gnomon on a daily basis. This makes the term [ 8 ] 136 C, 18–839 C, 10. The term “detailed description”: 104 C, 1-5n.
“periscian” somewhat different from the terms “amphiscian” and “heteroscian,” [ 9 ] 112 C, 3-11.
which are based on shadow directions at midday over the course of a year. The [ 10 ] Prior treatment of Europe: 126 C, 30–129 C, 9.
“gnomon”: 111 C, 29–112 C, 2n. [ 11 ] Iberia (Spain, Portugal, Andorra, Gibraltar) as starting point: 127 C, 26–128 C, 2.
165
Iceland
Gre
at B
d
s
nd
lan
rla
rita
Germany
Ire
the
Ne
in
Rh
Be
lgi
ine
um
Luxembourg
France er- Austria

Swlitaznd
3 Slo
ven
ia
2 Croatia
Italy
Spain Corsica 4
Portugal
1
ce
Sardinia
Gree
Turkey
Sicily
Algeria
Crete
MAP 2 . Strabo’s “Western Europe”

CH APT E R TH R E E Western Europe
PART 1
In the previous chapter, Strabo has divided the lived-in world into three continents. He
now launches into his detailed description of those continents. He starts as he means to
go on, taking the continent of E urope and chopping it into sections and subsections,
before delving into each of those sections and subsections in detail. Thus, he first divides
Europe into its western and eastern parts. Starting with western Europe, he subdivides
it into Iberia (Spain, Portugal, Andorra, Gibraltar); Celtica (France, Belgium, Luxembourg,
western Switzerland, southern Netherlands, western Germany); the Alps (parts of Italy, France,
Germany, Switzerland, Austria, Slovenia, Croatia, and also Monaco and Liechtenstein); and
Italy (present-day Italy, with parts of Slovenia and Croatia). Taking Iberia first, he zooms in
on the promontory in its southwestern corner (Cabo de São Vicente, Portugal), his account
of which thus marks the start of his description not only of western Europe but of the
lived-in world in its entirety.
Strabo considers this promontory, which he calls the “Sacred Promontory,” to be the
westernmost point of the lived-in world. We now know that a promontory farther to
the north (Cabo de Roca, Portugal) is the westernmost point of mainland E urope and that
parts of Ireland lie on a yet more westerly longitude, while Africa bulges farther west than
any part of mainland Europe or of Ireland. Nevertheless, in Strabo’s time, it was taken
as read that no part of the lived-in world lay farther west than the Sacred Promontory,
whose ancient name is still reflected in the Portuguese town of Sagres located there.
Strabo not only believes that the Sacred Promontory is the westernmost part of the
lived-in world but also considers it to lie on the same parallel as the lived-in world’s east-
ernmost part—namely, what we now think of as northeastern India and Bangladesh. It is a
happy coincidence that the westernmost point of the lived-in world and the easternmost
point are supposed to lie due west and east of each other—in other words, on the same par-
allel. (Incidentally, although the Sacred Promontory is no longer considered the western-
most part of the Eurasian landmass, it is still considered to be the western end of the longest
line that can be drawn across the landmass along a parallel from one coast to the other—a
line now conceived as ending much farther to the east, on the eastern coast of China.)
Strabo has visited some of the places he mentions in this chapter. Most notably, he
has visited Rome and followed the coast of Italy northward from there, at least as far
as Populonium (Populonia, Italy) and quite probably as far as Luna (Luni, Italy). He
167
3.1. Western Europe
specifically tells us that this stretch of Italian coast represents the westernmost point
of his travels (“westernmost” from the perspective of his homeland in what we now
call Turkey). We can therefore deduce that Strabo has not visited the parts of Europe
farther west, namely Iberia or Celtica. Many of the descriptions of those latter areas
have the vivacity of eyewitness accounts, but they must have been witnessed by eyes
other than Strabo’s.
The coast of Italy in the region of Populonium or Luna is, in all probability, also the
northernmost latitude reached by Strabo, although Strabo himself would not have be-
lieved so. He mistakenly compresses E urope southward, u
nder the false impression that
Massalia (Marseille, France) lies on the same latitude as, or perhaps even farther south
than, Byzantium (Istanbul, Turkey). Strabo implies that he has traveled to the Black Sea
shore of what we now think of as Turkey and that it represents the northern limit of his
travels, whereas in fact it lies at a slightly more southerly latitude than Populonium.
The Virtual Traveler

Strabo has not physically journeyed through many of the places in the lived-in world that
he describes, but even so his narrative has direction, in the sense that he talks about one
place coming “after” another, about areas “succeeding” one another, about arriving at
one destination “then” another. It is as if Strabo’s eyes sweep over a miniaturized version
of the world on a globe or map in a continuous motion, with occasional metaphorical
jumps from one section to another. This is as true for his description of western Europe
as it is for the lived-in world as a w hole. The arc of his narrative sweeps from west to
east, from Iberia (1, on the accompanying map) through Celtica (2) and to the Alps (3). He
seems to have found his narrative particularly difficult to o rganize in the Alps, owing to
the plethora of diff erent nations inhabiting the mountains, but nevertheless he broadly
moves from west to east. He finishes his account with Italy (4).
One problem Strabo f aces is how to deal with the many islands that d on’t quite fit into
this overall arc. In the case of Iberia, he describes its associated islands in an appendage
to his account of the mainland. These islands are primarily the Pityussan islands (Ibiza
and Formentera, Spanish islands), the Balearics (Mallorca and Menorca, Spanish islands),
Gadira (Cádiz, Spain), and what Strabo calls the “Cattiterides,” which literally means
“Tin islands.” The last are somewhat mysterious. Their association with tin, as well as
other aspects of Strabo’s description, suggests that, despite being called “islands,” they
are to be identified with Cornwall in Great Britain. If this is the case, however, Strabo is
unaware of the fact; he makes no mention of the Cattiterides in his separate description of
Brettanica (Great Britain), which he describes as an appendage to Celtica. Strabo portrays
Brettanica as a grim place, lying in the remote and inhospitable north Atlantic. Likewise
appended to his description of Celtica—and portrayed as even farther north and even
more grim—are Ierne (Ireland) and Thule (?Iceland).
168
Strabo adopts a diff erent methodology in describing the islands associated with Italy
(e.g., Elba, Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, Malta). These islands are embedded within Strabo’s
description of the Italian coastline as if they were continuations of it, rather than added
at the end of his description of the mainland as in the case of the Iberian and Atlantic is-
lands. This stratagem leaves Strabo f ree to end his account of Italy, and of western Europe
in general, on a different note, with resounding praise for the way Rome has managed,
and continues to manage, her far-flung empire. Strabo, momentarily unfettered by the
bounds of space, extends his praise from Roman activities in E urope to Roman successes
in Africa and Asia as well.
Scale
“Western E urope,” as shown on the accompanying map, is drawn according to present-
day conceptualizations rather than reflecting how Strabo might have portrayed it had he
been cartographically inclined. In particular, the accompanying map is drawn to scale.
Were it to be scaled according to the number of words used by Strabo to describe the areas
shown rather than according to the geographic space that they occupy, the result would
be very diff erent. Italy would be more than twice the size of France, and Sicily would be
fifteen times the size of Great Britain. Strabo’s literary approach to geography achieves
something that a scaled map cannot do. It makes places loom larger in the imagina-
tion than is warranted by their physical size. For Strabo, Italy is far more important—
culturally, historically, and politically—than the rest of western Europe. Before we accuse
Strabo of being overly Italo-centric, we should note that, when he l ater comes to describe
Greece, he will devote twice as many words to it as he does to Italy, making Greece double
the size of Italy in cultural terms.
Complicating the picture is Strabo’s serious underestimation of the actual size of
mainland Celtica. In a move that does him no credit, Strabo rejects reports of the huge
northwestern projection of present-day France. T hese reports w ere derived from a
navigator called Pytheas, of whom, as we saw in the first chapter, Strabo is highly con-
temptuous. Further vitiating Strabo’s account of Celtica are his beliefs that the Pyrenean
mountain range runs from due north to due south and that the distance along the Pyr-
enees represents the maximum north–south dimension of Celtica from the Atlantic to
the Mediterranean. These misconceptions have serious repercussions for Strabo’s depic-
tion of Celtica, obfuscating it sometimes to the point of incomprehensibility, since he
still tries to fit into his account a vague awareness of what we now call the Bay of Biscay.
As always, however, the point of reading Strabo is not to get an accurate picture of the
world. Rather, we need to listen to what Strabo has to say about the history and culture
of his time. The stories he tells of the desperation with which the Cantabrians fought
to maintain their independence from Rome make sobering reading, with vignettes of
women killing their c hildren rather than have them live in captivity, and an imprisoned
169
3.1. Western Europe
f amily, unable to get hold of weapons to kill themselves, ordering a four-year-old boy to
do the deed. The history of western E urope in Strabo’s time is largely one of older cul-
tures being eclipsed by a new and technologically superior entity, namely Rome. Reading
Strabo’s account is a reminder of the intra-European colonization that took place before
the E
uropean powers expanded into other continents.
Remember

Strabo’s own ideas.
When Strabo refers simply to the “poet,” he generally means Homer
(eighth c entury BCE).
reader.
170
CH APT E R TH R E E Western Europe
PART 1
Iberia (Spain, Portugal, Andorra, Gibraltar)
136 C, 18–137 C, 8 The first section of E urope is, as I said, the western one, 3.1.2
namely Iberia.1 Most of this territory provides a poor living.

In much of it, people inhabit mountains and forests, and
plains with only a thin layer of soil and an inconstant sup-
ply of water. The north is extremely cold, as well as barren,
and has an oceanic coast. Together with its isolation and oceanic coast, Atlantic coast/
Bay of Biscay
lack of contact with outsiders, the result is an exceptionally
wretched environment. While these parts are as described,
virtually the whole of the south, particularly the part out- outside the Pillars = Atlantic
side of Straits of Gibraltar
side the Pillars, is truly blessed. This will be made clear in
my detailed description,2 after I have first given a sketch of
its shape and size. |
137 C, 9-14 It is like an oxhide stretching lengthwise from west to east 3.1.3
Overview of Iberian peninsula, (its front parts facing eastward),3 widthwise from north to
with Pyrenees incorrectly
depicted as running south. Its length, in round numbers, is six thousand stades.
north–south Its width is five thousand stades at the broadest point,
but t here are places where it is much less than three thou-
sand stades, particularly at the eastern side, formed by the
Pyrenees, the mountain range that stretches in a continuous
line from south to north and acts as the boundary between
Iberia and Celtica. Celtica = France
137 C, 15-20 Celtica and Iberia are both of uneven width, the narrowest
point of each (from our sea to the ocean) being the part in the our sea = Med. Sea
immediate vicinity of the Pyrenees at e ither end, resulting in ocean, Atlantic Ocean,
specifically Bay of Biscay and
bays on the ocean as well as bays on our sea, of which the Celtic English Channel
bays4—they also call them “Galatian”5—are larger and make a
somewhat narrow isthmus compared to the Iberian isthmus.
137 C, 20-26 So, then, the eastern side of Iberia is formed by the
Pyrenees. The southern side is formed by our sea from the
outer sea, Atlantic
Pyrenees to the Pillars, and then by the outer sea as far as
Sacred Promontory, Cabo de S.
what is called the “Sacred Promontory.” The third side is Vicente (Por.)
[ 1 ] 127 C, 26–128 C, 2.
[ 2 ] South side of Iberia outside the Pillars: 137 C, 27–151 C, 27.
[ 3 ] The “front parts” are the neck of the oxhide. Strabo’s analogy reflects his false
conceptualization of neighboring Celtica as a narrow neck of land: 137 C, 15-20;
166 C, 11-13.
[ 4 ] Celtic/Galatian bays on Med. Sea, 178 C, 24–184 C, 11 (esp. 181 C, 18-28); on Atlantic,
189 C, 25–195 C, 17 (esp. 190 C, 19-26). Strabo underestimates the nw. projection
of Celtica (Finistère, Fr.): 195 C, 13-17.
[ 5 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin adjective
Galatici. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
171
3.1. Western Europe
the western one, roughly parallel to the Pyrenees, extending

from the Sacred Promontory as far as the Artabrian headland, Artabrian headland/Nerium,
?Cape Touriñán/?Cape
which they call “Nerium.”1 The fourth side is the one stretch- Finisterre (Sp.)
ing from t here to the northern end of the Pyrenees.2 |
Atlantic Coast
137 C, 27-34 Let me take up my detailed description, beginning with the 3.1.4
Southern side of Iberia: Atlantic Sacred Promontory. This is the most westerly point not only Sacred Promontory, Cabo de S.
coast Vicente (Por.)
s. Portugal, sw. Spain
of Europe but of the whole lived-in world. The western end of
the lived-in world is formed by two continents, the end points
of E urope and the beginnings of Libya, with the Iberians oc- Libya = Africa (chap. 5)
cupying the former and the Maurusians the latter.3 However,

the Iberian part protrudes by approximately one thousand
five hundred stades by means of the said promontory. They
call the territory adjacent to it “Cuneus” in Latin,4 by which Cuneus, s. Portugal
they mean “Wedge.”

137 C, 34–138 C, 9 The very end point—the point jutting into the sea—is
compared to a ship by Artemidorus, who says in his eyewit-
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early ness account that three little islands contribute to the likeness, one
1st c. BCE) criticizes Ephorus
(4th c. BCE) representing the ramming point, the other two representing the anchor
beams (and having anchorages of fair quality); no temple to Heracles Heracles, hero of Greek myth
has been identified—Ephorus lied in this respect!—nor any altar, not

even to any other god; in many places t here, three or four stones are
piled on top of each other, which according to an ancient tradition are
turned over by visitors and replaced when they have made drink of-
ferings; it is forbidden to offer a sacrifice or to go to the place by night,
the story being that the gods take the place over at that time; sightseers
spend the night in the nearby village and then visit during the day,
bringing w ater with them as none is available there. |
138 C, 10-25 It is possible that the foregoing is true and warrants b elief, 3.1.5
but this is not at all the case when Artemidorus repeats what is
merely common tattle. For example, Posidonius says that it is
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. commonly stated that the sun is bigger when it sets along the oceanic oceanic seaboard, Atlantic coast
BCE)—writing after
Artemidorus—refutes the seaboard and that it makes a sound like w ater hissing, as the sun,
“common tattle” accepted sinking into the depths, is extinguished; this is false, and also false is
by Artemidorus
the statement that “night immediately follows the setting of the sun,”
since it does not do so “immediately” but just a l ittle l ater, as is the
case on other great oceans; in places where the sun sets behind moun-
tains, daylight lingers for a longer period, as a result of light diffu-
sion, whereas here the daylight does not linger for so long a period but here = on Atlantic coast of Iberia
[ 1 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin place-name
Nerium: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 2 ] Eastern side (Pyrenees): 161 C, 33–162 C, 4. Southern side: 137 C, 27–151 C, 27;
156 C, 14–160 C, 35; 163 C, 14-16. Western side: 151 C, 28–154 C, 30. Northern side:
154 C, 31–156 C, 13.
[ 3 ] Strabo maybe influenced h ere by Artemidorus (late 2nd–early 1st c. BCE),
whose description of the world (no longer available) began with Libya (= Africa)
and, proceeding in a counterclockwise direction around the Mediterranean,
ended with Iberia (Spain, Portugal).
[ 4 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek (Kouneos) the Latin
name Cuneus. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
172
Iberia: Atlantic Coast + Hinterland
neither does darkness fall “immediately,” just as likewise it does not on

great plains; there is an impression of the sun being larger when it sets
and rises over the ocean, because t here is a greater quantity of vapor
arising from the w ater and, since the sun’s image is refracted by it as
if by a lens, the sun looks enlarged—just like the sun or moon being
observed through a fine mist when setting or rising, at which time the
celestial body appears reddish in color.
138 C, 25-26 He, who spent thirty days in Gadira and observed the sun- He = Posidonius
sets, says that he exposed this fallacy. Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
138 C, 26-33 Artemidorus says that the sun is one hundred times larger at
its setting and that night falls immediately a fter sunset. We should
not assume that he himself saw this phenomenon when on he = Artemidorus
Strabo points out that the Sacred Promontory, bearing in mind his own statement. Sacred Promontory, Cabo de
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early S. Vicente (Por.)
1st c. BCE) contradicts himself He said that nobody goes there at night—so nobody would be
there at sunset e ither, given that night follows on immediately!
Nor did he see this phenomenon when he was elsewhere on
the oceanic seaboard, given that Gadira lies on the ocean, and Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) Posidonius and many others disprove it. | ocean, Atlantic
139 C, 1-9 As for the stretches of coastline following on from the 3.1.6
Sacred Promontory, one marks the start of the western side

of Iberia as far as the outflow of the Tagus river;1 the other Tagus river, Tejo/Tajo r.
marks the start of its southern side as far as another river,

the Anas, and its outflow. Each river flows from the east, but Anas, Guadiana r.
the former flows in a straight line to the sea in the west and is
much longer than the latter, while the Anas turns southward
and defines an interfluvial territory largely occupied by Celtic
peoples and by Lusitanians transferred thither by the Romans
from the far side of the Tagus. The upper reaches of the riv- far side of Tagus = north of
Tejo/Tajo r.
ers are densely populated with Carpetanian, Oretanian, and
Vettonian peoples.
139 C, 9-16 While this territory is only moderately blessed with fertil- this territory = territory
between Anas (Guadiana r.) and
TURDETANIA/BAETICA ity, the territory that comes next, to the south and east, can- Tagus (Tejo/Tajo r.)
sw. Spain
not be praised too highly in comparison to anywhere else in territory that comes
the lived-in world for its excellence and its bounty from land next = territory east of Anas
(Guadiana r.)
and sea. This is the territory through which the Baetis river
Baetis, Guadalquivir r.
runs, a river that rises in the same region as the Anas and the
Anas, Guadiana r.
Tagus, and which is intermediate between the two of them
Tagus river, Tejo/Tajo r.
in size. Like the Anas, the Baetis starts flowing in a westerly
direction and then turns south and flows out to sea along the
same coast as the Anas.
[ 1 ] West side of Iberia as far as Tagus (Tejo/Tajo r.): 151 C, 28–152 C, 26.
173
3.1. Western Europe
139 C, 16-24 They call the territory “Baetica,” a fter the river, or “Turde-
eople who live t here.1 They call the inhabit-
tania,” a fter the p
ants both “Turdetanians” and “Turdulians,”2 some believing
that they are one and the same, others that they are distinct.
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) Among the latter is Polybius, who says that the Turdulians bor-
der the Turdetanians to the north. Nowadays, there is no way to
tell them apart. They are recognized as the most intellectually
advanced of the Iberians. They are literate and possess docu-
ments of great antiquity as well as poems and laws composed
in verse, dating back (they claim) six thousand years. The
other Iberians are also literate, but do not share one script
since they do not even share one language.
139 C, 24-28 This territory—the territory this side of the Anas— this side of Anas = east of Anas
(Guadiana r.)
extends eastward as far as Oretania and southward to the
stretch of coast from the outlets of the Anas to the Pillars. Pillars, Gibraltar
I should describe it, and its bordering regions, at greater

length,3 to convey a sense of its advantageous location and
its natural blessings. |
139 C, 29–140 C, 7 The strait at the Pillars, where the inner sea connects inner sea, Med. Sea 3.1.7
with the outer one, is formed by the Atlantic ocean intrud- outer one, Atlantic Ocean
ing between that stretch of coastline, where the Baetis and
Anas flow out to sea, and the far end of Maurusia. This is the Maurusia, Morocco
location of Calpe, the mountain belonging to those Iberians Calpe (mountain), Gibraltar
called “Bastetanians,” whom they also call “Bastulians.”4 The

mountain is of no g reat circumference but so high and steep
that it appears nesoid. As you sail from our sea toward the nesoid, island-like
outer sea, it is on your right. Nearby, at a distance of forty our sea = Med. Sea
stades, is the famous old city of Calpe, once the Iberian sea- Calpe (city), El Rocadillo,
nr. S. Roque (Sp.)
port. She is said to have been founded by Heracles, according
Timosthenes (3rd c. BCE) to some p eople, including Timosthenes, who says that she
was called “Heraclia” in antiquity, and a great wall and shipyards
are identifiable. |
140 C, 8-13 Then comes Menlaria with its fish-pickling facilities. A fter Menlaria, Valdevaqueros, nr. 3.1.8
Tarifa (Sp.)
Belo (city), Bolonia (Sp.) that comes Belo, city and river, from which there are sea cross-
Belo (river), Río del Valle ings, particularly to Tingis,5 in Maurusia. She also has trading Tingis, Tangier (Mor.)
centers and fish-pickling facilities. Zelis was once the neigh- Zelis, Dchar Jedid (Mor.)
bor of Tingis. However, the Romans relocated Zelis, together

with some inhabitants of Tingis, to the opposite shore; they
dispatched some additional colonists of their own and named
the city “Iulia Ioza.” Iulia Ioza, Algeciras (Sp.)
[ 1 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin names Bae-
tica and Turdetania. Baetica in the sense of the Roman province: 166 C, 21-24.
Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 2 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin ethnic
names Turdetani and Turduli: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 3 ] 139 C, 29–151 C, 27.
names Bastetani and Bastuli: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 5 ] Strabo later revises the name from “Tingis” to “Tinga” (Tangier, Mor.): 827 C,
24-28n.
174
140 C, 13-19 Then comes Gadira, an island separated by a narrow strait Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
from Turdetania, around seven hundred and fifty stades

(some say eight hundred) from Calpe. This island would be Calpe, El Rocadillo, nr. S. Roque
(Sp.)
no different from o thers w
ere it not that the brave seaman-
ship of its citizens and their friendship with the Romans
have paid such dividends in terms of good fortune that the
island is more famous than any other, despite being situated
at the end of the world. I will describe it in the context of the
other islands.1 |
140 C, 20-25 Next comes what is called “Menestheus harbor,”2 and the 3.1.9
inlets at Asta and Nabrissa. (“Inlets” are coastal indentations Asta, Cortijo el Rosario, Mesas de
Asta, Jérez de la Frontera (Sp.)
that fill with seawater at high tide and which provide passage
Nabrissa, nr. Lebrija (Sp.)
into the interior and to the cities along their shores, like rivers
do.) Immediately thereafter comes the divided outlet of the
Baetis. The island created by the mouths delimits a stretch Baetis, Guadalquivir r.
of coastline one hundred stades long—some say even more.

140 C, 25-33 Located somewhere around h ere is Menestheus’s oracle; Menestheus’s oracle, ?on
Salmedina (Sp. island)
and Caepio’s Tower sits on a sea-washed cliff, a wonderful con-
Servilius Caepio, Roman
struction designed, like the Pharus, to provide safety to mariners;3 statesman, built this tower (nr.
silt washed down by the river makes the area around its Chipiona, Sp.) to commemorate
victory over Lusitanians, 139 BCE
mouth full of shallows and reefs, giving rise to the need for a clear
warning light. The passage up the Baetis river starts from h ere.
Also, there’s a city, Ebura, and the temple to Phosphorus (Light- Ebura, Cortijo de Evora,
Sanlúcar de Barrameda (Sp.)
bringer), the goddess whom they call Lux Dubia.4 Then come
t emple to Phosphorus, nr.
the passages inland offered by other inlets and, after them, Sanlúcar de Barrameda (Sp.)
the Anas river, which also has two mouths, and the upriver Anas, Guadiana r.
passages from them.
140 C, 33–141 C, 2 Finally, there’s the Sacred Promontory, less than two thou- Sacred Promontory, Cabo de
S. Vicente (Por.)
sand stades from Gadira. Some say that the distance from the
Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
Sacred Promontory to the mouth of the Anas is sixty miles;
from there to the mouth of the Baetis, one hundred miles;
then seventy miles to Gadira. |
141 C, 3-9 It happens that Turdetania—through which the Bae- Baetis, Guadalquivir r. 3.2.1
tis river runs—lies behind the stretch of coastline this side this side of Anas = east of
Guadiana r.
of the Anas.5 The borders of Turdetania are formed to the
west and north by the Anas river; to the east by some of the
Carpetanians and by the Oretanians; to the south by those
of the Bastetanians who inhabit the narrow stretch of coast
from Calpe to Gadira and by the coast that follows as far as Calpe, Gibraltar
the Anas. The Bastetanians whom I mentioned are treated Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
[ 1 ] 168 C, 28–175 C, 24.

[ 2 ] Strabo possibly refers to an entire bay rather than a specific town. Cf. “Artabrian
harbor”: 175 C, 25-31n.
[ 3 ] Strabo appears to adapt an inscription from the famous lighthouse on Pharus
in Egypt: 791 C, 21-32.
[ 4 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo not only transliterates into Greek the Latin
name but also provides the name in its inflected form—viz. Lucem Dubiam—as
required by his sentence structure. Cf. 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 5 ] Coastline this side of the Anas (Guadiana r.): 139 C, 24–140 C, 33.
175
3.1. Western Europe
as part of Turdetania,1 as also the people outside the Anas, as

well as many of their neighbors.
141 C, 9-18 As for the size of this territory, it is no greater in length
and breadth than two thousand stades, but there is an inor-
dinate number of cities (two hundred is what they say). The
most famous—because of their functionality—are those situ-
ated on the rivers, inlets, and coast. An exceptional increase in
fame and power has been experienced by Corduba, founded Corduba, Córdoba (Sp.)
by Marcellus, and by the Gaditanian city, the latter b ecause Gaditanian city, Cádiz (Sp.)
of her seafaring abilities and alliance with the Romans, the

former because of the excellent quality and the size of her ter-
ritory, which takes in a large part of the Baetis river. She was
originally settled by selected Romans and local people, and
indeed she was the first colony that the Romans dispatched
to this region.
141 C, 18-21 Ranking b ehind only her and the Gaditanian city, Is- Ispalis, Sevilla (Sp.)
palis is famous; and she, too, is a Roman colony. Nowadays,

she r emains the trading center but has been overtaken
by Baetis in prestige and through the recent settlement of
Caesar’s soldiers, even though Baetis lacks splendor as a
settlement. |
141 C, 22-32 Ranking a fter t hese cities are Italica and Ilipa on the Bae- 3.2.2
Italica, Santiponce (Sp.) tis; farther away, Astigis, Carmo, and Obulco; furthermore,
Ilipa, Alcalá del Río (Sp.) the cities in which the sons of Pompey were defeated, namely Munda, ?Cerro de las Camorras,
Santaella (Sp.)
Astigis, Écija (Sp.) Munda, Ategua, Urso, Tucci, Ulia, and Aegua. None of these
Ategua, ?Cortijo de Teba la
Carmo, Carmona (Sp.) cities are far from Corduba, yet Munda was established as Vieja, S. Cruz (Sp.)
Obulco, Porcuna (Sp.) a sort of metropolis of this region. Munda is one thousand Urso, Osuna (Sp.)
four hundred stades from Carteia. Munda is the city to which Ulia, Montemayor (Sp.)
Gnaeus fled; then he departed by ship, disembarked to go to Carteia, El Rocadillo, nr. S.
some mountainous area inland from the coast, and was killed. Roque (Sp.)
His brother, Sextus, escaped from Corduba, fought for a short Gnaeus, son of Pompey, was
captured and killed, 45 BCE
while among the Iberians, and stirred Sicily into revolt; driven
Sextus was killed, 35 BCE
from there to Asia, captured by Antony’s generals, he ended
his life in Miletus.
141 C, 32-34 As for the Celtic region, Conistorgis is the most famous;
and, on the inlets, Asta, which is where the Gaditanians con- Asta, Cortijo el Rosario, Mesas
de Asta, Jérez de la Frontera
gregate, since she lies immediately (not more than one hun- (Sp.)
dred stades) b ehind their island’s seaport. |
141 C, 35–142 C, 4 It is the Baetis whose banks are inhabited by the great- Baetis, Guadalquivir r. 3.2.3
est number of people. It is possible to sail upriver for virtu-
[ 1 ] Bastetanians: 139 C, 29–140 C, 7.
176
ally one thousand two hundred stades from the sea, as far as
Corduba and places a little farther upstream. The riverlands Corduba, Córdoba (Sp.)
and small islands in the river have undergone exceptional de-

velopment. T here is, in addition, the charming scenery, with
places improved by groves and other landscaping.
142 C, 4-9 As far as Ispalis, the upriver voyage can be made in freight- Ispalis, Sevilla (Sp.)
ers of considerable size for a distance of not much less than

five hundred stades; the voyage to the cities farther upstream
as far as Ilipa is made in smaller boats; and as far as Corduba Ilipa, Alcalá del Río (Sp.)
in light skiffs, nowadays constructed out of planks but in an-

tiquity made from a single piece of wood. The upper reaches Castulo, Cortijos de S. Eufemia y
to Castulo are not navigable. de Yangues, nr. Linares (Sp.)
142 C, 9-15 There are some mountain ridges that stretch parallel to
the river, more or less converging with it in the north. They
are full of mines. Silver is most plentiful in the Ilipa region and
in the region of Sisapo, both what is called “Old Sisapo” and Sisapo, ?Los Castillejos de La
Bienvenida (Sp.)
“New Sisapo.” At what is called “Cotinae,” both bronze and
gold are produced. As you sail upriver, these mountains are to
your left. On your right is a plain, which is extensive, elevated,
arable, forested with huge trees, and good for pasture.
142 C, 16-21 It is possible to sail up the Anas, too, albeit not in boats of Anas, Guadiana r.
such size nor for such a distance. Above this river, too, there
are mountains with mining operations; these mountains ex-
tend as far as the Tagus. Places that have mining operations
are necessarily rugged and their soil poor, as are the places
that border on Carpetania and even more so on the Celti-
berians. Such, too, is Baeturia, with its dry plains stretching
alongside the Anas. |
142 C, 22-28 Turdetania itself is exceptionally blessed. Both multi- 3.2.4
yielding and high-yielding, its blessings are doubled through

export. Excess crops find a ready market by means of a huge
number of merchant ships. This is the result of the rivers and,
as I noted, inlets that resemble rivers and likewise allow not
only small vessels but even large ones to sail up from the sea
to the cities inland.1
142 C, 29–143 C, 8 All the territory for a considerable distance inland from
the coastline between the Sacred Promontory and the Pillars Sacred Promontory, Cabo de
S. Vicente (Por.)
is flat. Everywhere h ere, t here are coastal indentations leading
Tidal behavior along Atlantic
coast of Iberia, from Sacred
into the interior, appearing like moderately sized ravines or
Promontory to Pillars river courses, extending over many stades. As the tide rises,
[ 1 ] 140 C, 20-25. Types of shipping: 142 C, 4-9.
177
3.1. Western Europe
the encroaching sea fills them up, with the consequence that
they can be sailed up just as easily as rivers, indeed more easily,
for it is like sailing downriver, there being no opposing cur-
rent and the sea behaving like a river’s stream in bearing one
onward as the tide rises. The tidal increase is greater here than
in other places b ecause the sea, when forced from a g reat ex-
panse of ocean into a narrow channel between Maurusia and Maurusia, Morocco
Iberia, meets r esistance and fortuitously flows into w hatever Iberia, Portugal, Spain
parts of the mainland allow it. Some of these coastal indenta-

tions empty with the falling tide, but others are not left com-
pletely dry, and some have islands in them.
143 C, 9-18 Such is the nature of the inlets between the Sacred Prom- Sacred Promontory, Cabo de
S. Vicente (Por.)
ontory and the Pillars, with a tidal rise far greater than in
other places. This rise in the tide has something of an advan-
tage from the point of view of its utility to mariners: it makes
for more and larger inlets, which can often be sailed up for a
distance of . . . * stades, with the consequence that it makes
all the land in a sense navigable and well suited for the export
and import of goods. The rising tide also does harm, however.
Sailing on the rivers, as a result of the rising tide strongly . . . *
the rivers’ currents, brings no slight risk to ships carrying
goods downstream as well as upstream.
143 C, 18-25 Falling tides are also harmful in t hese inlets. These, too,
are forceful, and their swiftness has left many a ship on dry
ground. C attle that cross over to the islands at the entrances
to the inlets are sometimes washed away and sometimes
stranded; forced to try to get back, they lack enough strength
and die. People say that the females observe what happens,
wait for the sea level to fall, then set off for the mainland. |
143 C, 26-34 The population, knowing the nature of the places and how 3.2.5
inlets could serve the same purpose as rivers, founded cities

and other settlements along their shores as if along the banks
of rivers. Included among them are Asta, Nabrissa, Onoba, Asta, Cortijo el Rosario, Mesas de
Asta, Jérez de la Frontera (Sp.)
Ossonoba, Maenuba, and several o thers.1 In some places, ca-
Nabrissa, nr. Lebrija (Sp.)
nals contribute to the movement of goods from many places
Onoba, ?Huelva (Sp.)
to many places, both internally and to the outside world. The
Ossonoba, ?Faro/?Estói (Por.)
convergence of waters is likewise advantageous at the time of
Maenuba, ?Chillas,
exceptionally high tides . . . * by the necks of land that cut the nr. Villamanrique (Sp.)
channels off and . . . * navigable, with the consequence that it
is possible to pass from the rivers into the inlets, and vice versa.
[ 1 ] Asta and Nabrissa: 140 C, 20-25.
178
143 C, 35–144 C, 6 All trade is carried out with Italy and Rome, since the
voyage as far as the Pillars is good (other than some slight Pillars/strait, Straits of Gibraltar
difficulty at the strait), as is the open voyage on our sea. The our sea = Med. Sea
sea routes run through a clima of good weather, particularly clima, band of latitude
when you are on the open sea, and this is an advantage for
freight-bearing ships; and the winds on the open sea provide
speed. An additional f actor is the present peacefulness now
that piracy has been eradicated, with the consequence that Romans campaigned against
piracy, 67 BCE
mariners experience total ease of mind.
144 C, 6-11 Posidonius says that he saw something peculiar on his return
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) from Iberia, namely that the easterly winds on that stretch of sea as
far as the Sardoan bay are seasonal, which is why he barely made
Gymnesian islands,
it back to Italy in three months, having been blown off course in the Mallorca + Menorca (Sp. islands)
region of the Gymnesian islands, of Sardo, and of other parts opposite Sardo, Sardinia (It. island)
these, belonging to Libya.1 | Libya = Africa
144 C, 12-21 Exported from Turdetania are g reat quantities of grain 3.2.6
and wine, and not only g reat quantities of olive oil but oil of
the highest quality. Wax, honey, and pitch are exported, as
also coccus and ruddle, which is in no way inferior 2 to “Sino- coccus = scarlet dye
pean earth.” 3 They build ships on the spot, out of local timber.
They mine salt, but t here is no small number of salt-bearing
rivers. T here is likewise no small quantity of pickled fish
produced from here, and indeed from all along the stretch
of shore outside the Pillars. It is not inferior to Pontic fish- shore outside the
Pillars = Atlantic shore of Iberia
pickle.4 There was formerly a lot of clothing exported, but
the preference now is for the wool—raven black and excep-
tionally fine. People pay a talent for the rams, for breeding talent, largest unit in
Greek accounting system;
purposes. Exceptional, too, are the finely woven garments 1 talent = 6,000 drachmas
made by the Saltietans.
144 C, 22-28 There is an unstinting supply of all types of domestic ani-
mals and game. T here are few harmful animals save for little little burrowing hares = rabbits
burrowing hares, called by some leberides: when they forage for

root vegetables, they destroy plants and seeds. They are pre
sent virtually throughout Iberia, extend even as far as Mas- Massalia, Marseille (Fr.)
salia, and are even a nuisance on the islands. The inhabitants

of the Gymnesians are said to once have sent ambassadors to Gymnesians,
Mallorca + Menorca (Sp. islands)
the Romans to ask for territory—they were being driven out by
these animals, unable to hold out against them due to their numbers!
144 C, 28-34 Now, in regard to this type of semi-invasion, which is not
continuous . . . * a sort of plague, as in the case of snakes and
[ 1 ] Posidonius’s report of apes along the African coast: 827 C, 5-11.

[ 2 ] The comparison is Strabo’s own. He w ill have seen imported Iberian ruddle in
Rome: 273 C, 2-14n. He w ill have seen Sinopean earth in Cappadocia or Pontus
(cen. + n. Turkey), Ephesus (Selçuk, sw. Tky.), or Rome.
[ 3 ] “Sinopean earth” came from Cappadocia (cen. + n. Turkey) but took its name
from the port Sinope (Sinop, n. Tky.), via which it was originally exported before
being exported via Ephesus: 540 C, 2-9.
[ 4 ] Strabo will have tasted Iberian pickled fish in Rome and the Pontic variety in
Cappadocia, Pontus, Ephesus, or Rome; cf. 163 C, 22-32.
179
3.1. Western Europe
field mice, t here is need of such help. In regard to more mod-

erate cases, several hunting strategies have been devised. In
particular, p eople breed wild ferrets, native to Libya, for this Libya = Africa
purpose. They muzzle them and send them into the burrows.
The ferrets drag out their victims with their claws or make
them flee to the surface, where people wait and catch them
as they emerge.
145 C, 1-4 The great quantity of exports from Turdetania is appar-
ent1 from the size and number of merchant ships. The freight-
ers that make the voyage from t hese p eople to Dicaearchia Dicaearchia, Pozzuoli (It.)
and to Ostia (Rome’s port) are enormous, and their number Ostia, Ostia Antica (It.)
nearly rivals Libyan2 . . . *. |

145 C, 5-18 While the Turdetanian interior is of such a nature,3 one 3.2.7
might find that the coastline rivals it in its maritime goods.

Oyster-and mussel-type shellfish are exceptional in number
and size along all the outer sea coast, but h ere they are espe- outer sea coast, Atlantic coast
cially so, inasmuch as that the high and low tides are exag-
gerated h ere, which, one supposes, leads to the number of
shellfish and their size because of the exercise they get. The
situation is the same for all cetaceans—narwhals, baleen
whales, and spouting w hales, which breathe out a pillar of mist
visible to those watching even from far away. The conger eels,
too, grow into monsters, far exceeding t hose with which we are
familiar in terms of size, as do the sea eels and several other fish decacotyli = 10-cup volume
measure
of this type. People talk of trumpet shells and purplefish being
talent, largest unit in Greek
Carteia, El Rocadillo, decacotyli in Carteia; and, in more distant places, of sea eels and system of weights; 1 talent = 60
nr. S. Roque (Sp.)
conger eels weighing more than eighty mnae, sea polyps weigh- mnae
ing a talent, two-cubit long squid, and suchlike. 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
145 C, 18-25 A great number of big fat tuna fish are driven hither from
the rest of the outer shore. They feed on a sort of acorn, from
an oak that grows right down on the seabed and produces very
plump fruit, the land version of which is common in Iberia,
having the enormous roots of a full-grown oak but never at-
taining the height even of a low-growing shrub. So much fruit
is produced that, when it ripens, the shoreline both inside shoreline inside the
Pillars = Med. shore
and outside the Pillars gets covered with it when it gets left
outside the Pillars = Atlantic
behind by the high tide. The fruit inside the Pillars is always shore
found to be smaller.
145 C, 25-31 Polybius says that these acorns are cast ashore even as far as Latina, w. Italy
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) Latina—unless, he says, they also grow in Sardo and the neighboring Sardo, Sardinia (It. island)
[ 1 ] Probably to Strabo himself, who had in all likelihood visited Dicaearchia (245 C,
26-31n) and Ostia (231 C, 31–232 C, 5n).
[ 2 ] I.e., exports from Alexandria (Iskandariya, Egy.): 792 C, 32–793 C, 9n.
[ 3 ] 141 C, 3–145 C, 4.
180
region. Also, the nearer the tuna fish get to the Pillars on their Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
journey from outside, the thinner they become as their food

runs out. This creature is . . . * a sort of sea hog, because it loves
acorns and gets very fat on them, and when t here are plenty of acorns,
there are also plenty of tuna fish. |
146 C, 1-10 Since the aforesaid territory is provided with so many aforesaid territory = Turdetania/ 3.2.8
Baetica
good t hings, one might, to no small extent but rather to a
very g reat extent, praise in amazement its mining opportu-
nities. While the entire expanse of Iberian territory is full
of such operations, not all of it is so fertile or so naturally
blessed, particularly where mining operations are common.
It is rare for a territory to benefit from both; rare, too, for
the same territory to have so many different types of metal
ore in a limited area. For those who wish to praise Turdetania
and the territory next to it, t here are no words to describe its
excellence: neither gold, nor silver, nor copper, nor iron has
yet been found to exist in such quantity and quality anywhere
else in the world.
146 C, 10-17 Gold is not only mined but is also panned. Rivers and
streams bring down the gold-bearing sand, which is ubiq-
uitous even in areas that have no streams; it is, however, in-
visible in the latter, whereas the gold dust glistens when it is
underwater. People even flood places that have no streams,
using imported water, and make the gold dust shine. Boring
wells and using other techniques, they separate the gold from
the sand by washing it. What are called “gold-washing facili-
ties” are nowadays more common than gold-mining facilities.
146 C, 17-19 The Galatians consider that their own mines, in the Cem- Cemmenum, Cévennes (Fr.)
menum mountain range and at the foot of the Pyrenees,

are . . . *; however, the ore from here has a better reputation. from here = from Turdetania
146 C, 19-28 People say that in the gold dust sometimes are found
nuggets, called palae, weighing a half pound, requiring only
a l ittle refining. They also say that when stones are split you
find small, nipple-like nuggets; that there is a residuum of
electrum after the gold is smelted and refined with a sort of
styptic earth; that when this residuum, a mixture of silver
and gold, is further refined, the silver is burned off and the
gold remains, for its characteristics are that it is easily smelted
and oily in texture. That is why it is preferable to use chaff to
smelt gold, because its gentle flame is appropriate for a softly
181
3.1. Western Europe
yielding and easily smelted substance. Coal is all-consuming:

its intense heat c auses over-smelting and wastage.
146 C, 28-32 Panning takes place in the streams, and the washing is done
nearby in troughs. Alternatively, a well is bored, and earth
that is brought up is washed. P eople build silver furnaces in
elevated positions so that the heavy and deadly smoke from
the ore gets carried up into the air. Some of the copper mines
are called “gold mines,” from which it is deduced that gold was
formerly mined t here. |
146 C, 33–147 C, 10 Posidonius, in praising the quantity and quality of the 3.2.9
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) mines, does not refrain from his customary rhetorical flour-
ishes but participates enthusiastically in the hyperbole. He
says that he does not discredit the myth that once t here w ere some
forest fires and that the earth, being full of silver ore and gold ore,
was smelted and bubbled over at the surface, on account of every
mountain and e very hill being the stuff of money, heaped up by some
munificent good fortune. Anyone seeing t hese places, he continues,
would in general call them the everlasting treasuries of nature—or
the inexhaustible storehouse of empire. The territory was not only
rich, he says, but out-of-this-world rich, and it is their belief that in
truth the underworld is inhabited not by Hades but by Pluto. Such “Pluto” lit. means
“Wealth-giver”
were the . . . *-like terms in which he described this area, as if
himself mining the language for his vocabulary!
147 C, 10-21 Noting the industriousness of the miners, he compares he = Posidonius
the statement that the Phalerian made in connection with the Attican = from s. cen. Greece
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) Attican silver mines, that the men dig as strenuously as if they
cites “the Phalerian” = Demetrius
of Phalerum (late 4th–early expected to bring in Pluto himself! He notes that the zeal and work He = Posidonius
3rd c. BCE) ethic of these people is similar, in that they cut mine shafts that twist these people = Turdetanians
and turn deep into the earth, and they often reroute upward the riv-
ers they encounter in the mine shafts, by means of Egyptian screws,1
but the . . . * is not the same for t hese p eople and the Atticans, with
mining being for the latter like a riddle (“what they caught, they did
not choose,” he says,”and what they had, they got rid of”),2 whilst he = ?Demetrius of Phalerum
it is very profitable for the former, both for the copper workers (who
extract a fourth part of the earth in the form of copper) and for some
of the i ndependent silver workers (who bring up a Euboean talent talent, largest unit in Greek
system of weights
over three days).
147 C, 21-28 He says that tin is not found at the surface, as writers often claim, He = Posidonius
but it is dug up. It originates among the natives beyond Lusitania and Cattiterides, ?Cornwall
in the Cattiterides islands,3 and is also imported into Massalia from (UK)/?islands off nw. France
[ 1 ] Hydraulic screws: 738 C, 5-18; 807 C, 3-10; 819 C, 4-6.

[ 2 ] The reference is to lice. The point is that the Atticans squandered the economic
opportunities afforded by their silver mines.
[ 3 ] Cattiterides (Tin islands): 175 C, 25–176 C, 8.
182
the Brettanic islands. He says that, among the Artabrians—the Artabrians = Cape Touriñán (Sp.)
most remote Lusitanians to the north and west—the soil blooms with
silver, tin, and gold, which is white (because it is mixed with silver);
the rivers carry this soil along, and the w omen dig it up with shovels
and wash it in plaited sieves . . . *.
147 C, 28-29 The foregoing is what he said about the mines.1 |
147 C, 30–148 C, 7 Polybius, in mentioning the silver mines of the New Car- New Carthage, Cartagena (Sp.) 3.2.10
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) thage region, says that they are very large; they are some twenty
stades from the city, encompassing an area four hundred stades in
circumference; a workforce of forty thousand men lives there, paying
(at that time) twenty-five thousand drachmas per day to the Roman drachma, silver coin in the
Greek monetary system,
people. As for the mining process, I omit most of it because of roughly a laborer’s daily wage
its length, except the panned silver-bearing lumps, he says, are cut
up and put through sieves into w ater; the residue is further cut up and,
having been strained and the water poured off, cut up again; the fifth
residue, when it is smelted and the lead poured off, yields pure silver.
148 C, 7-11 Even t oday the silver mines are in operation. They are
not, however, publicly owned—neither here nor elsewhere—
but have passed into private ownership. The gold mines are
mostly publicly owned. In Castulo and in other places, t here Castulo, Cortijos de S. Eufemia y
de Yangues, nr. Linares (Sp.)
are special mines for “dug-up lead,” which contains silver,
albeit in such small traces that it does not pay to refine it. |
148 C, 12-16 Not far from Castulo is the mountain range from which 3.2.11
the Baetis is said to flow; they call the mountain range “Argy- Baetis, Guadalquivir r.
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) rus” (Silver) because of the silver mines t here. Polybius says that
both the Anas and this river flow out of Celtiberia, some nine hundred Anas, Guadiana r.
stades apart from each other. As the Celiberians expanded they this river = Baetis
brought it about that all the neighboring territory was given

the same name as them.
148 C, 16-27 It is likely that men of long ago called the Baetis “Tartes-
sus” and Gadira and its islands “Erythia.” People think this ex- Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
Stesichorus (late 7th–6th c. BCE) plains why Stesichorus says, concerning the cattle herder for
Geryon, that he was born more or less opposite famous Erythia . . .
by the unending streams of the silvery Tartessus river / in a cavern on
a cliff; and why (there being two outlets of the river, between
which they say a city was established in former times with the
same name as the river) the city was called “Tartessus” and its
territory, now occupied by the Turdulians, “Tartessis.”
148 C, 27-36 Eratosthenes, too, says that the territory next to Calpe is called territory next to
Calpe = Turdetania, sw. Spain
“Tartessis” and the “blessed island of Erythia.” Artemidorus
[ 1 ] 146 C, 1–147 C, 28.
183
3.1. Western Europe
Artemidorus (late 2nd– contradicts him and says that this statement of his is false; likewise
early 1st c. BCE) contradicts
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE), who false are his statements that the Sacred Promontory is a five-day sail Sacred Promontory, Cabo de S.
Vicente (Por.)
had relied on Pytheas (4th c. from Gadira (when the distance is not more than one thousand seven Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
BCE)
hundred stades), that tidal fluctuations end at this point (instead of
being a phenomenon all around the lived-in world), that the journey
along the northern parts of Iberia to Celtica is more easily made by
land than by sailing on the ocean, and w hatever e lse he said u
nder the
influence of Pytheas’s bragging.1 |
149 C, 1-4 The poet, being a man of verbal felicity and a polymath, 3.2.12
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) provides us with premises for believing that he was not obliv-
ious to t hese places, if one reasons correctly both from the
weaker argument made concerning t hese places and from the
stronger and more truthful argument.2
149 C, 4-11 The weaker argument is that he knew by hearsay of the ex- he = Homer
Weaker argument is that Homer treme west where, as he says, the bright light of the sun / drawing
has heard vaguely of Tartessus
and uses that vague knowledge black night over the wheat-giving fields falls down into the ocean.
to create the mythical Night is clearly something ill-omened and closely related to
“Tartarus”
Hades, and Hades is closely related to Tartarus. One might
surmise that the poet, hearing about Tartessus, slightly
adapted its name to “Tartarus” for the most remote part of
the underworld; and added an element of myth to preserve
its poetic quality.
149 C, 11-15 Similarly, knowing of the Cimmerians, who lived in the Cimmerians rose to power
8th c. BCE
gloomy northern regions around the Bosporus, he located
Bosporus = Straits of Kerch'
them in Hades. Perhaps it also had something to do with ha-
tred shared by Ionians for this tribe: people say that the Cim-
merian incursion, which extended into the Aeolid and Ionia, Aeolid, Ionia, w. + sw. Turkey
took place in Homer’s time or only slightly before.

149 C, 15-20 He created his Wandering Rocks on the model of the Cy- He = Homer
aneae, as part of the continual p rocess of turning fact into Cyaneae, rocks at mouth of
Black Sea
myth. He uses, as a mythical setting, certain rocks that are
dangerous, as people say is the case with the Cyaneae, which
is why they are called the “Clashing Rocks”; and he therefore
represents Jason as voyaging through them. The strait at the strait at the Pillars, Straits of
Gibraltar
Pillars and the Sicilian strait suggested to him the myth of
Sicilian strait, Straits of Messina
the Wandering Rocks.
149 C, 21-23 One might attribute to him a knowledge of the Tartes-
sus region in the weaker sense by interpreting his mythical
creation of Tartarus as a riddle, | but in the stronger sense on 3.2.13
the basis of the following.
[ 1 ] Eratosthenes’s use of Pytheas: 62 C, 33–64 C, 26; 104 C, 6-34.

[ 2 ] Weaker argument: 149 C, 4-23. Stronger argument: 149 C, 23–150 C, 32.
184
149 C, 23-30 The expedition of Heracles to this area, and that of the
Stronger argument is that Phoenicians, suggested to him the wealth and easy life of the Phoenicians moved westward
Homer has solid knowledge of from Med. coast of Syria/
Iberia and consciously used it population (who w ere so utterly subjugated to the Phoeni- Lebanon to Spain/Africa, early
as setting for mythical “Elysian cians that most Turdetanian cities and nearby places w ere 1st millennium BCE
plain” and “abode of the
Blessed” in his epic poems now occupied by them). The expedition of Odysseus, which it
seems to me did reach this area and was part of his knowledge,
gave him his opportunity. In consequence, he moved the Odys-
sey, just as he did the Iliad, from the realm of fact to the realm of
poetry and mythical invention customary among poets.
149 C, 30–150 C, 6 It is not only places in Italy and Sicily and certain other
places that provide the evidence of this. In Iberia, too, a city
of “Odyssia” is identified, and a temple to Athena, and a myr-
iad of other traces of the wanderings of that fellow and other that fellow = Odysseus
survivors from the Trojan war. . . . * equally harmful to those Trojan war, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
who lost the war and to those who captured Troy (since the
latter won a Cadmian victory, their homes destroyed and each
man getting little in the way of booty), it came about that
the survivors fled the danger and turned to piracy . . . * and
the Greeks, the former b ecause they lost everything and the
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) latter b ecause they were ashamed, each man assuming that it
was shameful to stay away for such a long time, far from his f amily,
and then to go back empty-handed to them.
150 C, 7-18 We hear of the wanderings of Aeneas and Antenor, and
of the Enetans; likewise, of Diomedes, Menelaus, Odysseus,
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) and several others. The poet, having acquired knowledge of so
many expeditions to the extreme limits of Iberia, and learning
of its wealth and other advantages (which the Phoenicians
made clear),1 created there the “abode of the Blessed” and the
“Elysian plain,” to which Proteus says that Menelaus w ill go:
You will be sent to the Elysian plain and to the ends of the earth, / by
the immortal gods, to the abode of flaxen-haired Rhadamanthys. /
Life is very easy for the people there. / No snow, no violent storms, no
rain at all, / but the breezes of gently blowing Zephyrus are continu- Zephyrus, west wind
ally / breathed out by Ocean to soothe mankind.

150 C, 19-29 Temperateness, and the gentle breezes of Zephyrus, are ap-
propriate for this territory since it is in the west and warmed this territory = Iberia
by the sun. Also appropriate is its being at the ends of the earth,
which we say is the mythical location of Hades. The men-
tion of Rhadamanthys suggests that the place is near Minos,
concerning whom he says, there I saw Minos, noble son of Zeus, /
[ 1 ] Phoenicians = Carthaginians: 150 C, 30-32.
185
3.1. Western Europe
holding his golden scepter and judging the dead. Succeeding poets
frequently make similar statements concerning the expedi-
tions in quest of the cattle of Geryones and in quest of the
golden apples of the Hesperides, referring to certain “islands
of the Blessed,” which we now know are identified as t hose
islands not far from the end point of Maurusia and not far Maurusia, Morocco
Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.) from Gadira.1 |
150 C, 30-32 I mean that the Phoenicians were the source of the infor- Phoenicians moved westward 3.2.14
to Spain and Africa, early
mation.2 These people held the best part of Iberia and Libya 1st millennium BCE; were
before Homer’s time; and they continued as masters of the conquered by Rome, 3rd–2nd c.
BCE
region u ntil the Romans put an end to their hegemony.
151 C, 1-13 The following is further evidence of Iberian wealth. The
Carthaginians who invaded alongside Barcas found (so Barcas (father of Hannibal)
assumed Carthaginian
writers tell us) the inhabitants of Turdetania using feeding command, 237 BCE
troughs and wine jars made of silver. One would assume that
the belief in the great longevity of the people here was derived
from their great prosperity, particularly in the case of their
Anacreon (6th c. BCE) leaders. That is why Anacreon says I would not wish for Amal-
thia’s / cornucopia, nor for a / hundred and fifty years / of ruling over
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) Tartessus; and Herodotus gives the name of the king, whom he
calls “Arganthonius.” One can interpret Anacreon’s statement
either as referring to this king or, more generally, as meaning
“a long period of ruling over Tartessus.” Carteia, El Rocadillo, nr. S.
151 C, 13-14 Some p eople call current-day Carteia “Tartessus.” | Roque (Sp.)
151 C, 15-27 Closely allied to the territory’s prosperity is the civilized 3.2.15
and citified behavior of the Turdetanians, and indeed of the

Celtic p eoples, b ecause of their proximity (or their blood
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) ties, according to Polybius), although less so in the case of
the latter, since they mostly live village-style. The Turdeta-
nians, particularly those around the Baetis, have completely Baetis, Guadalquivir r.
converted to Roman ways, no longer even remembering their

own language. Most of them have become Latins and have
taken in Roman colonists, so that they are all little short of
being Romans. The cities that have now been assimilated—
Pax Augusta among the Celtic peoples, Augusta Emerita Pax Augusta, Beja (Por.)
among the Turdulians, Caesaraugusta in the Celtiberian re- Augusta Emerita, Mérida (Sp.)
gion, and several other settlements—are examples of their Caesaraugusta, Zaragoza (Sp.)
said citification. The Iberians of this persuasion are called

togati (toga-wearers), a term that includes the Celtiberians, who
were once considered the most ferocious of all men.
[ 1 ] The “islands not far from the end point of Maurusia and not far from Gadira”
may be the Canary Islands (Sp.) or Madeira (Por.), but see 2 C, 34–3 C, 12n.
[ 2 ] Strabo expands on his earlier comments (150 C, 7-18n).
186
151 C, 27 That was my description of these parts.1 |

151 C, 28-33 Starting again from the Sacred Promontory and g oing Sacred Promontory, Cabo de S. 3.3.1
Vicente (Por.)
West side of Iberia along the coast in the other direction, t oward the Tagus,
Portugal, nw. Spain
there’s a bay; then a headland, Barbarium, and the outlets of Barbarium, Cabo Espichel (Por.)
the Tagus nearby, the direct voyage to which in stades . . . *

are ten. There are estuaries here, too, one of which is more
than four hundred stades from the said tower.2 On this estu-
ary is located . . . *.
151 C, 33–152 C, 5 The Tagus is some twenty stades wide at its mouth and Tagus, Tejo/Tajo r.
is so deep that it can accommodate ships of ten thousand

weight. As the tide rises, two estuaries form on the plains
beyond its banks, with the consequence that the sea extends
inland for one hundred and fifty stades, turning plain into
seaway, and creates within the upper estuary a small island
(very lush and viniferous) of some thirty stades in length and
a width only slightly less than its length.
152 C, 5-14 The island f aces Moro, a city ideally located on a mountain Moro, ?Santarem/?Chões (Por.)
near the river, at a distance of some five hundred stades from

the outer sea, with excellent territory surrounding it and easy outer sea = Atlantic
river access for most of the way by large ships, and by river-
boats for the remainder; it is also possible to sail even farther
upstream, beyond Moro. Using this city as a base, Brutus (to D. Junius Brutus Callaicus,
Roman statesman, fought
whom the name “Callaicus” was given) fought a war against against the Lusitanians/
the Lusitanians and conquered them. The river’s . . . * so as Callaicians, 138–136 BCE
to have unobstructed upriver passage and provisions brought

upstream. In consequence, these are the most prominent of
the cities in the Tagus region.
152 C, 14-17 The river is rich in fish and teeming with oysters. Rising river = Tagus, Tejo/Tajo r.
among the Celtiberians, it flows due west past the Vettonian,

Carpetanian, and Lusitanian p eoples for as long as it is parallel
to the Anas and the Baetis, but then veers away from them as Anas, Guadiana r.
they head off toward the coast in the south. | Baetis, Guadalquivir r.
152 C, 18-25 Lying inland from the said parts,3 the Oretanians are far- 3.3.2
thest to the south and reach in part as far as the coastline in- inside the Pillars = on Med. side
of Straits of Gibraltar
side the Pillars. North of them are the Carpetanians, then the
Vettonians and the Vaccaeans, past whom flows the Durius, Durius, Duero r.
which can be crossed at the Vaccaean city of Acontia. Last of

all come the Callaicians, occupying a large part of the moun-
tainous country (and being fearsome fighters on account of
this, they gave their name to the man4 who conquered the
[ 1 ] 137 C, 27–151 C, 27.

[ 2 ] Presumably, Strabo referred to the relevant tower in the place marked “ . . . *”
in the previous sentence.
[ 3 ] I.e., coastline from Sacred Promontory (Cabo de S. Vicente, Por.) to Tagus (Tejo/
Tajo r.): 151 C, 28–152 C, 17.
[ 4 ] I.e., Brutus Callaicus. Strabo clarifies his e
arlier statement (152 C, 5-14, where the
name “Callaicus” is linked to the conquest of Lusitania, but the relationship of
Callaicians and Lusitanians is not spelled out).
187
3.1. Western Europe
Lusitanians and are ultimately responsible for the majority

of Lusitanians even now being called “Callaicians”).1
152 C, 25-26 The most prominent cities in Oretania are Castulo and Castulo, Cortijos de S. Eufemia y
de Yangues (Sp.)
Oria. |
152 C, 27-35 The territory north of the Tagus is Lusitania,2 the greatest Tagus, Tejo/Tajo r. 3.3.3
of the Iberian nations and the one that fought the Romans
for the longest time. The southern side of this territory is
formed by the Tagus; the western and northern sides by the
ocean; the eastern side by the Carpetanians, the Vettonians,
the Vaccaeans, and the Callaicians 3 (these are the well-known
nations, the rest not warranting names b ecause they are small
and insignificant). Some people—in contrast with the men of
today 4—call the latter “Lusitanians.” In the east, the Callai- latter = Callaicians
cians border on the Asturian nation and the Celtiberians. The

others border on the Celtiberians.
153 C, 1-10 The length is as much as three thousand stades, while the
width (from the eastern side to the opposite coast) is much
less.5 The eastern side consists of rocky uplands, whereas the
territory below them consists entirely of plains right up to the
coast, except for a few (not very large) mountains. For this
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) reason, Posidonius says Aristotle is incorrect in giving the coastline
criticizes Aristotle (4th c. BCE)
of Iberia and Maurusia as the cause of the ebb and flow of the tides,
in that he says, “the sea recedes when the high and rocky headlands he = Aristotle
suffer the brunt of the ocean swell and send it back with corresponding
force . . . *”; on the contrary, the headlands are low-lying and sandy.
He is correct in saying this.6 |
153 C, 11-18 The territory of which I talk is blessed by nature, with riv- territory = territory inhabited by 3.3.4
Lusitanians
ers (great and small) r unning through it, all of them rising in
the east and running parallel with the Tagus. Most provide Tagus, Tejo/Tajo r.
passage to the interior and contain great quantities of gold

dust. The best-known rivers that come next a fter the Tagus
include the Munda, which allows a short upstream passage, Munda, Mondego r.
and likewise the Vacua. After them is the Durius, which flows Vacua, ?Vouga r.
from far away, past Numantia and a multitude of other Cel- Durius, Duero r.
tiberian and Vaccaean settlements. It is navigable upriver in Numantia, Cerro de la Muela

(Sp.)
small boats for nearly eight hundred stades.
153 C, 18-23 Then come several rivers and a fter them the “River of
Oblivion,”7 which some p eople call “Limaea” and others Limaea/Belio, Lima r.
“Belio.” This river similarly rises among the Celtiberians and

Vaccaeans, as also the river that comes a fter it, the Baenis Baenis/Minius, Minho r.
[ 1 ] I.e., called by Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin ethnic
name Callaici. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 2 ] Strabo refers to the territory inhabited by ethnic Lusitanians, whose territory
is greater than that of the Roman province of Lusitania: 166 C, 24–167 C, 10nn.
[ 3 ] These peoples are previewed at 152 C, 18-25.
[ 4 ] I.e., the Romans (508 C, 10-18n), whose province of Lusitania excluded the
Callaicians.
[ 5 ] Strabo h ere uses “length” to mean the longer side of a rectangle and “width”
the shorter side; hence, the length is the north–south dimension of Lusitania,
and the width is the east–west dimension.
[ 6 ] I.e., Posidonius is correct in saying that Aristotle is incorrect.
[ 7 ] Strabo explains the name “River of Oblivion” later: 153 C, 28-34.
188
(some say “Minius”), which is by far the greatest Lusita-

nian river, navigable upriver for a distance of eight hundred
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) stades. (Posidonius says that it rises among the Cantabrians.)
Lying at its outlet is an island and two breakwaters with
anchorages.
153 C, 23-27 It is worth giving nature its due, in that these rivers have
sufficiently steep-sided banks that they can contain the sea
as the tide rises, and in consequence the sea does not spill
latter river = Baenis/Minius, over and inundate the plains. The latter river represents
Minho r.
the limit of Brutus’s military campaign, although there are D. Junius Brutus Callaicus,
Roman statesman, fought
several other rivers farther on, running parallel to those against the Lusitanians, 138–136
mentioned. | BCE
153 C, 28-34 At the farthest extreme, the Artabrians inhabit the region 3.3.5
of the headland called “Nerium,”1 which functions as the end Nerium, ?Cape Touriñán/?Cape
Finisterre (Sp.)
point of both the western and northern sides. In the vicinity
of the headland live Celtic p eoples who are related to t hose
on the Anas. People say that these people and the Turdulians, Anas, Guadiana r.
after campaigning alongside each other up to this point, had

a violent disagreement a fter crossing the Limaea river; after Limaea, Lima r.
suffering (in addition to discord) the loss of their leader, they

scattered and stayed h ere; this is the reason the river was given
the name “River of Oblivion.”2
154 C, 1-3 The Artabrians have many cities, built in clusters around
a bay known by t hose sailors who are familiar with the area
as “Artabrian harbor.”3 Men of today call the Artabrians Artabrian harbor, ?gulf
between Cape S. Adrián and
“Arotrebans.”4 Cape Prior (Sp.)
154 C, 4-11 Around thirty nations inhabit the territory between the
Tagus and the Artabrians. Although the territory was natu- Tagus, Tejo/Tajo r.
rally blessed with crops and cattle, and with a great quantity of
gold and silver and suchlike, many of the inhabitants rejected
a lifestyle based on the land and spent their time making raids
and fighting continuously against each other and their neigh-
bors across the Tagus, u ntil the Romans s topped them, hu-
miliating them and reducing most of their cities to villages,
while improving others through amalgamation.
154 C, 11-15 It is reasonable to suppose that such lawlessness began
among the mountain p eople. Inhabiting a miserable territory
and having few possessions, they coveted what belonged to
other people. These others, in defending themselves, inevi-
tably neglected their own affairs. The consequence was that
[ 1 ] I.e., called by Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin place-
name Nerium: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 2 ] Strabo provides background for his earlier reference to the river: 153 C, 18-23.
[ 3 ] 175 C, 25-31n.
[ 4 ] “Men of today” are Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin
ethnic name Arotrebae: 508 C, 10-18n.
189
3.1. Western Europe
they, too, ended up fighting rather than farming; and it came

about that their territory lay neglected, its inherent value un-
realized, populated by raiders. |
154 C, 16-22 People say that the Lusitanians are skilled at ambush, 3.3.6
good at intelligence gathering, fleet-footed, nimble, and

good at countermarching; that their shields are two feet in
diameter, concave in front, fitted with straps (no rings or
handles) and . . . * in addition to t hese, a knife or cleaver.
Many of them wear cuirasses made of canvas; a few make use
of chain mail and three-crested helmets, while the rest have
helmets made of sinew. Their foot soldiers wear additional
shin protectors; and each man has several javelins; some also
use a spear, and the spear tips are made of bronze.
154 C, 22-25 People say that some of those who live along the banks
of the Durius river have a Laconian lifestyle, using anoint- Durius, Duero r.
ing rooms twice daily and steam baths heated by hot stones,
bathing in cold water, and eating one meal a day in a clean
and s imple manner.
154 C, 25-30 The Lusitanians practice divination. They study entrails
without excising them. They also study blood vessels in the
flanks and make prognostications on the basis of touch. They
take omens from the entrails even of men taken in war, wrap-
ping them with cloaks; then, after the man receives a mor-
tal blow beneath the intestines from the priest, they make
a divination based in the first place on the manner of their
falling. They cut off the right hands of the captives and make
dedicatory offerings of them. |
154 C, 31–155 C, 5 All the mountain p eople live s imple lives, being hydropo- 3.3.7
North side of Iberia tae (water-drinkers) and chamaeëunae (ground-sleepers),1 wearing their
n. Spain
hair thick and loose in the manner of women but binding
their foreheads when they fight. They are mostly goat eat-
ers, and sacrifice goats to Ares, as they also sacrifice war cap- Ares, Greek god of war
tives and horses; they perform hecatombs of each type in the hecatomb, large ceremonial
sacrifice
Pindar (5th c. BCE) Greek fashion—as Pindar says, offering a hundred of everything.
They hold competitions in light-armed combat, heavy-armed
combat, and combat on horseback, in boxing, running, jav-
elin throwing, and group maneuvers.
155 C, 5-14 For two seasons of the year, the mountain people eat
acorns, which they dry and chop, then grind and bake, so
that they can be stored u ntil needed. They drink beer but
[ 1 ] Hydropotae and chamaeëunae are quasi-technical terms belonging to a system The terms are sometimes used as ethnic names, with the boundary be-
of classification of peoples based on diet and lifestyle. Compare the following tween the two usages often blurred. Compare “Lotophagi” (Lotus-eaters)
list (by no means exhaustive). Chamaecoetae (ground-sleepers): 506 C, 16-23; and lotophagi: 157 C, 14-20; 829 C, 1-11; 834 C, 25-33. “Troglodytes” (Dwellers-
cf. 197 C, 2-10, and 328 C, 25-27. Polyphagi (omnivores): 506 C, 16-23. Creophagi in-holes) and troglodytae: 42 C, 2-9 n. “Ichthyophagi” (Fish-eaters) and ich-
(meat-eaters): 772 C, 32–773 C, 4; 773 C, 29–774 C, 5; cf. 829 C, 1-11. Hippemolgi thyophagi: 95 C, 28–96 C, 5; 133 C, 14-17; 513 C, 12-24; 720 C, 14–721 C, 6; 725 C,
(mare-milkers) and galactophagi (milk-eaters): 295 C, 36–303 C, 31. Chelo- 32–726 C, 5; 769 C, 1-7; 770 C, 3-13; 772 C, 32–774 C, 5.
nophagi (turtle-eaters): 773 C, 12-22. Anthropophagi (eaters-of-human-flesh)
and poephagi (grass-eaters): 201 C, 3-8. Ostophagi (bone-eaters) and derma-
tophagi (skin-eaters): 775 C, 26–776 C, 4. Rhizophagi (root-eaters): 513 C, 12-24.
190
spare the wine (what t here is, they quickly finish off at fes-
tive family gatherings). They use butter rather than olive
oil. They eat sitting down on purpose-built benches around
the walls. They are seated according to age and rank, and the
food is handed around. As well as drinking, p eople dance to
the flute and trumpet, chorus-style except for the addition of
leaps and squats. (In Bastetania, women join in with the men
and hold their hands.)
155 C, 14-24 They are clad in black, mostly in cloaks in which they also
sleep . . . * and use goatskins, as the Celts do. The women go
around clad in mantles and brightly colored clothing. Instead
of coinage . . . * they use a bartering system or cut off a piece
of beaten silver and hand that over. Those whom they con-
demn to death, they hurl from a precipice. T hose who have
committed patricide, they drive out beyond their borders1
and rivers. They marry in the same way as the Greeks do. Like
the Egyptians in ancient times, they expose sick people in the
street in order to get advice from t hose who have suffered
from the affliction. Up u ntil the time of Brutus, they used D. Junius Brutus Callaicus,
Roman statesman, conquered
boats made of animal hides b ecause of their high tides and the Lusitanians, 138–136 BCE
shallows. Nowadays, even dugout canoes are rare. Their salt
is red, white when crushed.
155 C, 25-30 This, as I said, is the way of life of the mountain people,2
by which I mean the Callaicians, Asturians, and Cantabrians,
who define the northern side of Iberia as far as the Vasconi-
ans and the Pyrenees. They all share the same mode of living,
but I shrink from giving even more names, wishing to avoid
the unpleasantness of describing them—unless anyone takes
pleasure in hearing of “Pletaurians,” “Bardyetans,” “Allotri-
gians,” and other names even worse and more forgettable than
these! |
155 C, 30–156 C, 5 It has been the case that their untamed savagery was the 3.3.8
result not only of warfare but also of their isolation: the voy-
age to them takes a long time, as does the overland journey,
and their lack of contact with outsiders has destroyed any
sense of common humanity. Nowadays, they are not subjected
to t hese influences, b ecause they are at peace and b
ecause the
Romans are present among them. In places where this is not
the case, people are even more recalcitrant and more brutish.
Such being the . . . * because of the miserable nature for some
[ 1 ] The manuscripts have “mountains” rather than “borders”; in Greek, the words
are easily confused in the genitive plural (oron vs horon). Examples of probable
manuscript confusion: Radt, vol. 1, critical apparatus on 84 C, lines 25-26, and
on 92 C, line 9; vol. 4, critical apparatus on 632 C, line 12, and on 808 C, line 14.
Examples of horon (“borders”): 117 C, line 15; 191 C, 23; 341 C, 33; 383 C, 2-3; 717 C,
25; 723 C, 33; 787 C, 24.
[ 2 ] 154 C, 11–155 C, 24.
191
3.1. Western Europe
of their location and b ecause of the mountains, it is reason-

able to suppose that their isolation is exacerbated.
156 C, 5-13 At the current time, as I said, all fighting has s topped.1 Au- Romans campaigned in Iberia,
26–16 BCE
gustus Caesar eliminated the Cantabrians (who, at that time,
were still organizing raiding parties) and their neighbors—
and, instead of plundering the allies of the Romans, the Conia-
cians and the p eople living t oward the sources of the Iber . . . * Iber, Ebro r.
now fight on the Roman side. Tiberius, who has succeeded Tiberius succeeded Augustus
Caesar as Roman emperor, 14 CE
him, has set over the region an army three legions strong (the
army appointed by Augustus Caesar) and has made some of
the people not only peaceable but civilized at last.2 |
Mediterranean Coast
156 C, 14-24 What remains of Iberia3 is our coastline from the Pillars to our coastline = Med. coast 3.4.1
Southern side of Iberia: Med. the Pyrenees, and all the territory lying inland from this Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
coast
s. + e. Spain coastline,4 varying in width but with a length of just a little width = north–south dimension
more than four thousand stades. The length of the coastline length = east–west dimension
is even greater than this, by two thousand stades, as noted.5

People say that it is two thousand two hundred stades from
Calpe (the mountain at the Pillars) to New Carthage, and New Carthage, Cartagena (Sp.)
that this seaboard is inhabited by the Bastetanians, whom

they also call “Bastulians,”6 and in part by the Oretanians;
Overview of the Med. coast that from there to the Iber is virtually the same distance again
from Calpe (Gib.) to the
Pyrenees and occupied by the Edetanians; that from this side of the
Iber up to the Pyrenees and the Trophies of Pompey is one Trophies of Pompey, Panissars
(Sp.)
thousand six hundred stades, inhabited by a few Edetanians
Pompey, Roman statesman,
and, for the remainder, by the p eople known as “Indicetans” erected trophies in 72 BCE to
with their four divisions.7 | commemorate victory in Iberia
156 C, 25-37 In detail, starting from Calpe, there’s a mountain ridge be- Calpe, Gibraltar 3.4.2
longing to Bastetania and the Oretanians, which has a dense

forest of huge trees and which cuts off the coast from the in-
terior; this is the location of numerous mines for gold and
other metals. The first city on this coast is Malaca, which is Malaca, Málaga (Sp.)
the same distance from Calpe as Gadira is. This is an entrepôt

for the nomads on the opposite coast. It also has extensive opposite coast = African coast
fish-preserving facilities. Some think it is the same as Mae- Maenaca, ?Cerro del Peñón,
Torre del Mar (Sp.)
naca (which tradition tells us is the westernmost Phocaean
city).8 Such is not the case. The latter lies farther away from latter = Maenaca
Calpe and, although in ruins, preserves traces of having been

a Greek city. Malaca is nearer, and is Phoenician in form. Next
[ 1 ] 154 C, 4-11. [ 6 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin ethnic
[ 2 ] Organization of the Roman province of Hispania Tarraconensis u nder Tiberius: names Bastetani and Bastuli; cf. 139 C, 29–140 C, 7. Strabo’s transliteration of
166 C, 29–167 C, 14. Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 3 ] I.e., “What remains” as per Strabo’s definition of Iberia at 137 C, 9-26. [ 7 ] Calpe (Gibraltar) to New Carthage (Cartagena, Sp.): 156 C, 25–158 C, 29. New
[ 4 ] Inland territory: 161 C, 1–163 C, 16. Carthage to Iber (Ebro r.): 158 C, 30–159 C, 18. Iber to Trophies of Pompey (Panis-
[ 5 ] Strabo refines and enlarges on his earlier comments (106 C, 31–107 C, 5; 137 C, sars, Sp.): 159 C, 19–160 C, 35.
9-14). [ 8 ] Phocaean = “founded by the Massaliotes.” Relationship of Massalia (Marseille,
Fr.) to Phocaea (Foça, Tky.): 179 C, 10-25.
192
Iberia: Mediterranean Coast + Hinterland
comes the Exitanian city, a fter which a type of pickled fish is Exitanian city, Almuñécar (Sp.)
said to be named. | After that comes Abdera, also founded Abdera, Adra (Sp.) 3.4.3
by the Phoenicians.
157 C, 1-14 Inland from t hese places, in the mountains, an “Odyssia”
is identified,1 with a temple to Athena within it, as noted by
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) Posidonius, by Artemidorus, and by Asclepiades of Myrlea, a
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early man who taught literary studies in Turdetania a fter publish-
1st c. BCE)
ing a sort of guide to the nations in the region.2 He says that He = Asclepiades
Asclepiades (late 2nd–1st c. there are memorials in Athena’s t emple commemorating Odysseus’s
BCE)
travels, in the form of shields and bowsprits that have been nailed
up; some of the men who accompanied Teucer on his expedition set- Teucer and Amphilochus were
Greek warriors in the Trojan war
tled among the Callaicians, and t here are two cities h ere, one called
“Hellenes” (Greeks) and one called “Amphilochi” (as if Amphilo-
chus died here and his companions migrated to the interior).
He says that it is recorded that some of Heracles’s companions, and
some p eople from Messene, colonized Iberia. According to him and
others, Laconians occupied a section of Cantabria. P eople say,
too, that t here is a city of “Ocela” founded by Ocelas, who had
Antenor was a Trojan councillor,
accompanied Antenor and his sons as they made the crossing whose l ater journeys feature in
into Italy. Greek myth
157 C, 14-20 In Libya, too, certain p eople (who listen to Gadiran Libya = Africa
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early merchants) 3 believe, as Artemidorus also says, that the people
1st c. BCE)
living inland from Maurusia near the western Ethiopians are called Maurusia, Morocco
“lotophagi” (lotus-eaters),4 since they live off lotus (a sort of grass and
root); they require no drink, nor do they have any, on account of the
desert; they extend as far as the regions inland from Cyrene.5 Then Cyrene, Ain Shahat (Lib.)
again, t here are diff erent p eople called “Lotophagi” living on

Meninx, Gerba (Tun. island)
one of the two islands (namely, Meninx) at the mouth of the
Little Syrtis, bay in Med. Sea off
Little Syrtis.6 | e. Tunisia
157 C, 21-32 One should not be surprised at the poet mythologizing the 3.4.4
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) wanderings of Odysseus in such a way that he transferred to
the Atlantic ocean outside the Pillars many of the stories that Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
were told about him. Known facts lay behind the places and
other t hings that he invented, so that his inventions w ere not
without credibility. Neither should one be surprised if some
people placed their faith in this knowledge and in the poet’s
wide learning and if they used Homer’s poetry to establish
Crates (2nd c. BCE) scientific hypotheses. This is what Crates of Mallus did, as well
as certain others. . . . *7 gave this type of approach so boor-
ish a reception that they not only banished the poet from
[ 1 ] I.e., a settlement supposedly founded by Odysseus, the Greek hero of Homer’s [ 5 ] Strabo’s later and slightly different presentation of Artemidorus’s words (829 C,
Odyssey. 1-11n) illustrates how free-form Strabo’s citations can be—paraphrases rather
[ 2 ] In this paragraph (157 C, 1-14), Strabo expands upon ideas introduced at 149 C, than quotations.
30–150 C, 6. [ 6 ] Strabo revisits the ideas expressed in this paragraph later, in his description of
[ 3 ] Strabo perhaps alludes to Posidonius, who seems to have relied on merchants Maurusia and the Western Ethiopians (827 C, 12-23), L ittle Syrtis and Meninx
from Gadira (Cádiz, Sp.) for the story of Eudoxus’s attempted circumnavigation (834 C, 25-33); cf. 838 C, 24–839 C, 9.
of Africa: 98 C, 13–102 C, 11, esp. 100 C, 18-20. [ 7 ] An expression such as “Opponents of this view” seems necessary at the begin-
[ 4 ] Lotophagi is both a quasi-technical term—part of a systematic categorization of ning of the sentence for Strabo’s comment to make sense.
people according to diet and lifestyle—and an ethnic name: 154 C, 31–155 C, 5n.
193
3.1. Western Europe
such scientific inquiry (as if he were a laborer or agricultural

worker) but also treated those who used such methodology
as lunatics.
157 C, 32–158 C, 6 Not one literary scholar, not one learned expert, has been
bold enough either to defend or to correct (or anything along
these lines) the statements of these men—even though it
seems to me that it is possible either to defend much of what
they say or else to correct their statements—especially what
Pytheas (4th c. BCE) was said by Pytheas, who was able to deceive his followers
because of their ignorance of places in the west and in the
oceanic north. But let this matter pass—the argument is long oceanic = Atlantic
and specialized. |
158 C, 7-21 One might surmise that the explanation for the movement 3.4.5
of Greeks in amongst barbarian nations is that the latter were

scattered in small groups and polities, which had no relation-
ship with each other on account of their self-sufficiency. In
consequence of this, they were weak in the face of external at-
tack. This self-sufficiency was particularly marked among the
Iberians, who also possess a natural cunning and dishonesty.
They spent their lives raiding and plundering, brave when the
undertaking was small, unable to apply themselves to large-
scale endeavors owing to their lack of provision for larger forces
or alliances. Had they been willing to shield each other, it would
not have been possible for the Carthaginians to attack and
overrun the greater part of the territory with their resources,
and still earlier the Tyrians, and then those Celts who are now The Tyrians (Phoenicians)
reached Iberia, early
called “Celtiberians” and “Beronians.” 1 Nor would it have been 1st millennium BCE; the Cartha
possible for the brigand Viriathus, nor afterward Sertorius, nor ginians attacked Iberia, 3rd c.
BCE
anyone else who lusted after greater power. The Romans, by
Sertorius, a Roman, fought on
virtue of fighting piecemeal (chiefdom by chiefdom) against behalf of Lusitanians against
Rome, 80–73 BCE
the Iberians, took quite a long time in conquering different
Viriathus, a Lusitanian, resisted
groups at diff erent times, u
ntil they had them all in their power, Rome, 147–139 BCE
in more or less the two hundredth year (or even longer).
158 C, 21-29 I resume my geographical journey.2 | So then, a fter this 3.4.6
comes New Carthage, founded by the Hasdrubal who suc- New Carthage, Cartagena (Sp.)
ceeded Barcas (who was the father of Hannibal).3 She is by

far the most powerful city in the region: she has been beau-
tifully constructed with good defenses and a wall, and she
boasts harbors, a lake, and the silver mines I mentioned.4 A
great deal of fish-preserving is done h ere and in the vicinity.
[ 1 ] I.e., called by Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin ethnic
names Celtiberes and Verones. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C,
10-18n.
[ 2 ] Strabo picks up the thread of his narrative from 156 C, 25-37.
[ 3 ] By specifying that the “Hasdrubal” in question is the man who succeeded Bar-
cas (229 BCE), Strabo avoids potential confusion with the “Hasdrubal” who l ater
took over Carthaginian command (218 BCE).
[ 4 ] 147 C, 30–148 C, 11.
194
This place is a very important entrepôt for the importation

of goods from the coast to the people of the interior and of
goods from the interior to everyone outside.
158 C, 30–159 C, 1 The coastline from here to the Iber has, at its approximate ere = New Carthage,
h
Cartagena (Sp.)
halfway point, the Sucro river and the city of the same name
Iber, Ebro r.
at the river’s outlet. The river flows from the mountain range
Sucro (river), Júcar r.
Malaca, Málaga (Sp.) that is contiguous with the ridge lying inland from Malaca
Sucro (city), ?Algemesí (Sp.)
Carthage = New Carthage, and the Carthage region, and which can be crossed on foot.
Cartagena (Sp.)
It runs somewhat parallel to the Iber but is a l ittle less distant
from Carthage than from the Iber.
159 C, 1-11 Between the Sucro and Carthage, and not far from the
river, are three Massaliote towns. The best known of them
is Hemeroscopium, with its much-revered temple to “Ephe- Hemeroscopium, Denia (Sp.)
sian” Artemis1 at its high point, used by Sertorius as his mari- Sertorius, a Roman, fought on
behalf of Lusitanians against
time base, since it had good defenses, was suitable for piracy, Rome, 80–73 BCE
and was easily visible from a long way off as you approach by
sea. It is called the “Dianium”2 (temple to Diana), which is to say,
the “Artemisium” (temple to Artemis). It has very productive iron
mines nearby, and the little islands of Planesia and Plum- Planesia, ?Isla de Portichol/?Isla
Plana (Sp.)
baria, and inland a lagoon four hundred stades in circumfer-
ence. Then, finally, near Carthage, there’s Heracles Island,
which they call “Scombroaria,”3 after the scombri (mackerel) that Scombroaria, Escombrera (Sp.)
are caught t here and from which the very best fish sauce is Carthage = New Carthage,
prepared. It is twenty-four stades from Carthage. Cartagena (Sp.)
159 C, 11-15 Back on the other side of the Sucro (as you go toward the Sucro, Júcar r.
outflow of the Iber) is Saguntum, founded by the Zacynthi- Saguntum, Sagunto (Sp.)
ans. Hannibal’s destruction of this city, in violation of the Hannibal, Carthaginian general,
destroyed Saguntum, 219 BCE;
agreement with the Romans, precipitated the second war fought 2nd Carthaginian war,
against the Carthaginians. Nearby are the cities of Cherrone- 218–202 BCE
sus, Oleastrum, and Cartalia.

159 C, 15-18 At the a ctual Iber crossing is the settlement of Dertosa. Iber, Ebro r.
The Iber flows southward from its beginnings among the Dertosa, Tortosa (Sp.)
Cantabrians through a g reat many flatlands, parallel to the

Pyrenean mountain range. |
159 C, 19-28 Between the Iber delta and the end point of the Pyrenees, 3.4.7
where the Trophies of Pompey are situated, the first city is Trophies of Pompey, Panissars
(Sp.)
Tarraco. She has no harbor but is situated in a bay and enjoys a
Tarraco, Tarragona (Sp.)
number of advantages, including a flourishing population no
smaller these days than that of Carthage. She is a convenient Carthage = New Carthage,
Cartagena (Sp.)
place for the leaders 4 to stay and is something of a metropolis,
[ 1 ] There was an “Artemisium” (temple to Artemis) in every Massaliote-founded

city: 179 C, 10–180 C, 7.
[ 2 ] I.e., called by Latin speakers. “Dianium” is the Latin equivalent of the Greek
name “Artemisium,” the Roman goddess Diana being equated with the Greek
goddess Artemis. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 3 ] “They” are Latin speakers: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 4 ] The term “leaders” includes h ere the emperors Augustus and Tiberius, both
of whom spent time in Tarraco, as well as the governors of the province of His-
pania Tarraconensis (166 C, 29–167 C, 10), perhaps also the governors of Baetica
and Lusitania in transit to their provinces (166 C, 21-29). Examples of the term
“leaders”: 177 C, 16-24n; 181 C, 13-16; 232 C, 6-19n; 288 C, 16-23n; 314 C, 24-30n;
752 C, 31–753 C, 10n; cf. 9 C, 21-27n; 10 C, 30–11 C, 9.
195
3.1. Western Europe
not only for the area this side of the Iber but also for much of this side of Iber = north + east of
Ebro r. (“this side” from a Roman
the area outside. The Gymnesians, which lie in the sea nearby, point of view)
and Ebusus—noteworthy islands—contribute to the city’s fa-
Artemidorus (late 2nd– vorable position.1 Eratosthenes says that the city also has a naval
early 1st c. BCE) criticizes
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) for station and that she is not particularly favored with good moorings,
inconsistency as Artemidorus notes in criticism. |
159 C, 29–160 C, 4 The whole stretch from the Pillars suffers from a dearth Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar 3.4.8
of harbors up to this point. The parts from here onward

are, finally, blessed with good harbors, and the territory—
belonging to the Laeëtanians, the Lartolaeëtians, and so on—
is excellent as far as Emporium. Emporium, founded by the Emporium, Empúries (Sp.)
Massaliotes, is some forty stades from the Pyrenees and the

borderlands between Iberia and Celtica. This entire stretch is
also excellent and blessed with good harbors. This is the loca-
tion, too, of the small Emporian town of Rhoda; some say she Rhoda, Ciutadella de Roses (Sp.)
was founded by the Rhodians. Both here and in Emporium, Rhodians = from Greek island
of Rhodes
people worship “Ephesian” Artemis; I will give the reason for
this in my Massalia account.2
160 C, 4-11 The Emporians once lived on a l ittle island off the shore,3
which they now call “Palaeopolis” (Old city). Nowadays, they
live on the mainland. Theirs is a dual city, divided by a wall,
with some of the Indicetans as their neighbors, who, though
separately governed, nevertheless wanted to share a perim-
eter with the Greeks for the purpose of security; and this was a
dual perimeter, split by a central wall. In time, they joined to-
gether under one constitution, a mixed one containing both
native and Greek laws, something that happened in many
other cases. | Nearby, a river runs out from its beginnings in 3.4.9
the Pyrenees—the outlet forms the Emporian harbor.

160 C, 12-17 The Emporians are quite good at linen working.4 They
hold territory in the interior. Part of the territory is excel-
lent, while part is rush-producing (the rather low-grade,
marsh-grown type). They call it “Iuncarian Plain.”5 Some of
the p eople inhabit the end point of the Pyrenees as far as the
Trophies of Pompey. Past t hese p eople runs the route into Trophies of Pompey, Panissars
(Sp.)
what is called “Outer Iberia,”6 in particular Baetica.
160 C, 18-32 This road approaches the coast in places, but in other
road = Via Augusta places, particularly in the west, departs from it. It runs to Tar- Tarraco, Tarragona (Sp.)
raco from the Trophies of Pompey, via Iuncarian Plain . . . * Trophies of Pompey, Panissars
(Sp.)
and what is called by the Latin equivalent of “Fennel Plain”7
[ 1 ] Gymnesians (Mallorca + Menorca, Sp. islands) and Ebusus (Ibiza, Sp. island):
167 C, 15-24.
[ 2 ] 179 C, 10-25; 179 C, 3–180 C, 7.
[ 3 ] The “little island” is now a peninsula; cf. 168 C, 25-27n; 169 C, 5-13n.
[ 4 ] Probably primarily the manufacture of sailcloth.
[ 5 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin adjective
Iuncarius, meaning “of Rushes.” Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C,
10-18n.
[ 6 ] I.e., called by Latin speakers; Strabo translates into Greek the Latin term [His-
pania] Ulterior (= Roman provinces of Lusitania and Baetica): 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 7 ] Strabo translates into Greek the Latin place-name Campus Foenicularius: 508 C,
10-18n.
196
(where fennel grows abundantly); and from Tarraco to the Iber

crossing at Dertosa city. From t here, it proceeds through Sa- Dertosa, Tortosa (Sp.)
guntum and Saetabis city, and l ittle by l ittle recedes from the Saguntum, Sagunto (Sp.)
coast and connects with what is called “Spartarian Plain”1— Saetabis, Xátiva (Sp.)
that is, “Plain of Rushes.”2 This plain is large and waterless, Spartarian Plain, ?area inland
from Cartagena to Villaricos (Sp.)
and it is where the rushes are grown that are used to make
the rope exported everywhere, particularly to Italy. It was
formerly the case that the road ran through the middle of the
plain and through Egelasta, a long and arduous route, but now
they have made it follow the coast, only just touching the Plain
Castulo, Cortijos de S. Eufemia y
of Rushes 3 but extending to the same area as previously—the de Yangues (Sp.)
Castulo and Obulco region, through which the road goes on Obulco, Porcuna (Sp.)
to Corduba and to Gadira, the most important trading center. Corduba, Córdoba (Sp.)
Obulco is about three hundred stades from Corduba. Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
160 C, 32-35 Writers say that Caesar reached Obulco, and the army en- Julius Caesar defeated the sons
of Pompey at Munda (?Cerro de
campment t here, in twenty-seven days, starting from Rome, las Camorras, Sp.), 45 BCE
at the time he was about to embark on the war at Munda. |
161 C, 1-10 The foregoing is the coastline all the way from the Pillars Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar 3.4.10
to the borderland between the Iberians and the Celts.4 The

interior b ehind it—by which I mean the territory this side of
the Pyrenean mountains5 and this side of the northern flank
as far as the Asturians6—is divided by two main mountain
ranges. Of these ranges, one is parallel to the Pyrenees. It
starts from the Cantabrians and ends at our sea. They call it our sea = Med. Sea
the “Idubeda.” Another range stretches westward from the Idubeda, Sistema Ibérico (Sp.)
center, then deviates southward toward the coastline running

from the Pillars. To start with, the range is hilly and bare of
trees, then it passes through what is called the “Spartarian
Carchedonia = region of New
Plain,” then joins up with the forest inland from Carchedonia Carthage, Cartagena (Sp.)
and the Malaca region. It is called the “Orospeda.” Malaca, Málaga (Sp.)
161 C, 11-15 Running between the Pyrenees and the Idubeda, parallel to
both ranges, is the Iber river. It is joined by the rivers descend- Iber, Ebro r.
ing from these ranges, as well as by other waters. On the Iber,

there’s the city known as “Caesaraugusta” and a settlement, Caesaraugusta, Zaragoza (Sp.)
Celsa, where the river-crossing consists of a stone bridge. Celsa, Velilla del Ebro (Sp.)
161 C, 15-18 The territory7 is jointly inhabited by several nations, the

most well known being that of the “Iaccetanians,” as they are
called. This nation, starting on the lower slopes of the Pyr-
enees, broadens out into the plains and connects up with the Ilerda, Lleida (Sp.)
Ilergetian region of Ilerda and Osca, not far from the Iber. Osca, Huesca (Sp.)
[ 1 ] Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin adjective Spartarius: 508 C, 10-18n. [ 5 ] Strabo thinks of the Pyrenees as r unning north–south and Iberia as being
[ 2 ] Strabo gives the meaning of Latin Spartarius (“of Rushes”). His point is prob shaped like an oxhide: 137 C, 9-14. The expression “this side of the Pyrenees” is
ably that the Latin name Campus Spartarius has the same meaning as the Latin coined from an Iberian perspective and means “west of the Pyrenees.”
name Campus Iuncarius (160 C, 12-17). The two names, however, are applied to [ 6 ] The northern flank of Iberia: 153 C, 28–156 C, 13. “This side of” means “south of”
different plains. the northern flank.
[ 3 ] Strabo translates into Greek the Latin place-name Campus Spartarius, meaning [ 7 ] I.e., the territory “this side of the Pyrenean mountains and this side of the north-
“Plain of Rushes”: 508 C, 10-18n. ern flank as far as the Asturians”: 161 C, 1-10nn.
[ 4 ] Med. coastline and immediate hinterland (s. + e. Spain): 156 C, 14–160 C, 35.
197
3.1. Western Europe
161 C, 18-25 It was in these cities, as well as in the Vasconian city of

Calaguris and, on the coast, in Tarraco and Hemeroscopium, Calaguris, Calahorra (Sp.)
that Sertorius fought his final b attles a fter being expelled Tarraco, Tarragona (Sp.)
from among the Celtiberians. He met his end in Osca. And Hemeroscopium, Denia (Sp.)
later . . . * Ilerda, Afranius and Petreius (the generals of Sertorius, a Roman, fought on
behalf of Lusitanians against
Pompey) w ere defeated by the deified Caesar. Ilerda is one Rome, 80–73 BCE
hundred and sixty stades from the Iber (to the west), around Julius Caesar (= “deified
four hundred and sixty stades from Tarraco (to the south), Caesar”) defeated Afranius and
Petreius, 49 BCE
and five hundred and forty stades from Osca (to the north).
161 C, 25-29 Through these . . . * the route from Tarraco to the most
distant oceanic Vasconians, those in the region of Pompaelo oceanic = on Atlantic coast
and the oceanic city of . . . * is two thousand four hundred Pompaelo, Pamplona (Sp.)
stades to the Aquitanian–Iberian border.
161 C, 29-32 It is among the Iaccetanians that Sertorius sometimes bat-
tled against Pompey, and later, Pompey’s son Sextus battled
against Caesar’s generals. Lying inland from Iaccetania to the
north is the Vasconian nation, with the city of Pompaelo—
that is, “city of Pompey.” |
161 C, 33–162 C, 4 As for the Pyrenees themselves, the Iberian side is heavily 3.4.11
forested with all sorts of trees, including evergreens, while

the Celtic side is bare. The central part includes deep valleys
capable of sustaining successful settlements. They are mostly
in the possession of the Cerretanians, of Iberian stock. They Cerretanians, Cerdanyola (Sp.)
produce hams of exceptional quality, which rival t hose of . . . *

and which supply the population with not inconsiderable rev-
enue. |
162 C, 5-11 As you cross over the Idubeda, you come immediately to Idubeda, Sistema Ibérico (Sp.) 3.4.12
CELTIBERIA Celtiberia, which is large and of irregular shape. Most of it is

cen. Spain
rocky and well supplied with rivers. Through t hese regions Anas, Guadiana r.
flow the Anas, the Tagus, and most of the rivers that come Tagus, Tejo/Tajo r.
next, flowing toward the western sea after starting in Celti- Durius, Duero r.
beria. These include the Durius, which flows past Numantia Numantia, Cerro de la Muela
and Serguntia. The Baetis starts in the Orospeda and flows (Sp.)
through Oretania into Baetica. Baetis, Guadalquivir r.
162 C, 11-18 North of the Celtiberians live the Beronians (who have a
Strabo defines Celtiberia by border with the Cantabrian Coniscans, and who have their
reference to surrounding
nations origins in the Celtic expedition); their city is Varia, located Varia, ?nr. Logroño (Sp.)
at the crossing over the Iber; and next to them are the Bar-
dyetans, whom men of today call “Bardyllians.”1 To the west
are some of the Asturians and Callaicians and Vaccaeans, and
ethnic name Vardulli. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
198
furthermore some of the Vettonians and Carpetanians. To

the south are the Oretanians and whichever o thers of the
Bastetanians and Edetanians inhabit the Orospeda. To the
east is the Idubeda. | Idubeda, Sistema Ibérico (Sp.)
162 C, 19-26 As for the Celtiberians themselves, who are divided into 3.4.13
four sections, by far the most powerful are t hose to the east
and south, the Arvacians, who reach the Carpetanians and
the sources of the Tagus. Their best-known city is Numantia. Tagus, Tejo/Tajo r.
They demonstrated their valor in the twenty-year Celtiberian Numantia, Cerro de la Muela
(Sp.)
war against the Romans. Many armies and their commanders
were destroyed, and in the end the Numantinians endured Numantinians fought Romans,
143–133 BCE
a siege to the bitter end, except for the few men who finally
surrendered the city walls. The Lusonians, too, are in the east,
reaching to the sources of the Tagus.
162 C, 26-32 Segeda is a city belonging to the Arvacians, as is Pallantia. Segeda, Poyo de Mara/Durón
(Belmonte y Mara) (Sp.)
Numantia is eight hundred and . . . * stades from Caesarau-
Pallantia, Palencia (Sp.)
gusta which, as I said, is located on the Iber.1 Segobriga is a
Segobriga, Cerro de Cabeza del
Celtiberian city, as is Bilbilis. Metellus and Sertorius fought Griego (Sp.)
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) their battles about t hese cities. Polybius, listing the Vaccaean Bilbilis, Cerro de la Bámbola (Sp.)
and Celtiberian nations and their locations, includes among Intercatia, ?Aguilar de Campos
Segesama, ?Villadiego (Sp.) the other cities Segesama and Intercatia. (Sp.)
162 C, 32–163 C, 13 Posidonius says that Marcus Marcellus taxed Celtiberia six Marcus Marcellus, Roman
statesman, defeated
hundred talents, from which it is possible to deduce that the Celtiberians, 151 BCE
Celtiberians were numerous and wealthy, despite living in a talent, largest unit in
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) poor territory.2 He makes the following joke, that when Poly- Greek accounting system; 1
criticizes Polybius (2nd c. BCE) talent = 6,000 drachmas
bius says, “Tiberius Gracchus destroyed three hundred of their cities,”
the fellow sucks up to Gracchus by calling mere towers “cities”—as the fellow = Polybius
happens in triumphal processions! Perhaps this statement is not
devoid of credit. Both military generals and prose writers are
easily led to falsification in their embellishment of history.
For example, those who claim that there are more than one
thousand Iberian cities seem to me to reach this conclusion by
calling large villages “cities.” The nature of the territory is not
conducive to a g reat number of cities: it is e ither of poor qual-
ity or very remote and wild. Nor do their lives and activities
(except in the case of those on our coastline) suggest anything our coastline = Med. coast
of this sort. Those who live village-style are savages, and such
are many Iberians. Cities civilize but do not easily do so when
the dominant lifestyle is to dwell in forests to the detriment
of those nearby. |
[ 1 ] 161 C, 11-15.
[ 2 ] It is not clear w
hether the clause beginning “from which” is part of Posidonius’s
statement or Strabo’s addition to it.
199
3.1. Western Europe
163 C, 14-16 Coming after the Celtiberians to the south are those who 3.4.14
inhabit the Orospeda mountain range and the territory in

Sucro, Júcar r.
the region of the Sucro—namely, the Sidetanians as far as
Carthage = New Carthage,
Carthage, the Bastetanians and Oretanians virtually as far as Cartagena (Sp.)
Malaca. | Malaca, Málaga (Sp.)
163 C, 17-21 All the Iberians, in a word, had small shields and were 3.4.15
IBERIAN WAY OF LIFE lightly armed b ecause of their raiding (as in my description
of the Lusitanians),1 carrying javelin, sling, and sword. Mixed
in with the foot soldiers were h orsemen, their horses having
been taught to walk on mountainous terrain and to lie down
on command whenever required.
163 C, 22-32 Iberia produces many deer, and wild h orses. In places, even
its lakes teem with fish. The birds are swans and similar types;
and there are many bustards. The rivers contain beavers, but
their oil is not as potent as Pontic castor oil.2 The health-giving
properties are peculiar to the Pontic variety, as happens in many
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) other cases. For example, Posidonius says that only Cyprian copper
produces calamine, copper sulfate, and copper oxide. Posidonius says
that it is a peculiar characteristic of Iberia that the crows are black—
and also that Celtiberian horses, which are faintly dappled, change their
Outer Iberia = Lat. Hispania color when transported to Outer Iberia; they are like Parthian horses, in
Ulterior
that they are swift and offer a smoother r ide than other h orses. |
163 C, 33–164 C, 8 There is a large quantity of roots used in dyeing. As for olive 3.4.16
trees, grapevines, and fig trees, our Iberian coast has them in our Iberian coast = Med. coast
of Spain
abundance, and they are plentiful in the interior, too. As for
the outer coast, the northern part of the oceanic coast lacks outer/oceanic coast = Atlantic
coast of Spain, Portugal
them on account of the cold, the remainder because of the
negligence of the population in general, and b ecause they
do not live for p leasure but rather for their immediate needs
and bestial instincts, with l ittle moral direction—unless one
thinks that p eople “live for pleasure” who wash with urine
aged in cisterns, and brush their teeth with it, both them-
selves and their wives, as p eople say that the Cantabrians and
their neighbors do. This custom, like ground-sleeping,3 is
shared by both Iberians and Celts.
164 C, 8-11 Some p eople say that the Callaicians are atheists; that the
Celtiberians and their neighbors to the north sacrifice to an
unnamed god by night at the time of the full moon in front of
the entrances to their homes, and that the w hole household
dances and revels all night.
[ 1 ] 152 C, 27–154 C, 30, esp. 154 C, 16-22.

[ 2 ] The comparison is Strabo’s own. He could have come across Pontic castor oil
in Pontus (n. Turkey) itself or in Rome; he could have come across the Iberian
variety in Rome. Strabo’s presence in Rome: 273 C, 2-14n. Strabo’s observation
in Rome of products exported from Iberia: 144 C, 12-21nn.
[ 3 ] “Ground-sleeping” as part of a system of classification: 154 C, 31–155 C, 5n.
200
Iberia
164 C, 11-15 The Vettonians, when they first visited a Roman encamp-
ment, seeing some of the officers walking around on the roads
while conversing, supposed they were mad and showed them
the way back to their tents, on the grounds that they should
either stay t here and sit still or fight a b attle! |
164 C, 15-26 One might also class under the category of “barbaric” the 3.4.17
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early ornamentation of some of the women, as described by Ar-
1st c. BCE)
temidorus. He says that there are some places where the women
wear iron necklets with a hook that curves above the head and way
down over the forehead; over t hese hooks, when they want to, they
draw their veil so that it spreads out to provide shade for the face (and
they consider that this is decoration!); there are other places where the
women have a tympanium wrapped around their head, curved at the
back of the neck and fitting the head tightly as far as the ear lobes, then
gradually twisted upward and outward; 1 other women depilate the
hairline so that it is shinier than the forehead; some w omen place on
their heads a support about one foot high, around which they weave
their hair, then drape it with a black veil.
164 C, 27–165 C, 2 In addition to the foregoing strange behavior, t here are
many t hings that have been witnessed, or of which stories are
told, in connection with all Iberian nations jointly but most
especially the northern ones, concerning not only their brav-
ery but also their savagery and their animal-like witlessness.
Mothers killed their c hildren before being taken captive dur-
ing the war against the Cantabrians. A small boy, four years of
age, when his parents and b rothers w
ere tied up as prisoners
of war, killed them all at his f ather’s request by getting hold
of an iron implement. A w oman killed her fellow captives.
Someone, when summoned into the presence of drunkards,
threw themselves onto the fire.
165 C, 2-4 These traits are shared by the Celtic, Thracian, and Scyth-
ian nations, as also the courage of both men and women. The
women toil in the fields; when they give birth, they put their
husbands to bed—rather than themselves—and minister to
them!
165 C, 4-6 Often, in the midst of their work . . . *, turning aside to
some small stream, they wash and swaddle.2
165 C, 6-13 Posidonius says that in Ligystica, his host Charmoleos (a
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) Massaliote) recounted to him that “he had hired a group of men and him = Posidonius
recounts a story told to him by
Charmoleos women for digging; one of the women went into l abor, turned aside he = Charmoleos
[ 1 ] Artemidorus appears to describe a sort of head wrap or turban.

[ 2 ] This sentence seems like a false start, rephrased and improved upon in the
following paragraph.
201
3.1. Western Europe
near her work, gave birth, and returned immediately to her work,
so that she might not lose her pay; he himself saw the woman working he himself = Charmoleos
with difficulty and, although he did not then know the cause, learned
of it later, paid her, and sent her home; she took the newborn to a small
spring, where she washed it, and swaddled it in w hatever she had to
hand, and took it safely home.” |
165 C, 13-21 The habit of riding two men per horse, with one of the 3.4.18
two men fighting on foot in battle, is not peculiar to the Ibe-

rians. Nor are rat infestations (which often caused pestilent
diseases) peculiar to them. This happened in Cantabria to
the Romans, with the consequence that people got paid if
they caught a specified number of rats; people survived but
only just. In addition, t here was a scarcity of food, includ-
ing grain. They got supplies from Aquitania, but it was hard
work b ecause of the difficult terrain. As for the witlessness
of the Cantabrians, this too is reported, that some, when
taken captive and nailed to crosses, nevertheless sang songs
of victory.
165 C, 22-30 The foregoing might be indicative of a certain savagery of
behavior. The following traits, while perhaps not civilized,
are nevertheless not animal-like. For example, the practice
among the Cantabrians of husbands giving dowries to wives,
and of daughters being entitled to inherit, and of brothers
being married off by them to wives. (This is a sort of gyne-
cocracy, which is not at all civilized!) Other Iberian traits are
the provision of an arrow poison—which is concocted from
a herb similar to parsley and is indetectable—so as to have
it ready for unforeseen eventualities, and their utter dedica-
tion to t hose to whom they are so devoted that they will die
for them. |
165 C, 31-34 Although some p eople claim, as I said, that this territory this territory = Celtiberia, ne. 3.4.19
Spain
is divided into four sections,1 others claim that its division is
fivefold. In these regions, accuracy is impossible on account
of changing circumstances and the fact that the places lack
fame.
166 C, 1-6 In parts that are well known and famous, the movement of
peoples is well known, as are the divisions that the territory
undergoes, and its changes in nomenclature, and so on and
so forth: they are the subject of debate by all people but es-
pecially by the Greeks, who are the most talkative of all men.
[ 1 ] Strabo slightly elaborates on his e arlier statement (162 C, 19-26, where

Celtiberia’s fourfold division is stated as a fact).
202
Iberia
As for parts that are barbaric, remote, territorially limited,

and widely scattered—records about them are not many in
number nor are they reliable. Distance from the Greeks ex-
acerbates ignorance about them.
166 C, 6-11 Roman writers copy the Greeks but not to a great extent.
What they say, they take from the Greeks. They do not ex-
hibit much thirst for knowledge on their own part. In con-
sequence, when a gap has been left by the Greeks, what is
contributed by the Romans does not amount to much, par-
ticularly in respect of the best-known names, the majority
of which are Greek.
166 C, 11-13 For example, the name “Iberia” was given by men of for-
mer times to the entire territory outside the Rhodanus and outside Rhodanus = west of
Rhône r.
outside the isthmus (the isthmus created by the Galatian
bays).1
166 C, 13-17 Men of today use the Pyrenees to mark the territory’s
border and call the territory both “Iberia” and “Hispania”
synonymously.2 . . . * called only the territory outside the
Iber . . . *, while t hose of still e arlier times called t hese p
eople
(who did not inhabit much territory) “Igletians,” according
Asclepiades (late 2nd–1st c.
BCE) to Asclepiades of Myrlea.
166 C, 17-20 The Romans, calling the entire territory by the homonyms
“Iberia” and “Hispania,” once described part of it as “Outer” The Romans formerly divided
Iberia into two provinces:
and the other part as “Inner.”3 They make diff erent divisions Hispania Ulterior and Hispania
at diff erent times, according to political exigency. | Citerior
166 C, 21-24 Now that some provinces have been allocated to the people 3.4.20
and the senate, and some provinces have been allocated to the
Roman province of Baetica Roman emperor,4 Baetica belongs to the people, and a prae-
tor is sent to it, together with a quaestor and a legate. They Castulo, Cortijos de S. Eufemia y
have established its eastern border near Castulo. de Yangues (Sp.)
166 C, 24-29 The remainder belongs to Caesar,5 and two representa- Caesar = contemporary
emperor, Tiberius Caesar
tives (one of consular rank, and one of praetorian rank) are
dispatched from him. The praetorian representative has a
legate with him, so that he can dispense justice to the people
who live alongside Baetica and who stretch as far as the Durius Durius, Duero r.
Roman province of Lusitania river and its outlets—that is, the “Lusitanians,” which is the
name by which this territory is properly known at the present
time.6 This is the location of Augusta Emerita. Augusta Emerita, Mérida (Sp.)
166 C, 29–167 C, 10 The remainder (i.e., the greater part) of Iberia7 falls under
the consular governor, who has with him a significant army
[ 1 ] Strabo thinks of Celtica as an isthmus: 137 C, 15-20n. Galatian bays: 181 C, 18-28; [ 5 ] I.e., the “remainder” of Iberia/Hispania, namely the provinces Lusitania and
190 C, 19-26. Hispania Tarraconensis.
[ 2 ] “ Men of today” are Romans; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin names [ 6 ] Strabo uses “properly known” h ere to indicate official Roman nomenclature.
Iberia and Hispania: 508 C, 10-18n. Strabo believes (152 C, 18-35) that the Lusitanians, as an ethnic group, extend
[ 3 ] Strabo translates into Greek the Latin names Ulterior (meaning “Outer”) and north of the Durius river, which forms the northern boundary of the Roman
Citerior (meaning “Inner”): 508 C, 10-18n. province of Lusitania.
[ 4 ] Strabo’s detailed account of the disposition of the Roman provinces under [ 7 ] I.e., the “remainder” of Iberia (after allowing for Baetica and Lusitania), namely
Tiberius: 840 C, 1-28 (esp. 13-26 for Baetica). Hispania Tarraconensis.
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3.1. Western Europe
consisting of three legions and three legates. Of the leg-

ates, one of them has two of the legions and watches over all
Roman province of Hispania the territory—northward beyond the Durius—which men
Tarraconensis
of former times called “Lusitanian” and men of today call
“Callaician.”1 On the borders of these peoples are the north-
ern regions, with the Asturians and Cantabrians. R unning
past the Asturians is the Melsus river, and slightly beyond Melsus, ?Nalon r.
that is the city of Noega and a nearby inlet from the ocean, Noega, ?Campo Torres, NW
Gijón (Sp.)
which acts as the boundary between the Asturians and Can-
tabrians. The foothills that follow as far as the Pyrenees are
overseen by the second of the legates, with the other legion.
The interior is overseen by the third legate. He also controls
the parts, finally, that belong to t hose who are called togati
(toga-wearers) because they are peaceable and are in the p rocess
of adopting a civilized, Italian lifestyle, clad in their tebennic tebennic garb = the toga
garb—that is, the Celtiberians and those living near the Iber
on e ither side as far as the coastal areas.
167 C, 10-14 The governor himself winters in the coastal parts, espe-
cially in Carthage and Tarraco, where he dispenses justice. Carthage = New Carthage,
Cartagena (Sp.)
During the summer he travels around, constantly attending
Tarraco, Tarragona (Sp.)
to whatever improvement is required. T here are also procura-
tors of Caesar, men with the rank of knights who distribute
pay to the soldiers for life’s necessities. |
Iberian Islands (Ibiza, Formentera, Mallorca, Menorca,

Cádiz, ?Cornwall, UK/?islands off nw. France)
167 C, 15-18 In regard to the islands lying off the coast of Iberia, the two 3.5.1
PITYUSSANS, GYMNESIANS Pityussan islands and the two Gymnesian islands (they also Tarraco, Tarragona (Sp.)
call them the “Balearic islands”)2 lie off the stretch of coast— Sucro, ?Algemesí (Sp.)
from Tarraco to Sucro—where Saguntum is located. Saguntum, Sagunto (Sp.)
167 C, 19-22 The Pityussan islands lie farther out to sea than the Gym-
PITYUSSANS nesian islands 3 and on a more westerly meridian. One of the
Ibiza + Formentera (Sp. islands)
islands is called Ebusus and has a city of the same name. The Ebusus (island), Ibiza (Sp. island)
island’s circumference is four hundred stades, its width being Ebusus (city), Eivisa (Sp.)
about the same as its length. The other island is called “Ophi- Ophiussa, Formentera (Sp.
island)
ussa”: it is uninhabited and much smaller than Ebusus and
lies close to it.
167 C, 24-31 As for the Gymnesians, the major island has two cities, major island = Mallorca (Sp.
island)
GYMNESIANS Palma and Polentia, one of them (Polentia) in the east and
Mallorca + Menorca (Sp. islands) Palma, Palma de Mallorca (Sp.)
the other in the west. The length of the island is a little short
ethnic name Callaici. Strabo restates here more clearly the sentiments ex-
pressed at 152 C, 18-35.
[ 2 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin name for
the islands, Balearides, ultimately derived from the Carthaginian language:
654 C, 19–655 C, 2. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 3 ] The Pityussans in fact lie closer to the mainland. Strabo’s error is perhaps due to
his misconception that the mainland coast runs from west to east: 137 C, 9-14.
However, Strabo does juxtapose islands elsewhere: 222 C, 9-22n; 834 C, 1-8n.
204
Iberian Islands
of six hundred stades, while its width is two hundred stades. Polentia, Alcudia de Polensa (Sp.)
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early Artemidorus gave a width and length twice as great. The
1st c. BCE)
minor island is some . . . * stades from Polentia. In size, it is minor island = Menorca (Sp.
island)
considerably lacking compared to the major island; in its ex-
cellent advantages, it is in no way inferior to the major island.
Both islands are blessed with fertility and have good harbors,
albeit with reefs at their mouths, so you have to be careful
when sailing in.
167 C, 32-37 As a result of the advantageous nature of these places, the
inhabitants are peaceable (as, too, are the inhabitants of Ebu-
sus), but a few malefactors made an alliance with the sea raid-
Q. Caecilius Metellus Balearicus,
ers and discredited everyone. Metellus, who took the name Roman commander, pacified
the islands, 123–121 BCE;
“Balearicus,” led a naval attack against them. It was he who founded Palma and Polentia,
founded the cities. 122 BCE
167 C, 37–168 C, 16 The inhabitants, since the advantages of the place caused
conspiracies to be made against them, although peaceable
nevertheless . . . * they are said to be the masters at the sling-
shot. They have perfected this, p eople say, since the time
when the islands were occupied by the Phoenicians. They Phoenicians, originally from e.
Med., moved westward, early
are also said to be the first to have clothed their people in 1st millennium BCE
the tunic with a broad stripe. They went ungirt into combat
with a goatskin wrapped around the hand and a fire-hardened
spear, sometimes tipped with a small iron point. Around the
head, they had three slings made of melancranis (melancranis
Philetas (late 4th–early 3rd c. being a type of rush that is twisted into rope: Philetas, in the
BCE)
Hermenia, says a ragged and dirty tunic; twisted around his slender
/ waist a length of melancranis—that is, “he has a b elt made of
rope”), of hair, or of sinew. One was long-handled for long
shots. One was short-handled for shots over short distances.
One was midsize for shots over intermediate distances.
They practiced hard with slings even as c hildren, with the
consequence that the people would not give their c hildren
even so much as a crust of bread unless they hit it with a
slingshot. Consequently, when Metellus launched his naval
attack against the islands, he rigged up screens of animal
hide over the decks to provide protection from slingshots.
Metellus transferred colonists
Metellus transferred three thousand Romans from Iberia as when Palma and Polentia were
colonists. | founded, 122 BCE
168 C, 17-24 In addition to the fertility of the soil is the fact that it is not 3.5.2
there = on Mallorca and
easy to find any dangerous animal there. It is said that even Menorca
205
3.1. Western Europe
the little hares are not indigenous but are the progeny of a little hares = rabbits
male and female brought over by someone from the main-

land. Their proliferation was such that initially even houses
and trees w ere toppled as a result of their burrowing and, as
I said, the population was forced to look to the Romans for
help.1 Nowadays, the prevalence of well-managed hunting
limits the damage; indeed, landowners manage to realize a
profit on their crops. |
168 C, 25-27 These are known as the islands “inside the Pillars of inside the Pillars of 3.5.3
Heracles = on Med. side of
Heracles.”2 Two little islands should be included among Straits of Gibraltar
them,3 to one of which they give the name “Hera’s Island.”
Some p eople call t hese islands the “Pillars.”4
168 C, 28–169 C, 5 Outside the Pillars is Gadira, concerning which I have outside the Pillars = on Atlantic
side of Straits of Gibraltar
GADIRA so far said only this much: that it is about seven hundred
Cádiz (Sp.)
and fifty stades from Calpe and is situated near the outflow
of the Baetis.5 There is much more to say about the island.
These are the people who equip and send forth many large
ships, into both our sea and the outer sea, even though the our sea = Med. Sea
island they inhabit is not large nor do they occupy much of outer sea = Atlantic Ocean
the mainland nor do they have other islands. Instead, they

generally live at sea, with only a few staying at home or
spending time in Rome. In population size, it would seem
to be inferior to none of the cities outside Rome. I learned
from one of our censuses 6 that five hundred Gadirans were
assessed as knights and that there were not so many even
among the Italiotes, except for the citizens of Patavium. De- Patavium, Padua (It.)
spite these numbers, they occupy an island that has a length

of not much more than one hundred stades and has only a
one-stade width in places.
169 C, 5-13 The city in which they originally lived was tiny. Balbus of L. Cornelius Balbus, Roman
statesman, celebrated a
Gadira, who won a triumph,7 established a second city for triumph (= victory procession in
them. They call this city “New [city],” and they call the city Rome) for conquests in Africa,
19 BCE
formed out of both, “Didyma” (Twin),8 although it is no more
Didyma = Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
than twenty stades in perimeter. Yet it is not overly constrict-
ing: t hose who stay put in the city are few in number, given
that they all spend most of their lives at sea and given that
some of them live, for convenience, on the opposite shores,
particularly the shore of the islet9 facing it, which they have
made into a sort of antipolis (rival city) to Didyma, since they so
enjoy its location. Comparatively few people inhabit either
[ 1 ] 144 C, 22-34. [ 6 ] Strabo often uses “our” in a temporal sense (“of our times”). The census in ques-
[ 2 ] Pityussan and Gymnesian islands: 167 C, 15–168 C, 24. tion was probably that of 14 CE, which Strabo later describes as having occurred
[ 3 ] Perhaps Palomas (Sp. islands) and Peregil (Mor. island), but other identifications “recently”: 213 C, 19-26.
are possible, given that Strabo’s “little islands” may nowadays be peninsulas: [ 7 ] Strabo avoids potential confusion between this Balbus and his u ncle of the
160 C, 4-11n; 169 C, 5-13n. same name; u ncle and nephew were naturalized as Romans in 72 BCE.
[ 4 ] The identity of the “Pillars” is investigated at length: 169 C, 29–172 C, 11. [ 8 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo translates into Greek the Latin place-names
[ 5 ] Strabo refines his e arlier statements (140 C, 13-25, where the distance to Gadira Nova and Gemina, meaning “New” and “Twin,” respectively. Strabo’s translation
from Calpe is indeed given but where Gadira’s proximity to the mouth of the of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
Baetis river is only implied). [ 9 ] The “islet” is nowadays a peninsula: 160 C, 4-11n.
206
Iberian Islands
this shore or the seaport, which Balbus built for them on the seaport, Puerto de S. María (Sp.)
shore of the mainland.

169 C, 13-20 The city lies in the western part of the island. Next to it, at
the very end of the island is the Cronium (temple to Cronus), facing Cronus (in Greek myth, father
of Zeus) is equated with
the islet. The Heraclium (temple to Heracles) is at the opposite end Phoenician god Moloch
in the east, at the point where it so happens that the island Heracles (Greek hero/god) is
very nearly touches the mainland, leaving only a one-stade equated with Phoenician god
Melqart
strait between them. They say that the temple lies twelve
miles distant from the city, making the number of miles equal
to the number of labors. The distance is in fact longer, virtu- In Greek myth, Heracles
performed twelve labors
ally the same as the length of the island (the “length of the
island” being its distance from west to east). |
169 C, 21-28 It is likely that Pherecydes means Gadira in speaking of Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.) 3.5.4
Pherecydes (early 5th c. BCE) “Erythia,” where the myth of Geryones is set. O thers think The defeat of Geryones was
one of Heracles’s twelve labors
rather of the island1 lying alongside this city and separated
from it by a one-stade strait, noting its excellent pasturage.
They claim that the milk of the sheep that graze t here pro-
duces no whey; when people use it to make cheese, they dilute
it with a lot of water b ecause it is so rich; the animal asphyxi-
ates in thirty days, u nless someone draws blood from it; the
grass on which they feed, though dry, is very rich. They deduce
that this is the origin of the myth about the c attle of Geryones.
169 C, 28-29 . . . * the w
hole coastline has been settled jointly. |
169 C, 29–170 C, 11 The Gadirans, saying the foregoing about the founda- 3.5.5
tion of Gadira, also mention an oracle, which they say the oracle, instruction from the
gods
Identity of “pillars of Heracles” Tyrians received instructing them to send forth a colony to
in the oracle Tyrians = Phoenicians from city
the pillars of Heracles.2 They say that the men who had been of Tyrus in e. Med.
sent out on reconnaissance, when they reached the strait at strait at Calpe, Straits of
Calpe—considering that the points of land that formed the Gibraltar
strait w ere the limits of the lived-in world as well as the lim-
its of Heracles’s travels, and that they w ere what the oracle
called pillars—disembarked at a spot on this side of the strait,
where the Exitanian city now is; when they made sacrifices Exitanian city, Almuñécar (Sp.)
there, the results w ere inauspicious, so they went back home;

a later expedition ventured outside the strait for a distance
of around one thousand five hundred stades, to an island sa- island sacred to
Heracles = Saltes (Sp.)
cred to Heracles lying across from the Iberian city of Onoba;
Onoba, ?Huelva (Sp.)
believing this was the site of the pillars, they made sacrifices
to the god, but when these sacrifices were again inauspicious,
they returned home; the members of the third expedition
[ 1 ] For the “island”: 169 C, 5-13n.

[ 2 ] In the conventional translation of “pillars of Heracles,” the word “pillars” repre-
sents the Greek word stelai. More precisely, the Greek word means stone slabs
(often marking a boundary) or the inscriptions on such slabs, which makes more
sense of Strabo’s ensuing discussion of the various candidates for the stelai of
Heracles.
207
3.1. Western Europe
founded Gadira, building a t emple in the east of the island Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
and a city in the west; for t hese reasons, some p eople think
that the pillars are the tips of land that form the strait, some
that Gadira constitutes the pillars, and some that the pillars
are farther out, beyond Gadira.
170 C, 12-20 Some have supposed that the Pillars are Calpe and Abi- Calpe, Rock of Gibraltar
Identity of “Pillars of Heracles” lyx1 (the Libyan mountain on the opposite side, situated ac-
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) cording to Eratosthenes among the Metagonians, a nomadic
nation), others that they are the little islands near each
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early mountain, one of which they call “Hera’s Island.”2 Artemi-
1st c. BCE)
dorus mentions Hera’s Island and the temple on the island,
and says t here is a second island, but mentions neither mount
Abilyx nor the Metagonian nation. Some writers transfer to Abilyx, ?Monte Acho (Spanish
possession on African side of
this place the Planctae (Wandering [rocks]) and the Symplegades strait)/?Jebel Musa (Mor.)
Pindar (5th c. BCE) (Clashing [rocks]),3 in the belief that t
hese are the Pillars that Pin-
dar calls the “Gadiran Gates,” claiming they were the last place
reached by Heracles.
170 C, 20-30 Dicaearchus, Eratosthenes, Polybius, and most Greek
Dicaearchus (late 4th c. BCE) writers declare that the Pillars are in the region of the strait. strait, Straits of Gibraltar
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) The Iberians and Libyans 4 say the Pillars are in Gadira, on
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) the grounds that the region of the strait in no way resembles
pillars. Some writers say that the Pillars are the eight-cubit- 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
high bronze plates in the Heraclium (temple to Heracles) in Gadira,

on which are inscribed the expenses involved in the temple’s
construction. Sailors, visiting them upon completing their
voyages and making their sacrifices to Heracles, w ere wont
to boast loudly that this was the farthest limit of earth
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) and sea. Posidonius thinks that this is the most plausible
explanation—and that the oracle and the multiple expedi-
tions are a Phoenician fabrication!5
170 C, 31-35 Concerning these expeditions, how could anyone defini-
tively disprove or prove what is not unreasonable e ither way?
What makes sense is not to claim that islands and mountains
resemble pillars but rather to seek the limits of the lived-in
world and of Heracles’s expedition on the basis of “pillars” in
the accepted sense: for it was an ancient custom to place such
boundary markers.
171 C, 1-14 For example, the inhabitants of Regium erected the col- Regium, Reggio di Calabria (It.)
umn (a sort of mini-tower)6 located on the Strait; and what Strait, Straits of Messina
[ 1 ] Strabo l ater revises the name to “Abila”: 827 C, 24-28n.

[ 2 ] 168 C, 25-27n.
[ 3 ] The “Symplegades,” another name for the Cyaneae, are located at the northern
end of the Bosporus (Turkey): 319 C, 26-31. The Planctae are supposed to be
modeled on them: 21 C, 8-13n.
[ 4 ] The “Iberians and Libyans” is perhaps a way of referring to p eople inhabit-
ing areas of Iberia (Spain, Portugal, Gibraltar)—particularly Gadira—and Libya
(= Africa) that had once been colonized by the Phoenicians/Tyrians. Similar
terminology: 756 C, 22-31n; 832 C, 25-31n; and next note.
[ 5 ] Posidonius probably uses Phoenician to mean “Gadiran”: 173 C, 19-22. Phoeni-
cian/Tyrian founding of Gadira: 169 C, 29–170 C, 30.
[ 6 ] Strabo often uses “tower” to mean lighthouse: 140 C, 25-33. The Reginian col-
umn: 257 C, 8-12.
208
Iberian Islands
is known as the “Tower of Pelorus”1 lies opposite this column.

What are called the “Altars of the Philaeni” are somewhere Altars of Philaeni, Graret Gser
et-Trab (Lib.)
in the m iddle of the country between the two Syrtes.2 There
is a record of a pillar set up in e arlier times on the Corinthian
isthmus. It was erected jointly by the Ionians (who possessed
Attica and the Megaris, having been expelled from the Pelo-
ponnese) and t hose who were in possession of the Pelopon-
nese. On the side facing the Megaris was written: This is not
the Peloponnese, but Ionia. On the reverse: This is the Peloponnese,
not Ionia.3 Alexander erected altars to mark the limits of his Alexander the G reat, king of
Macedonia, campaigned in
Indian campaign in the most easterly places he reached, emu- India, 327–325 BCE
lating Heracles and Dionysus.
171 C, 14-21 The foregoing was the custom, | but it is likely that the sites 3.5.6
Strabo contributes his own take on the same name, especially when the passage of time
thoughts on the identity of the
Pillars of Heracles results in the destruction of the erected markers. The Altars
of the Philaeni are now no longer standing, although the site site of Altars of Philaeni, Graret
Gser et-Trab (Lib.)
has taken on the name; nor, they say, are any “pillars of Her-
acles” (nor of Dionysus) to be seen standing in India. When
certain places w ere described and identified, the Macedonians
believed that t hose places w ere “pillars” wherever they came
across any trace of the stories told about Dionysus or Heracles.
171 C, 22-28 In this case, too, none would doubt that the first arrivals In this case = in the case of the
Pillars of Heracles
used certain man-made markers (altars, towers, or columns)
in the most significant of the localities they finally reached
(the straits, the nearby mountains, and the little islands straits, Straits of Gibraltar
are the “most significant” in that they represent both ends

and beginnings);4 that, when the man-made monuments
disappeared, their name was transferred to the local areas,
whether one means the little islands or the promontories
forming the strait.
171 C, 28–172 C, 3 Ultimately, it is difficult to decide to which of the two
Strabo supports the view that the name should be applied, given that both resemble pil-
the promontories or little
islands at the strait should be lars, by which I mean that they are located in such places as
identified with the Pillars of are clearly suggestive of end points. That is why this strait, strait, Straits of Gibraltar
Heracles
like several o thers, is said to be a “mouth”: the mouth is a
starting point (with regard to the voyage inward) and an
end point (with regard to the voyage outward). So it would
not be a bad comparison to liken to pillars either the islands
at the mouth, with their defined shapes and clear visibility,
[ 1 ] Probably the “monument to Pelorus” referred to at 10 C, 6-20. Although Strabo

makes no specific reference to the “Tower of Pelorus” when he describes the
Sicilian side of the Straits of Messina, the relevant Sicilian headland is called
“Pelorias”: 265 C, 27–268 C, 10; cf. 256 C, 31–257 C, 8.
[ 2 ] Strabo later revises this information (836 C, 10-28, where he gives the place-
name as “Altars of Philaenus” and locates the site on the coast of the Great
Syrtis, near the boundary between Carthage and Cyrenaea).
[ 3 ] 392 C, 13-20.
[ 4 ] For the “mountains” and “little islands”: 168 C, 25-27; 170 C, 12-20.
209
3.1. Western Europe
or likewise the mountains at the strait, which rise aloft in

Pindar (5th c. BCE) the manner of columns or pillars.1 Also, Pindar would have
accurately used the expression “Gadiran Gates”2 if the Pil-
lars were thought of as being at the strait, since “mouths” are
similar to “gates.”
172 C, 3-11 Gadira is not located in such a place that it represents an Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
end point. Rather, it lies at the approximate midpoint of a

long coastline indented with bays. It seems to me that identi-
Strabo rejects the view that fication with the pillars in the Heraclium3 there is not logical. there = in Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
inscribed bronze plates in the
temple to Heracles in Gadira It is not credible that this famous name was initially spread
should be identified with the by merchants, rather than by commanders as in the case of
Pillars of Heracles
the pillars in India. Besides, the inscription of which they
speak contradicts this argument, since it does not celebrate
the founding of the temple but is a summary of its costs. The
Phoenicians from e. Med.
Pillars of Heracles should commemorate Heracles’s great ac- settled Gadira, early
complishments, not the expenses of the Phoenicians! | 1st millennium BCE
172 C, 12-20 Polybius says that there is a spring in the Gadiran Heraclium 3.5.7
(temple to Heracles) where it is only a few steps down to the water (which
Strabo reports various is drinkable); the spring has an inverse relationship with the sea tides,
explanations for behavior of
the spring in the Heraclium at losing its w ater as the tide comes in and being replenished as the tide
Gadira, starting with Polybius goes out. He gives as the explanation that air is forced from the
(2nd c. BCE)
deep interior up to the surface of the earth; when the encroaching sea
covers the earth’s surface, the air is blocked from its natural exits,
turns inward again, and obstructs the underground channels leading
to the spring, causing the w ater in it to disappear; when the earth’s
surface is uncovered, the air goes straight out, freeing up the veins
leading to the spring, which gushes forth in abundance.
172 C, 20-23 Artemidorus, who rebuts this fellow and gives some ex-
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early planation of his own, and who also recalls the opinion of the
1st c. BCE)
writer Silanus, seems to me not worth mentioning: he is a Silanus (3rd–2nd c. BCE)
layman in t hese m atters, as is Silanus.

172 C, 24-31 Posidonius, saying that this story is false, claims that there
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) are two wells in the Heraclium and a third well in the city; when
people continuously draw water from the smaller of the two wells in
the Heraclium, it runs dry forthwith, then fills up again when people
stop drawing w ater; the larger well can have w ater drawn from it all
day long and, even though it diminishes (as all wells do), it fills up at
night when w ater is no longer being drawn from it; it transpires that
low tide often coincides with the period of replenishment, which is why
the locals have an unfounded belief in its inverse behavior.
[ 1 ] Strabo implicitly rejects the argument that “the region of the strait in no way
resembles pillars.” 170 C, 20-30.
[ 2 ] For the words of Pindar: 170 C, 12-20.
[ 3 ] Identification of the Pillars of Heracles with bronze plates in the Heraclium:
170 C, 20-30.
210
Iberian Islands
172 C, 32–173 C, 5 That the story is believed, is something this fellow says and this fellow = Posidonius
I, too, have heard repeated in the Paradoxes. I have heard that

there are wells, too—some in front of the city in the market
gardens, some inside the city; and that on account of the poor
quality of water throughout the city, receptacles of cistern
water are common. If any of these wells proves the idea of
inverse behavior, I do not know.
173 C, 5-18 If things are as believed, we should welcome the explana-
tion as being of a difficult matter. It is reasonable to suppose
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) that things are as Polybius says. It is reasonable to suppose, too,
that some of the veins leading to the spring, when soaked from
the outside, are weakened; that this allows the w ater to flow
out through the sides rather than forcing it along the original
course to the spring. The veins inevitably get soaked as the tide
Athenodorus (1st c. BCE– washes over them. If, as Athenodorus claims, the rising and fall-
contemporary ing of the tide is like inhalation and exhalation, then it would be the
case that there are currents of water that either have their natu
ral outlets to the surface by means of various channels (whose
mouths we call “sources” and “springs”) or are drawn back
down into the depths of the sea by means of other channels;
these currents contribute toward the rising of the tide when the
breath is let out by deserting their proper course, then return
to their proper course when the tide turns. |
173 C, 19-22 I do not know how it is that Posidonius, who declares 3.5.8
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) that in other respects the Phoenicians 1 are terribly clever, in this
respect accuses them of folly rather than keen intelligence,
given that a day-and-night is measured by the circuit of the day-and-night = 24-hour period
sun, which is at times below the earth and at times appears

above the earth.2
173 C, 22–174 C, 2 He says that the movement of the ocean follows a cycle like that He = Posidonius
of the celestial bodies, exhibiting a daily cycle, a monthly cycle, and a

yearly cycle in accordance with the moon; when the moon is above the
horizon by one zodiacal unit, the sea begins to swell and to encroach zodiacal unit = 30° of arc
perceptibly on the land until the moon is at the zenith; as the celestial
body descends, the sea gradually retreats again until the moon is one
zodiacal unit above setting; the sea stays in the same static state for as
long as the moon gets near setting and even more so for as long as the
moon, moving below the earth, reaches one zodiacal unit below the ho-
rizon; the sea starts encroaching again u ntil the moon is in the below-
earth zenith; the sea then retreats u ntil the moon, having completed
[ 1 ] Phoenicians = Gadirans: 170 C, 20-30nn.

[ 2 ] Posidonius attributes to the Gadirans the belief that the nighttime replenish-
ment of the well (which, by definition, happens only once during every period
of one day-and-night) is linked to low tide. Strabo points out that low tide
occurs twice within that period (more specifically, twice within the period from
moonrise to moonrise: 173 C, 22–174 C, 10), as the Gadirans well knew; thus,
the Gadirans would not be so gullible as to link low tide with the nighttime
replenishment of the well.
211
3.1. Western Europe
its circuit eastward, is one zodiacal unit from the horizon; the sea
remains static until the moon rises above the horizon by one zodiacal
unit, when the sea again encroaches. He says that is the daily cycle. He = Posidonius
174 C, 2-6 As for the monthly cycle, he says that the tidal movements are
greatest at conjunction; the movements then decrease until half-moon;
the movements then start to increase again u ntil full moon and dimin-
ish again until the waning half-moon; there are increases in the move-
ments until conjunction; the increases are both in duration and speed.
174 C, 6-10 He says that he learned about the yearly cycles from the Gadi- He = Posidonius
rans, who told him that the sea’s retreat and encroachment were
extreme at the time of the summer solstice. He himself thought
it likely that the movements lessened from solstice to equinox and
increased again u ntil the winter solstice; they then lessened u
ntil the
spring equinox, and they increased until the summer solstice.
174 C, 10-21 These being the cycles, since the sea encroaches twice
every day-and-night (as a total period) and twice retreats, and
since the periods of day and night follow a regular pattern,
how is it possible for it often to transpire1 that replenishment of
the well—but not its diminishment—occurs at low tide? Or
for its diminishment to occur often but not equally as often?
Or for it to occur equally as often, but for the Gadirans to be
incapable of observing what happens on a daily basis while
observing annual cycles based on what happens only once a
year? That he trusts the Gadirans is clear from his additional
surmise that there is a lessening and then an increase from one sol-
stice to the other, and then the pattern is repeated. Nor is it likely
that, although they were observant, they did not see what
transpired but believed in what did not transpire. |
174 C, 22-26 He says that Seleucus, who came from the Erythran sea, de- He = Posidonius 3.5.9
Seleucus (2nd c. BCE) scribes an anomaly in these matters and a regularity according to the Erythran sea, Persian Gulf
various zodiacal units: when the moon is in the equinoctial zodiacal
units, its effects are regular, but when it is in the solstitial units, there
is an irregularity both in extent and speed, and analogously in the
case of each of the other signs, depending on their relative proximity.
174 C, 27–175 C, 10 He himself says that he was in the Gadiran Heraclium for sev- He = Posidonius
eral days at the time of the summer solstice, and when the moon was
full, but was unable to discern any annual variation, although, at the
time of conjunction during that month, he observed at Ilipa a g reat dif- Ilipa, Alcalá del Río (Sp.)
ference in the reflux of the Baetis, compared to earlier instances during Baetis, Guadalquivir r.
which it had not even risen halfway up its banks; at that time, the water
[ 1 ] Strabo takes issue with Posidonius, as cited or paraphrased at 172 C, 24-31.
212
Iberian Islands
overflowed so much that the soldiers could draw their water on the spot.
(Ilipa is around seven hundred stades from the coast.) He says
that, although the coastal plains w ere submerged by the high tide at
least thirty stades inland, with the consequence that islands were cre-
ated, he m easured the height to which the base of the temple building
in the Heraclium and the base of the mole in front of the harbor at
Gadira were covered by water as not even ten cubits; even if one w
ere to Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
add double this for the increase that then occurred, it would not create 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
such an impression as the huge high tide creates in the plains.
175 C, 10-14 While the foregoing behavior is recorded in general for
the entire circuit of the ocean coast, this fellow says that the this fellow = Posidonius
behavior of the Iber river is unusual and peculiar; it sometimes rises Iber, ?Río Tinto
even when t here is no rain or snow, whenever the north winds predomi-
nate; the reason is the lake through which it flows, for the lake w ater
is driven by the winds. |
175 C, 15-18 Posidonius also records that there’s a tree in Gadira with 3.5.10
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) boughs that bend down to the ground, its xiphoid leaves often being xiphoid, sword-shaped
a cubit in length but only four fingers in breadth; there’s a tree in the 1 cubit = 1.5 ft. = 24 fingers
New Carthage region that produces from its thorns a fiber from which New Carthage, Cartagena (Sp.)
the finest material is woven.

175 C, 18-22 As for the tree in Gadira, I know1 one in Egypt that is Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
Strabo adds his own similar in respect to its curving branches, but it is different
observations to Posidonius’s
report in respect to its leaves and does not bear fruit (which he says he = Posidonius
the other tree does). In Cappadocia, thorn fiber is also used

for weaving, but the fiber-producing thorns come not from
a tree but from a low-growing plant.2
175 C, 22-24 It is additionally recorded, in respect of the Gadiran tree,
that if a branch is broken off, milk runs out; and if its roots
are cut, a reddish liquid is produced.
175 C, 24 The foregoing was my description of Gadira.3 |
175 C, 25-31 The Cattiterides (Tin islands) are ten in number. They lie close 3.5.11
CATTITERIDES to each other, north of Artabrian harbor,4 far out to sea. One
?Cornwall (UK)/?islands off nw.
France
of the islands is deserted. The other islands are inhabited by
black-cloaked people, wearing tunics that reach down to their
feet; they wear their b elts at the breast and walk around hold-
ing staffs, like the Poenae (Goddesses of vengeance) in tragic plays.
The people live off their animals, in a mostly nomadic exis-
tence. They have mines of tin and lead, giving t hese metals
and animal hides to merchants in exchange for earthenware,
salt, and bronze goods.
[ 1 ] Some manuscripts have “I saw,” rather than “I know.” Whichever is correct,

Strabo had probably seen the tree to which he refers. He lived “for a long time”
in Alexandria (Iskandariya, Egy.): 101 C, 14-24n.
[ 2 ] Strabo had probably seen the “low-growing plant.” Strabo’s presence in Cap-
padocia (cen. + n. Turkey): 117 C, 12-20n.
[ 3 ] 168 C, 28–175 C, 24.
[ 4 ] Strabo refers to an entire bay (?gulf between Cape S. Adrián and Cape Prior,
Sp.) rather than to a specific town: 154 C, 1-3. Cf. 140 C, 20-25n; 838 C, 9-19n.
213
3.1. Western Europe
175 C, 31–176 C, 4 In e arlier times, the Phoenicians were the only ones to Phoenicians from e. Med.
settled Gadira (Cádiz, Sp.), early
engage in this trade from Gadira, keeping the route a secret 1st millennium BCE
from everyone. The Romans closely followed a certain naval
captain in order that they, too, might uncover the market.
The captain, with malicious intent, ran his ship onto a reef.
Leading his pursuers to the same fate—but managing to
save his own life by means of a piece of wreckage—he was
reimbursed at public expense for the value of the cargo he
had lost.
176 C, 4-8 The Romans, after repeated attempts, nevertheless man-
aged to find the way. Publius Crassus, when he made the Publius Licinius Crassus, Roman
commander in Iberia, 96–93 BCE
crossing to t hese p eople, saw that mines need only to be dug
to a l ittle depth and that the inhabitants w
ere peaceable. He
pointed out that now, at last, anyone who wished could profit-
ably trade across this sea, even though it was so much wider
than the sea that separates Brettanica. sea that separates
Brettanica = English Channel
176 C, 9-12 The foregoing was my description of Iberia and its associated
Strabo segues from his islands.1 | What comes next is Celtica beyond the Alps. I have 4.1.1
description of Iberia to his
description of Celtica beyond already briefly sketched its shape and dimensions.2 Now I will
the Alps provide a detailed description of it.3
Celtica (France, Belgium, Luxembourg, w. Switzerland,

s. Netherlands, w. Germany)
176 C, 13-18 They used to make a three-way division, applying the names
CELTICA BEYOND THE ALPS “Aquitanians,” “Belgans,” and “Celts.” 4 The Aquitanians are
completely diff erent not only in language but also in physique
(as they resemble Iberians rather than Galatians). The others Galatians, Gauls
are Galatian in appearance, and even though they are not all Galatian, Gallic
homoglots, some of them vary only slightly in their language;

their methods of government and their lifestyles also diverge
only slightly.
176 C, 18–177 C, 8 They used to call “Aquitanians” and “Celts” those people
toward the Pyrenees, who are divided by the Cemmenum Cemmenum, Cévennes (Fr.)
mountain range. It has been noted 5 that this Celtica 6 is de-

fined on the western side by the Pyrenean mountains, which
[ 1 ] 136 C, 18–176 C, 8. [ 5 ] Strabo adds information to his e

arlier statements (128 C, 3-16, where the length
[ 2 ] 128 C, 3-16. of the Cemmenum mountain range and its termination near Lugdunum were
[ 3 ] 176 C, 13–199 C, 10. Strabo appends to his description of “Celtica beyond the not mentioned).
Alps” a description of the islands of Brettanica (Great Britain), Ierne (Ireland), [ 6 ] I.e., “Celtica beyond the Alps,” as opposed to “Celtica this side of the Alps”
and Thule (?Iceland): 199 C, 10–201 C, 26. (211 C, 33–218 C, 20).
names Aquitani, Belgae, and Celtae. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names:
508 C, 10-18n.
214
Celtica
extend as far as the sea on each side (i.e., the inner sea and inner sea = Med. Sea
the outer sea), and on the eastern side by the Rhine, r unning outer sea = Atlantic Ocean
parallel to the Pyrenees; that as for the north and the south, in
the former case it is delineated by the ocean from the north- ocean = Atlantic Ocean
ern end of the Pyrenees to the outlets of the Rhine, and on

the opposite side by the sea at Massalia and Narbo and by the Massalia, Marseille (Fr.)
Alps from Ligystica to the sources of the Rhine; and that the Narbo, Narbonne (Fr.)
Cemmenum mountain range is drawn at right angles to the

Pyrenees through the m iddle of the plains and stops in the
center near Lugdunum, after a stretch of around two thou-
sand stades.
177 C, 8-14 They called “Aquitanians” the p eople occupying the
northern parts of the Pyrenees and the Cemmenum as far Cemmenum, Cévennes (Fr.)
as the ocean, the parts this side of the Garunna river. They this side of Garunna
river = Pyrenean side of
called “Celts” t hose extending in the opposite direction as Garonne r.
far as Massalia and Narbo and reaching even as far as some
of the Alpine mountains. They called “Belgans” the rest of
oceanic, living along Atlantic
the oceanic peoples, extending as far as the outlets of the coast
Rhine, and some of those dwelling next to the Rhine and
the Alps. deified Caesar = Julius Caesar
177 C, 14-15 This is what the deified Caesar said in his volumes.1 (mid-1st c. BCE)
177 C, 16-24 Augustus Caesar, on the other hand, made a four-way Augustus Caesar drew up
new arrangement of Roman
division. He said that the Celts belonged to the province of provinces, 27 BCE
Narbonitis 2 but that the Aquitanians w ere as that other fel- other fellow = Julius Caesar
low said, except for the addition of fourteen nations living
Garunna, Garonne r. between the Garunna and the Liger river.3 Dividing the re-
Liger, Loire r. maining territory into two parts, he allocated to Lugdunum he = Augustus
the part as far as the upper reaches of the Rhine, and the
other part to the Belgans.4 The geographer must describe
the physical divisions of the world as well as national divi-
sions when they are worthy of comment. As for the divi-
sions made by the leaders 5 according to political exigency,6
it is sufficient to give these summarily; let others deal with
them in detail. |
177 C, 25–178 C, 2 This whole territory is crisscrossed with rivers, some de- territory = Celtica 4.1.2
scending from the Alps, some from the Cemmenum and the Cemmenum, Cévennes (Fr.)
Pyrenees, some flowing into the ocean, some into our sea. The ocean = Atlantic
lands through which they flow consist mostly of plains and our sea = Med. Sea
earthy hills with navigable streams between them. The river
courses are so fortuitously situated relative to each other that
[1] 176 C, 13–177 C, 14.

[2] Narbonitis (= Lat. Gallia Narbonensis, s. France): 178 C, 10–189 C, 24.
[3] Aquitanians/Gallia Aquitanica: 189 C, 25–191 C, 29.
[4] Lugdunum/Gallia Lugdunensis + Belgans/Gallia Belgica: 191 C, 30–195 C, 17.
[5] The term “leaders” in this context includes Julius Caesar, Augustus, and Ti-
berius. Strabo’s use of the term “leaders”: 159 C, 19-28n.
[ 6 ] Strabo in general dislikes the use of ethnic names to denote political entities.
Cf. his comments on the p olitical use of the name “Lusitanians”: 152 C, 18-35nn;
166 C, 24–167 C, 10nn. He perhaps considers incorporation of the ethnic name
Belgae into the provincial name Gallia Belgica to be equally inappropriate.
215
3.1. Western Europe
they facilitate trade from sea to sea, goods being transported

easily, across plains for a short distance but mostly on the riv-
ers, conveyed upstream on some rivers and downstream on
others. The Rhodanus has something of an advantage in this Rhodanus, Rhône r.
respect. It is formed by the confluence of streams from many

places. It connects to our sea—which is better, as has been
said, than the outer sea.1 It flows through territory that is the outer sea = Atlantic Ocean
most blessed in the region—all of Narbonitis yields the same

crops as Italy does.
178 C, 2-9 As you go northward and t oward the Cemmenum moun- Cemmenum, Cévennes (Fr.)
tain range, the territory produces fewer olives and figs, but
other plants are grown; and as you proceed even farther, the
vine does not produce fully ripened fruit. All the rest of the
territory produces grain in great quantities, as well as millet,
acorns, and all types of livestock. There is no part of it that
has not been tilled, except where marshland and forest have
prevented it. Even h ere there are settlements, the product of
a burgeoning population rather than careful planning—the
women are good at breeding and raising c hildren. The men
are fighters rather than farmers, although now they have been
forced to put aside their weapons and turn to farming.
Mediterranean Coast
178 C, 10-12 In the foregoing, I provided a unified description of outer outer Celtica = Celtica beyond
the Alps (from an Italian point
Celtica in its entirety.2 Let me now describe separately each of view)
of the four parts that have been briefly sketched,3 beginning
with Narbonitis. |
178 C, 12-18 Its shape is something of a parallelogram. It is outlined 4.1.3
NARBONITIS on the western side by the Pyrenees 4 and on the northern

= Lat. Gallia Narbonensis
(s. France)
side by the Cemmenum.5 As for the remaining sides, the Cemmenum, Cévennes (Fr.)
southern one is formed by the coast between the Pyrenees

and Massalia,6 while the eastern one is formed partly by the
Alps and partly by a line drawn from the Alps (of which it
is a continuation) to the Cemmenum foothills, which reach
the Rhodanus and form a right a ngle with the said line drawn Rhodanus, Rhône r.
from the Alps.7

178 C, 18-23 The said shape has its southern side prolonged by the ad-
dition of the consecutive stretch of shoreline, occupied by
the Massaliotes and by the Sallyans as far as the Ligyans, in
the direction of Italy and the Varus river.8 This river, as I said
[1] 122 C, 4-14.

[2] 176 C, 9–178 C, 9.
[3] 177 C, 16-24.
[4] The Pyrenees are described earlier: 127 C, 26–128 C, 16; 137 C, 9-14; 161 C, 33–162 C,
4; 176 C, 18–177C, 8. In the ensuing account, their role as the “western side” of
Narbonitis is implied rather than systematically described: 186 C, 31-32; 187 C, 16-21.
[5] The Cemmenum is mentioned e arlier: 128 C, 14-16; 177 C, 6-12. In the ensuing
account, its role as the “northern side” of Narbonitis is implied rather than sys-
tematically described: 187 C, 16-21; 189 C, 25-34.
[6] Coast from Pyrenees to Massalia (Marseille, Fr.): 178 C, 27–184 C, 11.
[7] Massalia to the Cemmenum (Cévennes, Fr.): 185 C, 11–186 C, 22.
[8] Massalia to Varus (Var r.): 184 C, 11–185 C, 7.
216
Celtica: Mediterranean Coast + Hinterland
efore, marks the boundary of Narbonitis and Italy;1 it is small

b
in summer, but in winter it becomes up to seven stades wide.
178 C, 24-27 From there, the coastline stretches as far as the temple to there = Varus (Var r.)
t emple to “Pyrenean” “Pyrenean” Aphrodite, which marks the boundary between
Aphrodite, nr. Port-Vendres (Fr.)
this province and the Iberian one. (Some p eople state that the province = Narbonitis
boundary between Celtica and Iberia is where the Trophies Trophies of Pompey, Panissars
(Sp.)
of Pompey are.)
178 C, 27-34 From here, the distance to Narbo is sixty-three miles; from here = temple to “Pyrenean”
Aphrodite
Nemausus, Nîmes (Fr.) there to Nemausus, eighty-eight; from Nemausus via Uger-
Narbo, Narbonne (Fr.)
Ugernum, Beaucaire (Fr.) num and Tarusco to what are called the “Sextian hot springs”2
Tarusco, Tarascon (Fr.)
(which are near Massalia), fifty-three; from t here to Antipolis
Antipolis, Antibes (Fr.)
and the Varus river, seventy-three. Thus, the total number
of miles is two hundred and seventy-seven. Some people re-
corded two thousand six hundred stades from the Aphrodi-
sium (temple to Aphrodite) to the Varus; o thers give two hundred
more. T here is no consensus on t hese distances.
178 C, 35–179 C, 9 Along the alternative route (via the Vocontians and Cot- Vocontians, se. France
tius country), the road is the same from Nemausus as far as Cottius country, se. France,
nw. Italy
From there = from Nemausus Ugernum and Tarusco. From t here, via Druentia and Cabal-
Caballio, Cavaillon (Fr.)
lio, to the Vocontian border and the beginning of the ascent
into the Alps, it is sixty-three miles. Continuing from t here
toward the other Vocontian border (the border with Cottius
country), to the village of Ebrodunum, it is one mile short of a Ebrodunum, Embrun (Fr.)
hundred. Then it’s the same again via the village of Brigantium Brigantium, Briançon (Fr.)
and Ecscingomagus and the Alpine pass t oward Ocelum (the Ecscingomagus,?Exilles (It.)
end of Cottius country). Finally, Italy is said to start with Ec- Ocelum, nr. Novaretto and
Caprie (It.)
scingomagus. From t here to Ocelum, it is twenty-eight miles. |
179 C, 10-25 Massalia was founded by the Phocaeans.3 She is situated Massalia, Marseille (Fr.) 4.1.4
in a rocky spot. Her harbor lies at the foot of a theatroid cliff theatroid, shaped like a Greek
amphitheater
that faces south. This cliff is well fortified, as is the w
hole city,
which is of a significant size. Located at the acropolis are the
Ephesium and the t emple to “Delphinian” Apollo. The latter
is shared by all Ionians. The Ephesium is a temple to “Ephe-
sian” Artemis. People say that an oracle was given to the Pho- oracle, instruction from the
gods
caeans, as they set sail from their homeland, that they should
have a leader for their voyage as instructed by “Ephesian”
Artemis; putting in at Ephesus, they wondered how they
might procure from the goddess what had been commanded,
while the goddess appeared in a dream to Aristarcha—a very
respectable woman—and bade her take a replica of one of
[ 1 ] Strabo adds to his earlier statement (128 C, 16-24, where the Varus is not explic
itly mentioned).
[ 2 ] I.e., called by Latin speakers; Strabo translates into Greek the Latin place-name
Aquae Sextiae (Aix-en-Provence, Fr.): 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 3 ] Phocaea (Foça, sw. Tky.): 647 C, 1-3.
217
3.1. Western Europe
the sacred artifacts and sail away with the Phocaeans; when
this had taken place and the colony had been completed,
they founded the t emple and paid Aristarcha an exceptional
compliment by appointing her as the priestess; in e very city
colonized by Massalia, p eople primarily worship this goddess
and maintain the same cult statue and the same customs as are
established in the m other city. |
179 C, 26-32 The Massaliotes are governed along aristocratic lines in 4.1.5
a highly constitutional way. They have established a council

of six hundred men, called timuchi (officeholders), who hold the
office for life. Fifteen men preside over the council, and they
are charged with day-to-day administration. Moreover, the
fifteen are presided over by the three men with the great-
est amount of power, and these three men by one man. A
timuchus must have children and be descended from three
generations of citizens. The laws are Ionian and are publicly
prescribed.
179 C, 33–180 C, 7 Their territory produces olives and vines but is not very
good for grain b ecause of its rocky terrain. In consequence,
they put their trust in the sea, rather than the land, and cap-
italized on their maritime advantages. L ater on, however,
their might and valor were such that they additionally took
over some of the surrounding plains, using the same military
strength as they used in founding cities as fortresses. T hese
included the cities in Iberia, defenses against the Iberians
to whom they also transmitted their religious sacraments
honoring “Ephesian” Artemis, with the consequence that
Agatha, Agde (Fr.)
these people make sacrifices in the Greek manner: Agatha,
Tauroentium, Le Brusc (Fr.)
Rhodanus, Rhône r. a defense against the natives living around the Rhodanus
Olbia, L’Almanarre, nr. Hyères
river; Tauroentium, Olbia, Antipolis, and Nicaea, defenses (Fr.)
against the Sallyan nation and against the Ligyans living in Nicaea, Nice (Fr.)
the Alps. Antipolis, Antibes (Fr.)
180 C, 8-20 They have shipyards and an arsenal. Previously, they had They = Massaliotes
many ships, weapons, and instruments useful for maritime

purposes and for sieges. Because of these, they were able to
resist the natives and also to make the Romans their friends;
in many instances, they made themselves useful to the Ro-
mans, while the Romans in turn contributed to their success.
At any rate, Sextius destroyed the Sallyans and founded a city, city = Lat. Aquae Sextiae
(Aix-en-Provence, Fr.)
not far from Massalia, which was named after himself, as were
218
the hot springs (some of which, people say, have turned cold).
He h oused a Roman garrison there and drove back the na-
tives from the coast leading from Massalia into Italy, since
the Massaliotes w ere not themselves able completely to ward
them off. Even he was not strong enough to do more than
force the natives twelve stades back from the sea (where the
harbors were good), eight stades back from the sea (where it
was rocky). The areas that the natives abandoned, he handed
over to the Massaliotes.
180 C, 21-30 There are, in the city, many dedications of the fruits of war,
won in a succession of naval victories over those who unjustly
disputed mastery of the sea. Formerly, they were exceptionally
fortunate in various respects, including in their friendship with
the Romans. One might point to a multiplicity of indications
of this friendship. Furthermore, the cult statue of Artemis-
on-the-Aventine, which the Romans dedicated, has the same
shape as the Massaliote statue.1 At the time of Pompey’s civil
war against Caesar, however, they lost much of their good for- Caesar = Julius Caesar (mid-1st c.
BCE)
tune through backing the losing side. Nevertheless, among the
people, traces of their old keenness remain, particularly with
regard to instrument making and the outfitting of ships.
180 C, 30–181 C, 6 The inland natives having undergone a continuous p rocess
of domestication and having finally turned to a civil mode of
life and to agriculture because of Roman dominance, there
would not be such keenness among the people in the previ-
ously mentioned matters. This is evident from the current
situation. All cultivated men have turned to oratory and phi-
losophy, with the consequence that the city—which a short
while ago was treated as a training ground for natives and
which made the Galatians into such philhellenes that even
legal contracts w ere written in Greek—at the present time
has persuaded the most eminent Romans that, rather than
spending time in Athens, they should head there for their there = Massalia
education.
181 C, 6-13 Seeing these men and at the same time being at peace,
the Galatians willingly use their leisure for such pursuits, not
only individually but as a group: they invite sophists, some
of whom are paid privately but many of whom are paid from
public funds, in the same way as doctors are. As for the simple
lifestyles and the moderation of the Massaliotes, one might
[ 1 ] Strabo is probably speaking on the basis of personal observation of the statue,

on the Aventine mount in Rome. Strabo’s presence in Rome: 273 C, 2-14n.
219
3.1. Western Europe
cite this as not the least evidence: their maximum dowry is

one hundred gold pieces, and five for clothes and five for gold
ornaments. More than that is not allowed.
181 C, 13-16 Caesar and the leaders who succeeded him1 remembered Caesar = Julius Caesar (mid-1st c.
BCE)
their friendship and w ere moderate in their response to the
mistakes made during the war, preserving the autonomy that
the city had enjoyed from the beginning. The consequence
is that neither the city nor her subjects are answerable to the
governors sent to the province.
181 C, 17 That is my account of Massalia.2 |
181 C, 18-28 At the same time as the mountain ridge of the Sallyans 4.1.6
heads more to the northwest and recedes gradually from the

coast, the shoreline goes in a westerly direction. Just a short
distance (some one hundred stades) from the Massaliote city,
in the direction of a huge headland near some stone quarries, huge headland = Cap Couronne
the coastline begins to recede and forms, together with the

Aphrodisium (temple to Aphrodite) at the end of the Pyrenees, the Aphrodisium, nr. Port-Vendres
(Fr.)
Galatian bay.3 People also call it the “Massaliote bay.” The bay
Galatian/Massaliote bay, Gulf
is a double one. The Setium mountain juts out, with the addi- of Lion
tion of the nearby island of Blasco, creating two separate bays Setium, Mont St-Clair (Fr.)
within the same arc. The greater of these bays is, again, the Blasco, Ile de Brescou (Fr. island)
“Galatian bay” properly so called: it is the bay into which the
Rhodanus empties. The smaller bay is the one at Narbo that Rhodanus, Rhône r.
reaches the Pyrenees.

181 C, 28–182 C, 2 Narbo, the greatest trading center in the region, lies above Narbo, Narbonne (Fr.)
the outlets of the Atax and the Narbonitis lake. On the Rho- Atax, Aude r.
danus, t here’s Arelate, a city and trading center of no small Narbonitis lake, ?Souyer de
Bages et de Sigean (Fr.)
importance. These trading centers are approximately equi-
Arelate, Arles (Fr.)
distant from each other and from the previously mentioned
points (from the Aphrodisium in the case of Narbo, from
Massalia in the case of Arelate). Other rivers flow past Narbo
on either side—on one side from the Cemmenan mountains, Cemmenan mountains,
Cévennes (Fr.)
on the other from the Pyrenees—with cities to which the voy-
age upstream, made in small boats, is not far.
182 C, 3-8 Flowing from the Pyrenees are the Ruscino and the Ili- Ruscino (river), Têt r.
birris, each of which has a city with the same name. T here Ilibirris (river), Tech r.
is a lake near Ruscino, and a place with underground water, Ilibirris (city), Elne (Fr.)
set back from the sea, full of salt springs—the place where Ruscino (city), Castel-Roussillon
(Fr.)
mullet fish can be dug up. If you dig down two or three feet
lake near Ruscino = Etang de
and stick a pronged implement into the muddy w ater, it is Leucate/Salses (Fr.)
[ 1 ] I.e., Augustus and Tiberius: 159 C, 19-28n.

[ 2 ] 179 C, 10–181 C, 16.
[ 3 ] For the Galatian bays: 137 C, 15-20n.
220
possible to spear a fish of considerable size. The fish feed off

mud, like eels do.
182 C, 8-13 These are the rivers that flow down from the Pyrenees be-
tween Narbo and the Aphrodisium, while on the other side
of Narbo, flowing down to the sea from the Cemmenum (out
of which the Atax also flows), are the Orbis and the Arauris. Orbis, Orb r.
On one of these rivers, the safe city of Baeterra is situated, Arauris, Hérault r.
near Narbo; on the other, Agatha, a city founded by the Mas- Baeterra, Béziers (Fr.)
saliotes. | Agatha, Agde (Fr.)
182 C, 14-21 The mullet fish that can be dug up are one amazing feature 4.1.7
of the said shoreline, but another, even more amazing feature

is as follows. There is a plain between Massalia and the outlets plain/Lithodes, La Crau (Fr.)
of the Rhodanus, about one hundred stades back from the

coast; this is also its diameter, it being somewhat circular in
Lithodes [Plain] = Lat. Campi shape. It is called “Lithodes”1 (Stony [Plain]) because of the facts
Lapidei
of the m atter: it is full of fist-size stones (with dogtooth grass
growing beneath them, which provides plentiful pasture for
grazing animals). At its center are found pools of water, salt
springs, and salt deposits.
182 C, 21-31 Now, all the territory above it is exposed to the wind, but
the plain is exceptionally exposed to the blasts of the melam- melamborium, mistral
borium (lit., black north wind), a horribly violent wind. P eople say
that some of the stones are tossed and whirled around; that
people are torn from their carriages by the blast, and their
Aristotle (4th c. BCE) weapons and clothing blown away. Aristotle says that the stones
are thrown up to the earth’s surface by earthquakes called “brastae”
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) (upheavals) and, as they fall, collect in the hollows. Posidonius, how-
ever, says that there was a lake, which solidified 2 mid-undulation,

and this is why the stones w ere split into many, as is the case with
river shingle and pebbles on the seashore, being similar, smooth, and
of equal size . . . * both give the cause.
182 C, 32-34 The argument of both men is plausible. It is necessarily
the case that the rocks did not assemble by themselves but as
a result of water solidifying or of large rocks being split in a
continuous p rocess of fragmentation.
182 C, 34–183 C, 12 Aeschylus (either realizing how difficult the stones were
Aeschylus (5th c. BCE) to explain, or borrowing the story from another source) re-
sorted to myth. He makes Prometheus say, when describing
to Heracles the route from the Caucasus to the Hesperides:
You will come to the fearless army of the Ligyans, / where I know for
[ 1 ] I.e., called by Latin speakers; Strabo translates into Greek the Latin place-name
Campi Lapidei: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 2 ] Probably in the sense of “froze”—an early theory of glaciation?
221
3.1. Western Europe
sure that you, who are fast to the fight, will not complain / of battle.
It is fated that there, your arrows will run out. / You will not be able
to pick one rock from off the ground, / since the w hole place is stone-
less. / Zeus w ill see your difficulty and take pity on you. / Filling a
cloud with a storm’s worth of rounded stones, / he w ill cover the earth
with them. You, then, / using them as missiles, w ill easily fend off the
Ligyan army.
183 C, 13-27 As if it would not have been better, says Posidonius, to rain the
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) stones down on the Ligyans themselves and bury them all, rather than
mocks the myth as recounted
by Aeschylus (5th c. BCE) to represent Heracles as needing such a quantity of stones! There
would, however, have been a need for such a quantity, if it was
against the entire assembled horde. In this respect, at least, the
myth writer is more convincing than the myth critic. But as for
Strabo defends Aeschylus the rest, in saying that it is fated, the poet exonerates himself
against Posidonius’s criticism
from censorious criticism. In treatises about foreknowledge
and fate, one might find many such cases from the world of
men and the world of nature, in which one might say that it
would have been much “better” if this or that had happened.
For example, if Egypt got plenty of rain, rather than Ethio-
pia providing the land with w ater; or if Paris had suffered a
shipwreck on his voyage to Sparta, rather than abducting
Helen and then being punished by those he wronged when he
brought so much destruction on Greeks and barbarians—an
Euripides (5th c. BCE) outcome that Euripides attributes to Zeus, wishing evil on the
Trojans and misery on Greece, / this is what father Zeus planned. |
183 C, 28–184 C, 5 As for the mouths of the Rhodanus, Polybius admonishes Rhodanus, Rhône r. 4.1.8
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) criticizes Timaeus and says that it is not five-mouthed but only two-mouthed.
Timaeus (late 4th–early 3rd c.
BCE) Artemidorus says it is three-mouthed. L ater on, Marius, seeing
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early that the river was becoming stopped up at its mouths on ac-
1st c. BCE) count of sedimentation and that it was thus inaccessible, cut a
new channel. Diverting most of the river into this channel, he
presented it to the Massaliotes at the time of the war against
the Ambronians and Toygenans. They acquired much wealth
from this, collecting tolls from those sailing upstream as well
as downstream. Nevertheless, the mouths remain difficult to
access b ecause of the strong current, the sedimentation, and
the fact that the land is so low that it cannot be seen in bad
weather, even up close. This is why the Massaliotes erected
towers as beacons, making the territory in every way their
own. They furthermore established a t emple to “Ephesian”
222
Artemis t here as well, taking in an area made into an island

by the mouths of the river.
184 C, 5-9 Above the outlets of the Rhodanus is a lagoon. P eople call Rhodanus, Rhône r.
it “Stomalimna” (Lake-at-the-mouth). It has all sorts of shellfish Stomalimna, Etang de Berre (Fr.)
and abounds in other fish besides. Some p eople counted it as

one of the mouths of the Rhodanus, especially t hose who said
the river was seven-mouthed (being incorrect in both respects)!
There is an intervening mountain, which separates the lake
from the river.
184 C, 10-11 Such is the length and nature of the coast from the
Pyrenees to Massalia.1 |
184 C, 11-18 The stretch to the Varus river, and to the Ligyans there, Tauroentium, Le Brusc (Fr.) 4.1.9
features cities belonging to the Massaliotes (Tauroentium,

Olbia, Antipolis, and Nicaea), as well as the shipyard belong- Olbia, L’Almanarre, nr. Hyères
(Fr.)
ing to Augustus Caesar, which they call Forum Iulium.2 The
Antipolis, Antibes (Fr.)
latter is situated between Olbia and Antipolis, lying six hun-
Nicaea, Nice (Fr.)
dred stades distant from Massalia. The Varus is midway be-
Forum Iulium, Fréjus (Fr.)
tween Antipolis and Nicaea (some twenty stades from the one
Varus, Var r.
and sixty from the other) with the consequence that Nicaea is
part of Italy according to the currently designated boundary,
even though it belongs to the Massaliotes.
184 C, 18-25 The Massaliotes founded and fortified these cities against
the natives inland. Even though the territory was controlled by
the latter, the Massaliotes wished to keep at least the shoreline
free. The territory is mountainous and provides natural de-
fenses. While the mountainous territory leaves quite some ex-
panse of level ground in the vicinity of Massalia, as you go east it
completely squeezes together with the shoreline and leaves even
the road barely passable. The first parts are in the possession
of the Sallyans, the latter parts (connecting with Italy) are in
the possession of the Ligyans, who will be described after this.3
184 C, 25-30 Nowadays, the following needs to be added. Although
Antipolis is situated in the Narbonitis section and Nicaea is Antipolis, Antibes (Fr.)
part of Italy, Nicaea remains subject to the Massaliotes and Nicaea, Nice (Fr.)
is part of the province, while Antipolis is classified together

with the Italiote cities, having been awarded a judgment
against the Massaliotes and freed from their jurisdiction. |
184 C, 31–185 C, 4 Lying off the coast of this narrow strip, starting from 4.1.10
Massalia, are the Stoechades islands, three of them quite Stoechades, Iles d’Hyères (Fr.
islands)
large, two of them small. The Massaliotes farmed them. The
[ 1 ] Coast from Pyrenees to Massalia: 178 C, 27–184 C, 11.

Forum Iulium. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 3 ] Ligyans: 201 C, 31–202 C, 35. Cf. 203 C, 1-8.
223
3.1. Western Europe
islands also in former times had a garrison based there against

pirate attacks, being well supplied with harbors. A fter the
Stoechades are Planasia and Lero with their settlements. On Planasia, Ile St-Honorat
(Fr. island)
Lero, there is also the t emple to the hero “Lero.” The island
Lero, Ile Ste-Marguerite
lies off Antipolis. There are various other little islands not (Fr. island)
worth mentioning, some off Massalia herself, some off the
remainder of the said shoreline.1
185 C, 4-6 As for the harbors, the one at the shipyard is significant,
as is the Massaliote harbor. The other harbors are only so-so.
These include what is called “Oxybian harbor,” named a fter
the Oxybian Ligyans.
185 C, 7 The foregoing is my description of the coastline.2 |
185 C, 7-10 The geography of the territory lying inland from the shore 4.1.11
is very much determined by the surrounding mountains and

by the rivers, above all by the Rhodanus, which is the largest Rhodanus, Rhône r.
river and has the longest navigable upstream passage, and

which is supplemented by many tributaries. T hese are the
parts that must be described next.3
185 C, 11-19 Starting from Massalia and going into the territory be-
SALLYANS, CAVARIANS, tween the Alps and the Rhodanus, there are Sallyans living as
VOCONTIANS, TRICORIANS,
ICONIANS, MEDULLIANS far as the Druentia river for a distance of five hundred stades. Druentia, Durance r.
se. France After the ferry crossing to the city of Caballio, all the follow- Caballio, Cavaillon (Fr.)
ing territory as far as the junction of the Isar with the Rhoda-
nus belongs to the Cavarians. This is approximately where the
Cemmenum, too, reaches the Rhodanus. The distance hither Cemmenum, Cévennes (Fr.)
from the Druentia is seven hundred stades. So, the Sallyans

live among these people, both in respect of the plains and the these people = ?Cavarians
mountains above the plains, whereas the Vocontians, Tricori-

ans, Iconians, and Medullians are above the Cavarians.
185 C, 20-28 Between the Druentia and the Isar t here are other rivers Isar, Isère r.
flowing into the Rhodanus from the Alps. Two of them flow
around . . . *, the Cavarian city, then unite as they join the
Rhodanus. A third river is the Sulga, which enters the Rho- Sulga, Sorgue r.
danus at the city of Vindalum, where Gnaeus Ahenobarbus Vindalum, ?Mourre-de-Sève

(Fr.)
routed many tens of thousands of Celts in a g reat b
attle. In
Avenio, Avignon (Fr.)
the intervening space are the cities of Avenio, Arausio, and
Arausio, Orange (Fr.)
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early Aeria—which truly is “aerial,” according to Artemidorus, since
1st c. BCE) Aeria, nr. St-Pierre-de-Sénos
it is situated at a great height. Although all the rest of the terri- (Fr.)
tory is flat and good for grazing, the territory from Aeria to
Avenio features narrow, wooded passes.
[ 1 ] Shoreline from Massalia to the Varus: 184 C, 11–185 C, 7.

[ 2 ] Coastline of Narbonitis: 178 C, 27–185 C, 7.
[ 3 ] 185 C, 11–189 C, 20.
224
185 C, 28-32 At the spot where the Isar river, the Rhodanus, and the Isar, Isère r.
Cemmenum mountain range converge, Quintus Fabius Cemmenum, Cévennes (Fr.)
Maximus Aemilianus, with not as many as thirty thousand Aemilianus, Roman general,
defeated Celts, 121 BCE
men in total, cut down two hundred thousand Celts and set
up a white marble monument to their defeat, as well as two
temples, one to Ares and the other to Heracles.
185 C, 33–186 C, 8 It is three hundred and twenty stades from the Isar to
Vienna, the Allobrigan metropolis situated on the Rhoda- Vienna, Vienne (Fr.)
nus. (Not far above Vienna is Lugdunum, from which point Rhodanus, Rhône r.
the Arar and Rhodanus join with each other. It is around Lugdunum, Lyon (Fr.)
two hundred stades to Lugdunum by foot; slightly more by Arar, Saône r.
ALLOBRIGANS boat.) The Allobrigans used to take to the field with many
e. France
tens of thousands; nowadays, they farm the plains and the
Alpine valleys. They live scattered in villages, except that the
most illustrious men occupy Vienna, which though formerly
a mere village, they have built into a city called the “metropo-
lis” of their nation.
186 C, 8-21 Vienna is situated on the Rhodanus. This river flows from Rhodanus, Rhône r.
the Alps in a long course and with much force. Even when
it passes through lake Lemenna, its stream is detectable for Lemenna, Léman/Geneva l.
(Fr., Swi.)
many stades. Descending to the plains in Allobrigan and Se-
gusiavian territory, it joins the Arar at the Segusiavian city of Arar, Saône r.
Lugdunum. The Arar, too, flows from the Alps, separating

the Sequanians and the Aeduans, Lingonians, and Tricasians.
It subsequently receives the Dubis, which flows in a navigable Dubis, Doubs r.
stream from the same mountains. The Arar—whose name

prevails when the two rivers become one—joins the Rho-
danus. The Rhodanus, whose name likewise prevails, flows
to Vienna and thence makes the remainder of its way ulti-
mately to the sea. It transpires that the three rivers initially
flow north, then west. Again making a turn, to the south, after
finally uniting into one stream, the river receives other tribu-
taries and flows to its outlets. |
186 C, 22 Such is the territory between the Alps and the Rhodanus.1 4.1.12
186 C, 22-31 Most of the territory on the other side of the river is inhab-
ited by Volcians, whom they qualify as “Arecomician.”2 Narbo Narbo, Narbonne (Fr.)
is said to be the port of these people, although it would be

more correct to say “and of the rest of Celtica,” so great is the
number of people who use it as their entrepôt. The Volcians
abut the Rhodanus, with the Sallyans stretching alongside Rhodanus, Rhône r.
[ 1 ] Between Alps and Rhodanus (Rhône r.): 185 C, 7–186 C, 22.

[ 2 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo provides a Greek transliteration of the Latin
ethnic name Volcae Arecomici. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C,
10-18n.
225
3.1. Western Europe
them on the opposite side, and also the Cavarians. The name
“Cavarians” prevails, and this is the name they now give to all
the natives of that region—“natives” no longer, for they have
conformed to Roman ways, both in language and lifestyle, and
some of them even in government.
186 C, 31-32 There are other minor nations, lacking significance,
stretching alongside the Arecomicians as far as the Pyrenees.
186 C, 33–187 C, 3 The Arecomician metropolis is called “Nemausus.” In Nemausus, Nîmes (Fr.)
terms of the number of foreigners and merchants, the city

is much inferior to Narbo, but she is politically superior.
She has twenty-four villages subject to her, which are ex-
ceptional for being densely populated with men of the same
nationality, and which pay tax. She also has what is called the
Latium = Lat. ius Latii “Latium.” This means that t hose who attain the aedileship
or quaestorship in Nemausus are Roman. For this reason,
this nation is not subject to o rders given by governors from
Rome.
187 C, 3-15 The city is located on the road from Iberia to Italy, which city = Nemausus, Nîmes (Fr.)
provides easy passage in summer, but it is muddy and flooded

by rivers in winter and spring. Some of these streams are tra-
versed by ferries, some by bridges constructed of wood or
stone. The torrential rivers sometimes present a flood risk
even in summertime, as they descend from the Alps with their
snowmelt. As for the previously mentioned road, as I said,
one branch leads directly across the Alps,1 namely the short
route via the Vocontians. The other branch goes along the Vocontians, se. France
Massaliote and Ligystican shore: it is longer, but the passes

into Italy are easier since the mountains at last diminish there.
Nemausus is around one hundred stades from the Rhodanus, Rhodanus, Rhône r.
where the small town of Tarusco is on the opposite bank; Tarusco, Tarascon (Fr.)
and seven hundred and twenty from Narbo. Narbo, Narbonne (Fr.)
187 C, 16-21 Reaching as far as the Cemmenum mountain range, and Cemmenum, Cévennes (Fr.)
taking in its southern side as far as its summits, live those Vol-
cians called “Tectosagian,” as well as certain others. Those
others I will describe later.2 | As for those called “Tectosa- 4.1.13
gians,” they are next to the Pyrenees. They extend just a l ittle
even onto the northern side of the Cemmenan mountains,
and the land they inhabit is rich in gold.
187 C, 21-27 It is likely that they w
ere once powerful and so numerous
that, when there was civil discord, a great many of them were
[ 1 ] 178 C, 27–179 C, 9.
[ 2 ] 189 C, 25-34.
226
expelled from their homeland; that they were joined by others

from different nations; that the people who possess the part
of Phrygia next to Cappadocia and next to the Paphlagonians1 Phrygia, w. cen. Turkey
are part of these people. As proof of this we have the fact that
the p eople t here are still t oday called “Tectosagians”: for of
the three nations, one of them—the nation centered on the
city of Ancyra—is called “Tectosagian.” Ancyra, Ankara (Tky.)
187 C, 27-35 The other two nations are the “Trocmians” and “Tolistobo-
gians,” whose racial kinship with the Tectosagians attests to the Tectosagians, Trocmians,
Tolistobogians, w. cen. Turkey
fact that they w ere colonists from Celtica, although I am not
able to state from which areas they originated. I have no knowl-
edge of any Trocmians or Tolistobogians living in current-day
Celtica beyond the Alps, nor in the Alps themselves, nor this
side of the Alps. It is likely that they vanished b ecause of their
frequent emigrations, as happened in the case of several o thers.
For example, some say that the second Brennus, who attacked
Delphi, was a “Prausian,” and I am likewise unable to say where
in the world the “Prausians” formerly dwelt.
188 C, 1-8 People say that the Tectosagians likewise took part in the
campaign against Delphi. They say that the treasures found Delphi, Delphi (Gr.)
among them by the Roman general Caepio, in the city of To- Tolossa, Toulouse (Fr.)
lossa, w ere part of the Delphian store; that the city folk added
to them out of their personal possessions, making dedications
and propitiating the gods; that it was because Caepio laid
hands on t hese t reasures that he ended his life in misfortune,
banished from his fatherland as a temple robber, leaving as
Timagenes (1st c. BCE) his successors female children who, according to Timagenes,
ended up as prostitutes and died in disgrace.
188 C, 8-22 The account given by Posidonius is more credible. He says
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) that the t reasure found in Tolossa was worth some fifteen thousand
talents, deposited partly in consecrated places and partly in sacred talent, largest unit in
lakes; it did not include artifacts but consisted of unwrought gold and 1 talent = 6,000 drachmas
silver; the t emple at Delphi, at that late stage having been ransacked
by the Phocians at the time of the Sacred War, was devoid of such
treasure; if anything was left over, it had been shared among many
men, who probably never made it home, since they came off badly after
their retreat from Delphi, with some of them scattered in one direc-
tion and some of them in another, b ecause of internal disagreements.
On the other hand, as that fellow and several others say, the that fellow = Posidonius
territory had treasures everywhere, since it was rich in gold
[ 1 ] I.e., the part of Phrygia known as “Galatia” in Strabo’s day: 566 C, 31–568 C, 7;
cf. 571 C, 17-25.
227
3.1. Western Europe
and populated by superstitious men who were not extravagant

in their lifestyles. They treated the lakes in particular as safe
places, into which they sank masses of silver and gold. The
Romans, when they conquered the place, auctioned off the
lakes—and many of the purchasers found pieces of solid silver
the size of millstones!
188 C, 22-27 In Tolossa, t here was a t emple that was treated as ex- Tolossa, Toulouse (Fr.)
tremely sacred by the p eople in the vicinity, and on this ac-

count its wealth was excessive, since many people made of-
ferings and none dared lay hands on it. | Tolossa is situated 4.1.14
in the narrowest part of the isthmus dividing the ocean from ocean = Atlantic Ocean
the Narbonian sea, the isthmus being less than three thousand Narbonian sea = Med. Sea
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) stades, according to Posidonius.
188 C, 28–189 C, 5 Above all e lse, it is worth noting again what I noted
earlier:1 the territory’s connectedness with regard to its riv- territory = Celtica
ers and with regard to both the outer sea and the inner sea. outer sea = Atlantic
Ocean + North Sea
If you think about it, you find that this is a major f actor in
inner sea = Med. Sea
the excellence of the area: I mean the ease with which all the
people exchange life’s necessities with others, and the advan-
tages that accrue to all alike, especially now that, freed from
fighting, they work the land with care and live civil lives. In
consequence, you might find evidence in these circumstances
for the work of providence, the topography arranged not ran-
domly but according to a rational plan.
189 C, 5-11 For example, the Rhodanus affords a long upstream pas- Rhodanus, Rhône r.
sage for shipments that are large and destined for many dif
ferent parts of the territory, on account of its tributaries being
navigable and accommodating freight of the greatest size. It
is succeeded by the Arar and by the Dubis, which joins the Arar, Saône r.
Arar. Then there is an overland leg as far as the Sequana river Dubis, Doubs r.
and thence, finally, a downstream passage to the ocean, to the Sequana, Seine r.
Lexovians and Caletans. It is less than a day’s run from these

to Brettanica. Brettanica, Great Britain
189 C, 11-17 Since the Rhodanus is fast-flowing and the upstream pas-
sage difficult, the preference is to take some of the freight off
it and transport it overland by wagon. This is the freight des-
tined for the Arvernians and the Liger. The Rhodanus does Liger, Loire r.
flow near t hese people in sections. The road, however, being

flat and not long (around eight hundred stades), leads to the
avoidance of the upstream passage, as the overland route is
[ 1 ] 177 C, 25–178 C, 2.
228
Celtica: Atlantic Coast + Hinterland
easier. From the road, the Liger follows on conveniently—it Cemmenan mountains,
flows from the Cemmenan mountains to the ocean. Cévennes (Fr.)
189 C, 17-20 From Narbo, t here is a short passage up the Atax, and a Narbo, Narbonne (Fr.)
longer overland route—some eight hundred or seven hun- Atax, Aude r.
dred stades long—to the Garuna river. The Garuna flows into Garuna, Garonne r.
the ocean.
189 C, 21-24 The foregoing is what I have to say concerning the in-
habitants of the Narbonitis province,1 whom men of former Narbonitis = Lat. Gallia
Narbonensis (s. France)
times called “Keltai.” 2 I surmise that it was b
ecause of these
people that all Galatians w
ere given the name “Keltoi” by the
Greeks 3—because of their renown or, if the Massaliotes made
a contribution to the name, because of their proximity. |
Atlantic Coast
189 C, 25-34 Next to be discussed are the Aquitanians (and the fourteen 4.2.1
AQUITANIANS Galatian nations who have been categorized along with

= Lat. Gallia Aquitanica (w. + cen.
France) them and who live between the Garuna and the Liger, some Garuna, Garonne r.
of them encroaching on the Rhodanus riverlands and the Liger, Loire r.
Narbonitis plains). Simply put, the Aquitanians differ—in Rhodanus, Rhône r.

respect of their bodily stature and their language—from the
Galatian race, bearing greater resemblance to the Iberians.
They are bounded by the Garuna river and live between the
latter and the Pyrenees. T here are more than twenty Aqui-
tanian nations, many of them small and insignificant, some
living along the ocean coast, others extending up into the
interior and the peaks of the Cemmenan mountains as far Cemmenan mountains,
Cévennes (Fr.)
as the Tectosagians.
190 C, 1-12 Since this section was so small, they added to it the ter- they = Romans
ritory between the Garuna and the Liger. These rivers run
roughly parallel to the Pyrenees, in respect of which they
make two small, parallelogram-shaped territories, which are
bounded on their other sides by the ocean and the Cemmenan
mountains. The sailing distance down each of the rivers, in
round numbers, is two thousand stades. The Garuna, after
being joined by three other rivers, flows out to sea at the
stretch between t hose Biturigans called “Oïscans” and those stretch between . . .
Santonians = coast of France nr.
called “Santonians,” both of whom are Galatian nations. Bordeaux
These Biturigans compose the sole nation among the Aqui-
tanians that has different racial origins and is not counted
among them. It has an entrepôt (Burdigala) on the shore of a Burdigala, Bordeaux (Fr.)
[ 1 ] Narbonitis: 178 C, 10–189 C, 20.

[ 2 ] “Men of former times” are earlier Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into
Greek the Latin ethnic name Celtae. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names:
508 C, 10-18n. Redundancy of the term Celtae as a Roman provincial name by
the time Strabo is writing: 176 C, 13–177 C, 24.
[ 3 ] Strabo uses the Greek ethnic name “Keltoi,” which is equivalent to Latin Galli
or Galatae and applies to all inhabitants of Celtica: 195 C, 18-29n.
229
3.1. Western Europe
lagoon that is formed by the outflows of the river. The Liger

flows into the sea between the Pictonians and Namnetians.
190 C, 13-17 In former times, t here was an entrepôt (Corbilo) on the
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) Liger. It is described by Polybius (in connection with the tall
undermines the credibility of
Pytheas (4th c. BCE) tales told by Pytheas): Not one of the Massaliotes who conversed
with Scipio could say anything of any significance when questioned by
Scipio about Brettanica, nor could any of those from Narbo nor those Brettanica, Great Britain
from Corbilo (these being the three most important cities in Narbo, Narbonne (Fr.)
the region); this was how extensively Pytheas dared to lie.

190 C, 17-18 Mediolanium is a Santonian city. Mediolanium, Saintes (Fr.)
190 C, 19-26 The Aquitanian ocean coast is mostly sandy, with a thin ocean coast = Atlantic coast
layer of soil, yielding millet but less productive in terms of

other crops. This is the location of the bay that, together with bay = Bay of Biscay
the Galatian bay with which it is homonymous on the Narbo- Galatian bay, Gulf of Lion
nitis coastline, forms the isthmus.1 The bay is occupied by the

Tarbellians, whose gold mines are of the very highest qual-
ity. In pits dug to only a slight depth, fist-size slabs of gold
are sometimes found, requiring only a little refining; what is
left is gold dust and nuggets, and they too require only a little
working.
190 C, 26-29 The mountainous interior has better land: on the side
toward the Pyrenees, that of the Convenians (i.e., “assembled
ones”), in which is the city of Lugdunum and the very beauti- Lugdunum, St-Bertrand-de-
Comminges (Fr.)
ful Onesian hot springs, whose water is potable and has ex-
Onesian hot springs, ?Bagnères-
ceptional health-giving properties; the land of the Auscians de-Luchon (Fr.)
is also good. |
190 C, 30–191 C, 2 The nations—between the Garuna and the Liger—that Garuna, Garonne r. 4.2.2
were added to the Aquitanians include the Elvians, who Liger, Loire r.
start at the Rhodanus; a fter them the Vellavians, who w ere Rhodanus, Rhône r.
once lumped in with the Avernians but now have their own
separate classification; then the Avernians, Lemovicians, and
Petrocorians; in addition to them, the Nitiobrigians, Cadur-
cians, and the Biturigans called “Cuban.” On the side toward
the ocean are the Santonians and Pictonians, the former—as
I said—living by the Garuna and the latter by the Liger.2
The Rutenians and the Gabalians are near Narbonitis.
191 C, 2-6 Among the Petrocorians, and also among the Cuban
Biturigans, t here are some high-quality iron mines; among
the Cadurcians, linen factories; among the Rutenians, silver
mines. The Gabalians also have silver mines. The Romans
[ 1 ] The Galatian bays and Strabo’s misconceptualization of Celtica as an isthmus:

137 C, 15-20n.
[ 2 ] 190 C, 1-12.
230
have given the Latium to some of the Aquitanians—for ex- Latium = Lat. ius Latii
ample, the Auscians and the Convenians. |

191 C, 7-14 The Arvernians are situated on the Liger, and their me- Liger, Loire r. 4.2.3
tropolis is Nemossus, which is located on the river. This river Nemossus, Clermont-Ferrand
(Fr.)
flows past Cenabum (the Carnutan entrepôt, which is at about
Cenabum, Orléans (Fr.)
the halfway point of the voyage) and out into the ocean. The
Arvernians offer, as g reat proof of their former power, the fact
that they frequently did battle with the Romans, sometimes
with two hundred thousand men, at other times with double
that. The latter was the number with which, u nder Vercin-
getorix, they fought against the deified Caesar; and before deified Caesar = Julius Caesar
that, with two hundred thousand, against Maximus Aemil-

ianus and likewise against Domitius Ahenobarbus.
191 C, 14-22 The b
attle against Caesar was around Gergovia, a city Gergovia, ?Gergovie (Fr.)
belonging to the Arvernians and situated on a high moun-

tain, the home of Vercingetorix; and around Alesia, a city Alesia, Alise-Ste-Reine (Fr.)
belonging to the Mandubians (a nation sharing a border
with the Arvernians) and situated on a high hill, surrounded
by mountains and two rivers—the city in which their leader
was captured and the war was brought to an end. The b attle
Aemilianus, Roman general, against Maximus Aemilianus was at the confluence of the
defeated Celts, 121 BCE
Isar and the Rhodanus, at which confluence the Cemmenum Isar, Isère r.
mountain range draws near the Rhodanus. The battle against Rhodanus, Rhône r.
Domitius was farther downstream, at the confluence of the Cemmenum, Cévennes (Fr.)
Sulga and the Rhodanus. Sulga, Sorgue r.
191 C, 22-29 The Arvernians originally extended as far as Narbo and Narbo, Narbonne (Fr.)
the boundaries of Massaliotis, and they ruled over the nations

as far as the Pyrenees and as far as the ocean and the Rhine.
Luerius, the f ather of the Bituitus who did b attle against
Maximus and Domitius, is said to have been so excessively
wealthy and opulent that once, showing off his riches to his
friends, he took a wagon ride across a plain, scattering coins
of gold and silver here and there, so that they followed behind
him and picked them up. |
191 C, 30-37 After the Aquitanian part and Narbonitis, the part that 4.3.1
Strabo segues to his description comes next is the entire area up to the Rhine from the Liger Liger, Loire r.
of Lugdunum and the Belgans
river and from the part of the Rhodanus where, after flowing Rhodanus, Rhône r.
down from its source, the Rhodanus reaches Lugdunum. Of Lugdunum, Lyon (Fr.)
this territory, the upper sections—the sections at the sources

of the rivers (the Rhine and the Rhodanus) as far as the
231
3.1. Western Europe
virtual midpoint of the plains—have been classified as Lug-

dunum. The remaining oceanic parts1 have been classified oceanic, Atlantic
as a different section, which has been allocated specifically

to the Belgans. However, I w ill describe their characteristics
jointly.2 |
192 C, 1-8 Lugdunum itself, founded at the foot of a hill at the con- Lugdunum, Lyon (Fr.) 4.3.2
LUGDUNUM + BELGANS fluence of the Arar and the Rhodanus, is held by the Ro- Arar, Saône r.
= Lat. Gallia Lugdunensis + Gallia
Belgica (France, Luxembourg, mans. It is the most populous of the cities other than Narbo. Rhodanus, Rhône r.
w. Germany, Belgium, It functions as an entrepôt, and the Roman governors mint governors = of Roman province
Netherlands) of Lugdunensis
gold and silver coins t here. The t emple dedicated to Augustus
Caesar by all the Galatians en masse sits in front of the city at
the confluence of the rivers. There is an altar of note, with an
inscribed list of the nations (sixty in number) and pictures of
them (one for each nation) and a large . . . *.
192 C, 8-14 This city presides over the Segusiavian nation, which is
situated between the Rhodanus and the Dubis.3 As for the Dubis, Doubs r.
nations that come next, extending toward the Rhine, some

are bounded by the Dubis and some by the Arar. These riv- Arar, Saône r.
ers, too, as noted earlier, come down from the Alps and then,
uniting into one stream, flow into the Rhodanus.4
192 C, 14-18 There is another river, which similarly has its sources in
the Alps,5 by the name of “Sequana.” It flows into the ocean, Sequana, Seine r.
parallel with the Rhine, through a nation of the same name

that extends to the Rhine in the east and the Arar in the other
direction. This is the source of the excellent preserved pork
that is exported to Rome.
192 C, 18-21 Between the Dubis 6 and the Arar lives the Aeduan na-
AEDUANS tion, with a city—Cabyllinum—on the Arar and a fortress, Cabyllinum, Châlon-sur-Saône
cen. France (Fr.)
Bibracta. The Aeduans w ere named as kinsmen of the Ro-
Bibracta, Mont Beuvray (Fr.)
mans, and they w ere the first in the region to come forward
in friendship and alliance.
192 C, 21-29 On the other side of the Arar live the Sequanians, at odds Arar, Saône r.
SEQUANIANS for a long time with both Romans and Aeduans. In the case of
e. France
the Romans, this was because the Sequanians often joined the
Germans in their attacks on Italy. The strength they demon-
strated was not insignificant: they added to the greatness of
the Germans when in alliance with them, and they diminished
the Germans when they went their separate ways. They w ere
at odds with the Aeduans partly for the same reason, but their
hostility was exacerbated by strife over the river that ran be-
[ 1 ] I.e., “remaining” as per Augustus’s classification: 177 C, 16-24.

[ 2 ] Lugdunum (= Gallia Lugdunensis) + Belgans (= Gallia Belgica): 192 C, 1–195 C, 17.
[ 3 ] We might expect “Liger” (Loire r.) rather than “Dubis” (Doubs r.). Cf. 192 C,
18-21n.
[ 4 ] 186 C, 8-21.
[ 5 ] Strabo l ater corrects this statement: 193 C, 30-34n.
[ 6 ] We might expect “Liger” (Loire r.) rather than “Dubis” (Doubs r.). Cf. 192 C, 8-14n.
Cf. 193 C, 25-30n.
232
tween them, each nation claiming that the Arar was its own
and that the transport taxes were owed to it.
192 C, 29-30 Nowadays, all are subject to the Romans. |
192 C, 31-36 As for the territory on the Rhine, it is inhabited first of 4.3.3
HELVETTIANS all by the Helvettians, where the river has its sources in the
w. Switzerland
Adula mountain range. This range is a part of the Alps from
which the Adua river also flows, albeit in the other direction Adua, Adda r.
Celtica on this side = Lat. Gallia toward Celtica on this side, entering Larius lake, on which Larius lake, Como l. (It.)
Cisalpina
Comum is built, and thence joining the Padus. I will describe Comum, Como (It.)
Padus, Po r.
these parts later.1
192 C, 36–193 C, 9 The Rhine, too, opens into great marshes and a great lake,2 great lake = Bodensee/
Constance l. (Ger., Swi., Aus.)
up to which the Alpine Rhaetians and Vindolicians extend, as
Asinius (1st c. BCE) also some of the transalpine peoples. Asinius says that its length
is six thousand stades (it is not—rather, measured in a straight
line, it would be only a little more than half as much—an
addition of one thousand for the twists and turns would be
enough); it is swift-flowing, because of which it is also difficult to
bridge; and having descended from the mountains, for the rest of its
course it flows on a level through plains. How, then, would it remain
swift and forceful, if we were to add a multitude of long looping
curves to its level course? He also says that it is two-mouthed, and
reproaches t hose who say that t here are more mouths.
193 C, 9-14 This river and the Sequana enclose a certain amount of This river = Rhine r.
territory within their winding ways but not so very much. Sequana, Seine r.
Both flow from south to north, and Brettanica lies in front

of them—it is close to the Rhine (with the consequence
that Cantium, which is the island’s easternmost point, is Cantium, South Foreland, Kent
(UK)
visib le) but slightly farther away from the Sequana. Here,
Julius Caesar (= deified Caesar)
the deified Caesar constructed his shipyard when he sailed attacked Brettanica (Great
to Brettanica. Britain), 55 and 54 BCE
193 C, 14-18 The section of the Sequana that is navigated by t hose who
transport goods from the Arar is only a little longer than that Arar, Saône r.
of the Liger and of the Garuna. From Lugdunum to the Se- Liger, Loire r.
quana is one thousand stades. It is only a little less than double Garuna, Garonne r.
this from the entry points of the Rhodanus up to Lugdunum.
193 C, 18-24 People say that the Helvettians are rich in gold but that they
nevertheless turned to raiding when they saw the Cimbrians’
wealth, and that two of their three tribes w ere destroyed dur-
ing their campaigns. However, the large number of descen-
dants from those that survived became evident during the
[ 1 ] 204 C, 8-14; 209 C, 7-13; 213 C, 16-18.

[ 2 ] The “great lake” is several times mentioned by Strabo (207 C, 7-17; 292 C, 16-25;
313 C, 19-22) but never given a name.
233
3.1. Western Europe
war against the deified Caesar, in which around four hundred

thousand individuals were destroyed. He allowed the rest, at
least eight thousand, to survive so as not to leave the territory
as a vacuum for the Germans on their borders. |
193 C, 25-30 After the Helvettians, living along the Rhine are the 4.3.4
SEQUANIANS Sequanians and Mediomatricans, among whom a Germanic

e. France
nation—the Tribochians—has been relocated from the far
MEDIOMATRICANS side, away from their home. Among the Sequanians is the
e. France, w. Germany,
Luxembourg
Jurasian mountain range: it divides the Helvettians from Jurasian mountain range, Jura
mts. (Fr., Swi.)
LINGONIANS
the Sequanians. Beyond the Helvettians and the Sequanians
e. France to the west live the Aeduans1 and the Lingonians; beyond
LEUCIANS the Mediomatricans live the Leucians and some of the
ne. France
Lingonians.
193 C, 30-34 The nations between the Liger and the Sequana river,2 be- Liger, Loire r.
yond the Rhodanus and the Arar, lie alongside and north of Sequana, Seine r.
the Allobrigans and the Lugdunum region. The most famous Rhodanus, Rhône r.
of these are the Arvernian and Carnutan nations, past both of Arar, Saône r.
which the Liger flows and then issues into the ocean. ocean = Atlantic
193 C, 34–194 C, 2 The crossing to Brettanica, from the rivers in Celtica, is Brettanica, Great Britain
three hundred and twenty stades. P eople who put to sea at

sunset, when there’s an ebb tide, reach the island the following
day at around the eighth hour.3
194 C, 3-9 After the Mediomatricans and Tribochians, living along
TREVERANS the Rhine are the Treverans, where the bridge has been con-
s. Belgium, Luxembourg,
w. Germany structed by the Romans currently waging the German war.4
(This is where, on the far side, the Ubians once lived: Agrippa
relocated them at their own volition to the area this side of
NERVIANS the Rhine.) Following the Treverans are the Nervians—also a
n. France, Belgium
Germanic nation. Last come the Menapians, on both sides of
MENAPIANS the river near its outlets: they dwell in marshes and in forests
Belgium, Netherlands
with thorny trees that are densely packed rather than tall.
194 C, 10-15 Opposite t hese peoples are the Sugambrians, who are
Germans. Situated back from the riverlands are the Germans
called “Suebians,” who surpass the others in both might and
numbers. Refugees driven out by the Suebians fled to the area
this side of the Rhine . . . * nowadays. Different p
eople hold
power in diff erent places and rekindle the war, since the fore-
most are continuously being destroyed. |
194 C, 15-18 West of the Treverans and Nervians live the Senones and 4.3.5
Remans and, farther on, the Atrebatians and Eburonians.
[ 1 ] Strabo clarifies his earlier statement (192 C, 18-21n) about the location of the
Aeduans.
[ 2 ] Strabo clarifies his e arlier statement (192 C, 14-18) about the location of the
Sequana river.
[ 3 ] Strabo l ater (199 C, 23-30) clarifies this information.
[ 4 ] Ongoing war against the Germans: 291 C, 23–292 C, 10n.
234
On the coast, following on from the Menapians, t here are

MORINIANS, etc. the Morinians, Bellovacians, Ambianians, Suessionians, and
n. France, Belgium
Caletans, up to the outlet of the Sequana river. Sequana, Seine r.
194 C, 18-26 The Morinians’ territory, and also that of the Atrebatians
and Eburonians, is similar to that of the Menapians. It con-
sists of a forest of trees that are not tall: the forest is extensive,
albeit not as extensive as the four thousand stades claimed
by writers. They call it “Arduenna.” When they faced hostile Arduenna, Ardennes
attack, they used to interweave the twigs from the bushes,

the twigs being thorny, and thus obstructed the pathways,
in some places hammering in stakes. They themselves snuck
away with their entire household into the deep interior, where
they had l ittle islands in the marshes. When it was wet and
rainy, their places of refuge w ere safe. When it was dry, they
were easily caught.
194 C, 26-27 Nowadays, all t hose this side of the Rhine are at peace and this side of Rhine = west of
Rhine r.
are subject to the Romans.
194 C, 27-29 Around the Sequana river are the Parisians, with an island
in the river and a city, Lucotocia; and the Meldians and the Lucotocia, Paris (Fr.)
Lexovians (who are on the ocean). ocean = Atlantic
194 C, 29-31 The most noteworthy of the nations in the region are the
Duricortora, Reims (Fr.)
Remans: their city, Duricortora, is the best organized and is
governors = of Roman province
where the Roman governors are received. | of Gallia Belgica
194 C, 32–195 C, 9 After the aforementioned nations, what remains are the 4.4.1
VENETIANS Belgan nations on the ocean coast.1 These include the Vene-
nw. France
tians, who fought a naval battle against Caesar. They were all
ready to prevent Caesar’s voyage to Brettanica, since they used Julius Caesar attacked
Brettanica (Great Britain),
it for trading. He easily defeated them, although not by using 55 and 54 BCE
ramming tactics (as their ship timbers w ere thick). Rather,
as the Venetians bore down against him with the wind, the
Romans tore down their sails with halberds; the sails were
made of leather because of the strong winds and were hoisted
with chains rather than ropes. The Venetians construct their
ships with broad bottoms (high at the stern and bow) b ecause
of the low tides, using oakwood, of which they have plenty. For
this reason, they do not close the gaps between the timbers but
instead leave chinks. They stop up the chinks with seaweed,
so that the timbers do not dry out when the ship is hauled out
of the water and they are no longer submerged. The seaweed
naturally retains moisture, whereas the oak is dry and lacks oil.
[ 1 ] I.e., what “remains” as per the division of Celtica at 177 C, 16-24.
235
3.1. Western Europe
195 C, 9-13 I think that these Venetians are the founding fathers of
t hose on the Adria.1 (Nearly all the other Celts in Italy—e.g., Adria, Adriatic Sea
the Boïans and Senones—originated from the land beyond

the Alps.) B ecause of their homonymity,2 people say that
they are Paphlagonians. I speak without certainty: in t hese
matters, probability suffices.
195 C, 13-17 The Osismians are the p eople whom Pytheas names
“Ostidaeans”—they live on a certain headland projecting headland, Finistère (Fr.)
only moderately into the ocean—not as far as is claimed by

Pytheas (4th c. BCE) Pytheas and t hose who trust him.3 Of the nations between the
Sequana and the Liger, some border on the Sequanians and Liger, Loire r.
some border on the Arvernians. |

195 C, 18-29 The whole tribe, which they now call “Gallic” or “Galatian,”4 whole tribe = Celts 4.4.2
CELTIC WAY OF LIFE is war-crazy, bravehearted, and quick to the fray (but other
than that, ingenuous and not bad-natured). As a conse-
quence, when they are provoked, they all rush into open battle
without advance planning, and thus are easily overcome by
anyone prepared to use strategy against them—you can sting
them into action whenever you want, wherever you want, on
whatever chance pretext, and find them ready to face the risks
with nothing to help them but strength and daring. When,
however, gentle persuasion is used, they submit to practical
considerations, with the consequence that they can attain an
educated and articulate status. As for their strength, part of
it comes from their large body size and part from their large
numbers. They come together in a group very easily because
of their straightforward and ingenuous nature, with those
living nearby forever taking up the cause of others who are
considered to be the victims of injustice.
195 C, 29–196 C, 5 Now, of course, they are all at peace, living in slavery and in they = Celts
accordance with the dictates of their Roman captors, but this

is what we deduce about them from ancient times and from
customs that still endure nowadays among the Germans.
These peoples have a similar nature and similar political
structures, are interrelated, and live in territory that shares
a border, being divided by the Rhine river, and is similar in
very many respects, although Germany is farther north (if
you compare south with south, and north with north).
196 C, 5-13 Because of this, too, it is the case that their migrations their = Celtic
come about easily: moving like a herd, they get up and leave,
[ 1 ] Adriatic “Enetians”: 212 C, 7-17n.

[ 2 ] I.e., with a supposed set of “Enetians” in Paphlagonia (hypothesized by Strabo
solely to save Homer’s credibility): 543 C, 25–544 C, 4; cf. 212 C, 7-17n.
[ 3 ] Strabo underestimates the extent of the nw. projection of France: 137 C, 15-20n.
adjectives Gallicus and Galaticus: 508 C, 10-18n.
236
Celtica
along with their army (or, rather, household), whenever they

are driven out by others who are stronger. The Romans con-
quered them far more easily than the Iberians. They began They = Romans
fighting against the latter earlier and finished later, whereas latter = Iberians
they overcame all these people (all of them between the Rhine they = Romans
and the Pyrenean mountain range) in the intervening period, these people = Celts
given that the Celts all went into battle en masse and were
conquered en masse. The Iberians husbanded their resources
and split the b attles up, diff erent groups fighting at diff erent
times in diff erent places, using raiding techniques.
196 C, 14-20 They are all warriors by nature, better on horseback than on They = Celts
foot. The best part of the Roman cavalry is drawn from among
them. The farther north they are, and the closer to the ocean,
the better warriors they are. | Of these, p eople say that the Bel- 4.4.3
gans (divided into fifteen nations between the Rhine and the
Liger, living along the ocean coast) are so superior that that, on Liger, Loire r.
their own, they withstood an attack from the German Cimbri-

ans and Teutonians. People say that, of the Belgans, the best are
the Bellovacians and, a fter them, the Suessionians.
196 C, 21-26 An indication of the size of the population is that for- population = of Celts
merly, people say, there were three hundred thousand Belgans

capable of bearing arms. The great numbers of Helvettians,
and of Arvernians and their allies, have been noted.1 The size
of the population is evident from this and from the excellence
of their women with regard to bearing and raising children,
as I said.2
196 C, 27-31 They dress in cloaks, wear their hair long, and drape their They = Celts
legs in trousers. Instead of tunics, they put on open-sided,

sleeved garments reaching down to their private parts and
buttocks. Their wool stuff is coarse but fluffy; from it, they
make coarse cloaks, which are called laenae.3 The Romans,
even in the far north, manage to raise flocks producing quite
a fine wool by covering them with skins.
196 C, 32–197 C, 2 Their weaponry is commensurate with their body size. Their = Celtic
They have a long sword hanging on their right-hand side, a

long shield, lances of a proportional size, and a madaris (a type
of throwing spear). Some use bows and slings. T here’s also a
wooden weapon like a javelin, hurled by hand rather than by
means of a thong and with greater range than an arrow; this
weapon is also used specifically for shooting birds.
[ 1 ] 191 C, 7-14; 193 C, 18-24.

[ 2 ] 178 C, 2-9.
[ 3 ] I.e., called by Latin speakers; Strabo provides a transliteration into Greek of the
Latin word laenae: 508 C, 10-18n.
237
3.1. Western Europe
197 C, 2-10 Even t hese days, many of them sleep on the ground,1 and them = Celts
they sit on beds of straw to eat their meals. Food they have in
great quantities, including milk and all kinds of meat, par-
ticularly pork, fresh and salted. The swine run wild and are
exceptionally tall, fierce, and swift. It is dangerous for an in-
experienced person to approach one, as in the case of a wolf.
They have large, round houses, constructed from timber and
wattle, on which they put thick roofs. Their flocks of sheep
and herds of swine are so plentiful as to furnish not only Rome
but most parts of Italy with an abundance of cloaks and salted
meat.
197 C, 11-20 Most of their constitutions were aristocratic. In olden
times, they used to choose one leader e very year; likewise, in they = Celts
times of war, one man was appointed as general. Nowadays,

they generally pay heed to Roman promulgations. One pecu-
liarity is what happens in their assemblies. If anyone heckles
the speaker and interrupts him, the attendant approaches
him with sword drawn and threatens him with a command
to be silent. He does the same a second and a third time, if
the person does not desist. Finally, he cuts off as much of the
person’s cloak as makes the remaining part unusable! The
division of labor between men and women in a way contrary
to our practice is a feature shared with many other native
peoples. |
197 C, 21-30 Amongst all of them, there are generally three castes held them = Celts 4.4.4
in exceptional honor: bardi, vates, and druidae. Bardi sing

hymns and compose poems; vates perform rites and study
nature; druidae study ethics as well as nature and are consid-
ered the most just, on which account they are entrusted with
the arbitration of disputes, both private and communal. In
consequence, they formerly made decisions about war, and
stopped even t hose who had got as far as drawing up in b attle
formation. It had especially been their function to pass judg-
ment in murder cases: when t here was a crop of these, they
considered that there would be a good crop from the land.
These men, and others, consider that the soul and the cosmos
are indestructible; and that at some stage, fire and w ater w
ill
get the upper hand. |
197 C, 31-35 To ingenuousness and courage, they add a g reat deal of they = Celts 4.4.5
stupidity and boastfulness. They also love adornment. They
[ 1 ] “Ground-sleeping” as an ethnic identifier: 154 C, 31–155 C, 5n.
238
Celtica
wear a lot of gold, with circlets around their necks and brace-
lets around their arms and wrists. High-ranking men wear
clothes that are dyed in colors and worked with gold. Because
of such vanity, they are observed to be unbearable in victory,
dumbstruck in defeat.
197 C, 35–198 C, 7 In addition to their witlessness, they have a strange and they = Celts
barbaric custom that is found mostly among northern na-

tions: when leaving the battlefield, they hang the heads of
their enemies from their horses’ necks, bring them home, and
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) nail them up in their entranceways. (At any rate, Posidonius
says that he himself often saw this spectacle; at first, he recoiled in
horror, but thereafter, as he became used to it, he was able to bear it
with equanimity.) They used to embalm the heads of eminent
men with cedar oil and display them to visitors, and would
not consider giving them back, even for their weight in gold!
198 C, 7-13 The Romans stop them from these practices, as well as them = Celts
from making sacrifices and divinations in a manner at odds

with our own. Striking a human victim in the back with
a sword, they used to make predictions based on his death
throes; and they did not make sacrifices without druidae.
Other forms of h uman sacrifice are described. They shot them
with arrows, crucified them in sacred places, or constructed
a huge effigy out of hay and timber, into which they threw all
sorts of livestock and wild animals, as well as h umans, and
burned them w hole. |
198 C, 14-24 In the ocean, he says,1 there is a small island not far out to sea, at 4.4.6
the mouth of the Liger river. It is inhabited by Samnite women who Liger, Loire r.
are possessed by Dionysus, the god, whom they appease with mystic
rites and other rituals. No man sets foot on the island. The women
themselves sail off to have sex with men and then return. Their custom
is, once a year, to take the roof off the t emple and, on the same day,
put it back before sunset, each carrying a bundle. She whose bundle
falls, that w
oman is torn to pieces by the o thers. They carry her limbs
around the t emple with cries of jubilation, not ceasing u ntil their
frenzy is over. It is always the case that t here is some w
oman who w ill
suffer this fate.
198 C, 25-31 Even more myth-like than the foregoing is what Artemi-
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early dorus says happens with crows. He reports that there is some
1st c. BCE)
harbor on the oceanic coast named “Two Crows,” in which two crows oceanic = Atlantic
appear with white stripes on the right-side wing. People who have
[ 1 ] If the words “he says” are correct, the reference is probably to Posidonius, cited
at 197 C, 35–198 C, 7.
239
3.1. Western Europe
disagreements over some issue come here to a high spot, lay out a
plank, and put barley cakes upon it, each putting them in a separate
position. The birds alight on the plank, eat one set of cakes and scatter
the other. He whose barley cake was eaten, that man wins the dispute.
198 C, 31–199 C, 3 While this is rather myth-like, what he says about Deme- he = ?Artemidorus
ter and Cora is more credible, when he states that there is an

island toward Brettanica where rites are practiced that are similar
to those in Samothrace in honor of Demeter and Cora. This, too, is Samothrace, Samothrake
(Gk. island)
credible: that a tree grows in Celtica, similar to a fig tree, bearing
a fruit that looks like the top of a Corinthian column; when cut, it
oozes a deadly poison used for smearing arrows. This is gossip:
that all Celts are lovers of young men and that it is not considered
shameful, in their view, for young men to be lavish with their youth-
ful charms.
199 C, 4-9 Ephorus makes Celtica excessive in size, so that he assigns
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) to them most of what we now call “Iberia” (as far as Gadira). them = Celts
He declares that the people are philhellenes and makes many spe- Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
cific statements about them, which bear no resemblance to

things as they currently are. This, too, is a peculiarity: they try
not to get fat or potbellied, and young men are fined if their
girth exceeds their b elt! |
199 C, 10 The foregoing was my account of Celtica beyond the Alps.1 4.5.1
Atlantic Islands (Great Britain, Ireland, ?Iceland)

199 C, 10-22 Brettanica is triangular in shape. Its longest side lies alongside
BRETTANICA Celtica, neither exceeding it in length nor falling short of it. length = east–west dimension
Great Britain
The length of each is some four thousand three hundred (or
four hundred) stades—on the Celtic side, from the outlets of
the Rhine to the northern end of the Pyrenees at Aquitania,
and from the easternmost point of Brettanica (Cantium) op- Cantium, South Foreland, Kent
(UK)
posite the outlets of the Rhine to the western end of the island
corresponding to Aquitania and the Pyrenees.2 This is actu-
ally the minimum distance from the Pyrenees to the Rhine,
since regarding the maximum distance, it has been stated that
it is at least five thousand stades.3 It is reasonable to suppose
that there is some convergence of the river with the mountain
range, each deviating from the parallel, both curving inward
at their farthermost ends at the ocean. |
199 C, 23-30 There are four crossings from the mainland to the island 4.5.2
that are in regular use: from the outlets of the Rhine, the
[ 1 ] Celtica beyond the Alps: 176 C, 13–199 C, 9. Strabo now proceeds to de-
scribe Brettanica (Great Britain), Ierne (Ireland), and Thule (?Iceland): 199 C,
10–201 C, 26.
[ 2 ] The sense is that the western tip of Brettanica is supposed to lie due north
of the Pyrenees, a slight refinement of Strabo’s earlier comments at 63 C,
14-18n. For “corresponding to” meaning “lying due north or south of”: 496 C,
26–497 C, 4n.
[ 3 ] Strabo refines and adds to his earlier statement (128 C, 3-16, where he gave
5,000 stades as the east–west dimension of both Brettanica and Celtica, with-
out mentioning that this is a maximum figure for Celtica).
240
Atlantic Islands
Sequana, the Liger, and the Garuna. For t hose who set sail Sequana, Seine r.
from the Rhine area, the voyage does not start from any of Liger, Loire r.
the river’s actual mouths but from the Morinians (the people Garuna, Garonne r.
next to the Menapians), to whom belongs Itium, the naval

station used by the deified Caesar when he crossed over to the Julius Caesar (= deified Caesar)
attacked Brettanica (Great
island. He set sail at night, landed the next day at around the Britain), 55 and 54 BCE
fourth hour (having completed a voyage of three hundred and
twenty stades), and found the grain still in the fields.1
199 C, 31–200 C, 17 Most of the island is flat and densely wooded, but many
areas have arable uplands. Its products are grain, livestock, gold,
silver, and iron. These are exported, as are animal hides, slaves,
and dogs that are good for hunting—the Celts also use them
in b attle, as well as the local dogs. The men are taller and less
blond than the Celts, with rather gangly bodies. As an indica-
tion of their size, I saw some of them in Rome2 who w ere hardly
more than boys yet towered over the tallest locals by at least
half a foot—but they w ere crippled and also deformed in other
parts of their body. Their character is in some ways similar to
Celts but in other ways so much more primitive and barbaric
that some of them, though they have plentiful supplies of milk,
do not even make cheese because they lack the know-how, and
they also lack gardening and farming skills. They have dynastic
chiefs. They make g reat use of chariots in war, as do some of the
Celts. Forests are their cities. Fencing off a large circular area
with felled trees, they build huts for themselves and also keep
their livestock there, albeit not for the long term. The weather
is rainy rather than snowy. Even when the weather is clear, there
are such long periods of darkness that through the whole day,
the sun is seen for only the three or four hours around the
middle of the day. This phenomenon also occurs among the
Morinians and Menapians and their close neighbors.3 |
200 C, 18-28 Twice, Caesar crossed over to the island, but he quickly re- Julius Caesar attacked 4.5.3
Brettanica (Great Britain), 55
turned, despite not having achieved much and not even further and 54 BCE
exploring the island, b ecause of unrest among the Celts—both
the natives and his own soldiers—and because many of his
ships w ere destroyed as a result of the extra-high and extra-
low tides at the time of the full moon. He won two or three
victories against the Brits, even though he had brought over
only two of the army’s legions; and he carried off hostages,
slaves, and a quantity of other booty. Nowadays, some of the
[ 1 ] Strabo clarifies his e

arlier statements about the crossings from Celtica to Bret-
tanica (193 C, 34–194 C, 2) and Julius Caesar’s starting point (193 C, 9-14).
[ 2 ] Strabo was in Rome in the 30s BCE and probably on at least one subsequent
occasion: 273 C, 2-14n.
[ 3 ] Morinians and Menapians (Netherlands, Belgium, n. France): 194 C, 3-9; 194 C,
15-27.
241
3.1. Western Europe
local dynasts, who have established friendship with Augustus

Caesar by sending ambassadors to him and paying him court,
have set up offerings in the Capitol 1 and have made virtually
the whole island into a Roman possession.2
200 C, 28–201 C, 2 People put up with such heavy duties, both on goods im-
ported into Celtica thence and on goods exported thither thence = from Brettanica (Great
Britain)
(i.e., ivory bands and necklaces, amber and glassware, and
thither = to Brettanica
other such stuff ), that there is no need to garrison the island.
At least one legion, and some cavalry, would be required
to collect taxes from them, and the cost of the army would
amount to the same as the incoming funds, since duties nec-
essarily decrease if taxes are imposed and at the same time
a certain amount of risk is involved if force has to be used. |
201 C, 3-8 As for the islands around Brettanica, as well as the small 4.5.4
IERNE ones, t here is a large one, Ierne, which lies alongside Bret-
Ireland
tanica to the north 3 and is long rather than wide. Concerning
Ierne, I am not able to say anything with certainty, except that
its inhabitants are more savage than the Brits, since they are
anthropophagi (eaters-of-human-flesh) and poephagi (eaters-of-grass),4
and they consider it a fine thing to eat their dead fathers and
to have sex in plain sight with women who include their own
mothers and sisters!
201 C, 8-12 I say t hese t hings, but even t hese are not backed up with
reliable witnesses—although the eating of h uman flesh is
said to be a Scythian practice, too, and the Celts, Iberians,
and various o thers are said to practice it when under desper-
ate siege conditions. |
201 C, 13-18 As for Thule, information is even less clear b ecause of its 4.5.5
remoteness—people say that it is the most northerly of all

THULE known islands. What Pytheas says about Thule and other
?Iceland
places nearby is fabricated, as is clear from regions that are
Pytheas (4th c. BCE) familiar. He has misrepresented most of them, as already
stated,5 so that he has clearly lied even more in describing
places that are extremely remote.
201 C, 18-26 With regard to celestial phenomena and astronomical
theory, it would seem he made quite a lot of use of factual
matters . . . * 6 those close to the frozen belt: the complete ab-
sence of some domesticated crops and animals and the rarity
of others; and a diet of millet, wild plants, fruit, and roots.
They have grain and honey and drinks made from them. They
[ 1 ] Strabo had undoubtedly seen these offerings in the Capitol in Rome: 236 C, 25-28n.
[ 2 ] Strabo overstates the case. Cf. 288 C, 22-23 (where the Parthians are with similar
hyperbole represented as being on the brink of ceding their empire to the
Romans); 305 C, 11-15 (Getans and Dacians).
[ 3 ] Ireland lies on a more northerly latitude than the southern parts of Britain with
which Strabo is familiar, but its overall position is west of Britain.
[ 4 ] Anthropophagi and poephagi are technical terms belonging to a system of
classification based on diet and lifestyle: 154 C, 31–155 C, 5n.
[ 5 ] 63 C, 9-14; 104 C, 6-19; 114 C, 29–115 C, 3; 157 C, 32–158 C, 6.
[ 6 ] The gist of the missing words is probably that astronomical data (e.g., height
of sun at midday, length of longest day, e tc.) could have been computed for
Thule rather than observed there.
242
Alps
thresh the grain in g reat halls—since they do not have the

advantage of pure sunlight—to which the ears are brought en
masse. Threshing floors are of no use, owing to lack of sunlight
and to rainstorms. |
201 C, 27-30 Having dealt with Celtica beyond the Alps and the p eoples 4.6.1
Strabo segues from his who occupy that territory,1 I will now describe the Alps them-
description of “Celtica beyond
the Alps” to his description of selves and the p eople who live in them,2 then the w hole of
the Alps Italy,3 carefully preserving in my narrative the layout sug-
gested by the nature of the territory.
Alps (se. France, Monaco, n. Italy, Liechtenstein, Switzerland,

s. Germany, s. Austria, sw. Slovenia, w. Croatia)
201 C, 31–202 C, 3 The Alps do not begin, as some writers have claimed, at Mon- Monoecus harbor, ?Monte
Carlo (Mnc.)
oecus harbor, but rather in the very place where the Apen-
nine mountains begin—at Genua (the Ligyan entrepôt) and
at what is called “Sabata Vada,”4 that is, “Shallows.” (On the Sabata Vada, Vado Ligurie (It.)
one hand, the Apennine mountain range starts at Genua; the Genua, Genoa (It.)
Alps, on the other hand, start at Sabata.) There are two hun-
dred and sixty stades between Genua and Sabata.
202 C, 3-6 After three hundred and seventy stades is the town of Al- Albingaunum, Albegna (It.)
LIGYANS bingaunum: the Ligyans who live t here are called “Ingaunan.”
Monaco, nw. Italy
From t here to Monoecus harbor, it is four hundred and eighty
stades. In the intervening space is the very large city of Al- Albium Intimilium, Ventimiglia
(It.)
bium Intimilium and her inhabitants, the “Intimilians.”
202 C, 7-14 People use t hese names as proof that the Alps start at
Sabata,5 claiming that the “Alpian” mountains w ere formerly Sabata, Vado Ligurie (It.)
called the “Albians,” just like . . . * for, even t oday, the very high
range among the Iapodes, which is roughly contiguous with
Ocra and the Alps, is called the “Albian” range, as if the Alps Ocra, Nanos mt. (Svn.)
reach this far. | Since one set of Ligyans is Ingaunan and one set 4.6.2
is Intimilian, it is reasonable to suppose that one of their coastal

settlements was called “Albian (i.e., Alpian) Intimilian” and that
the other was called, with more abbreviation, “Albingaunan.”
202 C, 14-15 To the two tribes of Ligyans here mentioned, Polybius
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) adds the tribe of Oxybians and the tribe of Decietans.
[1] Celtica beyond the Alps (+ Atlantic islands): 176 C, 10–201 C, 26.
[2] Alps: 201 C, 31–209 C, 14.
[3] Italy (including islands): 209 C, 15–288 C, 33.
[4] I.e., called by Latin speakers; Strabo first transliterates into Greek the Latin word
Vada, then translates it into the Greek word meaning “Shallows”: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 5 ] The sense seems to be that, for a navigator sailing westward from Italy, the
coast is dominated by the Alps from Sabata westward.
243
3.1. Western Europe
202 C, 16-24 In general, this entire stretch of shoreline, from Mon- Monoecus harbor, ?Monte
Carlo (Mnc.)
oecus harbor to Tyrrhenia, is exposed and harborless except
for shallow roadsteads and anchorages. Looming over it are
extraordinarily high mountain ridges, leaving only a narrow
passage along the coast. The inhabitants are Ligyans, who
subsist in the main on domesticated animals, milk, and a
barley drink. They dwell in the coastal regions but mainly in
the mountains. There they have a vast amount of timber, used
for shipbuilding and derived from trees of such i mmense size
that the width of some is found to measure eight feet! Much of
this timber is, in its grain pattern, not inferior to thyum wood
for the purposes of table manufacture.1
202 C, 24-31 They export this timber, as well as animals, skins, and They = Ligyans
honey, to the Genua entrepôt. They receive in exchange olive Genua, Genoa (It.)
oil and wine from Italy (their own wine is scarce—bitter and
resinous). This region is the source of those h orses and mules
called ginni, and of Ligystinian tunics and cloaks. Also plenti-
ful among them is lyngurium, which some people call “amber.”
In battle, they use no h orses at all, but their infantry and
marksmen are excellent. Some people adduce, on the basis
of their bronze shields, that they are Greek. |
202 C, 32-35 Monoecus harbor is a roadstead for ships that are neither Monoecus harbor, ?Monte 4.6.3
Carlo (Mnc.)
large nor numerous. It has a t emple to Heracles “Monoecus,”
as he is called: it is likely, on the basis of the name, that the
Massaliote coast extended even to h ere. The distance from
Antipolis is just a little more than two hundred stades. Antipolis, Antibes (Fr.)
203 C, 1-8 From there right up to Massalia and a little farther, the
SALLYANS Sallyan nation occupies the Alps lying inland and (inter-
se. France
mingled with Greeks) part of the coastline itself. The Greeks
of ancient times called the Sallyans “Ligyans” and called the
territory possessed by the Massaliotes “Ligystica.” Men of
more recent times call them “Celto-Ligyans” and addition-
ally attribute to t hese p eople the flat territory extending to
Avenio and the Rhodanus. This explains how they managed Avenio, Avignon (Fr.)
to field an army not only of foot soldiers but of horsemen, too, Rhodanus, Rhône r.
organizing it into twelve divisions.

203 C, 8-15 These p
eople w ere the first of the Celts beyond the Alps 2
to be conquered by the Romans, who, for a long time, fought
against them and the Ligyans b ecause they had blocked off
the coastal routes to Iberia. They used to make raids by land
[ 1 ] Thyum wood is perhaps the wood mentioned later by Strabo as originating in

Maurusia (Morocco): 826 C, 23-30.
[ 2 ] For the Sallyans as part of Celtica “beyond” (from an Italian point of view) the
Alps: 185 C, 11-19.
244
Alps
and sea, and they had such power that the road was hardly
passable even by a great army. By the eightieth year of the war,
the Romans had managed only to make the road passable for a
width of twelve stades, for t hose traveling on public business.
Thereafter, however, they destroyed the lot of them, set up
governments for them, and imposed taxes. |
203 C, 16-19 After the Sallyans, in the north of the mountains live the 4.6.4
ALBIANS, ALBIOECANS, Albians, Albioecans, and Vocontians. The Vocontians stretch

VOCONTIANS
se. France as far as the Allobrigans and possess, deep in the mountains,
valleys of significant size, not inferior to those held by the
Allobrigans.
203 C, 19-22 The Allobrigans and the Ligyans are categorized as
subject to the governors who come to Narbonitis. The Narbonitis = Roman province of
Narbonensis (s. France)
Vocontians—like the Volcians in the Nemausus region whom
I mentioned1—are categorized as independent.
203 C, 22-25 As for the Ligyans between the Varus and Genua, those on Varus, Var r.
the coast are considered the same as the Italiotes, whereas to Genua, Genoa (It.)
those in the mountains a prefect of equestrian rank is sent, as prefect = of Roman province of
Alpes Maritimae
to o thers who are complete barbarians. |
203 C, 26-29 After the Vocontians are the Iconians and Tricorians; after 4.6.5
ICONIANS, TRICORIANS, these, the Medullians, who live on the highest peaks. P eople
MEDULLIANS
se. France
say that the most perpendicular of the peaks has an ascent of
one hundred stades, and the same figure again for the descent
to the Italian boundaries.
203 C, 29–204 C, 4 High up in certain concavities, t here is a g
reat lake, and
there are two springs not far distant from each other. From
one of these, the Druentia, a torrential river, rushes down- Druentia, Durance r.
ward to the Rhodanus (and the Duria goes in the opposite Rhodanus, Rhône r.
direction—it joins the Padus a fter flowing down past the Padus, Po r.
Salassians into “Celtica this side of the Alps”).2 From the

other, much-lower spring rises the Padus itself, large and
fast-flowing. As it proceeds, it becomes even larger but more
gentle. It is enlarged by many other rivers by the time it finally
reaches the plains; and it broadens out, its current being offset
and mitigated as it spreads out. It enters the Adriatic sea hav-
ing become the largest European river except for the Ister.
204 C, 4-5 The Medullians live immediately above the confluence of
the Isar with the Rhodanus. | Isar, Isère r.
204 C, 6-8 In the opposite parts of the aforesaid mountains,3 in the 4.6.6
direction of Italy, live the Taurinians, a Ligystican nation, and
[ 1 ] 186 C, 22–187 C, 15.

[ 2 ] Strabo conflates two rivers called “Duria.” One (Doire Ripaire/Dora Riparia) has
its source not far from the Druentia (Durance r.); cf. 217 C, 5-12; the other (Doire
Baltée/Dora Baltea) flows past the Salassians: 205 C, 6-14.
[ 3 ] I.e., on the southern side of the Alps.
245
3.1. Western Europe
TAURINIANS other Ligyans. To these belongs what is called “the land of land of Donnus and Cottius, se.
se. France, nw. Italy France, nw. Italy
Donnus and Cottius.”
204 C, 8-14 After these people and the Padus come the Salassians.1
Above t hese, on the mountain peaks, are the Ceutronians,
Catorigians, Varagrians, Nantuatians, lake Lemenna, through Lemenna, Léman/Geneva l.
(Fr., Swi.)
which the Rhodanus flows, and also the source of that river.
Rhodanus, Rhône r.
Not far from h ere are the sources of the Rhine and the Adula
range, out of which the Rhine flows northward and the Adua Adua, Adda r.
flows in the other direction, joining lake Larius near Comum. Larius, Como l. (It.)
204 C, 15-18 Above Comum, which is situated at the foot of the Alps, the Comum, Como (It.)
Rhaetians and Vennones are t oward the east,2 while in the other
direction there are the Lepontians, Tridentians, Stonians, and
several other small nations, which, lacking resources and living
by raiding, in earlier times used to make incursions into Italy.
204 C, 18-21 Nowadays, some of the nations have been destroyed, and
some have been completely civilized, so that the mountain
crossings that pass by them—hitherto few in number and dif-
ficult to reach—can be accessed from many directions and
are safe from the locals, and their use has been facilitated by
construction work, as far as is possible.
204 C, 22-28 Augustus Caesar followed his destruction of the raid-
ers with a policy of road construction, to the extent that it
was feasible. It was not possible everywhere to triumph over
nature, b ecause of the precipices and extraordinarily high
peaks—the latter rising up from the road and the former
dropping away from it, so that even a minor deviation from
the road brought an inevitable risk of falling into a bottom-
less ravine. The road is so narrow . . . * as to cause vertigo in
wayfarers, both in the p eople themselves and in their beasts
of burden if unaccustomed to it—although the local animals
carry their burdens without risk.
204 C, 29-33 These problems are endemic, as are the vast slabs of ice
that slip down from above, capable of cutting off a whole party
of travelers and pushing them all into the ravines below. The
slabs are numerous, lying one atop the other, being formed
by layer upon layer of compressed snow, the surface layers
being continuously and easily separated from the inner layers
before being completely melted by the sun’s rays. |
205 C, 1-6 Much of the Salassians’ territory is in a deep valley, with the 4.6.7
place being enclosed by the mountains on either side; a part of
[ 1 ] Salassians (nw. Italy): 205 C, 1–206 C, 4.

[ 2 ] Rhaetians and Vennones (Switzerland, Austria, s. Germany, Liechtenstein,
n. Italy): 206 C, 5-28.
246
Alps
SALASSIANS their territory extends up to the high peaks above. If you are
nw. Italy
crossing the mountains from Italy, the road lies through the
previously mentioned valley, then splits in two: one road leads one road = Great St. Bernard
pass (It., Swi.)
through what is called the “Poeninus” and does not have the
capacity at the high points of the Alps to accommodate teams of
oxen; the other road is farther west, passing by the Ceutronians. other road = Little St. Bernard
pass (It., Fr.)
205 C, 6-14 Salassian territory features gold mines. T hese were in the
possession of the Salassians when, in earlier times, they w ere
powerful, just as they likewise controlled the passes. The
Duria river was a g reat asset in their mining operations for Duria, Doire Baltée/Dora
Baltea r.
gold panning. For this reason, in many places they diverted
it into sluices and drained the main stream. This was benefi-
cial to them in their quest for gold but was grievous for those
trying to farm the plains below them, since it deprived them
of water (the river being capable of irrigating the territory
because of the raised location of its bed). For this reason, both
nations continually declared war on each other.
205 C, 14-20 With the Roman conquest, the Salassians w ere expelled
from the gold operations and from their territory. However,
since they maintained possession of the mountaintops, they
sold w ater to the leaseholders working the gold mines. There
were incessant quarrels with these men because of the greed of
the leaseholders. It thus came about that those Romans who
were always wanting to play the general and got dispatched
to these places had an abundance of pretexts on which they
could go to war!
205 C, 21-28 Until recent times, despite at times having war declared
on them, at other times ending their war against the Romans,
they remained strong, their raiding lifestyle causing much
harm to those passing through them in traversing the moun-
tains. They exacted a drachma per man from Decimus Bru- drachma, silver coin in the
Greek monetary system,
tus when he was in flight from Mutina. Messala, setting up roughly a laborer’s daily wage
his winter quarters near them, had to pay for his wood—for
burning and for the elm-wood spears used in practice. These
fellows even plundered the possessions of Caesar and chucked
huge boulders down on his soldiers, using as their excuse that
they w ere building roads or bridging rivers!
205 C, 28–206 C, 3 Subsequently, Augustus thoroughly defeated them. He
sold them all as booty after transporting them to Eropedia, Eropedia, Ivrea (It.)
a colony belonging to the Romans, which they had founded
247
3.1. Western Europe
intending it to be a bulwark against the Salassians, although

the p eople t here had provided l ittle r esistance u
ntil the nation
was destroyed. Thirty-six thousand people were counted, as
well as eight thousand warriors. Terentius Varro, the general
who had defeated them, sold them “under the spear.” Caesar,
sending three thousand Romans, founded the city of Augusta Augusta, Aosta (It.)
in the place where Varro had set up camp.

206 C, 3-4 Now, all the neighboring territory, as far as the highest
passes over the mountains, is at peace. |
206 C, 5-7 Next, the eastern and southward-curving parts of the 4.6.8
mountain range are occupied by Rhaetians and Vindolicians,

who connect up with the Helvettians and Boïans (they are
situated above the plains belonging to these people).
206 C, 7-13 The Rhaetians extend as far as the part of Italy above Ve-
RHAETIANS, VINDOLICIANS, rona and Comum. (Rhaetian wine—considered not inferior
NORICANS
Switzerland, Austria, to prized Italian wines—is produced in these foothills.) They
Liechtenstein, s. Germany, even reach as far as the region through which the Rhine flows.
n. Italy
Both the Lepontians and the Camunians belong to this tribe.
The Vindolicians and Noricans occupy, for the most part, the
outer side of the mountain range, together with the Breu-
nians and Genaunians (these are Illyrians).
206 C, 13-26 All these people used to make continual raids into the
neighboring parts of Italy and into the territory of the Hel-
vettians, Sequanians, Boïans, and Germans. The most daring
of the Vindolicians proved to be the Licattians, Clautenati-
ans, and Vennones; the most daring of the Rhaetians proved
to be the Rucantians and Cotuantians. The Estiones and the
Brigantians are also Vindolicians. Their cities are Brigantium, Brigantium, Bregenz (Aus.)
Cambodunum, and the acropolis (so to speak) of the Licat- Cambodunum, Kempten (Ger.)
tians, namely Damasia. (Concerning the severity of the raids Damasia, Auerberg (Ger.)
made by these p eople against the Italiotes, something like the

following is said . . . * not only killing young men and older
but proceeding even to male infants, and not even stopping
there but also killing pregnant w omen who their seers say are
carrying male fetuses.) | After t hese people, finally, are those 4.6.9
who live near the inmost point of the Adriatic and near the
Aquileia region, namely some of the Noricans and the Car-
nians. The Tauriscans are Noricans.
206 C, 26-28 All these people were s topped from their violent raid- Tiberius and Drusus, under the
ing by Tiberius and his b rother, Drusus, in the course of one command of their father,
248
Alps
summer. The consequence is that it is already the thirty-third the Roman emperor Augustus,
campaigned in the Alps, 15 BCE
year 1 of their being at peace and paying their taxes.
206 C, 28–207 C, 3 Through the whole mountain range of the Alps, there
are hilly districts, which can be farmed to good effect, and
also valleys that have been well settled. However, the greater
part, particularly the area around the peaks where the raiders
used to congregate, is miserable and unproductive because
of the frosts and the rugged terrain. At times when food and
other things were scarce, they sometimes spared those in the
plains in order that they might have p eople to provide sup-
plies. They gave in return resin, pitch, pine, wax, cheese, and
honey. T hese t hings they had in abundance.
207 C, 4-7 Above the Carnians is the Apennine range, with its lake, Isara, Eisack/Isarco r.
which sends forth the Isara river. This river, after being joined Atagis, Etsch r.
by another river (the Atagis), empties into the Adria. An- Adria, Adriatic Sea
other river, called the “Atesinus,” flows from the same lake Atesinus, ?Inn r./?Sill r.
into the Ister.2 Ister, Danube r.
207 C, 7-17 The Ister has its sources in this multibranched and multi-
peaked mountain range. From Ligystica up to this point, the mountain range = Alps
Alpine peaks have extended in an unbroken line and have

presented as a single mountain range; then, a fter declining
and getting lower, they rise up again into several sections
and to several peaks. The first of these is the ridge—beyond
the Rhine and its lake—oriented eastward, moderately high, lake = Bodensee/Constance l.
(Ger., Swi., Aus.)
where the sources of the Ister are found near the Suebians
and the Hercynian Forest. There are other ridges, curving
around t oward Illyria and the Adria, among them the afore- Adria, Adriatic Sea
mentioned Apennine range,3 also the Tullum range and the

Phligadian mountains (above the Vindolicians), from which
the Duras, the Clanis, and several other torrential mountain
rivers join the course of the Ister. |
207 C, 18-25 The Iapodes (this tribe, finally, is a mixture of Illyrians and 4.6.10
IAPODES Celts) dwell in this region, and Ocra is near them. The Iapodes— Ocra, Nanos mt. (Svn.)
sw. Slovenia, w. Croatia
of whom t here were previously a g
reat number, occupying both
Metulum, Vinicica, nr. Ogulin
sides of the mountain range and exerting dominance through (Cro.)
their raids—were completely worn down by Augustus Caesar Arupini, Prozor (Cro.)
and vanquished. Their cities are Metulum, Arupini, Mon- Monetium, Brinje (Cro.)
etium, and Vendon. After them, in a plain, is Segestica, past Vendon, Crkvina, nr. Brlog (Cro.)
Ister, Danube r. which runs the Saüs river, which flows into the Ister. The city Segestica, Sisak (Cro.)
is conveniently situated for the war against the Dacians. Saüs, Sava r.
[ 1 ] Strabo writes these words between summer 18 CE and summer 19 CE (allowing

for the absence of a year “zero” between 1 BCE and 1 CE).
[ 2 ] Identification of these rivers: Radt, vol. 5, commentary on 207 C, lines 4-7.
[ 3 ] 207 C, 4-7.
249
3.1. Western Europe
207 C, 26-33 Ocra is the lowest part of the Alps, where the Alps reach Ocra, Nanos mt. (Svn.)
the Carnians, and is the place through which cargo is trans-

ported in wagons from Aquileia to what is called “Pampor- “Pamportus” = Nauportus,
Vrhnika (Svn.)
tus,” a journey of not much more than four hundred stades.
From t here, the cargo is taken down to the Ister and regions
thereabouts. R unning past Pamportus is a navigable river navigable river = Ljubljanica r.
flowing from Illyria; it joins the Saüs, allowing easy transport Saüs, Sava r.
to Segestica and to the Pannonians and Tauriscans. Also join- Segestica, Sisak (Cro.)
ing the Saüs at this city is the Colapis. Both rivers are navi- Colapis, Kupa r.
gable and flow from the Alps.1
207 C, 34–208 C, 4 The Alps have wild h orses and c attle. Polybius says that
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) there is also a native animal with a distinctive appearance, deerlike
in shape except for its neck and coat (in t hese respects, it is like a boar);
under its chin it has a growth, around one span long, with a hairy tuft
and as thick as a foal’s tail. |
208 C, 5-8 As for the passes from Italy to outer (northern) Celtica, 4.6.11
Lugdunum, Lyon (Fr.)
the one that goes past the Salassians leads to Lugdunum. The
One fork = Little St. Bernard
pass bifurcates. One fork, past the Ceutronians, is capable of pass (It., Fr.)
accommodating wagons for most of its length; the other fork, other fork = Great St. Bernard
past the Poeninus, is sheer-sided and narrow but short. pass (It., Swi.)
208 C, 8-14 Lugdunum is at the territory’s center, like an acropolis, Lugdunum, Lyon (Fr.)
because of the confluence of rivers and its proximity to all its territory = Celtica
parts. That is why Agrippa cut his roads starting from there:
the road past the Cemmenan mountains as far as the Santo- Cemmenan mts., Cévennes (Fr.)
nians and Aquitania; the road toward the Rhine; thirdly, the
road toward the part of the ocean coast by the Bellovacians
and Ambianians. The fourth road is the one toward Narbonitis
and the Massalian coastline.
208 C, 14-19 Also, on your left as you leave Lugdunum and the territory
above it, back in the Poeninus itself, is a turnoff that takes Poeninus, Pennine Alps
you to the Helvettian plains, after crossing the Rhodanus or Rhodanus, Rhône r.
lake Lemenna; and there’s a pass from there to the Sequanians Lemenna, Léman/Geneva l.
(Fr., Swi.)
via the Jura range and to the Lingonians. Running past these
Jura, Jura mts. (Fr., Swi.)
people are crossroads that split off in either direction, toward
both the Rhine and the ocean. |
208 C, 20-29 Polybius says that still in his time at Aquileia, right among 4.6.12
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) the Norican Tauriscans, a gold mine was discovered, so efficient that
if you scraped away the top two feet of surface soil you immediately
hit gold that could be dug up. The pit was not more than fifteen feet.
As for the gold, some of it was pure right t here and then, the size of a
[ 1 ] Strabo later (313 C, 29–314 C, 14n) emends many of the statements made here
(207 C, 18-33).
250
Italy + Islands
bean or a lupine, after only an eighth part had been melted away; the
rest required longer, but more profitable, smelting. A fter two months
of the Italiotes working with the natives, gold immediately became
one-third cheaper throughout all Italy. When the Tauriscans real-
ized this, they got rid of their co-workers and established a monopoly.
Now, however, all gold mines are subject to the Romans.
208 C, 29-31 Here, as in Iberia, the rivers bring down gold dust, which
is in addition to the mined gold, but there is not so much of it.
208 C, 32–209 C, 4 This same chap, describing the size and height of the same chap = Polybius
Alps, makes a comparison with the highest mountains that

the Greeks have—Taygetus, Lycaeum, Parnassus, Olym-
pus, Pelium, Ossa, and (in Thrace) Haemus, Rhodope, and
Dunax. He says that it is possible for a well-equipped traveler to
ascend each of these in only a little less than a day and also to walk
around each in a day, whereas one would not complete the ascent of
the Alps even by the fifth day; and their length is two thousand two
hundred stades m easured along the plains.
209 C, 4-7 He names only four passes: the one through the Ligyans very He = Polybius
near the Tyrrhenian sea, then the one through the Taurinians that
Hannibal used, then the one past the Salassians, and the fourth past
the Rhaetians, all of them precipitous.
209 C, 7-13 He says that there are several lakes in the mountains but only He = Polybius
three large ones. Of these, lake Benacus has a length of five hundred Benacus, Garda l. (It.)
stades and a width of thirty, and from it flows the Mincius river; the Mincius, Mincio r.
next is lake Verbanus,1 with a length of four hundred and a width
narrower than the former, and it sends forth the Adua river; the third
is Larius,2 with a length of nearly three hundred stades and a width
of thirty, and it sends forth a large river, the Ticinus. All these flow Ticinus, Ticino r.
into the Padus. Padus, Po r.
209 C, 14 The foregoing is what I have to say about the Alpine

mountains.3 |
Italy (Italy, w. Slovenia, w. Croatia) + Islands (Elba, Corsica,

Sardinia, Sicily, Malta, etc.)
209 C, 15–210 C, 8 The foothills of the Alps mark the beginning of current-day 5.1.1
ITALY Italy. “Italy” was the name used by the ancients for Oenotria,4 Sicilian strait, Straits of Messina
Italy, w. Slovenia, nw. Croatia
stretching from the Sicilian strait to the Tarantinian and Tarantinian bay, Gulf of Taranto
[ 1 ] “Verbanus” is a m istake for “Larius” (Como l., It.), the lake through which the
Adua (Adda) river flows. Since Strabo elsewhere gives the correct information
(192 C, 31-36; 204 C, 8-14; 213 C, 16-18), it is probable that he cites Polybius here
in order to poke fun at Polybius’s confusion.
[ 2 ] “Larius” is a mistake for “Verbanus” (Maggiore l., It.), the lake from which the
Ticinus (Ticino) river flows. See previous note.
[ 3 ] Alps: 201 C, 31–209 C, 13.
[ 4 ] Oenotria (s. Italy): 254 C, 24–265 C, 26
251
3.1. Western Europe
Posidonian bays. This name dominated and was applied to Posidonian bay, Gulf of Salerno
the area as far as the foothills of the Alps. It came to include

both a part of Ligystica1 (from the boundary with the Tyr-
rhenians as far as the Varus river and the coast in that area) Varus, Var r.
and a part of Istria 2 (as far as Pola). One would suppose that Pola, Pula (Cro.)
those p eople who were first called “Italians,” flourishing as
they did, transmitted the name to their neighbors; and that
the expansion continued up until the Roman conquest. At
a l ater stage, after the Romans gave the Italiotes equal citi-
zenship rights, it seemed a good idea to give the same status
to the Galatians this side of the Alps and to the Enetians, to this side of Alps = on Italian side
of Alps
call them all “Italiotes” and “Romans,” and to dispatch many
colonies, some early on and some later (it is not easy to speak
of any colonies better than these).3 |
210 C, 9-17 It is not easy to encompass all of current-day Italy within 5.1.2
one geometric shape. P eople say that it is a triangular prom-

ontory projecting south and southeast, with its apex at the
Sicilian strait and with its base formed by the Alps . . . * to Sicilian strait/Strait, Straits of
Messina
grant this also in respect to one of the sides, the side ending
at the Strait and washed by the Tyrrhenian sea. Technically,
“triangle” is the name of a straight-sided figure, but in this
case both the base and the side are curved. Consequently,
if I say it is necessary to grant, the base and the side must be as-
sumed to belong to a figure with curved sides. The deviation
of this side t oward the east must also be granted.
210 C, 17-27 In other respects, however, what p eople say is unsatisfactory,
based as it is on the assumption that the stretch from the recess
of the Adria to the Strait comprises one single side. By “side,” Adria, Adriatic Sea
we mean a line without angle, and a line has no angles when it Strait, Straits of Messina
does not bend back on itself, or at least not much. The stretch
from Ariminum to the Iapygian headland and the stretch Ariminum, Rimini (It.)
from the Strait to the same headland do very much bend back Iapygian headland, Capo S.
Maria di Leuca (It.)
on each other. And the situation is the same, I think, with the
stretch from the inmost point of the Adria and the stretch from
Iapygia: these form an angle (or, if not an angle, a significant
curve) where they join each other in the region of Ariminum
and Ravenna. Consequently, then, this part—the coast from the Ravenna, Ravenna (It.)
inmost point to Iapygia—might be one single side, but it is not a

straight one. The remaining part, thence to the Strait, might be
taken as another side, but again, it would not be a straight one.
[ 1 ] Ligystica (nw. Italy, Monaco): 201 C, 31–202 C, 35; 218 C, 21-24n.

[ 2 ] Istria (ne. Italy, w. Slovenia, nw. Croatia): 215 C, 30–216 C, 5; 314 C, 24-30.
[ 3 ] Celtica this side of the Alps + Enetians (n. Italy): 212 C, 1–215 C, 29.
252
Italy + Islands
210 C, 27-30 Therefore, one could say that its shape is four-sided (rather
than three-sided), but in no sense is it a triangle, except by mis-
application of the word. But it is better to accept that nongeo-
metric shapes do not lend themselves to definition. |
210 C, 31–211 C, 4 As for the individual parts, it is possible to state the follow- 5.1.3
ing.1 The foothills of the Alps form an indented curve, with

the indentation turned t oward the Italian side. The m iddle of
the indentation is marked by the Salassians.2 The ends curve
around, on one side reaching as far as Ocra and the inmost Ocra, Nanos mt. (Svn.)
point of the Adria; on the other side, reaching the stretch of Adria, Adriatic Sea
Ligystican coast as far as Genua (the Ligyan entrepôt), where Genua, Genoa (It.)
the Apennine mountains converge with the Alps.3

211 C, 4-12 Immediately below is a significant plain, of about equal
width and length, at two thousand one hundred stades. The
southern side is formed by the Enetian coastline and by the
Apennine mountains where they reach the region of Arimi- Ariminum, Ancon region,
ne. coast of Italy
num and Ancon. These mountains start in Ligystica, enter
Tyrrhenia leaving a narrow coastal strip, then little by little
retreat into the interior. When they reach Pisatis, they turn Pisatis, nw. coast of Italy
eastward toward the Adria as far as the region of Ariminum

and Ancon, connecting in a straight line with the Enetian
coastline.
211 C, 12-15 Celtica this side of the Alps 4is enclosed by t hese bound this side of Alps = on Italian side
of Alps
aries. And the length of the coastline is some . . . *, the width
a l ittle short of two thousand.
211 C, 15-23 The remainder of Italy 5 is narrow and elongated, ending in
a double apex, one at the Sicilian strait, the other at Iapygia. Sicilian strait, Straits of Messina
Italy is compressed on both sides, on one side by the Adria, Iapygia, Capo S. Maria di Leuca
(It.)
on the other side by the Tyrrhenian sea. The Adria is similar
Adria, Adriatic Sea
in shape and size to the part of Italy that is delineated by the
Apennine mountains and by the sea on e ither side as far as
Iapygia and as far as the isthmus between the Tarantinian and Tarantinian bay, Gulf of Taranto
Posidonian bays. The greatest width of each is around one Posidonian bay, Gulf of Salerno
thousand three hundred stades, and the greatest length is not

much less than six thousand. What remains is the part held
by the Brettians and some of the Leucanians.6
211 C, 24-26 Polybius says that if you go by land, the coast from Iapygia to the
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) Strait measures three thousand stades (and that the coast is washed Strait, Straits of Messina
by the w aters of the Sicilian sea), while if you sail, it is shorter by at

least five hundred [stades].
[1] 210 C, 31–211 C, 32.

[2] Salassians (nw. Italy): 205 C, 1–206 C, 4.
[3] Genua (Genoa, It.), Alps, Apennines: 201 C, 31–202 C, 3.
[4] Celtica this side of the Alps: 212 C, 1–218 C, 20.
[5] Remainder of Italy: 218 C, 21–288 C, 33.
[6] Leucanians/Brettians (i.e., “toe” of Italy): 252 C, 1–265 C, 19.
253
3.1. Western Europe
211 C, 26-32 The Apennine mountain range, a fter reaching the region
around Ariminum and Ancon, and thus defining the sea- Ariminum, Ancon region,
ne. coast of Italy
to-sea width of Italy in this region, makes another turn and
cuts the entire territory lengthwise. Up until the Peucetians Peucetians, se. coast of Italy
and Leucanians, the range is not far from the Adria; once it Adria, Adriatic Sea
reaches the Leucanians, it deviates more toward the opposite

coast; finally, after passing through the midst of the Leuca-
nians and Brettians, it ends at what is called “Leucopetra” in Leucopetra, ?Punta di
Pellaro/?Capo dell’Armi (It.)
Regina.
211 C, 33-35 The foregoing is an outline of current-day Italy in its en-
tirety.1 I w
ill now try to go back over its individual parts, start-
ing with t hose at the foot of the Alps. |
212 C, 1-7 There’s a plain, blessed by nature and dotted with fertile 5.1.4
CELTICA THIS SIDE hills. Running through its approximate center is the Padus. Padus, Po r.
OF THE ALPS
n. Italy, w. Slovenia, nw. Croatia On one side, the plain is called “this side of the Padus”; 2 on
the other side, “beyond the Padus.”3 The part “this side” is Strabo divides “Celtica this side
of the Alps” between “this side
the side toward the Apennine mountain range and Ligystica; of the Padus” (south of Po r.)
the part “beyond” is what remains. The former is inhabited and “beyond the Padus” (north
of Po)
by Ligyan and Celtic nations (some inhabiting the mountains,
some the plains). The other part is inhabited by Celts and
Enetians. T hese Celts are of the same ethnicity as the Celts
beyond the Alps.4
212 C, 7-17 As for the Enetians, t here are two alternative stories. Some Enetians, ne. Italy
people say that they were sent as colonists by the oceanic Celts oceanic Celts = those living on
Atlantic coast of Celtica (France,
of the same name.5 Other people say that some of the Paphla- Belgium, Netherlands)
gonian Enetians6 escaped hither from the Trojan war in the
company of Antenor, citing as evidence their enthusiasm
for the breeding of horses, which has now been completely
eclipsed but was formerly held in high regard, to judge from
their ancient zeal for getting mares to produce mules (noted
Homer (8th c. BCE) by Homer: from the home of the Enetians, where wild mules breed).
Dionysius, the tyrant of Sicily, supplied the stud for his race
horses from there, so that the “Enetian” line gained renown
even among the Greeks, and the breed was famous for a long
time. |
212 C, 18-24 While the entire territory abounds in rivers and marshes, 5.1.5
BEYOND THE PADUS this is particularly so in the case of the Enetian territory,
n. + ne. Italy, w. Slovenia,
nw. Croatia which is additionally affected by the behavior of the sea. This
part of our sea is virtually the only one that exhibits the same our sea = Med. Sea
behavior as the ocean. It creates ocean-like low tides and high ocean = Atlantic
[1] 209 C, 15–211 C, 32.

[2] This side of the Padus (n. + nw. Italy): 216 C, 11–218 C, 20.
[3] Beyond the Padus (n. + ne. Italy, w. Slovenia, nw. Croatia): 212 C, 18–216 C, 10.
[4] Celts beyond the Alps (France, Belgium, Luxembourg, w. Switzerland, s.
Netherlands, w. Germany): 176 C, 13–199 C, 10.
[ 5 ] I.e., Venetians (nw. France): 194 C, 32–195 C, 13n.
[ 6 ] Paphlagonian Enetians (Turkey): 543 C, 25–544 C, 4; cf. 607 C, 20–608 C, 5.
254
Italy + Islands
tides, which fill the greater part of the plain with a lagoon.
Channels and dams have been dug throughout the territory,
as in what is called the “Lower Territory” in Egypt.1 Some
parts have dried out and are used for farming, while other
parts allow passage by boat.
212 C, 24-30 As for the cities, some are islands and others are partly
surrounded by w ater. T
hose that are situated inland from the
marshes, in the interior, are amazingly accessible by sailing
up the rivers and particularly . . . * the Padus. It is the larg- Padus, Po r.
est river, frequently replenished by rain and snow, but since

it splits into several parts at its outlets, it renders its mouth
blind2 and is difficult to enter. Experience, however, over-
comes the greatest difficulties. |
212 C, 31–213 C, 5 Long ago, as I said, it was mostly Celts who lived around 5.1.6
the river.3 The largest Celtic nations were the Boïans and the
Insubrians, and also the Senones, who once assaulted and
took the Roman city, alongside the Gaesatans. The Romans
later completely wiped out the latter and drove the Boïans
away from the area. (The Boïans, relocating to the Ister area,
lived together with the Tauriscans and fought a war against
the Dacians until the entire Boïan nation was destroyed; their
territory, which was part of Illyria, was left as mere sheep
pasture for t hose inhabiting the surrounding area.)4
213 C, 5-16 The Insubrians are still in existence. Their metropolis
was Mediolanium, which was long ago a village (they all Mediolanium, Milan (It.)
once lived in villages), but she is now a significant city in the

area beyond the Padus and reaching approximately to the beyond Padus = north of Po r.
Alps. Nearby is Verona, which is an important city. Smaller Verona, Verona (It.)
than these cities are Brixia, Mantua, Regium, and Comum. Brixia, Brescia (It.)
Comum was a moderately large settlement. She was resettled Mantua, Mantua (It.)
by Pompeius Strabo, the f ather of Pompey the G reat, a fter Comum, Como (It.)
being devastated by the Rhaetians, who lived higher up.

Gaius Scipio added three thousand settlers, then the dei- deified Caesar = Julius Caesar
fied Caesar added another five thousand settlers, amongst

whom w ere five hundred very prominent Greeks, on whom
he bestowed rights of citizenship, registering them as set-
tlers. They did not live h ere, but they gave the city its name:
as a group, they were called Neokometai (Inhabitants-of-the-new-
village). This, translated, gives the name “Novum Comum”
(New village).5
[ 1 ] Lower Territory: 788 C, 28–789 C, 5.

[ 2 ] I.e., some of the branches are unnavigable.
[ 3 ] Strabo expands on his earlier statement (212 C, 1-7, where the dominance of the
Celts was implied rather than specified).
[ 4 ] Eradication of Boïans: 303 C, 33–304 C, 6; 313 C, 23-29.
[ 5 ] Strabo (or his scribe) transliterates the Latin words Novum Comum into Greek
as Noououm (or Noboum) Komoum; cf. 241 C, 3-14n. The Latin word Novum is a
translation of the Greek word for “new”; the Latin word Comum is a translitera-
tion, albeit with a different (Latin) ending, of the Greek word kome, meaning
“village”: 508 C, 10-18n.
255
3.1. Western Europe
213 C, 16-18 Near this place is the lake called “Larius.” The Adua river Larius, Como l. (It.)
flows into it and then flows out of it1 and into the Padus. The Adua, Adda r.
river’s sources are in the Adula mountain range, where the

Rhine, too, has its sources. |
213 C, 19-26 These cities have been established far above the marshes, 5.1.7
and near them is Patavium, the best of the region’s cities, Patavium, Padua (It.)
which was recently assessed as having five hundred horsemen, Roman census was held in 14 CE
and which in antiquity used to field an army of one hundred

and twenty thousand men. The huge number of goods for
export to the Roman market—especially clothing of all
kinds—would indicate the city’s resources in terms of man-
power and skill. The city is accessed from the sea by a voyage
of two hundred and fifty stades up a river that flows through Meduacus (river), Brenta r.
the marshes from a great harbor. The harbor is called “Medu- Meduacus (harbor), ?nr.
Sambruson (It.)
acus,” the same as the river.
213 C, 27–214 C, 4 As for the cities in the marshes, the greatest is Ravenna, Ravenna, Ravenna (It.)
entirely built of wood and crisscrossed with streams, tra-

versed by means of bridges and ferries. It receives no small
part of the sea at high tide. The consequent washing away
of all the city’s filth by the tides and by the river addresses
the problem of foul air. The place has been found to be so
healthful that the leaders decreed that this is where gladi-
ators should be h oused and trained. Another of the amaz-
ing qualities here is the following: that the air in the marsh
is not harmful (just as the lake in Egyptian Alexandria loses
its nasty qualities during the summer, with the rising level of
the river and the disappearance of its stagnant waters). What
happens to the vine also deserves our wonder: the marshes
enable it to grow and make it produce fruit quickly and in
abundance, but it dies back in four or five years.
214 C, 5-13 Altinum is also in a marsh, with a location similar to that of Altinum, Quarto di Altino
Lamone (It.)
Ravenna. In the intervening space are Butrium (a small town
belonging to Ravenna) and Spina, now a mere village but once Spina, Valpega, nr. Comacchio
(It.)
a splendid Greek city: in Delphi, a t reasure h
ouse is identified
as belonging to the Spinetans, and besides, t here are stories
about their thalassocracy. People say that they were once lo-
cated on the coast, although now their place is inland, around
ninety stades away from the sea. Ravenna is said to have been
founded by the Thessalians. Since they w ere unable to bear
the wanton violence of the Tyrrhenians, they voluntarily ac-
[ 1 ] Strabo corrects Polybius’s statement (209 C, 7-13, where Polybius mistakenly

says that the Adua flows out of lake Verbanus, Maggiore l., It.).
256
Italy + Islands
cepted some Umbrians, who now possess the city, whereas the
Thessalians left for home.
214 C, 14-18 The foregoing cities,1 then, are largely surrounded by the
marshes, with the consequence that they get flooded. | Opi- Opitergium, Oderzo (It.) 5.1.8
tergium, Concordia, Atria, Vicetia, and various such small Concordia, Concordia Sagittaria
(It.)
towns are less affected by the marshes and are connected to
Atria, Adria (It.)
the sea by short waterways. P eople say that Atria was a promi-
Vicetia, Vicenza (It.)
nent city and that the gulf was named after her, with a letter
gulf = Adriatic Sea
change.
214 C, 18-24 Aquileia, which is nearest to the inmost recess, was Aquileia, Aquileia (It.)
founded by the Romans, built as a defense against the in-

land natives. Freighters access her by means of a voyage of,
at most, sixty stades up the Natiso river. She functions as an Natiso, Natisone r.
entrepôt for the Illyrian nations in the vicinity of the Ister.2

Some people import seafood, wine in wooden containers,
which they load onto wagons, and olive oil. Their counter
parts import slaves, cattle for slaughter, and skins.
214 C, 24-28 Aquileia is outside the bounds of the Enetians, separated
by a river flowing down from the Alpine mountains. The river
provides an upstream passage of one thousand two hundred
stades to the city of Noreia, in the vicinity of which Gnaeus Noreia, ?Neumarkt-Einöd (Aus.)
Carbo unsuccessfully attacked the Cimbrians. This place has Roman general Gnaeus Carbo
defeated by Cimbrians, 113 BCE
productive gold panning and ironworks.
214 C, 28–215 C, 4 At the very innermost point of the Adria is the Timavum, Timavus, Timavo r.
a t emple to Diomedes that is worthy of note. It has a harbor

and a splendid grove and seven springs of potable w ater that
flow directly into the sea by means of a river that is deep and
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) wide. Polybius says that all but one of the springs produce salt
water and, furthermore, the locals call the place “the source and
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) mother of the sea.” Posidonius says that the Timavus river flows
down from the mountains and cascades down into a chasm, then goes
underground for around one hundred and thirty stades before join-
ing the sea. |
215 C, 5-12 Evidence for the rule of Diomedes on this coast is provided 5.1.9
by the “Diomedian” islands and by the stories of events con- Diomedian islands, Tremiti (It.
islands)
cerning the Daunians and Argos Hippium, which I shall relate
to the extent that it is historically useful.3 But many mythical
stories, or falsehoods, must be left aside, such as the tale of
Phaetho and the Heliads, who w ere turned into poplars in the
vicinity of the Eridanus (which is said to be near the Padus,
[ 1 ] 213 C, 27–214 C, 13.

[ 2 ] Trade between Aquileia and the Ister (Danube r.): 313 C, 29–314 C, 14.
[ 3 ] 283 C, 34–284 C, 10.
257
3.1. Western Europe
though it exists nowhere on earth) and the Electrides islands

at the mouth of the Padus with their guineafowl (not even one Padus, Po r.
of which is found t here).

215 C, 12-18 Certain modes of worship among the Enetians are re-
corded as being demonstrably connected with Diomedes. A
white h orse is sacrificed to him, and two precincts are iden-
tified as dedicated to “Argive Hera” and “Aetolian Artemis”
respectively. It is reasonable to suppose that the following
are mythical additions: that wild beasts grow tame within
the confines of these groves, that deer and wolves live in the
same groups, and if p eople approach them, the animals sub-
mit to petting, and that animals being chased by dogs can take
refuge h ere, and the chase w ill come to an end.
215 C, 18-29 They say that someone who was very well known for giv-
ing bail, and who was taunted for it, came across some hunters
who had a wolf in their nets. When they said in jest that they
would f ree the wolf from his bonds if he would provide bail for
it and if he would promise to pay compensation for what the
wolf had done, he agreed. The wolf, once freed, rounded up a
sizable herd of unbranded h orses and drove them to the farm-
stead of the bail giver who, in gratitude, branded the horses
with a wolf and called them “wolf-bearers”—exceptional for
their speed rather than their beauty. This fellow’s successors,
preserving both the brand and the name of the horse breed,
made it a custom that no mare should pass out of their hands,
so that they alone might retain control of the breed’s purity,
since h orses from t here had become famous. Nowadays, as I
said, all such practice has disappeared.1
215 C, 30–216 C, 5 After the Timavum, the coastline to Pola—which is in- Pola, Pula (Cro.)
ISTRIA cluded in Italy—belongs to the Istrians. (In the intervening
ne. Italy, w. Slovenia, nw. Croatia
space, one hundred and eighty stades from Aquileia, is the
fortress of Tergeste.) Pola is situated in a harbor-like bay with Tergeste, Trieste (It.)
some little islands that provide good anchorages and fertile

soil. She was founded long ago by t hose Colchians who w ere
sent a fter Medea and who failed in their quest and went into
self-imposed exile. The city would be called “Phygadon” ([City of]
Callimachus (3rd c. BCE) exiles) / by a Greek, as Callimachus says, but in their language was
called “Polae.” 2
216 C, 6-10 The places beyond the Padus are inhabited by Enetians beyond Padus = north of Po r.
and the . . . *3 as far as Pola. Beyond the Enetians are Car-
[ 1 ] 212 C, 7-17.
[ 2 ] Callimachus’s poem is cited by Strabo earlier (46 C, 1-13) as evidence for the
historical veracity of poetry.
[ 3 ] The name is missing in the manuscripts. Editors have inserted “Istrians.” How-
ever, if Strabo is repeating information given earlier (212 C, 1-7; 212 C, 31–213 C,
5), the missing name may be “Celts.”
258
Italy + Islands
nians, Genomanians, Meduacans, and Insubrians. Some of

them were hostile to Rome, but the Genomanians and the
Enetians took the Roman side, both before Hannibal’s cam-
paign (when they fought against Boïans and Insubrians) and
in subsequent times. |
216 C, 11-15 As for t hose this side of the Padus, they occupy the entire this side of Padus = south of Po r. 5.1.10
THIS SIDE OF THE PADUS territory contained within the Apennine mountains and the
n. + nw. Italy
Alps as far as Genua and Sabata. Boïans, Ligyans, Senones, and Genua, Genoa (It.)
Gaesatans were once the major inhabitants. The expulsion of Sabata, Vado Ligurie (It.)
the Boïans and the disappearance of the Gaesatans and the
Senones left only the Ligyan tribes and the Roman colonies.
216 C, 15-29 The Umbrian tribe and, in some places, the Tyrrhenian tribe
have been mixed up with the Romans. Before Roman expan-
sion, both these nations were in a sort of competition with each
other for primacy. They easily attacked each other across the
Tiber river, which ran between them; if one of the nations sent
an army to campaign against a third party, then the other nation
was smitten with desire not to be left out of attacking the same
place. The Tyrrhenians, dispatching an army against the na-
tives in the Padus area, met with success, but their wanton ways Padus, Po r.
meant that they were soon forced to retreat. The other nation
then launched a campaign against the natives, who forced them
back. Then, since they squabbled over one place after another,
of the great number of settlements they made some Tyrrhenian
and others Umbrian (a greater number of them were Umbrian,
since they were nearer). When the Romans took over and sent
colonists to many places, they preserved the nationality of the
early settlers. Nowadays they are all Romans, but nevertheless
some are called “Umbrians” and “Tyrrhenians,” just like the
“Enetians,” “Ligyans,” and “Insubrians.” |
216 C, 30–217 C, 5 Famous cities this side of the Padus and in the vicinity of 5.1.11
the Padus are Placentia and Cremona (very close to the ap- Placentia, Piacenza (It.)
proximate center of the territory). Between these two and Cremona, Cremona (It.)
Mutina, Modena (It.) Ariminum are Parma, Mutina, and Bononia (already near Parma, Parma (It.)
Bononia, Bologna (It.) Ravenna) and small towns in their midst, through which runs
Ravenna, Ravenna (It.) the road to Rome1—Acara, Regium Lepidum, Macri Campi Regium Lepidum, Reggio
Macri Campi, nr. Magreta (It.) Emilia (It.)
(where an annual public festival is held), Claterna, Forum
Forum Cornelium, Imola (It.) Claterna, Ozzano (It.)
Faventia, Faenza (It.)
Cornelium. Faventia and Caesena, toward the Sapis river and
Caesena, Cesena (It.) the Rubicon, finally take us up to Ariminum. Ariminum is an Rubicon, ?Pisciatello/Fiumicino r.
Sapis, Savio r. Umbrian settlement, as is Ravenna. Each city has accepted Ariminum (city), Rimini (It.)
[ 1 ] The Via Aemilia, on which the towns mentioned by Strabo are located, runs
from Placentia to Ariminum. Rome can be reached from Ariminum by means
of the Via Flaminia: 217 C, 26-30n; 227 C, 20-24n. Rome can also be reached
from Placentia through Dertho and thence—with an option of two alternative
routes—through Genua: 217 C, 15-26nn.
259
3.1. Western Europe
Roman colonists. Ariminum has a harbor, and a river of the Ariminus (river), Marecchia r.
same name. The distance to Ariminum from Placentia is one

thousand three hundred stades.
217 C, 5-12 Above Placentia, on the borders of Cottius country, are
the city of Ticinum (at a distance of thirty-six miles) and a Ticinum (city), Pavia (It.)
river of the same name (which runs past the city and joins Ticinus (river), Ticino r.
the Padus), also Clastidium, Dertho, and, on a bit of a side Clastidium, Casteggio (It.)
road,1 Aquae Statiellae. The direct route to Ocelum2 along Dertho, Tortona (It.)
the Padus and the Duria river—a route that is precipitous Aquae Statiellae, Acqui Terme
(It.)
for much of the way and takes in various rivers including the
Duria river, Doire Ripaire/Dora
Druentia—is around one hundred and sixty miles. After that, Riparia
you finally reach the Alps and Celtica. Druentia, Durance r.
217 C, 12-15 There is a city—Luca3—toward the mountains above
Luna. Some of the p eople live in villages. Nevertheless, the
territory is a good source of manpower. Much of the army
comes from h ere, and a mass of equestrians from which the
senate is constituted.
217 C, 15-19 Dertho is a significant city, lying halfway along the road Dertho, Tortona (It.)
from Genua to Placentia, and four hundred stades distant Genua, Genoa (It.)
from each. On this road is Aquae Statiellae.4 From Placentia Placentia, Piacenza (It.)
to Ariminum has been described.5 To Ravenna, it is a voyage Ravenna, Ravenna (It.)
of two days and nights down the Padus.

217 C, 20-26 Much of what is this side of the Padus was once occupied this side of Padus = south of Po r.
by swamps (through which Hannibal progressed with dif-

ficulty when he invaded Tyrrhenia), but Scaurus drained the
plains and introduced navigable canals from the Padus as far Parma, Parma (It.)
as Parma. The Trebia and several other rivers before it join Trebia, Trebbia r.
the Padus and keep it full beyond m easure. This Scaurus is Pisae, Pisa (It.)
Aemilian road = Lat. Via Aemilia the man who constructed the Aemilian road through Pisae Luna, Luni (It.)
Scauri
and Luna as far as Sabata, and thence through Dertho.6 Sabata, Vado Ligurie (It.)
217 C, 26-30 There’s a diff erent Aemilian road,7 the continuation of the
different Aemilian road = Lat. Flaminian. Marcus Lepidus and Gaius Flaminius w ere joint
Via Aemilia
consuls. When they subjugated the Ligyans, the latter con-
Flaminian road = Lat. Via structed the Flaminian road from Rome past the Tyrrhenians Ariminum region, ne. coast
Flaminia
and Umbria to the Ariminum region, while the former con- of Italy
structed its continuation to Bononia and thence to Aquileia Bononia, Bologna (It.)
along the foot of the Alps, thus encircling the marshes.

217 C, 30-33 Recognized as a boundary between this territory (which
Celtica this side [of the we call “Celtica this side [of the Alps]”) and the rest of Italy is
Alps] = Lat. Gallia Cisalpina
the Apennine mountain range,8 inland from Tyrrhenia, also
[ 1 ] The “side road” is the Via Aemilia Scauri: 217 C, 20-26n. [ 5 ] Via Aemilia: 216 C, 30–217 C, 5n.
[ 2 ] Ocelum (nr. Novaretto/Caprie, It.) marks the border with Cottius country: 179 C, [ 6 ] Strabo corrects his earlier conflation of the two roads through Dertho (217 C,
1-9. 15-19n). Strabo himself may have traveled the Via Aemilia Scauri—if his journey
[ 3 ] Luca (Lucca, It.) is mentioned out of geographical context, perhaps because it to Populonium (223 C, 27–224 C, 3n), perhaps as far north as Luna (222 C, 9-22n),
lies near a stretch of the Via Aemilia Scauri: 217 C, 20-26n. was made by land rather than by sea.
[ 4 ] Strabo appears to conflate two roads from Dertho to Genua, one going direct [ 7 ] Via Aemilia: 216 C, 30–217 C, 5n.
and one going via Aquae Statiellae and Sabata: 217 C, 5-12n; 217 C, 20-26n. [ 8 ] 210 C, 31–211 C, 15.
260
Italy + Islands
Aesis, Esino r. the Aesis river and later the Rubicon, both rivers flowing into Rubicon, ?Pisciatello/Fiumicino r.
the Adria. | Adria, Adriatic Sea
218 C, 1-10 Evidence of the excellent quality of these places is pro- 5.1.12
Strabo summarizes the vided by their population, the size of their cities, and their
advantages of “Celtica this side
[of the Alps]” wealth. In all t hese respects, the Romans in this region have
surpassed the rest of Italy. The arable land produces many
and multifarious crops, and the woods have such a quantity
of acorns that Rome is largely fed by the herds of swine from
here. Because it is so well supplied with water, it also yields
millet in exceptional quantities. This is the best defense
against famine, resisting all weathers and never failing, even
when t here is a scarcity of other grains. It also has wonderful
pitchworks. The wine jars attest to the quantity of wine—the
wooden ones are larger than h ouses! The ready availability of
pitch contributes to the easy sealing of them.
218 C, 10-15 Places in the region of Mutina and the Scultanna river Mutina, Modena (It.)
produce a soft wool that is far finer than any other. Coarse Scultanna, Panaro r.
wool is produced in Ligystica and the land of the Insubrians

(which clothes the greater part of the Italiote h ouseholds). A
medium-quality wool, used for exquisite carpets and gausapi
and all such stuff—woolly on both sides or on only one side—
is produced in the Patavium region.
218 C, 15-19 The mines h ere t hese days are no longer worked with
the same level of intensity, because the mines among the
Celts beyond the Alps, and t hose in Iberia, are perhaps
more profitable. Previously, however, they were intensively
worked: there was even a gold mine in Vercelli. (This is a vil- Vercelli, Vercelli (It.)
lage near Ictumuli, itself a village—both are in the Placentia Placentia, Piacenza (It.)
region.)
218 C, 20 Let this be the point at which the description of the first
part of Italy is completed.1 |
218 C, 21-24 Let Ligystica—within the Apennine mountains them- 5.2.1
LIGYSTICA selves and situated between the Celtica to which reference

nw. Italy
was just made 2 and Tyrrhenia—be called the “second part.”
This part has nothing worth writing about,3 except that the
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) inhabitants live in villages, plowing and digging rocky land—
or rather, as Posidonius says, quarrying it.
218 C, 25-28 Third, and contiguous with these, are the Tyrrhenians,
Overview of Tyrrhenia, Umbria, who occupy the plains as far as the Tiber river, bounded at
Sabina, Latina (w. + cen. Italy)
their easternmost end by the waters of the river up to its
[ 1 ] “First part of Italy” = Celtica this side of the Alps: 212 C, 1–218 C, 20.
[ 2 ] I.e., Celtica this side of the Alps.
[ 3 ] Strabo has written quite a bit about Ligystica (201 C, 31–202 C, 35; 209 C,
15–210 C, 8n); his comment here is perhaps taken from Posidonius.
261
3.1. Western Europe
outlet, and in the other direction by the waters of the Tyr-

rhenian and Sardoan seas.
218 C, 28–219 C, 3 The Tiber, flowing from the Apennine mountains and fed
by many rivers, passes through Tyrrhenia itself for a part of
its course but, for the next part, forms the boundary between Widthwise = north–south
Tyrrhenia and first Umbria, then the Sabines and the Latins (approx.)
near Rome, as far as the coast. Widthwise, they extend ap- they = Umbrians, Sabines, Latins
proximately alongside the river and the Tyrrhenians. Length- Lengthwise = east–west
(approx.)
wise, they extend alongside each other, reaching the part of
the Apennine mountains near the Adria—first the Umbrians, Adria, Adriatic Sea
after them the Sabines, finally the occupants of Latina—all of
them beginning at the river.
219 C, 3-13 The Latin territory lies between the stretch of coast
from Ostia to Sinuessa city and Sabina.1 (Ostia is Rome’s Ostia, Ostia Antica (It.)
port, into which the Tiber river—which runs past Rome— Sinuessa city, Torre S. Limato
(It.)
discharges.) Lengthwise, it extends to Campania and the
Samnite mountains. Sabina lies between the Latins and the
Umbrians.2 It, too, extends to the Samnite mountains but is
rather more contiguous with the Vestinian, Paelignian, and
Marsian part of the Apennine mountains. The Umbrians lie
between Sabina and Tyrrhenia.3 They go as far as Ariminum Ariminum, Rimini (It.)
and Ravenna, across the mountains. The Tyrrhenians stop at Ravenna, Ravenna (It.)
these mountains (which form a barrier, from Ligystica to the

Adria) a fter starting at their own sea and the Tiber.4 Adria, Adriatic Sea
219 C, 14 We will go through them in detail, starting with the last. |

219 C, 15-22 The Tyrrhenians (called “Etruscans” and “Tuscans” by the 5.2.2
TYRRHENIA Romans) 5 were thus named by the Greeks—so the story goes—
w. Italy
after Tyrrhenus, the son of the Atys who dispatched colonists
hither from Lydia. At a time of famine and deprivation, Atys Lydia, w. Turkey
(a descendant of Heracles and Omphale), who had two sons,

selected by lot one of them (Lydus) to stay behind but allocated
the greater part of his people to Tyrrhenus and sent them off.
When the latter reached his destination, he called the territory
“Tyrrhenia,” a fter himself, and founded twelve cities u nder
the chief colonizer, Tarco (after whom the city of “Tarquinii” Tarquinii, Tarquinia (It.)
is named), who, since he was wise from his childhood onward,

is said in mythical accounts to have been “born gray-haired”!
219 C, 22-28 As long as they w ere o
rganized u
nder one leader, they w
ere they = Tyrrhenians
very strong. It is reasonable to suppose that, in later times,

the federation was dissolved and, yielding to the might of
[1] Latina (w. Italy): 228 C, 34–240 C, 21.

[2] Sabina (cen. Italy): 228 C, 9-33.
[3] Umbria (cen. Italy): 227 C, 7–228 C, 8.
[4] Tyrrhenia (w. Italy): 219 C, 15–227 C, 6.
[5] Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin ethnic names Etrusci and Tusci.
Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
262
Italy + Islands
their neighbor, they w ere disbanded into separate cities.

They would not otherwise have relinquished such a blessed
territory and turned to maritime piracy (different p eople to
different parts of the sea): at least, where they joined forces,
they were up to the task not only of defending themselves
against their attackers but of launching counterattacks and
fighting long campaigns.
219 C, 28–220 C, 6 After the foundation of Rome, Demaratus arrived with his Demaratus left Corinth,
mid-7th c. BCE
people from Corinth. The Tarquinians accepted him, and he
fathered Lucumo with a local w oman. After becoming friendly
with Ancus Marcius (the Roman king), this fellow became king this fellow = Lucumo
and changed his name to “Lucius Tarquinius Priscus.” Tyrrhe-

nia was adorned by this fellow and by his f ather before him,
the latter by means of the plentiful supply of artisans who had
come with him from home, the former with the help of Rome’s
resources. It is said that triumphal and consular adornments,
and, in short, those of all officials, w
ere brought here from here = to Rome
rods = Lat. fasces Tarquinii—the rods, axes, trumpets, and rituals, and the divi- Tarquinii, Tarquinia (It.)
nation rites and music that the Romans used for public events.
220 C, 6-10 This fellow’s son was the second Tarquinius—that is,
Superbus 1—who was also the last king and fled into exile.
Porsinas, the king of the inhabitants of Clusium, a Tyrrhe- Clusium, Chiusi (It.)
nian city, tried to restore him by force of arms. Although he

failed, he resolved the hostilities and departed as a friend with
honor and important gifts. |
220 C, 11 The foregoing was my account of the Tyrrhenians’ fame.2 5.2.3
220 C, 11-19 Furthermore, t here are the deeds of the Caeretanians. Caeretanians = inhabitants of
Caere, Cerveteri (It.)
They battled with the Galatians who took Rome, attacking
them in the country of the Sabines on their return journey.
The booty that those fellows had taken from the Romans, those fellows = Galatians
who voluntarily surrendered it, the Caeretanians took from

the unwilling Galatians. Besides this, they protected those
who had fled to them from Rome and preserved the immor-
tal fire and the priestesses of Hestia. The Romans, b ecause of
the base character of those who were managing the affairs of
the city at the time, appear not to have sufficiently recognized
their debt to the Caeretanians. They gave the Caeretanians
citizenship—but did not enroll them as citizens. Indeed, they
Caeretanian Tablets = Lat. relegated to the “Caeretanian Tablets” any o thers who had
Tabulae Caeritum
been similarly excluded from equal rights!
[ 1 ] Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin adjective Superbus (Proud): 508 C,
10-18n.
[ 2 ] 219 C, 15–220 C, 10.
263
3.1. Western Europe
220 C, 19-30 This city was highly respected by the Greeks for her brav- this city = Caere, Cerveteri (It.)
ery and sense of justice. She abstained from taking part in

pirate raids, although she was very powerful. She dedicated at
Pytho what was called the “treasure house of the Agyllaeans”: Pytho = Delphi, Delphi (Gr.)
for the city now called “Caere” was formerly called “Agylla”
and is said to have been founded by Pelasgians arriving from
Thessaly. When the Lydians (who changed their name to
“Tyrrhenians”) were campaigning against the Agyllaeans,
someone went up to the city wall and asked for the name of
the city. Instead of replying, one of the Thessalians on the wall
addressed him with chaere (welcome). The Tyrrhenians took this
as a good omen and, when they had taken the city, changed
her name. This city of such splendor and renown now pre-
serves mere vestiges of it. The nearby hot springs, which they
call the “Caeretanian,” 1 are far more populous than the city is Caeretanian (hot springs) = Lat.
Aquae Caeretanae (Piano della
because of visitors seeking cures. | Carlotta, nr. Sasso, It.)
220 C, 31–221 C, 5 As for the Pelasgians, virtually all sources agree that they 5.2.4
were an ancient tribe that wandered throughout all Greece,

spreading in particular among the Thessalian Aeolians.
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) Ephorus says that, in his opinion, being originally Arcadians,
they adopted a soldierly way of life; since they converted many others
to this lifestyle, they gave their name to all, and acquired great renown
both among Greeks and among any o thers with whom they came into
contact.
221 C, 5-21 For they colonized Crete, as Homer says (at any rate, Od-
Homer (8th c. BCE) ysseus says to Penelope, diff erent languages exist side by side—
there are Achaeans h ere / and stouthearted Eteocretans and Cydo-
nians / and tripartite Dorians and noble Pelasgians); “Pelasgian
Argos” is the name given to the section between the mouth
of the Peneius and Thermopylae, as far as the Pindus moun-
tain range, because the Pelasgians ruled over these areas; the
poet = Homer poet calls Dodonian Zeus “Pelasgian” (Lord, Dodonian Zeus,
Pelasgian); many p eople call the Epirote nations “Pelas-
gian,” inasmuch as their rule extended even there. Naming
many heroes “Pelasgian,” p eople have subsequently treated
many nations as eponymous with those heroes: for example,
people call Lesbos “Pelasgian.” Homer calls the p eople next
to the Cilicians in the Troad “Pelasgians”: Hippothous led the
tribes of spear-wielding Pelasgians, / who dwelt in deep-earthed
Larisa.
[ 1 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo translates into Greek the Latin name Aquae
Caeretanae: 508 C, 10-18n.
264
Italy + Islands
221 C, 22-32 As for Ephorus’s statement that this tribe was from Arca-
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) dia, Hesiod is responsible, since he says that sons were born to he = Hesiod
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) godlike Lycaon, / whom Pelasgus once fathered. Aeschylus says (in
Aeschylus (5th c. BCE) either the Suppliant Women or the Danaïds) that they originated
in Mycenaean Argos. Ephorus says that the Peloponnese used to be
Euripides (5th c. BCE) called “Pelasgian.” Euripides (in Archelaus) says that Danaus,
the f ather of fifty d
aughters / . . . / arrived in Argos and founded
Inachus’s city / and passed a law throughout Greece that t hose who
had formerly been called “Pelasgiotes” / should be called “Danaans.”
221 C, 33-38 Anticlides says that they were the first to s ettle the region of
Anticlides (early 3rd c. BCE) Lemnos and Imbros, and some of them set sail for Italy with Tyrse- Lemnos, Lemnos (Gk. island)
Atthis, chronicles of Athenian nus, the son of Atys. The compilers of the Atthis tell the story Imbros, Gökçeada (Tk. island)
history
of the Pelasgians being at Athens and say that they w ere called
“Pelargi” (Storks) by the Atticans because they were migratory and,
like birds, went wherever fortune led them. |
222 C, 1-3 People say that the greatest length of Tyrrhenia is the 5.2.5
coastline from Luna as far as Ostia, some two thousand five Luna, Luni (It.)
hundred stades,1 and the width as far as the mountains is less Ostia, Ostia Antica (It.)
than half of that.

222 C, 3-8 From Luna to Pisae is more than four hundred stades; Pisae, Pisa (It.)
thence to Vada Volaterrana, two hundred and eighty; then Vada Volaterrana, Vada (It.)
again, from there to Populonium is two hundred and seventy; Populonium, Populonia (It.)
from Populonium to Cossa nearly eight hundred (although Cossa, Ansedonia (It.)
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) some say six hundred). Polybius is incorrect is giving a total
of one thousand four hundred and thirty.2
222 C, 9-22 Of these, Luna (Moon) is a city and a harbor. The Greeks call Luna, Luni (It.)
them “Selene’s harbor and city.”3 The city is not large, but the
harbor is both very large and very beautiful, enclosing within
itself several harbors that are deep right up to the shore,
such as would be a fitting operational base for a people that
ruled over such a large sea for such a long time. The harbor is
hemmed in by tall mountains, from which can be glimpsed4
the high sea and Sardo5 and a large part of the shoreline in Sardo, Sardinia (It. island)
each direction. T here are so many high-quality quarries of

marble (white marble and variegated blue-gray), producing
one-piece slabs and columns, that the material for most of the
splendid artwork in Rome and the other cities comes from
here: the marble is easily exportable, the quarries being in-
land but close to the sea, and the Tiber providing conveyance
up from the sea. Tyrrhenia also supplies most of the timber
[ 1 ] Strabo adds to the distance from Luna (Luni, It.) southward to Cossa (Ansedo- farther north, to Luna (Luni, It.). Faulty memory could explain why Strabo states
nia, It.)—which amounts to 1,750 stades (222 C, 3-8n)—the distance from Cossa(e) that Sardo (Sardinia, It. island) can be seen from Luna. It is from Populonium that
to Ostia (Ostia Antica, It.), which amounts to 740 stades (225 C, 29–226 C, 8). islands can be seen, and the islands most clearly seen are Cyrnus (Corsica, Fr.
[ 2 ] Strabo’s unexpressed total is 400 + 280 + 270 + 800 = 1,750 stades. island) and Aethalia (Elba, It. island). Strabo l ater corrects himself: 223 C, 24-27n;
[ 3 ] Luna is the Latin word, selene the Greek word, for “moon.” The words also func- 224 C, 3-8n; 225 C, 20-24n.
tion as the name of the goddess associated with the moon. [ 5 ] 117 C, 12-20nn.
[ 4 ] Possibly glimpsed by Strabo himself, who explicitly attests to his presence as far
north as Populonium (Populonia, It.) (223 C, 27–224 C, 3n) and may have traveled
265
3.1. Western Europe
for h ouse construction, in the form of very straight and long

beams, exporting it by river directly from the mountains.
222 C, 23-24 Between Luna and Pisa is . . . * the Macras, which many Macras, Magra r.
writers have used as the boundary between Tyrrhenia and

Ligystica.
222 C, 25–223 C, 1 Pisa was founded by the Peloponnesian Pisatans, who Pisa, Pisa (It.)
went to Ilium with Nestor on campaign and went astray on

their return voyage, some to Metapontium and some to Pisa- Metapontium, Metaponto (It.)
tis (all of them being called “Pylians”). Pisa lies between two Pisatis = region of Pisa, Pisa (It.)
rivers, the Arnus and the Ausar, at the point where they join. Arnus, Arno r.
One of them flows from Arretium, for much of its course con- Ausar, Serchio r.
sisting not of one river but three streams. The other flows Arretium, Arezzo (It.)
from the Apennine mountains. When they come together
into one river, they heave each other up by their mutual force,
so much so that if people stand on both sides, neither one
can catch sight of the other.1 As a necessary consequence,
voyages upstream from the sea are difficult. The upstream
voyage is around twenty stades. According to myth, when
these two rivers first flowed down from the mountains, the
locals s topped them for fear that they might join together and
flood the territory, but the rivers promised that they would
not cause a flood—and they kept their word.
223 C, 1-7 The city appears to have once flourished, and is not with- city = Pisa, Pisa (It.)
out repute nowadays, b ecause of her fertile land, quarries of

marble, and timber for shipbuilding. In antiquity, the last
was used by the people to counter perils on the sea, for they
were the most warlike of the Tyrrhenians, and the Ligyans—
terrible neighbors to have on one’s flank—provoked them.
Nowadays, the timber is used largely for building h ouses in
Rome and for country houses for people building themselves
Persian palaces! |
223 C, 8-14 As for the Volaterranans, while their territory is bordered Volaterranans = inhabitants of 5.2.6
Volaterrae, Volterra (It.)
by the sea, their city consists of a lofty hill in a deep gorge,
sheer on all sides, flat on the summit where the city walls are
built. The climb up to the city is fifteen stades from the base,
steep and hard g oing all the way up. This is where some of the
Tyrrhenians and the subjects of Sulla’s proscriptions congre-
gated and, forming an army four divisions strong, withstood
a siege for two years and then departed from the place under
the terms of a truce.
[ 1 ] Probably experienced by Strabo himself, who journeyed up the west coast of

Italy, most likely during his early visit to Rome (30s BCE): 222 C, 9-22n; 223 C,
27–224 C, 3n; 273 C, 2-14n.
266
Italy + Islands
223 C, 15-23 Populonium is situated on a lofty headland, which drops Populonium, Populonia (It.)
precipitously to the sea and forms a peninsula. She, too,

withstood a siege at the same time. The little town is to-
tally deserted except for the temples and a few houses. The
port—with its l ittle harbor at the foot of the mountain and
two docks—is better populated. It seems to me that this is
the only ancient Tyrrhenian city to be situated actually on the
sea. The reason is the territory’s lack of harbors: this is why
the founding fathers avoided the coast completely or erected
defenses in that direction, so as not to make themselves an
easy target for incoming ships. T here is, too, a tuna observa-
tory at the foot of the headland.
223 C, 24-27 From the city, it is possible—just about—to see Sardo in city = Populonium, Populonia
(It.)
the far distance but Cyrnus closer in (approximately sixty
stades from Sardo), and Aethalia much better than these,
being closer to the mainland, some three hundred stades off-
shore (which is how far Aethalia is from Cyrnus).1
223 C, 27–224 C, 3 This place is the best point of departure for the three
previously mentioned islands. When I made the climb to
Populonium,2 I saw these islands, and also some disused Populonium, Populonia (It.)
quarries in the countryside. I also saw the men who work the
iron that is brought over from Aethalia: it cannot be suffi- Aethalia, Elba (It. island)
ciently smelted in the furnaces on the island but is brought

directly from the quarries to the mainland. This is one of the
peculiar t hings about the island. Another peculiarity is that
shafts, having been mined, are replenished over time—as
people say happens in the case of the stone slabs in Rhodes
and the marble in Paros, and the Indian salt mines described
Clitarchus (late 4th–3rd c. BCE) by Clitarchus.
224 C, 3-8 Eratosthenes is incorrect in saying that neither Cyrnus nor Cyrnus, Corsica (Fr. island)
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) Sardo can be seen from the mainland. Nor is Artemidorus Sardo, Sardinia (It. island)
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early correct in saying that both islands lie one thousand two
1st c. BCE)
hundred stades out to sea. In that case, they would not have
been visible to me of all people,3 nor would they have been so
clearly seen (particularly Cyrnus).4
224 C, 9-13 On Aethalia is “Argoos harbor,” named after the Argo, Argoos harbor, Portoferraio
(Elba)
AETHALIA so people say. The story is that Jason sailed t here in quest
Elba (It. island)
of Circe’s dwelling, since Medea wished to see her aunt, and
that skin scrapings left behind by the Argonauts solidified
and remain to this day as variegated pebbles on the seashore.
[ 1 ] Cf. 222 C, 9-22n, where Strabo states that it is possible to see Sardo (Sardinia, It.
island) from Luna (Luni, It.). He now admits that it is barely possible to see Sardo
even from Populonium (Populonia, It.), and that Cyrnus (Corsica, Fr. island) and
Aethalia (Elba, It. island) are nearer.
[ 2 ] Strabo was probably a youth when he visited Populonium: his confusion be-
tween Luna and Populonium and between Sardo and Cyrnus (222 C, 9-22n;
223 C, 24-27) suggests the faulty recollection of a long ago visit. Strabo’s pres-
ence in Italy: 273 C, 2-14n.
[ 3 ] Strabo perhaps plays on the meaning (i.e., “cross-eyed”) of his own name:
cf. 267 C, 10-14.
[ 4 ] Strabo implicitly corrects his e arlier statement (222 C, 9-22n, where he claims
that Sardo can be seen even from Luna).
267
3.1. Western Europe
224 C, 13-18 Such mythical fabrications are proof of what I said, that
Homer (8th c. BCE) Homer did not himself fictionalize everything1 but, hearing
many such stories bandied about, exaggerated distances and
remoteness. Just as he banished Odysseus to the ocean, it was
a similar case with Jason, since both the latter and the former
undertook a journey, just as Menelaus did.
224 C, 18-19 That is the extent of my description of Aethalia.2 |
224 C, 20-28 Cyrnus is called “Corsica” by the Romans. Living condi- 5.2.7
CYRNUS tions are bad, since the island is rocky and, in most parts,
Corsica (Fr. island)
completely impenetrable. In consequence, t hose who dwell in
the mountains and earn their livelihood by raiding are more
savage than wild animals. Whenever the Roman governors 3
have launched an attack on their strongholds and have cap-
tured a horde of them, one sees the slaves in Rome,4 and one
is struck by how beast-like and bovine they appear. E ither
they do not survive, or if they do live, the p eople who bought
them get so fed up with their apathy and listlessness that, even
though they got them for next to nothing, they still regret
the purchase!
224 C, 28-29 Some parts of the island are nevertheless habitable, and
in places t here are small towns: Blesinon, Charax, Eniconiae,
and Vapanes.
224 C, 29-33 The chorographer 5 says that the length of the island is one island = Cyrnus, Corsica
(Fr. island)
hundred and sixty miles, and its width seventy; and the length
of Sardo is two hundred and twenty, and its width ninety- Sardo, Sardinia (It. island)
eight. According to others, the circumference of Cyrnus is

said to be around three thousand two hundred stades; that
of Sardo, four thousand.
224 C, 34–225 C, 8 A large part of that island is rough and troublesome, but a that island = Sardo
SARDO large part has territory that is blessed in e very respect, particu-
Sardinia (It. island)
larly in regard to grain. There are several towns. The significant
ones are Caralis and Sulci. The advantages of their locations Caralis, Cagliari (Sar.)
are counterbalanced by defects. The island is unhealthy in the Sulci, S. Antioca (Sar.)
summer, particularly in those areas good for crop growing.

These very places are also subjected to continual plunder by
those dwelling in the mountains, who are called “Diagesbeis,”
although they w ere previously known by the name “Iolaans.”
Iolaus came here with some of the sons of Heracles, and he
formed joint settlements with the natives who occupied the
[ 1 ] 6 C, 31–7 C, 7; 15 C, 26–47 C, 8.
[ 2 ] 224 C, 9-18.
[ 3 ] The Greek word literally means “praetors,” a specific rank of Roman officialdom.
As Strabo later tells us (840 C, 9-29), this was the rank of those Romans who
governed the province of Sardo + Cyrnus.
[ 4 ] As probably seen by Strabo himself, during one of several stays in Rome: 273 C,
2-14n.
[ 5 ] The term “chorographer” (lit., “one who describes territories”) usually seems to
be used by Strabo to mean a geographer who describes the lived-in world rather
than the earth in its entirety: 9 C, 35–10 C, 5n. Here, however, Strabo appears to cite
“the chorographer” as a specific individual or as the holder of a specific office, as
also at 225 C, 20-24; 261 C, 27–262 C, 2; 277 C, 16-19; 285 C, 1-7. The common feature
of such citations is that distances are given in Roman miles. Cf. 266 C, 6-19n.
268
Italy + Islands
island (they w ere Tyrrhenians). L ater, the Phoenicians from

Carthage gained control and, alongside these people, fought
against the Romans. When the Carthaginians had been de-
stroyed, everything fell under Roman control.
225 C, 9-12 There are four mountain-dwelling nations: Paratians,
Sossinatians, Balarians, and Aconites. They live in caves; and
whatever arable land they have, they cannot be bothered to
seed, but they steal the produce of people who do the hard
work, e ither right t here or by making forays across the sea to
those living on the opposite shore, particularly the Pisatans.
225 C, 13-17 The governors1 sent there sometimes offer r esistance,
but to an extent they just give up, since it is not worth their
while continuously to maintain an army in unhealthy places.
It remains for them to employ certain strategies: having ob-
served a custom among the natives (they celebrate a festival
for several days a fter their raids), that is when they attack and
overpower many of them.
225 C, 17-19 This is where the rams are bred that produce goat hair in-
stead of wool and are called musmones. People make breast-
plates out of the hides, and they use a light shield and a sword. |
225 C, 20-24 The islands are seen from the w hole coastline between 5.2.8
Populonium and Pisa.2 The three of them are elongated

and virtually parallel, oriented toward the south and toward
Libya. Aethalia is much smaller than the other two. The Libya = Africa
chorographer 3 says that the shortest crossing from Libya to Aethalia, Elba (It. island)
Sardo is three hundred miles. Sardo, Sardinia (It. island)
225 C, 25-29 After Populonium comes the city of Cossae, set back a Cossae, Ansedonia (It.)
little from the coast. On the bay is a high hill on which the
city is built. At its foot is the Harbor of Heracles, and nearby Harbor of Heracles, Port’Ercole
(It.)
is a lagoon. Alongside the headland beyond the bay, there’s a
tuna observatory. Tuna go after not only sea acorns but also
purplefish, and follow the mainland from the outer sea even outer sea = Atlantic
as far as Sicily.
225 C, 29–226 C, 8 As you sail along the coast from Cossae to Ostia, you come
to the small towns of Gravisci, Pyrgi, Alsium, and Fregena. Gravisci, Porto Clementino (It.)
It is three hundred stades to Gravisci. Along the way, there’s Pyrgi, S. Severa (It.)
a place called “Regisvilla.” The story is that this was the royal Alsium, Palo (It.)
residence of Maleos the Pelasgian, who, they say, a fter having Regisvilla, Le Murelle (It.)
ruled over the area, departed hence to Athens with his fellow Fregena, nr. Fregene (It.)
[ 1 ] Governors of Roman province of Sardo + Cyrnus: 224 C, 20-28n.

[ 2 ] Strabo implicitly excludes the visibility of all three islands from Luna (north of
Pisa): 222 C, 9-22n.
[ 3 ] 224 C, 29-33n.
269
3.1. Western Europe
Pelasgian colonists. (The occupants of Agylla are from this

same tribe.)1 From Gravisci to Pyrgi is just a little short of one
hundred and eighty [stades]. It is the seaport of the Caeretani- Caeretanians = inhabitants of
Caere, Cerveteri (It.)
ans (thirty stades away), with a t emple to Eilethyia, founded
by the Pelasgians, which was once wealthy but was plundered
by Dionysius, the Sicilian tyrant, during his voyage to Cyrnus. Cyrnus, Corsica (Fr. island)
From Pyrgi to Ostia is two hundred and sixty [stades], with Al- Ostia, Ostia Antica (It.)
sium and Fregena lying along the way.

226 C, 9 That was my account of the Tyrrhenian shoreline.2 |
226 C, 10-18 As for the interior, the cities additional to those already 5.2.9
mentioned3 are Arretium, Perusia, Volsinii, and Sutrium. Arretium, Arezzo (It.)
Blera, Blera (It.) In addition to these, there are many small towns: Blera, Fe- Perusia, Perugia (It.)
Ferentinum, Ferento, nr. Viterbo rentinum, Falerii, Faliscum, Nepita, Statonia, and several Volsinii, Bolsena/Orvieto (It.)
(It.)
others. Some of these have been in existence since the begin- Sutrium, Sutri (It.)
Falerii, Civita Castellana/
S. Maria di Fálleri (It.) ning, some w ere settled by the Romans—or leveled by the
Nepita, Nepi (It.)
Romans, as for example Veii (which was often at war with Veii, Veio, nr. Isola Farnese (It.)
Statonia, ?Piammiano (It.)

them) and Fidenae. Some people say that the Falerians are Fidenae, Borgata Fidene (It.)
not Tyrrhenians but Faliscians (a separate nation); some say

that the Faliscians, too, form a city with a separate language;
Flaminian road = Lat. Via others talk of Aequum Faliscum, situated on the Flaminian
Flaminia
road between Ocriculi and Rome. Ocriculi, Otricoli (It.)
226 C, 18-23 At the foot of mount Soractus is the city of Feronia, hom- Soractus, Monte Soratte (It.)
onymous with a local female deity who is held in great honor Feronia, nr. Scorano (It.)
by the people in the vicinity. There’s a precinct in the place

sacred to her, with a marvelous ritual: those who are pos-
sessed by this deity walk barefoot through hot embers and
ashes without pain. A large number of people assemble, for
the sake of the festival, which is held every year, and for the
spectacle just described.
226 C, 23-26 Arretium is very deep in the interior, by the mountains. Arretium, Arezzo (It.)
She is one thousand two hundred stades from Rome, and Clu- Clusium, Chiusi (It.)
sium eight hundred. Perusia is near these two. Perusia, Perugia (It.)
226 C, 27–227 C, 3 The large and numerous lakes add to the territory’s bless-
Ciminian lake = Lat. Lacus ings. They are navigable and provide habitat for many fish
Ciminius
and waterfowl. Rushes, papyrus, and many flowering reeds are
Volsinian lake = Lat. Lacus
Volsiniensis
conveyed thence to Rome by means of the rivers that flow into
Clusian lake = Lat. Lacus Clusinus
the Tiber from the lakes. T
hese include the Ciminian lake, the Ciminian lake, Lago di Vico
Sabatine lake = Lat. Lacus

Volsinian lake, the Clusian lake, and the Sabatine lake, which is Volsinian lake, Lago di Bolsena
Sabatinus nearest to Rome and the coast. Farthest away in the direction Clusian lake, Lago di Chiusi
of Arretium is the Trasumennan lake, the location of passes Sabatine lake, Lago di Bracciano
[ 1 ] 220 C, 19-30.
[ 2 ] 222 C, 1–224 C, 8; 225 C, 25–226 C, 8.
[ 3 ] 220 C, 11-30 (Caere); 223 C, 8-14 (Volaterrae); perhaps also Luca (217 C, 12-15).
270
Italy + Islands
Trasumennan lake = Lat. Lacus that armies can use to cross over from Celtica into Tyrrhe- Trasumennan lake, Lago
Trasumennus Trasimeno
nia, which Hannibal, too, used. (There are two: this one and
the pass leading to Ariminum through Umbria. The one to Ariminum, Rimini (It.)
Ariminum is better, as the mountains are quite low there, but

since its access points were carefully guarded, Hannibal was
forced to take the more difficult pass. He nevertheless gained
control of it after defeating Flaminius in a g reat b
attle.)
227 C, 4-6 There are innumerable hot springs throughout Tyrrhenia.
Because of their proximity to Rome, they are no less crowded
than those in Baiae, which are by far the most renowned of all. | Baiae, Baia (It.)
227 C, 7-12 Lying alongside Tyrrhenia to the east is Umbria, which Adria, Adriatic Sea 5.2.10
UMBRIA starts with the Apennines and goes farther, as far as the Sarsina, Sarsina (It.)
cen. Italy
Adria. These p eople start at Ravenna and hold the areas Ariminum, Rimini (It.)
Ravenna, Ravenna (It.)
nearby and the following areas of Sarsina, Ariminum, Sena, Sena, Senigallia (It.)
Metaurus, Metauro r. and Camarinum. The Aesis river is also here, and mount Cin- Cingulum, Monte S. Vicino (It.)
t emple to Tyche = Lat. Fanum gulum, and Sentinum, and the Metaurus river, and the temple Camarinum, Camerino (It.)
Fortunae
to Tyche. Sentinum, nr. Sassoferrato (It.)
227 C, 12-20 In this region is the seaward boundary between what was
formerly Italy and Celtica. The rulers often moved it: once
Aesis, Esino r. they made the Aesis the boundary, then the Rubicon river.
Rubicon, ?Pisciatello/Fiumicino r. The Aesis is between Ancon and Sena, the Rubicon is between Ancon, Ancona (It.)
Ariminum and Ravenna. Both flow into the Adria. Now that
all the territory as far as the Alps comes u nder the rubric of
“Italy,” we should forget about this border. Nevertheless, the
consensus is that Umbria as such goes as far as Ravenna, on
the grounds that Ravenna is inhabited by these people. these people = Umbrians
227 C, 20-23 It is said to be around three hundred [stades] from t here

to Ariminum. From Ariminum, if you go in the direction of Ariminum, Rimini (It.)
Flaminian road = Lat. Via Rome, you follow the Flaminian road 1 for the entire journey
Flaminia
through Umbria as far as Ocriculi and the Tiber, a distance of Ocriculi, Otricoli (It.)
one thousand three hundred and fifty stades. length = east–west dimension
227 C, 23-24 Such is the length; 2 the width is variable. width = north–south dimension
227 C, 25-32 The following are the significant cities this side of the
Apennine mountains that are on the Flaminian road itself. In
the direction of the Tiber, there’s Ocriculi, . . . *, and Narnia, Narnia, Narni (It.)
past which runs the Nar river, which joins the Tiber slightly Nar, Nera r.
above Ocriculi and is navigable by boats of no great size. Carsuli, S. Damiano (It.)
Then there are Carsuli and Mevania; past the latter runs the Mevania, Bevagna (It.)
Tinia, which likewise conveys, in smaller boats, goods from Tinia, Topino r.
the plains to the Tiber. There are various other settlements,

arlier statements (216 C, 30–217 C, 5n; 217 C, 26-30n).
[ 2 ] I.e., of Umbria.
271
3.1. Western Europe
well populated b ecause of the road rather than their p olitical Nuceria, ?Nocera (It.)
Forum Flaminium, S. Giovanni constitutions: Forum Flaminium, Nuceria (which produces Forum Sempronium, nr.
Profiamma, nr. Foligno (It.) Fossombrone (It.)
wooden vessels), and Forum Sempronium.
227 C, 32-36 In the area to the road’s right (as you go from Ocriculi
to Ariminum) are Interamna, Spoletium, Aesium, and Ca- Interamna, Terni (It.)
mertes, in the very mountains that border Picentina. In the Spoletium, Spoleto (It.)
Ameria, Amelia (It.) area on the other side are Ameria; the well-defended city of Aesium, Iesi (It.)
Tuder, Todi (It.) Tuder; Hispellum; and Iguvium, which brings us close to the Camertes, Camerino (It.)
Hispellum, Spello (It.) passes over the mountains. Iguvium, Gubbio (It.)
227 C, 37–228 C, 7 The entire territory is blessed with fertility, although entire territory = Umbria
rather mountainous: it produces emmer wheat, rather than

wheat, for its population. Also mountainous is Sabina, which
comes next after this territory and, like this territory, lies this territory = Umbria
alongside Tyrrhenia; the parts of Latina that are near these,

and near the Apennine mountains, are also rather rugged.
These two nations,1 on the one hand, take their start from
the Tiber and Tyrrhenia and extend in the direction of the
Apennine mountains as they slant obliquely t oward the
Adria; Umbria, on the other hand, overshoots them as far as Adria, Adriatic Sea
the sea, as I said.2

228 C, 8 That’s enough about the Umbrians.3 |
228 C, 9-19 The Sabines inhabit a narrow strip of territory, extend- 5.3.1
SABINA ing lengthwise not less than one thousand stades from the
cen. Italy
Tiber and from the small town of Nomentum to the Vestin- Nomentum, nr. Mentana (It.)
ians. Their few cities have been brought low through their
incessant warfare: Amiternum and Reate (near which is the Amiternum, S. Vittorino (It.)
village of Interocrea and the cold springs of Cotiliae, from Reate, Rieti (It.)
which people drink and in which they sit to cure diseases). Interocrea, Antrodoco (It.)
Also belonging to the Sabines is Foruli—a rock better suited Cotiliae, nr. Paterno (It.)
to revolution than habitation! Cyres is now a l ittle village, but Foruli, Civitatomassa (It.)
was once a city of significance, since it was the home of the Cyres, nr. Corese Terra (It.)
Roman kings Titus Tatius and Numa Pompilius—which is

Cyrites = Lat. Quirites why orators address the Romans as “Cyrites.” Trebula, Er- Trebula, nr. Monteleone Sabino
(It.)
etum, and various such settlements might be classified as vil-
Eretum, nr. Casacotta (It.)
lages rather than cities.
228 C, 19-24 All the land belonging to the Sabines is exceptionally good
for growing olives and vines, and it produces g reat quantities
of acorns. It is also good for cattle of various kinds, including
the mules bred by the Reatinians, which have gained an amaz-
ing name for themselves. In a word, all Italy is a high-quality
[ 1 ] I.e., Sabina (228 C, 9-33) and Latina (228 C, 34–240 C, 21).

arlier comments (218 C, 28–219 C, 13; 227 C, 7-12).
[ 3 ] 227 C, 7–228 C, 7.
272
Italy + Islands
nursery of both animals and crops, with various types taking

precedence in various regions.
228 C, 25-30 The Sabines are an ancient race and indigenous. The Picen-
tinians and Samnites are offshoots of the Sabines; the Leuca-
nians are offshoots of the Samnites, and the Brettians of the
Leucanians. One might point to their long survival as evidence
of their bravery and the other excellent character traits that
have enabled them to endure to the present day. The writer
Fabius (3rd c. BCE) Fabius says that the Romans truly gained wealth for the first
time when they established their mastery over this nation.
228 C, 30-33 The Salarian road—not very long—is routed through the
Salarian road = Lat. Via Salaria Sabines. It is joined at Eretum (a Sabine village situated above Eretum, nr. Casacotta (It.)
the Tiber) by the Nomentanian road, which starts from the Nomentanian road = Lat. Via
Nomentana
same gate, the “Colline.” |
228 C, 34–229 C, 4 Latina lies next. Latina is the home of the Romans’ city, but Latina = territory of the Latins 5.3.2
LATINA it has also absorbed many cities that formerly did not belong
w. Italy
to Latina. Surrounding the Romans, at the time when the city
was first founded, were Aequans, Volscians, Hernicians; the
indigenous peoples around Rome herself; the Rutulians, who
held ancient Ardea; and other federations of greater or lesser
size. Some of them lived independently in villages and w ere
not members of any particular tribe.
229 C, 4-16 They say that Aeneas, with his father, Anchises, and his
son Ascanius, landed at Laurentum, on the shore near Ostia Ostia, Ostia Antica (It.)
and the Tiber, and founded a city inland a little way (some
twenty-four stades) from the coast; Latinus, king of the in-
digenous people living on the site of current-day Rome, made
a visit and made allies out of those associated with Aeneas1
against the neighboring Rutulians holding Ardea (it is one Ardea, Ardea (It.)
hundred and sixty stades from Ardea to Rome); a fter being

victorious, he founded a city nearby, named a fter his d aughter
Lavinia; when the Rutulians fought a second battle, Latinus
fell, but Aeneas was victorious and became king, calling his
subjects “Latins”; after the death of Aeneas and of Aeneas’s
Alba, Castel Gandolfo (It.)
father, Ascanius founded Alba on mount Albanum (as far
mount Albanum, Monte Cavo
from Rome as Ardea). (It.)
229 C, 16-19 This is where the Romans together with the Latins—the
entire assembly of magistrates—sacrifice to Zeus. For the du-
festival = Lat. Feriae Latinae ration of the festival, they appoint as the city’s ruler someone
from among the young noblemen.
[ 1 ] The expression “those associated with Aeneas” is idiomatic, meaning simply

Aeneas—although in the context of p
olitical strategy, the use of a leader’s name
implies his army as well.
273
3.1. Western Europe
229 C, 20-28 The events associated with Amulius and his brother
Numitor—sometimes given in mythical form, sometimes
more plausibly—are placed four hundred years later. The
two b rothers inherited from Ascanius’s descendants the king-
dom of Alba, which reached as far as the Tiber. The younger
brother elbowing the older b rother aside, Amulius was the
ruler. Numitor had a son and a daughter. Amulius killed the
son during a hunt, and he appointed the daughter (they give
Hestia = Lat. Vesta her name as “Rhea Silvia”) as a priestess of Hestia so that she
might remain childless. Then, discovering—when she bore
twins—that Rhea had been violated, as a f avor to his b rother
he imprisoned rather than killed her, and exposed her twins
on the banks of the Tiber in accordance with ancestral custom.
229 C, 28–230 C, 2 The mythical version is that the twins w ere the sons of
Ares and, a fter being exposed, w ere seen being suckled by
a she-wolf; that Faustulus, who was one of the local swine-
herds, rescued and reared them—we must assume, however,
that the twins w ere retrieved and reared by one of Amulius’s
powerful subjects—and called one of them “Romulus” and
the other “Remus”; that, when they had grown to man-
hood, they attacked Amulius and his children; that, after
these people had been destroyed and the kingdom restored
to Numitor, they went home and founded Rome, in a place
determined by necessity rather than choice (as the site was
not naturally well defended, nor did its surroundings have
enough territory to support a city, let alone enough popula-
tion to s ettle it).
230 C, 2-10 The existing inhabitants w ere self-sufficient, reaching
right up to the wall of the city that was being founded, and
did not pay any attention at all to the Albans. There was
Collatia, and Antemnae, Fidenae, Labicum, and other such Collatia, Lunghezza (It.)
places—at that stage small towns, nowadays villages in the Antemnae, Monte Antenne (It.)
possession of private individuals, forty stades or slightly Fidenae, Borgata Fidene (It.)
more from Rome. At any rate, between the fifth and sixth of Labicum, Colonna (It.)
the milestones marking the distance from Rome,1 is a loca-
tion called “Festi.” They say that this marks the boundary
of the land belonging to the Romans at that time. Here and
at several other sites considered as boundaries, on one and
religious officials = Lat. the same day, the religious officials celebrate a festival, which
pontifices
they call Ambarvia.2
[ 1 ] The standard conversion rate was 8 Greek stades to 1 Roman mile. “Between
the fifth and sixth milestone” is equivalent to between 40 and 48 stades from
Rome: “forty stades or slightly more.”
[ 2 ] “They” are Latin speakers. Strabo’s transliteration into Greek suggests a Roman
name, Ambarvia, whereas the name used by Romans was Ambarvalia. Strabo’s
transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
274
Italy + Islands
230 C, 11-22 So, then, they say that during the civil strife that occurred
at the time of the founding, Remus was slain. After the found-
ing, Romulus gathered together a motley crew by decreeing
that the area between the acropolis and the Capitol was an
asylum, and by declaring that any of the neighboring p eoples
who fled there w ere citizens. Since he could not provide them
with wives, he proclaimed . . . * h orse races sacred to Posidon
(held up to this day); when a g reat throng of mostly Sabine
people was assembled, he ordered any of those who needed
wives to snatch the young w omen who w ere visiting. Al-
though he sought to avenge the outrage militarily, the king
of the Cyrites—Titus Tatius—ended up sharing sovereignty
and government with Romulus. A fter Tatius was treacher-
ously slain in Lavinium, Romulus ruled alone over the Cy- Lavinium, Pratica di Mare (It.)
rites, with their assent. A fter him, Numa Pompilius, fellow

citizen of Tatius, inherited sovereignty, taking it over with
the assent of the subjects. |
230 C, 23-33 The former is the Founding of Rome that is most widely 5.3.3
credited. T here is, however, another, earlier and more myth-

like story, which states that Rome was an Arcadian colony
founded by Evander; Heracles, when engaged in rounding up
the cattle of Geryones, was entertained by Evander; Evander,
on learning from his m other (Nicostrata, who was skilled in
the art of divination) that Heracles was fated to become a
god after finishing his l abors, told Heracles this fact and con-
secrated a precinct and instituted a Greek-style sacrificial
festival (the celebration of which is preserved to this day) to
Acilius (2nd c. BCE) Heracles. At any rate, Acilius, the Roman historian, gave this
as proof of the Greek founding of Rome, that their traditional
sacrifice to Heracles was Greek. Also, the Romans worship
Evander’s m other, believing her to be one of the nymphs,
whose name was changed to “Carmenta.” |
231 C, 1-6 The Latins were initially few in number, and most of them 5.3.4
paid no attention to the Romans. L ater, struck by the excel-

lent qualities of Romulus and his successors, they became
subjects. A fter the destruction of the Aequians, Volscians,
Hernicians, and before them, the Rutulians and the indig-
enous p eople, and besides them, the Rhaecians and Argyrus-
cians (and according to some, the Prefernians), all the terri-
tory of these p eople became known as “Latina.”
275
3.1. Western Europe
231 C, 6-12 The Pomentine plain, on the border with the Latins, and Pomentine plain, Agro Pontino
(It.)
Pomentine plain = Lat. the city of Apiola, which was razed by Tarquinius Priscus,
Pomptinus Ager
belonged to the Volscians. The Aequians were the closest
neighbors to the Cyrites. Priscus sacked their cities, too; and Lanuvium, Lanuvio (It.)
son = Tarquinius Superbus his son destroyed Suessa, the Volscian metropolis. The Her- Alba, Castel Gandolfo (It.)
nicians lived near Lanuvium, Alba, and Rome herself. Aricia, Aricia, Ariccia (It.)
Tellenae, and Antium w ere not far away. Antium, Anzio (It.)
231 C, 12-17 The Albans initially shared the Romans’ mindset, since
they spoke the same language and w ere Latins. Although each
people was ruled separately, t here w ere nevertheless rights
of intermarriage, and the religious rituals at Alba and other
political rights w ere shared. L
ater, when war broke out, Alba
was razed except for her t emple, and the Albans w ere decreed
to be Roman citizens.
231 C, 17-19 As for the other cities in the vicinity, some were destroyed
and others humiliated for their recalcitrance, while some grew
stronger b ecause of their right-mindedness.
231 C, 19-23 Nowadays, the shoreline from Ostia as far as the city of Ostia, Ostia Antica (It.)
Sinuessa is called “Latin.” Formerly, it extended only to Cir- Sinuessa, Torre S. Limato (It.)
caeum. The interior, too, was formerly not large but later ex- Circaeum, Monte Circeo (It.)
tended as far as Campania and the Samnites, Paelignians, and

other nations inhabiting the Apennine range. |
231 C, 24-30 The entire territory is naturally blessed and widely pro- 5.3.5
ductive, with the exception of a few places on the coast that

are marshy and noxious, such as those belonging to the Ar- Ardeates = inhabitants of
Ardea, Ardea (It.)
deates and those between Antium and Lanuvium as far as
Antium, Anzio (It.)
Pomentium = ?Pometia, Pomentium;1 also, with the exception of certain places that
nr. Cisterna (It.) Lanuvium, Lanuvio (It.)
are part of Setina, and of the country in the region of Tar-
Setina = territory of Setia,
racina and Circaeum region, or anywhere mountainous and Sezze (It.)
rocky. Even these places are not completely nonarable or un- Tarracina, Terracina (It.)
usable. They provide rich grazing or lumber or crops suited to
Caecubum = ?Lat. Caecubus marshy or rocky areas: Caecubum, although marshy, nurtures
Ager
a tree vine that produces an excellent wine.
231 C, 31–232 C, 5 As for Latin cities on the coast,2 there’s Ostia, a city lack- Ostia, Ostia Antica (It.)
ing a harbor b ecause of the sedimentation by the Tiber, which

is fed by many rivers. Merchant ships drop anchor in the swell
of the open sea at great risk,3 but the desire for profit prevails.
The high number of lightweight tenders that transport goods
hither and thither make it possible swiftly to put back out to
sea before even reaching the river. . . . * and a portion of them,
[ 1 ] The name in the manuscripts, which should perhaps be retained, is “Pomenti-

num” = Lat. Pomptinus [ager], i.e., the Pomentine plain (231 C, 6-12). Cf. “Cae-
cubum” later in this paragraph and at 233 C, 31-34.
[ 2 ] Latin cities on the coast: 231 C, 31–234 C, 7.
[ 3 ] Strabo, who was present in Rome, probably saw the merchant ships himself:
273 C, 2-14n. Other observations on Rome’s maritime traffic: 145 C, 1-4nn; 245 C,
26-31n. Strabo’s views on the riskiness of sea voyages: 835 C, 30–836 C, 5n.
276
Italy + Islands
their load lightened, sail inland as far as Rome for a distance of

one hundred and ninety stades. Ostia was founded by Ancus
Marcius. So much for this city.
232 C, 6-19 Next is Antium, also a harborless city. She is situated on Antium, Anzio (It.)
marketplace = Lat. forum cliffs and is around two hundred and sixty stades from Ostia.
Nowadays, she has been given over to the leaders,1 for the pur-
pose of rest and respite from their political concerns when-
ever they get a chance; for this reason, a host of luxury resi-
dences has been built in the city for use during such sojourns.
In earlier times, the people had acquired ships for themselves Alexander = ?Alexander the
Great (ruled Macedonia, 4th c.
and, although they were already subject to the Romans, joined BCE) or ?Alexander (ruled
the Tyrrhenians in their piracy. This is why, first, Alexander Epirus, 4th c. BCE)
wrote a letter of accusation; then Demetrius, when he ren- Demetrius ruled Macedonia,
3rd c. BCE
dered up to the Romans the pirates who had been captured,
said that, as a f avor, he returned to them t hese individuals on ac-
count of their kinship with the Greeks but did not consider it right
that the very men in charge of Italy should at the same time o rganize
pirate raids, nor that they should set up a temple in their marketplace
to the Dioscuri and worship t hose whom everyone calls “Saviors” yet Dioscuri = Castor and Pollux
dispatch men to Greece to plunder their fatherland. The Romans

stopped them from such pursuits.
232 C, 20-26 Between these cities is Lavinium, with its communal Latin Lavinium, Pratica di Mare (It.)
temple to Aphrodite, cared for by the Ardeates by means of

temple servants. Then there’s Laurentum. Inland from these
is Ardea, a Rutulian settlement at a distance of seventy stades Ardea, Ardea (It.)
Aphrodite = Lat. Venus from the coast. Near this settlement, too, is a t emple to Aphro-
dite, where Latins celebrate their joint festivities. The Samnites
sacked t hese places, leaving only ruins of the cities, ruins that
are famous on account of Aeneas’s sojourn and the religious
rites, which, they say, have been handed down from that time. |
232 C, 27-33 Two hundred and ninety stades after Antium is Circaeum, Circaeum, Monte Circeo (It.) 5.3.6
Circaeum = Lat. Mons Circeius a mountain made into an island by sea and by marshes. People
say it is rich in medicinal roots, which is perhaps why they
connect it with the Circe myth. It has a small town, a t emple
to Circe, and an altar to Athena; and a bowl is said to be iden-
tified as being that of Odysseus. In the intervening space is
the Stura river and the anchorage on its banks. Then t here’s Stura, Astura r.
a shoreline exposed to the southwest wind with only a small

harbor, at the Circaeum end. Set back in the interior is the
Pomentine plain = Lat.
Pomptinus Ager Pomentine plain.
[ 1 ] The term “leaders” includes both emperors and provincial governors: 159 C,
19-28n.
277
3.1. Western Europe
232 C, 34–233 C, 7 As for the [shoreline] contiguous with this, it was once inhab-
ited by the Ausonians (who also held Campania) and after
them by the Oscans (who also had a share in Campania).
Nowadays, everything as far as Sinuessa belongs to the Latins,
as I said.1 A peculiar thing has come about in connection with
the Oscans and the Ausonian nation. On the one hand, al-
though the Oscans have disappeared, their language persists
among the Romans so that, at a certain traditional contest,
their poems are acted out on stage and mimed. On the other
hand, although the Ausonians never ever lived on the Sicil-
ian sea, that body of water is nevertheless called “Ausonian.”
233 C, 8-19 Following on from Circaeum at a distance of one hundred
stades is Tarracina, formerly called “Trachina” (Rugged) after Tarracina, Terracina (It.)
its situation. In front of it, t here is a large swamp created by

two rivers. The larger of the rivers is called “Aufidus.” This Aufidus, Uffente r.
Appian road = Lat. Via Appia is where the Appian road first touches the sea:2 it runs from
Rome to Brundisium and is extremely well traveled, but with Brundisium, Brindisi (It.)
regard to coastal cities, it touches only these (Tarracina and

the cities that come next, namely Formiae, Minturna, and Formiae, Formia (It.)
Sinuessa) and t hose at its endpoint (Taras and Brundisium). Minturna, nr. Minturno (It.)
Near Tarracina as you head toward Rome, stretching for many Sinuessa, Torre S. Limato (It.)
stades alongside the Appian road, is a canal filled with w ater Taras, Taranto (It.)
from the rivers and marshes. The voyage along the canal is
made mostly at night, so that you start in the e vening, finish
in the morning, and continue the rest of the journey by road.
(However, the voyage can also be made by day.) Towing is
done by a l ittle mule.
233 C, 20-26 Next is Formiae, a city founded by Laconians, formerly Formiae, Formia (It.)
called “Hormiae” (Anchorage) because of its safe mooring place.

They also called the intervening bay “Kaiatas,” 3 since the La- They = Laconians
conians call all things that curve inward kaietas (hollows) 4 (Some Caieta/Kaiatas, Gaeta (It.)
people, however, say that the bay takes its name from Ae-
neas’s nurse.) The bay is one hundred stades long, starting
from Tarracina and g oing as far as the headland of the same Caieta headland, Punta
Stendardo (It.)
name. This is where huge caves have opened up, accommo-
dating huge and luxurious dwellings. Thence to Formiae is
forty [stades].
233 C, 26-31 Between this city and Sinuessa is Minturnae, which is this city = Formiae, Formia (It.)
about eighty stades from each. Running past it is the Liris Minturnae, nr. Minturno (It.)
river (it was formerly called “Clanis”). From high in the Liris/Clanis, Garigliano r.
[ 1 ] 231 C, 19-23.
[ 2 ] I.e., “first” for a traveler starting from Rome.
[ 3 ] Strabo transliterates into Greek (Kaiatas) the name of the Roman town (Caieta)
that sits on a promontory forming the bay. He applies the name to the bay itself
and gives a torturous etymology. See next note.
[ 4 ] The uninflected form of the word would be kaietai, but Strabo gives the name
in the inflected form kaietas, as required by his sentence structure (cf. 615 C,
8-17) and perhaps to lend support to his etymology. Strabo’s understanding of
the Laconian language may not be perfect, as he later distinguishes between
the various forms of the word: 367 C, 8-14. Cf. the alleged meaning of the name
Sinuessa: 234 C, 4-6.
278
Italy + Islands
Apennine mountains and from Vestina, it flows past the vil-

lage of Fregellae (it was once a splendid city) and spills into a Fregellae, nr. Ceprano (It.)
sacred grove situated below the city and held in exceptionally

high regard by the inhabitants of Minturnae.
233 C, 31-34 Within sight of the caves,1 two islands lie right out to sea:
Pandataria and Pontia. They are small but well populated, not Pandataria, Ventotene (It.
island)
far apart from each other, about two hundred and fifty stades
Caecubum = ?Lat. Caecubus
Ager from the mainland. On Caieta bay is Caecubum, and close to Pontia, Ponza (It. island)
Appian road = Lat. Via Appia this, Fundi, a city situated along the Appian road. Fundi, Fondi (It.)
233 C, 34–234 C, 4 All t hese are places that produce excellent wine: Cae-
cuban, Fundanian, and Setinian wines are among the best
known, like Falernian, Alban, and Statanian.
234 C, 4-6 Sinuessa is situated in a bay, whence her name: sinus means Sinuessa, Torre S. Limato (It.)
“bay.” Near her, there are hot baths, which are very effective
against a number of medical conditions. |
234 C, 7 The foregoing are the Latin cities on the coast.2 5.3.7
234 C, 7-11 As for t hose in the interior,3 the first city inland from
ROME Ostia—and the only city that is situated on the Tiber—is Ostia, Ostia Antica (It.)
Rome (It.)
Rome. A description has been given of its foundation being a
matter of necessity rather than a m atter of choice.4 It remains
to add that even those who afterward incorporated certain
additional parts w ere not masters of improvement but slaves
to what already existed.
234 C, 11-19 The first men walled in the Capitol, the Palatium, and the
hill of Quirinus = Lat. Collis hill of Quirinus, which was so easily accessible to outsiders
Quirinalis
that Titus Tatius took it at the first assault when he sought
to avenge the outrage of the raped w omen. Ancus Marcius Ancus Marcius ruled Rome,
7th c. BCE
Caelian mount = Lat. Mons incorporated the Caelian and Aventine mounts (and the plain
Caelius
between them), which were separate from each other and
Aventine mount = Lat. Mons
Aventinus
from the hills that previously had been walled in. He added
them out of necessity—it was not a good idea to leave such
naturally defensive hills outside the walls as fortifications for
anyone who wanted them—but he was not strong enough
to expand the w hole circuit of the wall as far as the hill of
Quirinus.
234 C, 19-25 Servius put right the shortcoming: he completed the Servius Tullius ruled Rome,
6th c. BCE
Esquiline hill = Lat. Collis expansion with the addition of the Esquiline hill and the
Esquiliae
Viminal hill. These parts, too, were easy for outsiders to at-
tack. Therefore, digging a deep trench, they accumulated the
Viminal hill = Lat. Collis Viminalis earth on the inner side; extended an approximately six-stade
[1] Probably witnessed by Strabo himself: 117 C, 12-20n; 273 C, 2-14n.

[2] Latin cities on the coast: 231 C, 31–234 C, 7.
[3] Latin cities in the interior: 234 C. 7–240 C, 21.
[4] 229 C, 20–230 C, 2.
279
3.1. Western Europe
earthwork along the inner bank of the trench; and threw up

a wall with towers, r unning from the Colline gate to the Es-
quiline gate. Below the midpoint of the earthwork is a third
gate, homonymous with the “Viminal” hill.
234 C, 25-30 Such are the defenses of the city, although it needs still
further defenses. It seems to me that the first men entertained
the same belief as those who came later: Romans should main-
tain their safety and their general prosperity not through
defenses but through arms and their own superiority, in the
belief that it is not walls that defend men, but men who de-
fend walls.
234 C, 31–235 C, 6 Since the surrounding territory—which was extensive
and of good quality—belonged to o thers in the beginning,
and since the city’s site was easily assailable, her f uture suc-
cess was not topographically foreordained. However, through
virtue and hard work, the territory became her own; and a
combination of favorable factors emerged, transcending
any advantage inherent in the site. Having expanded greatly
because of this, the city is self-sufficient both in respect of
food and also in respect of timber and stone for the building
of h ouses, which has been rendered incessant by collapses,
fires, and h ouse purchases. The last are themselves incessant:
house purchases are a sort of intentional collapse, since p eople
tear h ouses down and rebuild them to their specifications,
one a fter another.
235 C, 6-12 To t hese ends, a wonderful supply system is created by not
only the numerous mines and the woods but also the rivers
Alba, Albe (It.) that provide transport: first, the Anio, which flows from Alba, Anio, Aniene r.
the Latin city by the Marsians, and across the plain beneath
it, to its juncture with the Tiber; then, the Nar and the Tinia Nar, Nera r.
rivers, which flow down through Umbria to the same Tiber; Tinia, Topino r.
Clusina = territory of Clusium,
Chiusi (It.) and the Clanis, which flows through Tyrrhenia and Clusina. Clanis, Chiani r.
235 C, 12-18 Augustus Caesar addressed these deficiencies of the city

by, as far as fires were concerned, organizing a cohort of
freedmen to provide aid and, as far as h ouse collapses w ere
concerned, reducing the height of new buildings and forbid-
ding a rise of more than seventy feet on the sides facing pub-
lic streets. Nevertheless, these improvements would not have
been enough if the mines, forests, and ease of transportation
had not matched them. |
280
Italy + Islands
235 C, 19-32 The foregoing are the advantages that the territory’s 5.3.8
physical nature gives to the city 1—but the Romans added the
advantage of intelligent design. The Greeks are considered
to have been exceptionally successful in founding cities, in
that they aimed for aesthetics and defensibility, harbors and
productive territory. The Romans, however, gave thought to
that to which the Greeks paid scant regard: road construction,
the water supply, and underground conduits capable of wash-
ing the city’s filth into the Tiber. (They constructed roads
through their territory, too, cutting through hills and making
embankments in valleys, so that their wagons can carry whole
boatloads of cargo.) As for the conduits, with their vaulted
roofs of close-fitting stone, some leave enough headroom
for the passage of hay wagons! So much water is brought in
ater channels = Lat.
w through the water channels that rivers run through the city
aquaeductus
and conduits, and just about e very h ousehold has cisterns
and water pipes and copious fountains. Marcus Agrippa paid
particular attention to these, as well as donating many other
structures for the city’s beautification.
235 C, 33–236 C, 13 In a word, the ancients paid l ittle heed to Rome’s aesthet-
ics, being occupied with larger and more pressing matters.
However, t hose who came l ater—in particular, the men of
today and of our times—did not fall short in this respect but
filled the city with the many fine structures they donated.
Pompey, the deified Caesar, Augustus and his sons, friends,
wife, and sister have outdone themselves in the trouble
taken and expense incurred with respect to buildings. Most
of these buildings are in the Campus Martius, whose natural
qualities are enhanced by intelligence of design. The campus
is incredibly large—which allows for equestrian events, par-
ticularly chariot racing, to be held at the same time as, and
unhindered by, the host of p eople practicing ball throwing,
hoops, and wrestling. The surrounding statuary, the ground
covered all year round with grass, the garland of hills loom-
ing above the river and sloping right up to it, which present
a sight as of a stage set2—these provide a spectacle that is
quite entrancing.
236 C, 13-22 For t hese reasons, the site was considered to be most sa-
cred, and this was where memorials were built to commemo-
rate the most famous men and w omen. The most significant
[ 1 ] 234 C, 31–235 C, 18.

[ 2 ] As witnessed by Strabo himself, who was present in Rome as a young man (30s
BCE) (273 C, 2-14n) and on at least one subsequent occasion (next note).
281
3.1. Western Europe
of these is called the “Mausoleum”—a great mound, on a

lofty base of white marble, by the river, covered right to the
top with evergreen trees. On the summit is a bronze image of
Augustus Caesar; beneath the mound are his remains,1 and
the remains of his f amily and those close to him; behind it is
a large precinct with amazing walkways. In the m iddle of the
campus is the enclosure—also made of white marble—where
he was cremated. It is surrounded by an iron fence; the area
within the fence is planted with black poplars.
236 C, 22-25 Near this campus is another campus, large numbers of col-
onnades all around, sacred precincts, three theaters, an am-
phitheater, and elaborate t emples next to each other, seeming
to declare that the rest of the city is a sideshow!
236 C, 25-28 Again, if one enters the ancient marketplace and sees
marketplace = Lat. forum others successively next to it and also the regal halls and regal halls = Lat. basilicae
temples, and if one sees the Capitol and the artworks there
Livia’s colonnade = Lat. porticus and on the Palatium and in Livia’s colonnade, then one would
Liviae
forget utterly everything e lse.2
236 C, 29 So much for Rome.3 |
236 C, 29–237 C, 4 As for the other Latin cities, one might locate some by 5.3.9
reference to various distinguishing features but others by ref-

erence to the best known of the roads laid out through Latina,
since the cities are located either on t hese roads or near these
roads or between t hese roads. The best-known roads are the
Appian, the Latin, and the Valerian.4 The first defines the
Sinuessa, Torre S. Limato (It.) coastal parts of Latina as far as Sinuessa. The last defines the
parts t oward Sabina as far as the Marsians. Between them is
the Latin road, which converges with the Appian at the city Casilinum, Capua (It.)
of Casilinum,5 nineteen stades distant from Capua. Capua, S. Maria Capua Vetere
(It.)
237 C, 4-13 It starts off from the Appian, taking a left turn from that
It = Latin road road near Rome; then passes over the Tusculanum mountain
between the city of Tusculum and mount Albanum; descends Tusculum, Tuscolo (It.)
to Algidus (a small town) and Pictae Inns; then it is joined by mount Albanum, Monte Cavo
(It.)
Labican [road] = Lat. Via the Labican, which starts from the Esquiline gate, where the
Labicana Algidus, Colle della Mola (It.)
Praenestine also starts but leaves the latter and the Esquiline
Praenestine [road] = Lat. Via Pictae Inns, Le Macere (It.)
Praenestina
plain to the left and goes on for more than one hundred and
twenty stades, drawing near Labicum—an ancient ruined city Labicum, Colonna (It.)
situated up high—which, together with Tusculum, it leaves

to the right, ending at Pictae and the Latin [road], which place
is two hundred and ten stades distant from Rome.
[ 1 ] Strabo writes (or dictates or delivers) these words a fter the death (14 CE) of they had been brought to Rome: e.g., 200 C, 18-28n (Brettanica); 278 C, 7-18n
the emperor Augustus. If Strabo saw the Mausoleum after the interment of (Taras); 319 C, 3-10n (Apollonia); 556 C, 25–557 C, 2n (Caenum Chorium); 636 C,
Augustus’s remains, as well as the “enclosure where he was cremated,” then 33–637 C, 12n (Samos); 657 C, 15–658 C, 4n (Cos).
Strabo was present in Rome as an older man. [ 3 ] Rome: 234 C, 7–236 C, 28.
[ 2 ] The Capitol is where the treasures of the Roman empire w ere stored. Strabo [ 4 ] Appian road and surroundings: 239 C, 21–240 C, 7. Latin road and surroundings:
probably saw these treasures in person: 273 C, 2-14n. Nevertheless, he does not 237 C, 4–238 C, 12. Valerian road and surroundings: 238 C, 13–239 C, 20.
list them h
ere. Rather, he mentions them in describing the areas from which [ 5 ] I.e., for a traveler heading away from Rome.
282
Italy + Islands
237 C, 13-18 Then, continuing on the Latin road itself, there are note-
worthy settlements and cities: Ferentinum, Frusino (past Ferentinum, Ferentino (It.)
Trerus, Sacco r.
which the Cosa river flows), Fabrateria (past which the Tre- Frusino, Frosinone (It.)
Melpis, Melfa r.
rus flows), Aquinum (a large city, past which a large river, the Fabrateria, Ceccano/Falvaterra
Interamnium, Pignataro (It.)
Interamna (It.) Melpis, flows), Interamnium (situated at the confluence of
Aquinum, Aquino (It.)
Liris, Garigliano r. two rivers—Liris and another), and Casinum.
237 C, 18-22 The latter is a significant city and the last of the Latin cit- latter = Casinum, Cassino (It.)
ies, since the city that comes next, called “Sidicinian” Tea- Sidicinian Teanum, Teano (It.)
num, demonstrates through her epithet that she belongs to

the Sidicinians. These latter were Oscans, a Campanian na-
tion that has disappeared, so that both she, the largest of the
cities on the Latin road, and the Calenian city, which comes Calenian city = Cales, Calvi (It.)
next (also a significant city, adjoining Casilinum), might be

said to be Campanian. |
237 C, 23-33 As for e ither side of the Latin [road], on the right-hand 5.3.10
side are the cities between it and the Appian: Setia and Sig- Setia, Sezze (It.)
nia (both wine producers—the former produces a high-class Signia, Segni (It.)
wine while the latter produces a wine called “Signinan” that

is very good for settling the stomach); in addition to these,
Privernum, Cora, Suessa . . . *, Velitrae, and Aletrium. There Privernum, nr. Priverno (It.)
is, furthermore, Fregellae (past which the Liris flows, reach- Cora, Cori (It.)
ing the sea at Minturnae), now a village but once a significant Velitrae, Velletri (It.)
city, having previously taken control of many of those cities Aletrium, Alatri (It.)
just mentioned as dependencies, whose citizens even now Fregellae, nr. Ceprano (It.)
congregate there to hold markets and perform sacred ritu- Liris, Garigliano r.
als. She rebelled and was razed by the Romans. Very many of Minturnae, nr. Minturno (It.)
these cities, as well as the cities on the Latin [road] and the cities
beyond it, are situated in Hernician, Aequan, and Volscian
territory; they w ere founded by the Romans.
237 C, 33–238 C, 12 On the left-hand side of the Latin [road] are the cities be-
tween it and the Valerian [road]: Gabii, situated on the Prae- Gabii, Castiglione (It.)
nestine road, with a stone quarry that supersedes all others

in serving Rome, lies the same distance (around one hundred
stades) from Rome as from Praeneste; then there is Praeneste, Praeneste, Palastrina (It.)
about which I s hall speak in just a moment;1 then t here are the
cities in the mountains above Praeneste—the small Hernician Anagnia, Anagni (It.)
town of Capitulum, the significant city of Anagnia, Cerea- Cereatae, Abbazia di Casamari
Liris, Garigliano r. tae, and Sora (past which the Liris flows on its way down to (It.)
Fregellae and Minturnae); then various others including Ve- Sora, Sora (It.)
nafrum, the source of the finest olive oil—this city has a lofty Venafrum, Venafro (It.)
[ 1 ] 238 C, 26–239 C, 9.
283
3.1. Western Europe
Volturnus, Volturno r. location, and flowing past the base of the hill is the Volturnus,
which also goes past Casilinum and reaches the sea at the city
homonymous with it; finally, Aesernia and Allifae are Sam- Aesernia, Isernia (It.)
nite cities, the former destroyed during the Marsian war, the Allifae, S. Angelo d’Alife (It.)
latter still in existence. |
238 C, 13-15 The Valerian takes its start from Tibur, and then heads 5.3.11
Valerian [road] = Lat. Via Valeria toward the Marsians and Corfinium, the Paelignian metropo- Varia, Vicovaro (It.)
lis. Located along it are the Latin cities of Varia, Carseoli, and Carseoli, nr. Carsoli (It.)
Alba; nearby is the city of Cuculum. Tibur, Tivoli (It.)
238 C, 16-26 Tibur, Praeneste, and Tusculum are within sight of people Alba, Albe (It.)
in Rome.1 Tibur is the location of the temple to Heracles and Praeneste, Palastrina (It.)
the waterfall that the Anio forms as it cascades down from on Tusculum, Tuscolo (It.)
high into a deep, wooded gorge next to the city herself. From Anio, Aniene r.
that point on, the Anio is navigable and flows out across a
very fertile plain, past the quarries of Tiburtine stone and of
the stone in Gabii (also called “Red Stone”), with the con-
sequence that transport and shipping from t hese mines are
very easy. Most of the building projects in Rome are supplied
Albula [waters] = Lat. Aquae from here. On this plain flow forth, from many springs, the
Albulae
cold waters called “Albula,” which, if you drink them or sit in Albula waters, Acque Albule
(It.)
Labana [waters] = Lat. Aquae them, cure a variety of afflictions. Such, too, are the Labana,
Labanae
not far from them on the Nomentanian road in the Eretum Eretum, nr. Casacotta (It.)
Nomentanian road = Lat. Via
Nomentana region.
238 C, 26–239 C, 4 Praeneste is the location of the t emple to Tyche, well Praeneste, Palastrina (It.)
Tyche = Lat. Fortuna known for its oracles. Both cities happen to be situated in the Both cities = Praeneste + Tibur
(Tivoli, It.)
oracles, divine prophecies same mountainous area. They are some one hundred stades
apart from each other. From Rome, Praeneste is double that
distance, but Tibur is less distant. Both cities are said to be
Greek: Praeneste’s former name is “Polystephanus.” Both cit-
ies occupy good defensive sites, but Praeneste’s site is by far
the better one. She has, as her citadel, a mountain that rises
high above the city and on the far side has a land bridge from
the adjoining ridge—the mountain rises vertically above this
bridge by as much as two stades. In addition to her natural
defenses, underground passages have everywhere been bored
as far as the plains: some are used for the water supply, others
as secret escape routes (in one of which Marius was besieged
and died).
239 C, 4-9 In the case of other cities, being a natural stronghold is
considered for the most part an advantage. For the Praenes-
[ 1 ] Probably witnessed by Strabo himself: 273 C, 2-14n.
284
Italy + Islands
tinians, however, it has proved a misfortune because of in-

ternal dissent among the Romans. Her revolutionaries flee
hither, and then, when they are forced to surrender, it hap-
pens that not only does the city suffer misfortune but also
her territory is taken away, blame being transferred to the
guiltless. Flowing through her territory is the Verestis river.
239 C, 9-20 Both the aforementioned cities lie to the east of Rome. |
Closer than the mountain on which they sit is another ridge 5.3.12
(leaving in the intervening space a valley in which Algidus Algidus, Colle della Mola (It.)
sits), which is lofty and rises up toward mount Albanum. mount Albanum, Monte Cavo
(It.)
The ridge is the location of Tusculum, a city that has been
Tusculum, Tuscolo (It.)
developed not at all badly. She is adorned with surrounding
plantations and buildings, especially those beneath her on the
side toward Rome: this is where Tusculanum is, a hill with
good soil and good w ater, which gently rises to a number of
summits and accommodates the most spectacularly palatial
buildings. Next to the hill are the areas at the foot of mount
Albanum, with the same excellent qualities and the same level
of development. Next are the plains, some of them reaching
toward Rome and her suburbs, some t oward the coast. The
plains in the direction of the sea are less healthful, but the
others are attractive to look at and similarly adorned.
239 C, 21–240 C, 3 The city of Aricia is on the Appian road after Albanum: Aricia, Ariccia (It.)
Appian road = Lat. Via Appia the distance from Rome is one hundred and sixty stades. The
site is in a recess but nevertheless has a steep-sided citadel.
Situated above Aricia on the right-hand side of the Appian
road is Lanuvium, a Roman city from which both the sea and Lanuvium, Lanuvio (It.)
Antium are within sight.1 The Artemisium (temple to Artemis), Antium, Anzio (It.)
which they call “Nemus” (Sacred grove),2 on the left-hand side Artemisium, nr. Nemi (It.)
of the road as you ascend from Aricia . . . *. They say that it

is an offshoot from Tauropolus, on the grounds that a bar-
barian and Scythian element predominates in its sacred rites.
The man appointed priest is a runaway slave who, with his
own hand, has killed the previous incumbent: he is therefore
always armed with a sword, on the lookout for attacks, and
ready to defend himself. The temple is in a sacred grove. In
front of it, a flooded lake spreads out. Round about it is a con- lake, Lago di Nemi (It.)
tinuous mountain ridge—very high and embracing both the

temple and the water in a deep recess. It is possible to see the
springs that fill the lake, including the one called “Egeria,”
[ 1 ] Probably witnessed by Strabo himself: 273 C, 2-14n.

Nemus. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
285
3.1. Western Europe
named a fter a certain divinity. The outlets are not visible here
but are identified a long way away where they rise to the sur-
face. |
240 C, 4-7 Also near t hese places is mount Albanum, which is much Albanum, Monte Cavo (It.) 5.3.13
mount Albanum = Lat. Mons higher than the Artemisium and much higher than the ridges
Albanus
(very high and quite vertical) that surround it. This, too, has
a lake, which is much bigger than the lake at the Artemisium. lake, Albano l. (It.)
240 C, 8-9 Beyond these places are the Latin cities already mentioned.1
240 C, 9-19 The farthest inland of the Latin cities is Alba, which bor- Alba, Albe (It.)
ders on the Marsians. She is situated on a high outcrop near

lake Fucina = Lat. Lacus Fucinus lake Fucina, which is sea-like in size. The lake is used primar- lake Fucina, Fucino l. (It.)
ily by the Marsians and nearby p eople. P

eople say that the
water level rises as high as the mountains, and then drops back
again to such an extent that it dries out marshlands and ren-
ders them arable. Either the waters in the lake’s depths meta
stasize in a sporadic and obscure fashion and then regroup; or
its springs completely dry up and then are put under pressure
again, as they say happens in the case of the Amenanus, which
flows through Catana—it dries up for many years and then Catana, Catania (Sic.)
starts flowing again. The story is that Fucina is the source of

Marcian water = Lat. Aqua the Marcian water, which supplies Rome and which is consid-
Marcia
ered to be of a quality surpassing all other w aters.
240 C, 19-21 The Romans often used Alba as a prison, b ecause of
her location deep within the territory and b ecause she was
easy to guard, incarcerating t here those p eople who needed
watching. |
240 C, 22-27 I started with t hose nations t oward the Alps and with the 5.4.1
Apennine mountains near them.2 I then crossed over those

mountains and went through all the territory on this side, on this side = west of Apennines
such as lies between the Tyrrhenian sea and the Apennine

mountains (as they head toward the Adria), as far as the Adria, Adriatic Sea
Samnites and the Campanians.3 Now, retracing my steps, I

will portray the nations living in t hese mountains and in the
foothills—both those on the outside as far the Adriatic coast outside = east of Apennines
and t hose on this side.

240 C, 27–241 C, 3 I take my start, again, from the Celtic borders. | After the 5.4.2
PICENTINA Umbrian cities—from Ariminum to Ancon—comes Picen- Ariminum, Rimini (It.)

ne. Italy
tina. The Picentinians originated in Sabina, and a woodpecker Ancon, Ancona (It.)
showed their founders where to go. This is the reason for their Picentina = land of the
Picentinians
name: their name for this bird is picus, and they believe that it
[ 1 ] 233 C, 8–234 C, 7, where Strabo deals with Tarracina, Formiae, Minturna(e), and
Sinuessa—all on the Appian road—as part of his description of the Latin coast.
[ 2 ] Nations between Alps and Apennines: 210 C, 31–218 C, 24.
[ 3 ] Territory between Tyrrhenian sea and Apennines: 218 C, 25–240 C, 21.
286
Italy + Islands
is sacred to Ares. Their habitation stretches from the moun-

tains as far as the plains and the sea, and their territory has
expanded more lengthwise than widthwise. Though their
territory is good in all respects, it is better for tree crops than
cereal crops. Its breadth is the dimension from the mountains
to the coast, of varying distances. Its length is the dimension
Aesis, Esino r.
from the Aesis river to Castrum, an eight-hundred-stade voy-
Castrum [Novum], Giulianova
age along the coast. (It.)
241 C, 3-14 As for the cities, Ancon is a Greek city, founded by Syra- Ancon, Ancona (It.)
cusans who were fleeing from Dionysius’s tyranny. She sits Dionysius ruled Sicily, 405–367
BCE
upon a headland embracing a large harbor within a north-
ward curve: it produces excellent wine and purple dye. Near
Septempeda, S. Severino her is the city Auxumum, a little inland from the sea; then Auxumum, Osimo (It.)
Marche (It.)
Septempeda, . . . *, Potentia, and Firmum Picenum (whose
Potentia, Porto Recanati (It.)
seaport is Castellum). Next in succession is the temple to
Firmum Picenum, Fermo (It.)
Cupra, founded and established by the Tyrrhenians. (“Cupra” Cupra, Cupra Marittima (It.)
Castellum, S. Maria a Mare (It.)
is their name for Hera.) Then there’s the Truentinus river, Truentinus (river), Tronto r.
and the city named after it; then Castrum Novum (New castle)1 city named a
fter it = [Castrum]
Truentinum, Martinsicuro (It.)
Matrinus river, ?Piomba r. and the Matrinus river, which flows from the Adrianian city
Adrianian city = Adria, Atri (It.) and has Adria’s seaport named a fter it. In the interior, there’s Castrum Novum, Giulianova (It.)
this city, and Asculum Picenum, a defensive site and . . . * on Adria’s seaport = Matrinum,
?nr. mouth of Piomba r.
which the wall is situated—and the surrounding mountains
Asculum Picenum, Ascoli Piceno
are inaccessible to armies. (It.)
241 C, 15-27 Above Picentina, inhabiting the mountain country, are
the Vestinians, Marsians, Paelignians, Marrucinians, and
Frentanians (a Samnite nation), reaching as far as the coast
in only a few places. T hese nations are small but extremely
courageous, and they have often displayed this virtuous trait
to the Romans—first when fighting against them, secondly
when fighting alongside them, and thirdly when, wanting
freedom and citizenship and getting neither, they rebelled
against them and kindled what is called the “Marsian war.” Marsian war, 91–89 BCE
They appointed Corfinium, the Paelignian metropolis, as the Corfinium/Italica, Corfinio (It.)
city shared by all Italiotes—instead of Rome—and made her

the base of their operations, her name being changed to “Ital-
ica.” Assembling their followers t here and electing consuls
and praetors, they remained at war for two years until they
achieved the relationship for which they had been fighting.
They called the war “Marsian” after those who had initiated
the rebellion and a fter Pompaedius in particular.
[ 1 ] Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin place-name Castrum Novum, writing
or dictating Kastroum Noououm, which gets garbled in the medieval manu-
scripts (not surprisingly, as the outlandishness of the transliteration is perhaps
the point); cf. 213 C, 5-16n. Similar examples of Strabo’s transliteration of Latin
names: 508 C, 10-18n.
287
3.1. Western Europe
241 C, 27–242 C, 3 In general, they are village dwellers, but they also have
Sulmo, Sulmona (It.) cities. Inland from the seacoast, there’s Corfinium, Sulmo, Corfinium, Corfinio (It.)
Marruvium, S. Benedetto (It.) Marruvium, and Teate (the Marrucinian metropolis). On the
Teate, Chieti (It.) coast itself, t here’s Aternum, on the border with Picentina, Aternum, Pescara (It.)
with the same name as the river that divides Vestina and Mar- Aternus (river), Pescara r.
rucina. The river flows from Amiternina past the Vestinians,

leaving to the right the Marruvinians, situated inland from
the Paelignians. It can be crossed by means of pontoon bridge.
The small city named after it belongs to the Vestinians but is
used as a shared port by the Paelignians and Marrucinians.
The pontoon bridge is twenty-four stades from Corfinium.
242 C, 3-8 After Aternum comes Orton, the Frentanian port; and Orton, Ortona (It.)
Buca, which belongs to the Frentanians and borders on Buca, ?Termoli (It.)
Apulian Teanum. Among the Frentanians is Ortonium, Apulian Teanum, nr. S. Paolo di
Civitate (It.)
cliffs belonging to pirates, whose dwellings are constructed
from shipwrecks and who are savage in other respects, too.
Between Orton and Aternum is the Sagrus river, dividing the Sagrus, Sangro r.
Frentanians from the Paelignians.

242 C, 8-10 The coastal voyage from Picentina to the Apulians (called
“Daunians” by the Greeks)1 is some four hundred and fifty
stades. |
242 C, 11-14 Following on from Latina,2 Campania stretches along the 5.4.3
coast, and above Campania in the interior is Samnitis,3 reach-

ing as far as the Frentanians and the Daunians (then t here are
the Daunians themselves, plus the other nations as far as the
Sicilian strait).4 Sicilian strait, Straits of Messina
242 C, 15-21 I should describe Campania first. From Sinuessa, along Sinuessa, Torre S. Limato (It.)
CAMPANIA the following stretch of shoreline, t here’s a large bay as far

sw. Italy
as Misenum; and from there onward there is a second bay Misenum, Capo di Miseno
(they call it “Crater”), which is much larger than the first, Crater, Golfo di Napoli
curving around between the two headlands of Misenum and

Athenaeum. The w hole of Campania—a plain that is blessed Athenaeum, Punta della
Campanella
above all others—is located inland from these two stretches
of coast. Surrounding it are fertile hills, and the mountains of
the Samnites and the Oscans.
242 C, 21-30 Antiochus says that this territory was inhabited by Opicians,
Antiochus (5th c. BCE) who are also called “Ausonians.” Polybius apparently believes
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) these are two separate nations. He says that Opicians and Au-
sonians live around Crater. Others say that, although the inhab-
itants w
ere formerly Opicians and Ausonians, the Sidicinians
[ 1 ] Strabo later refines the equation of Latin Apuli with Greek “Daunians”: 277 C,
26-33n.
[ 2 ] Latina (w. Italy): 228 C, 34–240 C, 21.
[ 3 ] Campania (sw. Italy): 242 C, 15–249 C, 16; 250 C, 30–251 C, 6. Samnitis (sw. Italy
hinterland): 249 C, 17–250 C, 29.
[ 4 ] Daunians (e. Italy): 283 C, 17–285 C, 34. Other nations as far as Sicilian strait: 251 C,
7–265 C, 26.
288
Italy + Islands
(an Oscan nation) later took possession of the territory, and

that these people were expelled by the Cumaeans, and the Cumaeans = inhabitants of
Cumae, Cuma (It.)
Cumaeans by the Tyrrhenians, the plain being much fought
Tyrrhenians possessed
over b ecause of its desirability; t hese people settled in twelve Campania, ca. 650–400 BCE
cities and gave the name “Capua” to what was, so to speak, Capua, S. Maria Capua Vetere
the “head” city;1 their love of luxury made them soft, and in (It.)
the same way that they had been forced out of the territory
around the Padus, so they yielded this territory to the Sam- Padus, Po r.
nites, and the Samnites were expelled by the Romans.

242 C, 30–243 C, 6 An indication of its fertility is that the grain that is grown
here is of exceptionally high quality. I mean the wheat grain:
groats are derived from it that are superior to any rice or, in a
word, any cereal. The story is that some of the plains are sown
throughout the year, twice with emmer wheat and a third
time with millet, and that some even produce vegetables at
a fourth sowing. The Romans hold that the best wine comes
from h ere—Falernian, Statanian, and Calenian. Lastly, Sur-
rentinian wine has emerged as a rival to t hese wines since it
has recently been shown to benefit from aging. Likewise, the
whole Venafrum region—which borders the plains—is good Venafrum, Venafro (It.)
for olive growing. |

243 C, 7-12 The cities on the coast after Sinuessa include Liternum, Liternum (city), nr. Lago di 5.4.4
Patria (It.)
the location of the memorial to Scipio (the first to bear the
cognomen “Africanus”), since he lived here ultimately, after
retiring from affairs of state b ecause of his antipathy t oward
certain p eople; the river r unning past it bears the same name Liternus (river), Regi Lagni r.
Volturnus (river), Volturno r. as the city. Likewise, the Volturnus bears the same name as the
Volturnum (city), Volturno (It.) city beside it, the city that comes next in sequence; this river
flows past Venafrum and through the middle of Campania. Venafrum, Venafro (It.)
243 C, 12-17 Next after these is Cumae, the oldest city founded by the Cumae, Cuma (It.)
Chalcidians and the Cumaeans, since she is the oldest of all Chalcidians and Cumaeans
came from Euboea (Gk. island),
the Sicilian and Italiote cities. The leaders of the expedition— 8th c. BCE
Hippocles the Cumaean and Megasthenes the Chalcidian—
agreed among themselves that colonization should be the
responsibility of one group, while choice of name should be
the responsibility of the other group, which is why the city is
now called “Cumae” even though it appears that the Chalcid-
ians founded her.
243 C, 17-25 In early days, then, the city prospered (as did what was Phlegraean plain, Campi Flegrei
Phlegraean plain = Lat. Campi known as the “Phlegraean plain,” which people say is the (It.)
Phlegraei
[ 1 ] The Latin word for head is caput; cf. 248 C, 31–249 C, 11n.
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3.1. Western Europe
scene for the myth of The Giants—probably for no other

reason than that the land is fought over b ecause of its desir-
ability). Later on, the Campanians, having established do-
minion over the city, inflicted many outrages on her menfolk
and furthermore took the women as their own. Nevertheless,
many traces are preserved of the city’s Greek ornamentation,
rituals, and customs. Some people say that Cumae was named Cumae, Cuma (It.)
for the cumata (waves): the nearby shoreline is full of breakers

and exposed to the wind. The catches of large fish t here are
excellent.
243 C, 25-28 In this bay, there’s also a shrubby woodland stretching for
Gallinaria wood = Lat. Silva many stades, waterless and sandy, which is called “Gallinaria
Gallinaria
wood.” This is where Sextus Pompeius’s naval captains mar-
shaled their pirate bands when that fellow stirred Sicily to
rebellion. |
243 C, 29–244 C, 6 Near Cumae is the promontory Misenum. In the interven- Misenum, Capo di Miseno 5.4.5
lake Acherusia = Lat. Acherusia ing space, is lake Acherusia, formed out of a shallow inlet from Acherusia, Lago Fusaro (It.)
Palus
the sea. As you round Misenum, you immediately come to a
harbor at the foot of the headland; and, a fter that, a deeply
concave shoreline on which are located Baiae and the hot Baiae, Baia (It.)
springs used for purposes of indulgence as well as to remedy

Lucrinus bay = Lat. Lacus diseases. Following on from Baiae is Lucrinus bay; within the Lucrinus bay, Lago Lucrino (It.)
Lucrinus
latter is Aornus bay, which makes a peninsula out of the land Aornus bay, Lago Averno (It.)
Aornus bay = Lat. Lacus Avernus
as far as Misenum included within the shoreline between
Cumae and itself. What is left is an isthmus only a few stades
wide t oward Cumae itself and the coast t here.
244 C, 7-15 Men before our times set Homer’s mythical Underworld
Homer (8th c. BCE) Rites1 in Aornus. People tell the story that there was an oracle oracle of the dead, center for
communicating with the dead
of the dead t here and that Odysseus visited it. Aornus is a bay,
deep even at the edges, with a clearly defined mouth. It has the
size and quality of a harbor, but it cannot be used as a harbor
because it is blocked by Lucrinus bay, which is shallow and
unnavigable. Aornus is hemmed in by sheer cliffs, which loom
over it everywhere except at the entrance. Nowadays, the cliffs
have been laboriously cleared, but they w ere formerly covered
by a wild and trackless woodland of tall trees, which cast the
bay into ominous shadow.
244 C, 15-23 The locals added the myth that birds flying overhead
plunged into the w ater, killed by the vapors rising from below
plutonium, sanctuary sacred to
just like in plutonia, and they assumed that this place was a sort Pluto, god of underworld
[ 1 ] Underworld Rites is the “title” given to the part of Homer’s Odyssey in which
Odysseus converses with the dead. Strabo often uses “titles” for parts of Hom-
er’s poems (4 C, 14-20n), as well as for parts of his own work (639 C, 15-27n).
290
Italy + Islands
of plutonium.1 At any rate, they sailed in to make sacrifices and

to propitiate the gods of the underworld, there being priests
who had the contract for the site and gave instruction in such
matters. T here is a certain spring of fresh water h ere, on the
coast: everybody avoided it, believing that it was Styx w ater.
The oracle, too, was located somewhere here. People deduced
the existence of the Pyriphlegethon (Flaming-with-fire) from the
hot springs near Acherusia. Acherusia, Lago Fusaro (It.)
244 C, 23–245 C, 3 Ephorus associates the site with the Cimmerians. He says
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) that they live in underground h ouses, which are called “argillae,” visit
each other by means of excavated passages, and conduct outsiders to
the oracle located far belowground; they earn a living from mining,
from the oracle, and from the allowance paid to them by the king; it
is an ancestral custom for t hose associated with the oracle that none
should see the sun, but they venture out of the caverns at night; that is
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) the reason the poet says of them, “the shining sun never looks / upon
them”; they were destroyed by a certain king when the divination given
to him did not turn out well; the oracle is still in existence but has been
relocated to a different site.
245 C, 4-9 The foregoing w ere the myths told by men before our
times.2 Now that the woodlands around Aornus have been Roman statesman Agrippa
oversaw engineering works at
cleared by Agrippa, housing has been built t here, and an Aornus, 37 BCE
underground tunnel has been cut from Aornus to Cumae, Aornus, Lago Averno (It.)
these stories have all been shown to be myth. (Cocceius, who Cumae, Cuma (It.)
built that tunnel, did so somewhat in conformity with the
story just related about the Cimmerians, and perhaps be-
lieved that it was traditional for roads in this location to be
housed in tunnels.) |
245 C, 10-18 Lucrinus bay widens out as far as Baiae, protected from Lucrinus bay, Lago Lucrino (It.) 5.4.6
the sea outside by an embankment—with an eight-stade Baiae, Baia (It.)
length and with the width of a carriageway—which, they

say, Heracles built when he drove off the cows of Geryones;
Agrippa built it up higher, since it was liable to get covered
by the swell during storms, which made it difficult to tra-
verse by foot. It is possible to enter the bay in light skiffs:
while the bay is useless as an anchorage, it provides oysters in
vast quantities. Some people say that this bay is actually the
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early Acherusian lake. Artemidorus says that it is actually Aornus.
1st c. BCE)
People claim that Baiae is named after “Baius,” one of Odys-
seus’s companions.
[ 1 ] For Strabo’s interest in plutonia (sanctuaries dedicated to the god of the un-
derworld), his presence at one such plutonium in the Asian peninsula, and his
observation of the effect of the vapors on birds: 629 C, 22–630 C, 9n; 578 C,
31–579 C, 9n.
[ 2 ] 244 C, 7–245 C, 3.
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3.1. Western Europe
245 C, 19-26 What comes next is the Dicaearchian coastline and the
city herself. In former times, she was the Cumaean seaport, city herself = Dicaearchia/
Puteoli, Pozzuoli (It.)
located on a ridge. At the time of Hannibal’s expedition,
however, the Romans incorporated her and named her
“Puteoli” (Little wells) after her wells—or, according to others,
after the stench of her w aters,1 since the w hole area as far
as Baiae and Cumaea is full of sulfur, fire, and hot springs. Cumaea = land around Cumae,
Cuma (It.)
Some people think that this is the reason Cumaea is called
“Phlegra” (Burning), and that the fallen g iants’ wounds, in-
flicted by thunderbolts, are what give rise to such streams
of fire and water.
245 C, 26-31 The city has become a very great trading center, with arti- city = Dicaearchia/Puteoli,
Pozzuoli (It.)
ficial docks that are the result of the type of sand found t here.
The sand, with a proportional element of lime, has strong
adhesive and solidifying qualities, so that people mix small
stones into this cement and use it to construct moles jutting
out into the sea, making what was open shoreline into bays,
with the consequence that even the biggest freight ships can
safely anchor t here.2
246 C, 1-3 Immediately above the city is the “Marketplace of Hep- Marketplace of Hephaestus,
Solfatara (It.)
Marketplace of haestus,” a plain hemmed around with volcanic cliffs, which in
Hephaestus = Lat. Forum
Vulcani many places blast out gusts of air as hot as a furnace and quite
noisy. The plain is full of sulfur drifts. |
246 C, 4-15 After Dicaearchia comes Neapolis . . . * of the Cumaeans. Neapolis, Napoli/Naples (It.) 5.4.7
Later, she was settled by Chalcidians, and some Pithecus-

sians and Athenians, with the consequence that she was also
called “Neapolis” (New city). (A memorial is identified there
as being to Parthenope, one of the Sirens; and a gymnastic
contest is held in accordance with an oracle.) L ater, the in- oracle, instruction from the
gods
habitants, because of civil strife, took in some Campanians
as fellow colonists and were forced to treat their worst en-
emies as their best friends, since they considered their real
friends as strangers. The names of the demarchi reveal this: demarchi, high-ranking city
officials
the first names are Greek, while the subsequent names are a
mixture of Campanian and Greek. Very many traces of the
Greek way of life—gymnastic games, ephebia, phratriae, and
Greek names—are preserved there, even though the people
are Romans. Nowadays, they celebrate a sacred quinquennial
contest,3 in both m
usic and gymnastics, which lasts for several
days and rivals the most famous contests in Greece.
[ 1 ] Lat. putere = “to stink.”

[ 2 ] The places from which cargo was imported include Turdetania (sw. Spain)
(145 C, 1-4nn) and Alexandria (Iskandariya, Egy.) (792 C, 32–793 C, 9, where
Strabo’s phraseology suggests that he personally observed ships in the har-
bors of Dicaearchia and Alexandria).
[ 3 ] “Quinquennial” literally means “held every 5 years.” However, the Greeks and
Romans counted inclusively. We, counting exclusively, would describe such a
contest as “held every 4 years.”
292
Italy + Islands
246 C, 15-23 Here, t here’s a concealed thoroughfare, the mountain be-

tween Dicaearchia and Neapolis having been tunneled as in Dicaearchia, Pozzuoli (It.)
Cumae, Cuma (It.) the case of Cumae, and a dual carriageway having been opened Neapolis, Napoli/Naples (It.)
up for a distance of many stades. Light from the mountain’s

surface is brought into its very depths through the cutting of
windows in numerous places. Neapolis, too, has hot springs
and bathhouses, which are not inferior to, albeit far fewer in
number than, those in Baiae, where another city has arisen in
no way secondary to Dicaearchia, as one palace after another
is built.
246 C, 23-28 The Greek way of life in Neapolis is enhanced by t hose
who retreat there from Rome for some rest and relaxation—
people who make their living from education, or others who
through old age or infirmity want a more relaxed way of life.
Some Romans, enjoying this lifestyle and seeing the number
of men from the same culture who bide t here, willingly choose
to love the place and live here. |
246 C, 29–247 C, 5 Next is the Heraclium fortress, jutting into the sea, oc- Heraclium, Ercolano/Resina (It.) 5.4.8
cupying a headland that is caressed by the southwest wind

in a wonderful way that makes the settlement t here very
healthful. This settlement and next-door Pompaea, on the Pompaea, Pompei Scavi (It.)
banks of the Sarnus river, were held by the Oscans, then by Sarnus, Sarno r.
the Tyrrhenians and Pelasgians, and thereafter by the Sam-

nites. The latter, too, w ere expelled from the place. Pompaea
Nuceria, Nocera (It.) is the seaport of Nola, Nuceria, and Acerrae (with the same Nola, Nola (It.)
name as the settlement near Cremon) . . . * the Sarnus river, Acerrae, Acerra (It.)
importing and exporting cargo. Cremon, Cremona (It.)
247 C, 6-17 Inland from t hese sites is mount Vesuvius, with fine fields Vesuvius, Monte Vesuvio (It.)
all around except for at its peak. The peak consists largely of
a plain and is entirely unproductive. It is ashy to look at, and
features cavern-like indentations in rock faces that are soot-
colored, as if they have been consumed by fire. One would
consequently infer that the place was formerly on fire with
volcanic craters but that the flames died down when the fuel
ran out. Perhaps, too, this is the cause of the surrounding
fertility, just as they say that part of the ash thrown up by the
Etnaean volcano was deposited in Catana and made the soil Catana, Catania (Sic.)
good for vines, since oiliness is a feature both of soil that is

burnt and of soil that yields crops . . . * Because of its extra
oil, it is good for burning (like all soil that is sulfurous), but
293
3.1. Western Europe
when its moisture is removed and its flames quenched and ash
formed, it changes into productive soil.
247 C, 18-23 After Pompaea comes Campanian Surrentum, whence Surrentum, Sorrento (It.)
Athenaeum = Lat. Athenaeum juts out, called by some “Promontory of Athenaeum/Promontory
Promunturium Minervae of Sirenussae, Punta della
Sirenussae.”1 On the headland is a t emple to Athena founded Campanella (It.)
by Odysseus. (It is a short crossing from here to the island
of Capreae; and as you round the headland, t here are some Capreae, Capri (It. island)
deserted and rocky l ittle islands, called the “Sirens.”) On the Sirens, Li Galli (It. islands)
Surrentum side, a t emple has been identified and some an-

cient offerings—the nearby people revere the site.2
247 C, 23-28 This marks the end of the bay known as “Crater,” defined Crater bay, Golfo di Napoli (It.)
Misenum, Capo di Miseno by the two south-facing headlands, Misenum and Athenaeum. Athenaeum, Punta della
Campanella (It.)
The whole bay is built up, in places by the cities I have listed,
in other places by residences and plantations—because of their
unbroken succession, the impression given is of one city. |
247 C, 29–248 C, 6 Lying off Misenum is an island, Prochyta—it is a fragment Prochyta, Procida (It. island) 5.4.9
broken off from Pithecussae. Pithecussae was colonized by Ere- Pithecussae, Ischia (It. island)
trians and Chalcidians. Although they flourished b ecause of the

island’s fertility and her gold mines, they abandoned the island
on account of political unrest; and later they were also driven out
by earthquakes and eruptions of fire, sea, and hot water. Such
eruptions are characteristic of the island: because of them, the
people sent by Hiero, the Syracusan ruler, had to abandon the
island and the fortifications they had built there. Then the Nea-
politans came and took over control. The eruptions lie behind
the myth in which it is said that Typhon lies beneath this island
and that when he turns over he sends up plumes of flames,
spouts of water, sometimes even islands with seething water.
248 C, 6-16 The statement of Pindar is more plausible, as he starts from
Pindar (5th c. BCE) what is evident, that the whole seaway, starting from Cumaea
and going as far as Sicily, is volcanic and has hollow passages
deep down, which join with each other and with the mainland
as one. This explains why Etna, the Liparaean islands, the re- Liparaean islands, Isole Eolie (It.
islands)
gion of Dicaearchia and Neapolis and Baiae, and Pithecussae
are of such a nature as is recorded by all. With this in mind, he
says that Typhon lies beneath the w hole area: now / the sea-fenced
heights beyond Cumae, / and Sicily, press down upon his shaggy breast. Cumae, Cuma (It.)
248 C, 17-25 Timaeus says, in connection with Pithecussae, that many Pithecussae, Ischia (It. island)
Timaeus (late 4th–early 3rd c. wonders were related by the ancients, and just a l ittle before his own
BCE) Epomeus hill, Monte Epomeo
time, Epomeus hill, in the m iddle of the island, was shaken by an (It.)
[ 1 ] E.g., Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE): 22 C, 17-25n.

[ 2 ] The temple to the Sirens: 22 C, 25-31.
294
Italy + Islands
earthquake, spewed out fire, and thrust the entire area between it and
the coast into the sea; the part of the ground that was turned to ash rose
into the air, then swirled around and down again onto the island; the
sea receded for three stades and, having receded, after no g reat time
turned back on itself and swamped the island, and the volcanic fire
there was quenched; b ecause of the sound, t hose on the mainland fled
from the shore into Campania.
248 C, 25-26 The hot springs there apparently cure those suffering with
gallstones.
248 C, 26-29 Capreae had two towns in antiquity but subsequently only Capreae, Capri (It. island)
one town. The Neapolitans took control of this island as well.

Having lost Pithecussae in war, they got it back again as a gift Pithecussae, Ischia (It. island)
from Augustus Caesar, who kept Capreae as his private pos-

session and thoroughly developed it.
248 C, 29-30 Such are the coastal cities of the Campanians, and the is-
lands off the coast.1 |
248 C, 31–249 C, 11 As for the interior, Capua is the metropolis—it r eally is Capua, S. Maria Capua Vetere 5.4.10
(It.)
the “head,”2 in accordance with the derivation of the name.
In comparison, the other places would be considered small
towns (except for Sidicinian Teanum, a noteworthy city). Sidicinian Teanum, Teano (It.)
Appian road = Lat. Via Appia This city lies on the Appian road,3 as do those of the others This city = Capua
which lead from her to Brundisium (Calatia, Caudium, and Calatia, S. Giacomo delle
Galazze (It.)
Beneventum). Casilinum lies in the direction of Rome, on
Caudium, nr. Montesarchio (It.)
Volturnus, Volturno r. the Volturnus river. This is the city where five hundred and
Beneventum, Benevento (It.)
forty Praenestinians, besieged by Hannibal when he was at his
Casilinum, Capua (It.)
strongest, held out for so long that when, b ecause of hunger,
1 mna = 100 drachmas a mouse was sold for two mnae, the vendor ended up dying
while the purchaser survived. Hannibal, when he saw the
people sowing turnips near the city wall, marveled—so it ap-
pears—at their confidence, that they expected to resist him
for long enough that the turnips would ripen! P eople say that
they all survived except for t hose few who died from hunger
or in b
attle. |
249 C, 12-16 In addition to the cities just mentioned,4 the following 5.4.11
are Campanian cities (I’ve mentioned some of them earlier):5

Cales and Sidicinian Teanum, which are separated by the For-
Latin road = Lat. Via Latina tunes situated on either side of the Latin road; furthermore,
Suessula, Atella, Nola, Nuceria, Acerrae, Abella, and other Suessula, nr. Cancello (It.)
settlements that are even less significant than t hese, some of Abella, Avella (It.)
which are said to be Samnite cities.
[ 1 ] 242 C, 15–248 C, 29.

[ 2 ] Latin caput = “head”: cf. 242 C, 21-30.
[ 3 ] Strabo himself had probably traveled along this stretch of the Appian road:
282 C, 26–283 C, 8n.
[ 4 ] 248 C, 31–249 C, 11: Capua (S. Maria Capua Vetere), Calatia (S. Giacomo delle
Galazze), Caudium (nr. Montesarchio), Beneventum (Benevento), Casilinum
(Capua), all on the Appian road.
[ 5 ] As for the Campanian cities of the interior, Strabo has mentioned Cales (Calvi)
and Sidicinian Teanum (Teano) as part of his description of the Latin road (237 C,
18-22); and Nola (Nola), Nuceria (Nocera), and Acerrae (Acerra) in connection
with Pompaea (Pompei Scavi) (246 C, 29–247 C, 5).
295
3.1. Western Europe
249 C, 17-32 The Samnites, initially sending expeditions as far as the

SAMNITIS Ardea region of Latina and then ravaging Campania itself,
sw. Italy hinterland
had acquired great power; and besides, having learned how
to accept despotic rule, . . . * submitted promptly to their
commands. Nowadays, they have been totally ground down
by various individuals including, most recently, Sulla, who
had sole rule over the Romans. When Sulla had put down
the Italiote rebellion in many battles, he realized that these these people = Samnites
people w ere virtually the only ones holding out and that . . . *
so as to proceed against Rome herself, he engaged with them
in front of the city walls. He cut down some of them in the
battle, ordering that none be taken alive; t hose who put down
their weapons (around three or four thousand men, so people
say), these people he took to the public encampment in the
Campus and held them there, then three days later he sent in
soldiers and killed them all. He did not cease his proscriptions
until he had killed, or expelled from Italy, all the important
Samnites. To those who questioned his excessive rage, he said
that he had learned from experience that not one Roman would live
in peace while the Samnites remained independent.
249 C, 32–250 C, 4 This is why nowadays the cities have become villages, some
of them being totally eclipsed: Bovianum, Aesernia, Panna, Bovianum, ?Boiano (It.)
Telesia (next to Venafrum), and o thers of a similar kind, not Aesernia, Isernia (It.)
one of which deserves to be called a city. I will give a descrip- Telesia, S. Salvatore Telesino (It.)
tion as far as is reasonable, because of the fame and power Venafrum, Venafro (It.)
Beneventum, Benevento (It.) of Italy. (Beneventum has nevertheless stood up well, as also
Venusia, Venosa (It.) Venusia.) |
250 C, 5-16 Some such account as the following is told about the Sam- 5.4.12
nites. The Sabines, fighting a long war against the Umbrians,

made a vow (as certain Greeks do) to dedicate what was pro-
duced that year. When they were victorious, they sacrificed
some of what was produced and dedicated some of it. When a
famine ensued, someone said that they should have dedicated
the children, too. This they did, and the boys that were born1
at that time w ere pledged to Ares. When they had grown to
manhood, they were dispatched to form a colony. They were
led by a bull; when the bull lay down to sleep in the territory
belonging to the Opicians (at that time living in villages), they
expelled the Opicians and settled right t here. They sacrificed
the bull to Ares, who had given it to them as a guide, in accor-
[ 1 ] In Greek, the word for “born” is the same as the word for “produced.”
296
Italy + Islands
dance with the words of the priests. It is reasonable to suppose

that this is why they w ere also called Sabelli (the diminutive
form of their parents’ name); and that they were called Samnites
(the Greeks call them “Saunites”) for a diff erent reason.1
250 C, 16-20 Some p eople say that they had, as fellow colonists, Laco-
nians; and that, because of this, they were philhellenes and
that certain of them were called “Pitanates.” This appears them = ?Sabines
to have been fabricated by the Tarantinians in order both to

flatter—and to get on their side—the Sabines, who w ere their
neighbors and extremely powerful: they once furnished an
army of as many as eighty thousand foot soldiers and eight
thousand horsemen.
250 C, 20-26 People say that the Samnites have a good custom, con-
ducive to excellence. It is not allowed for them to give their
daughters in marriage to whomsoever they wish. Rather, they
select on an annual basis the ten best young women and the
ten best young men: the top-ranked woman is given to the
top-ranked man, the second-ranked woman to the second-
ranked man, and so on. If a prizewinner turns bad, they dis-
honor him and take away the woman awarded to him.
250 C, 26-28 Next come the Hirpini, who are Samnites. They got their
name from the wolf who led them in founding their colony:
the Samnite word for wolf is hirpus. They border on the Leu-
canians of the interior.
250 C, 29 The foregoing was my description of the Samnites.2 |
250 C, 30–251 C, 6 As for the Campanians, it so happened that they derived 5.4.13
CAMPANIA good and bad in equal m easure from the fertility of their ter-
sw. Italy
ritory. They became so indolent that they invited people to
dinners that w ere accompanied by gladiatorial duels, deciding
on the number according to the status of the dinners. Giving
Hannibal’s army its winter quarters—after Hannibal took
them without resistance—they so completely feminized the
army that Hannibal said, though victorious, he risked succumbing
to the e nemy since the soldiers he got back were women rather than
men! The Romans, when they w ere victorious, brought them
to their senses with many evil deeds and ultimately allotted
their land to colonists. Now that they are of one mind with the
colonists, they are d oing well; and they preserve their ancient
renown, both by means of the city’s size and b ecause of its city = Capua, S. Maria Capua
Vetere (It.)
flourishing population.
[ 1 ] Both Sabelli and Samnites are Roman name forms.

[ 2 ] 249 C, 17–250 C, 28.
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3.1. Western Europe
251 C, 7-14 After Campania and Samnitis, on the Tyrrhenian coast,

PICENTIA lives the Picentian nation—a small branch (transferred by the
sw. Italy
Romans to the Posidonian bay) of the Adriatic Picentinians.1 Posidonian/Paestanian bay, Gulf
of Salerno
The bay is now called “Paestanian”; Posidonia—situated on
Posidonia/Paestus, Paestum (It.)
the midpoint of the bay—is called “Paestus.” The Sybarites
had built fortifications on the coast, but those who were reset-
tled t here moved higher up. L ater, the Leucanians deprived
them of their city, and the Romans likewise the Leucanians.
A nearby river, which spreads out into marshes, renders the
city unhealthy.
251 C, 14-17 Between Sirenussae and Posidonia is Marcina, founded by
Tyrrhenians and settled by Samnites. From there to Pompeia Pompeia, Pompei Scavi (It.)
via Nuceria is an isthmus of no more than one hundred and Nuceria, Nocera (It.)
twenty stades.
251 C, 17-20 The Picentians stretch as far as the Silaris river, which di- Silaris, Sele r.
vides ancient “Italy” from this territory. There is a peculiar

report about the river: although the w ater is potable, a plant
lowered into it turns to stone, albeit preserving its shape and
color.
251 C, 20-25 Picentia was once the Picentian metropolis. Nowadays, Picentia, ?nr. Sant’Antonio a
Picenzia (It.)
however, they live in villages, forced out by the Romans
because of their alliance with Hannibal. Instead of army
service, they w ere appointed as the state couriers and messen-
gers of the time, as were the Leucanians and the Brettians, for
the same reasons. The Romans fortified Salernum—a short Salernum, Salerno (It.)
distance inland from the coast—against them, as a watch post. Sirenussae (promontory), Punta
251 C, 25-16 It is two hundred and sixty stades from Sirenussae to the della Campanella (It.)
Silaris. | Silaris, Sele r.
252 C, 1-7 After the mouth of the Silaris comes Leucania and the 6.1.1
LEUCANIA temple to “Argonian” Hera founded by Jason and, nearby (at t emple to Argonian Hera, Foce
s. Italy del Sele (It.)
a distance of fifty stades), Posidonia. Sailing from there . . . *
Posidonia, Paestum (It.)
the island of Leucosia, with its short passage across to the
Leucosia, Licosa (It. island)
mainland. The island is named a fter one of the Sirens, who
was washed ashore h ere after the mythical Casting of the Sirens
into the Deep. Lying in front of the island is the promontory promontory, Punta Licosa
that, being opposite Sirenussae, forms the Posidonian bay. Sirenussae, Punta della
Campanella (It.)
252 C, 7-14 As you round the promontory, t here’s another contiguous
bay, in which there’s a city, called by her Phocaean founders
Hyela/Ela/Elea, Castellamare di
“Hyela” (“Ela,” according to some), after a certain spring. Velia (It.)
Men of today call her “Elea.”2 Parmenides and Zeno, the fol- Parmenides, Zeno, 5th c. BCE
[ 1 ] Adriatic Picentinians (ne. Italy): 240 C, 27–241 C, 14.

[ 2 ] “Men of t oday” are Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin
place-name Velia. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
298
Italy + Islands
lowers of Pythagoras, came from Elea. Through their influ-

ence, and even before that, the city seems to me to have been
well governed, which is how the citizens managed to resist
the Leucanians and Posidonians and emerge from the fight
with victory, despite their relative lack of territory and man-
power. They are for the most part compelled, b ecause of the
poor quality of their soil, to harvest the sea and to set up fish-
pickling facilities and other such businesses.
252 C, 14-18 Antiochus says that when Phocaea was captured by Harpagus Phocaea (= Foça, sw. Tky.) was
captured by Persians, ca. 545
Antiochus (5th c. BCE) (who was Cyrus’s general), those who were able to get aboard boats did BCE
so, taking their entire h ouseholds with them; they sailed first, u
nder
the leadership of Creontiades, to Cyrnus and Massalia; ousted from Cyrnus, Corsica (Fr. island)
there, they founded Elea (whose name, according to some, is Massalia, Marseille (Fr.)
derived from a river “Eleës”).

city = Elea, Castellamare di
252 C, 18–253 C, 6 The city lies at a distance of some two hundred stades from Velia (It.)
Posidonia. After the city comes the Palinurus promontory. Palinurus, Capo Palinuro
Lying off the Elean coastline are the Oenotrides, two islands Oenotrides, lost islands near
Velia (It.), now submerged
with good anchorages. A fter Palinurus comes the headland,
Pyxus (harbor), Policastro harbor, and river “Pyxus”—one and the same name for all Pyxus (headland), Capo degli
Bussentino (It.) Ingreschi
three. Micythus, the ruler of Messene in Sicily, planted a col-
Micythus ruled Messene
(Messina, Sic.), 5th c. BCE ony h ere; all but a few of the settlers l ater went home. A fter Pyxus (river), Bussento r.
Pyxus, there’s another bay, and “Laus” (river and city). The Laus (river), Lao r.
last of the Leucanian cities, she is set back a little from the Laus (city), Marcellina (It.)
Sybarites = inhabitants of sea, was founded by the Sybarites, and is four hundred stades
Sybaris, Sibari/Copia (It.)
distant from Ela.
253 C, 6-7 The total length of the voyage along the Leucanian coast
is six hundred and fifty stades.
253 C, 7-11 Nearby is the t emple to the hero Draco, one of Odys-
seus’s companions, concerning which an oracle was given to Italiotes, Greek inhabitants of
s. Italy
In Greek, the words “great laus” the Italiotes, stating that around Laïan Draco, great Laus will
could also mean “many people”
be destroyed. The Greeks living in Italy, misled by this oracle, oracle, divine prophecy
launched an attack against the city of Laus, and lost to the

Leucanians. |
253 C, 12-13 The foregoing are the places along the coastline on the 6.1.2
Tyrrhenian sea that belong to the Leucanians.1

253 C, 13-19 They did not previously reach as far as the sea on the They = Leucanians
other side. Rather, the Greeks who held the Tarantinian bay Tarantinian bay, Gulf of Taranto
prevailed. Before the Greeks arrived, t here w ere as yet no Leu-

canians at all; Chonians and Oenotrians lived in these places.
The Samnites, whose power was very much on the increase,
[ 1 ] 252 C, 1–253 C, 11.
299
3.1. Western Europe
expelled the Chonians and Oenotrians and sent Leucanians as

colonists in this region. The Greeks contemporaneously took
possession of the coastline on either sea as far as the Strait. Strait, Straits of Messina
For t hese reasons, the Greeks and the natives w ere long at war
with each other.
253 C, 19-22 The rulers of Sicily, and l ater the Carthaginians, who w ere
at war with the Romans (sometimes over Sicily, sometimes
over Italy itself ), made things bad for everyone in the region
but especially the Greeks.
253 C, 22-25 . . . * starting from Trojan times, they acquired much of Trojan times, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
the interior as well. They flourished to such an extent that
They = Greeks
people called this territory, and also Sicily, “Great Greece.”
253 C, 25-30 Nowadays it so happens that all parts (other than Taras, Taras, Taranto (It.)
Regium, and Neapolis) have been nativized, some parts held Regium, Reggio di Calabria (It.)
by Leucanians and Brettians, some parts by Campanians—at Neapolis, Napoli/Naples (It.)
least, they are held by t hese people in name, although in real

ity by the Romans, given that t hese p eople have themselves
become Romans. Nonetheless, the man who concerns himself
with describing the circuit of the world must describe both its
current state and also some events from the past, particularly
when they are notable.
253 C, 31-33 The Leucanians who reach as far as the Tyrrhenian sea
have been described.1 Those inhabiting the interior are those
situated inland from the Tarantinian bay. Tarantinian bay, Gulf of Taranto
253 C, 33–254 C, 6 They and the Brettians, and the Samnites themselves They = Leucanians of the
interior
(their progenitors), have been so completely devastated that
it is difficult to define their settlements. The reason is, no joint
federation any longer exists for any of these nations; their
traditional languages, weaponry, dress, and suchlike, have
fallen into abeyance; and besides, the individual settlements
are in all respects unremarkable. | I w ill tell in a combined way 6.1.3
what I have learned, not going beyond this in respect of the

people of the interior, both the Leucanians and the Samnites
next to them.
254 C, 6-14 Petelia is considered the Leucanian metropolis, and she Petelia, Strongoli (It.)
is quite well populated even t hese days. She was founded by

Philoctetes when he fled Meliboea because of political dif-
ferences. She is a natural stronghold, such that the Samnites,
too, once fortified her against the Thurians. Old Crimissa, in Old Crimissa, ?Cirò Marina (It.)
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) the same area, was also founded by Philoctetes. Apollodorus,
[ 1 ] 252 C, 1–253 C, 11.
300
Italy + Islands
referring to Philoctetes in his About the Ships,1 states that some Crotoniatis = region of Croton,
Crotone (It.)
people say that, when he came to Crotoniatis, he settled the Crimissa
Crimissa headland, Punta Alice
headland and the city of Chona inland from it (the city from which
Aegesta, Segesta (Sic.)
the people in the region got called “Chonians”); and some of his people,
who had gone to Sicily, together with Aegestes the Trojan, fortified
Aegesta, near Eryx.
254 C, 14-18 Both Grumentum and Vertinae are in the interior, as also Grumentum, Grumento Nova
(It.)
Calasarna and other small settlements as far as Venusia, a no-
Venusia, Venosa (It.)
table city. I think that this city, and the cities that come after
her (as you head toward Campania), are Samnitic cities. The
territory called “Tauriana” is located inland from Thurii. Thurii, Sibari/Copia (It.)
254 C, 19-22 The Leucanians are Samnite by descent, but when they
were victorious against the Posidonians and their allies, they
took possession of their cities. Although they had a demo
cratic constitution the rest of the time, in wars a king was
selected by the officers of state. Nowadays, they are Roman. |
254 C, 23-24 The following stretch of coast, running for one thousand 6.1.4
BRETTIA three hundred and fifty stades as far as the Sicilian strait, is Sicilian strait, Straits of Messina
s. Italy
held by the Brettians.
254 C, 24-30 In his work About Italy, Antiochus 2 says that this is called
Antiochus (5th c. BCE) “Italy,” and Italy is his subject matter, and it was previously called
“Oenotria.” He states that the boundary on the side of the Tyr-
rhenian sea is the same as the boundary I gave for Leucania,3
Laus, Lao r.
namely the Laus river; and the boundary on the side of the Sicilian
Tarantina = region of Taras,
sea is Metapontium. He calls Tarantina, next to Metapontium, Taranto (It.)
outside Italy, and gives it the name “Iapygae.” Metapontium, Metaponto (It.)
254 C, 30–255 C, 7 In a further passage, he said that only t hose on this side of the he = Antiochus
isthmus—in the direction of the Sicilian strait—were called Sicilian strait, Straits of Messina
“Oenotrians” and “Italians.” The isthmus m easures one hun-

dred and sixty stades between two bays, the Hipponian bay— Hipponian/Napitinian bay,
Gulf of S. Eufemia (It.)
Antiochus (5th c. BCE) called by Antiochus the “Napitinian bay”—and the Scylletian
Scylletian bay, Gulf of Squillace
bay; it is a voyage of two thousand stades around the terri- (It.)
tory enclosed on this side [of the isthmus] in the direction of the
Strait. He says that the names “Italy” and “Oenotrians” were sub-
sequently expanded to include Metapontina and Siritis: these places Metapontina = region of
Metapontium, Metaponto (It.)
were settled by the Chonians, a highly organized Oenotrian nation,
Siritis = territory of Siris, nr.
who called the country “Chonia.” Policoro (It.)
255 C, 7-13 What this fellow says is rather simplistic and archaic, in that this fellow = Antiochus
he does not distinguish between the Leucanians and the Bret-

tians. Leucania is between the coastline of the Tyrrhenian sea
[ 1 ] About the Ships was a commentary by Apollodorus on that part of Homer’s

Iliad traditionally referred to by the “title” Catalogue of Ships or simply Ships.
Cf. 4 C, 14-20n.
[ 2 ] In the ensuing discussion (254 C, 24–255 C, 7), Strabo switches between speak-
ing in his own voice and in the voice of Antiochus (5th c. BCE). It is often not
possible to tell where Strabo’s words end and where Antiochus’s words begin.
The italics show roughly where Strabo appears to be representing Antiochus’s
words; corroboration is impossible as Antiochus’s work has not survived to the
present day.
[ 3 ] 252 C, 18–253 C, 6.
301
3.1. Western Europe
and the coastline of the Sicilian sea—the stretch from the Silaris Silaris, Sele r.
to the Laus in the case of the former coastline, from Metapon- Laus, Lao r.
tium to Thurii in the case of the latter coastline; and, in the inte- Metapontium, Metaponto (It.)
rior, from the Samnites to the isthmus between Thurii and Cer- Thurii, Sibari/Copia (It.)
illi (near Laus). The isthmus measures three hundred stades. Cerilli, Cirella (It.)
255 C, 13-18 The Brettians on the other hand, are beyond the Leuca-
nians. They inhabit the peninsula. (Within this peninsula is
another peninsula, with its isthmus between the Scylettian Scylletian bay, Gulf of Squillace
and Hipponian bays.) The nation was given its name by the Hipponian bay, Gulf of S.
Eufemia
Leucanians, who call defectors brettii. These p eople, so it is
said, did indeed defect: they were formerly herders for the
Leucanians but gained freedom through lack of oversight
at the time when Dio sent an army against Dionysius, and
stirred everyone up against everyone e lse.
255 C, 19 The foregoing is my general description of the Leucanians
and the Brettians1 . . . * |
255 C, 20–256 C, 2 . . . * starting from Laus, the first Brettian city is Temesa, Temesa/Tempsa, Nocera 6.1.5
Tirinese/Piano della Tirena (It.)
which men of today call “Tempsa.”2 It was founded by the
Ausonians and later also by the Aetolians (under Thoas’s
leadership). The latter were ejected by the Brettians, who
were then wiped out by Hannibal and the Romans. Near
Temesa is a temple, grown over with wild olive trees, sacred
to the hero Polites, one of Odysseus’s companions, who, it
is said, was so deeply vengeful a fter his murder by the na-
tives that the locals had to pay tribute in accordance with an
oracular pronouncement; and there’s a proverb in relation
to . . . *, people saying that the hero in Temesa bears down on
them. There is a mythical story that, when the Epizephyr-
ian Locrians captured the city, Euthymus the boxer fought
with him, vanquished him in the fight, and absolved the him = hero in Temesa
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) locals from paying tribute. People say that the poet means
this Temesa, and not Tamassus in Cyprus: for in quest of cop- Tamassus, SE Politiko (Cyp.)
per in Temesa is an alternative reading. Copper mines—now

exhausted—are identified nearby.
256 C, 3-13 Next a fter this city is Terina, destroyed by Hannibal when Terina, ?S. Eufemia Vetere (It.)
he was unable to defend her during his flight to Brettia itself;

then there’s Cosentia, the Brettian metropolis. A l ittle inland Cosentia, Cosenza (It.)
from the latter is the hill fort of Pandosia, near which Alex-
ander the Molossian was killed. He, too, was tricked by the oracle, instruction from the
oracle given out from Dodona, bidding him beware of Acheron gods
[ 1 ] 252 C, 1–255 C, 18.

place-name Tempsa (itself borrowed from the Greek). Strabo’s transliteration
of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
302
Italy + Islands
and Pandosia. He died h ere—after places of the same name

had been identified in Thesprotia! The hill fort has three
peaks, and the river Acheron flows past it. Adding to the de- Acheron (river), ?Caronte r.
ception was another oracle—O three-hilled Pandosia, in time

you will destroy many people—for it was taken as referring to
the destruction of the enemy, not his own people. It is said
that Pandosia was once the royal residence of the Oenotrian
monarchs.
256 C, 14-20 After Cosentia comes Hipponium, founded by the Locri- Hipponium/Vibo Valentia, Vibo
Valentia (It.)
ans. Whilst in Brettian possession, it was taken by the Ro-
mans, who changed its name to “Vibo Valentia.” B ecause the
environs have such beautiful flowery meadows, a belief has
arisen that Cora came h ere from Sicily to gather flowers. Ac-
cordingly, it has become the custom for the w omen to pick
flowers and weave garlands, so that it is a disgrace to wear a
purchased garland at festivals. The city has a seaport, built at
some stage by Agathocles, the tyrant of the Siciliotes, when
he conquered the city.
256 C, 21-30 This is where (for t hose sailing in the direction of Heracles
Harbor) the end of Italy in the direction of the Strait begins Strait, Straits of Messina
to bend westward. Along this stretch of coast is Medma, a Medma, Rosarno (It.)
city belonging to the Locrians, which bears the same name as

a large spring and has a seaport nearby, called “Emporium.”
Close to it, there’s the Metaurus river, and an anchorage of Metaurus, Petrace r.
the same name. Lying off this shore, two hundred stades from Metaurum (anchorage), Gioia
Tauro (It.)
the Strait, are the Liparaean islands (called by some the “is-
Liparaean islands/islands of
lands of Aeolus,” which are mentioned in the Odyssey by the Aeolus, Isole Eolie (It. islands)
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) poet). They are seven in number, all of them within sight to
people looking from Sicily as well as to people looking from
the Medma area of the mainland. I will describe them when
I describe Sicily.1
256 C, 31–257 C, 8 From the Metaurus river . . . * another. Following on
from there comes Scyllaeum, a lofty cliff forming a penin- Scyllaeum, Rocca di Scilla (It.)
sula, which has a low-lying isthmus with a harbor on either

side. Anaxilaus, the Reginian tyrant, walled the isthmus as
a defense against the Tyrrhenians and built a naval station
there. He thus deprived the pirates of passage through the
Strait: for nearby, two hundred and fifty stades from Medma, Caenys, Punta Pezzo/Torre del
is Caenys, the last headland, which together with Pelorias, the Cavallo (It.)
headland projecting from Sicily, forms the narrow channel of Pelorias, Capo Peloro (Sic.)
[ 1 ] 275 C, 20–277 C, 19.
303
3.1. Western Europe
the Strait. (Pelorias is one of the three headlands that contrib-

ute to the triangular shape of the island: it points northeast,
while Caenys points westward, each headland curving away
from the other.)
257 C, 8-12 The narrows forming the Strait stretch for some six stades Strait, Straits of Messina
from Caenys to Posidonium and the Reginian column, with

the distance across at the narrowest point being only a little
more. From the column, it is one hundred [stades] to Regium,
where the Strait broadens out at last (if you are sailing toward
the sea that lies beyond and to the east, part of what is called
the “Sicilian sea”). |
257 C, 13-28 Regium was founded by the Chalcidians, who, they say, Regium, Reggio di Calabria (It.) 6.1.6
were tithed1 to Apollo in accordance with an oracle when their oracle, instruction from Apollo
at Delphi (Gr.)
crops failed, and who subsequently came h ere from Delphi to
form a colony, along with others from their homeland. (As
Antiochus (5th c. BCE) Antiochus tells it, the Zanclaeans sent for the Chalcidians and
made Antimnestus the colony leader.) Also sharing in the
colonization w ere exiles from Peloponnesian Messene, who
were ousted by the faction that did not want to pay repara-
tion to the Lacedaemonians for the violation of the young
women in Limnae2 (they not only raped the women, who
had been sent there to perform a religious ritual, but killed
the people who came to their aid). Retreating to Macistum,
they send a delegation to the oracle, reproaching Apollo and oracle, center for divine
prophecy/advice from Apollo at
Artemis for their troubles (when they had only been acting Delphi (Gr.)
on the god’s behalf ) and demanding to know how they might
be rescued from total ruin. Apollo bade them join the Chal-
cidians in their expedition to Regium and be grateful to his
sister: they had been not ruined but rather saved, in that they
would escape being destroyed along with their fatherland
(which would go on to be captured, only a short time l ater,
by the Spartiates). They obeyed. That is why the Reginian
leaders down to Anaxilas w ere always appointed from Mes-
senian stock.
257 C, 28-31 Antiochus says that, in antiquity, this entire site was inhabited
Antiochus (5th c. BCE) by Sicilians and Morgetans; they crossed over to Sicily later, when
they were driven out by the Oenotrians. Some p eople say that this Morgantium, ?Serra Orlando
is how “Morgantium” got its name. (Sic.)
258 C, 1-4 The Reginian city achieved g reat strength and had many Reginian city = Regium, Reggio
di Calabria (It.)
dependent cities round about her. She was a continual bul-
[ 1 ] For the dedication to a god of “one in ten”: 572 C, 2-14n.

[ 2 ] Limnae (?Volimnos, Gr.): 361 C, 33–362 C, 6.
304
Italy + Islands
island = Sicily wark against the island, both in antiquity and recently in our
own times, when Sextus Pompeius caused Sicily to revolt.
258 C, 5-12 “Regium” (Sundered) was so named e ither,1 as Aeschylus Regium, Reggio di Calabria (It.)
Aeschylus (5th c. BCE) tells us, because of the phenomena experienced by this terri-
tory. He and o thers say that Sicily was “sundered” from the
mainland by seismic activity, from which “Regium” gets her name.
Based on the phenomena associated with Etna, and on the
phenomena in other parts of Sicily and in Lipara and on the Lipara, Lipari (It. island)
islands around Lipara, and furthermore on the phenomena

in Pithecussae and on all the nearby mainland opposite, they Pithecussae, Ischia (It. island)
conjecture that it is not unlikely that this is what happened.

258 C, 12-20 T hese days, since these apertures have opened up,
through which fire is forced out and through which red-hot
stones and blasts of water are ejected, it is (they say) a rarity
for the earth in the vicinity of the Strait to experience seismic Strait, Straits of Messina
activity. In t hose days, however, since all the passages to the

surface were blocked up, fire smoldering under the ground
together with air caused violent earthquakes. Places were
levered upward; yielding at some point to the force of the
winds, they were sundered, and the sea on e ither side was al-
lowed in—both this sea and the sea between the other islands
Prochyta, Procida (It. island) in the area, for Prochyta and Pithecussae are fragments of Capriae, Capri (It. island)
Pithecussae, Ischia (It. island) the mainland, as are also Capriae, Leucosia, the Sirens, and Leucosia, Licosa (It. island)
the Oenotrides. Sirens, Li Galli (It. islands)
258 C, 20-23 Some islands emerged from the sea, as happens in many
places even now. It is credible that islands in the middle of the
sea came up from the deep, while it is more logical to suppose
that islands lying off headlands and separated from them by
narrow straits w ere sundered from the headlands.
258 C, 23-27 Whether the city got her name for these reasons, or city = Regium, Reggio di
Calabria (It.)
whether it was on account of the magnificence of the city (as
if the Samnites named her using the Latin word for “royal
residence,”2 because their forefathers shared their constitu-
tion with the Romans and used the Latin language to a con-
siderable extent)—which of these is true, one can only guess.
258 C, 28–259 C, 4 The story is that the city—herself magnificent, found-
ing many cities and producing many men noted for
their p olitical abilities or their education—was razed by
Dionysius, who gave as his excuse that, when he asked for
a young girl in marriage, the citizens presented him with
[ 1 ] Strabo postpones the corresponding “or” clause until 258 C, 23-27.

[ 2 ] The Latin word for “royal residence” is regium.
305
3.1. Western Europe
the daughter of the public executioner. Dionysius’s son,

however, restored a part of the city and called it “Phoebia.”
In the time of Pyrrhus, the Campanian garrison treacher-
ously killed most of the inhabitants. A short time before the
Marsian war, earthquakes leveled much of the settlement.
Augustus Caesar, expelling Pompeius from Sicily and seeing
that the city’s population was depleted, gave her as citizens
some of the men from his expedition; and nowadays she is
quite well populated. |
259 C, 5-10 Fifty stades from Regium (as you sail eastward), they call 6.1.7
a headland, where the Apennine mountain range is said to

terminate, “Leucopetra” (White-cliff) because of its color; thence Leucopetra, ?Punta di
Pellaro/?Capo dell’Armi
Heraclium, which is the final promontory, points southward.
Heraclium, Capo Spartivento
(Immediately upon rounding the promontory, you sail with
a southwest wind to the Iapygian headland; then your course Iapygian headland, Capo
S. Maria di Leuca (It.)
deviates more and more toward the north and the west,
toward the Ionian gulf.)
259 C, 10-19 After Heraclium is the headland of Locris, called “Zeph- Zephyrium, Capo Bruzzano
yrium” (West-wind), with a harbor exposed to winds from the

west (hence the name); then the city of Locri Epizephyrii, Locri Epizephyrii, Locri (It.)
a colony from the Locrians on the Crisaean gulf, dispatched Crisaean gulf = n. shore of Gulf
of Corinth
under the command of Euanthes shortly a fter the founding
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) of Croton and Syracuse. (Ephorus is incorrect in calling them Croton, Crotone (It.)
colonists from the Opuntian Locrians.) They lived on Zephyrium

for three or four years, then transferred their city with the
assistance of the Syracusans and the Tarantinians. (There’s
a spring there, “Locria,” where the Locrians set up camp.)
From Regium to Locri is six hundred stades. The city is situ-
ated on the brow of a hill called “Esopis” (Prospect). |
259 C, 20-26 They are believed to have been the first men to make use 6.1.8
of written laws. A fter being lawfully governed for a very long

time, they w ere treated in the most lawless way possible by
Dionysius, who had been driven out by the Syracusans. He
would sneak into the bedchambers of brides-to-be and take
their virginity. To get his kicks, he would gather together
nubile young girls at his drinking parties and then, releasing
doves with cropped wings, would give orders for the girls to
hunt them naked and for some of them to follow around while
wearing nonmatching sandals (one high, the other low), for
indecent purposes.
306
Italy + Islands
259 C, 26–260 C, 4 He paid the price when he regained his kingdom and re-
turned to Sicily. The Locrians dismantled the garrison, set
themselves free, and made themselves masters of his wife and
children—two girls and the younger of his two sons, who was
now an adolescent (the other son, Apollocrates, was fighting
alongside his father for their return). Although Dionysius
himself, as well as the Tarantinians on his behalf, repeatedly
asked that these individuals be returned on whatever terms
were desired, the Locrians did not hand them over but with-
stood a siege and the pillaging of their territory. They vented
their rage mostly on the d aughters: they prostituted them,
strangled them, then burned their bodies, ground up their
bones, and threw them into the sea.
260 C, 5-17 In reference to the Locrians’ writing down of their laws
(synthesized by Zaleucus, from Cretan, Laconian, and Areop-
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) agite customs), Ephorus says that Zaleucus’s primary innovation
was this, that whereas his p redecessors had allowed the judiciary to
determine the punishment for individual misdeeds, he included the
punishment within the laws, since he believed that members of the
judiciary would not all have the same opinions about the same mis-
deeds, whereas the punishments should be consistent. Ephorus also
says that his simplification of contract law is commendable; l ater,
when the Thurians aimed for even more precision than the Locrians,
they achieved more repute but less moral standing, given that men are
governed by good laws not when they are protected against e very false
charge but rather when they are consistently subjected to laws that are
Plato (late 5th–4th c. BCE) simply set out. Plato says this, too: where t here are numerous laws
and trials, life is bad, just as it is reasonable to suppose that where
there are many doctors, there are many diseases. |
260 C, 18-34 The Alex river, which divides Regina from Locris, flows Alex, ?Melito r./?Galati r. 6.1.9
through a deep gorge, where something peculiar happens

with regard to the cicadas. The cicadas on the Locrian side
make a noise, whereas it turns out that those on the other side
are s ilent. P
eople give as an explanation that the latter live in
shade, so that, when their membranes get wet, they cannot
spread them out, whereas the cicadas on the sunny side keep
their membranes dry and hornlike, so that they can easily use
them to make a noise. A statue in Locri was identified as being Locri, Locri (It.)
of the cithara-player Eunomus, since it had a cicada resting on

Timaeus (late 4th–early 3rd c.
BCE) the cithara. Timaeus says that once, when this fellow and Reginian
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3.1. Western Europe
Ariston were competing at the Pythians, they squabbled about the Pythians = Pythian games,
including music contests, held
casting of lots. Ariston asked the Delphians to take his side, on the in honor of Apollo, at Delphi
grounds that his forebears were sacred to the god and that the colony (Gr.)
had been dispatched from there. Eunomus countered that they should
not even take part in singing contests: even their cicadas—the most
musical of creatures—were s ilent! Ariston was, nevertheless, the fa-
vorite and was expected to win. In the end, Eunomus was the winner
and dedicated the said statue in his fatherland, b ecause in the contest
one of the strings snapped and a cicada alighted on his cithara and
supplied the missing note.
260 C, 35–261 C, 4 The interior, inland from these cities, is held by the Bret-
tians. There’s a city there, Mamertium, as also a forest that Mamertium, ?Oppido
Mamertina (It.)
produces excellent pitch (“Brettian”). The forest is called
“Sila”: it is dense with trees and well supplied with w ater and
seven hundred stades in length. |
261 C, 5-13 After Locri comes the Sagra (the noun is feminine), on Sagra, ?Allaro r. 6.1.10
Dioscuri = Castor and Pollux whose banks are the Altars of the Dioscuri, near which ten
thousand Locrians, fighting in alliance with the Reginians,
won a victory over one hundred and thirty thousand Crotoni-
ates. It is said that this is the origin of the proverb concern-
ing disbelievers, truer than what happened on the Sagra. (Some
people have added the myth that the outcome was announced
to t hose assembled for the games at Olympia, which began on
the same day, and that the speed at which the news traveled
was found to be validated.) It is said that this catastrophe was
the reason the Crotoniates did not last much longer, so many
men falling in b attle on that day.
261 C, 13-16 After the Sagra is a city founded by Achaeans, Caulonia, Caulonia, Monasterace Marina
(It.)
formerly called “Aulonia” (Ravine) because of the ravine lying
before it. The city is deserted. Its inhabitants were forced
out to Sicily by the natives, and they founded the “Caulonia”
there.
261 C, 16-24 After this city comes Scylletium, colonized by the Athe- Scylletium/Scyllacium,
Roccelletta (It.)
nians u nder the command of Menestheus: she is now called
“Scyllacium.” Although in the possession of the Crotoniates,
she was brought within the boundaries of Locri by Dionysius.
The Scylletian bay—forming the aforementioned isthmus Scylletian bay, Gulf of Squillace
with the Hipponian bay1—takes its name from the city. Dio-
nysius tried to wall off the isthmus when he was campaigning
against the Leucanians. His stated reason was to defend those
[ 1 ] 254 C, 30–255 C, 7.
308
Italy + Islands
within the isthmus from t hose outside it. His real reason was
that he wanted to undermine the alliance of the Greeks with
each other, so that he could rule those within [the isthmus] without
fear. Incursions by those outside [the isthmus] stymied his plan. |
261 C, 24-26 After Scylletium comes Crotoniate territory and three 6.1.11
headlands belonging to the Iapygians;1 after them, Lacinium, Lacinium, on Capo Colonna
a t emple to Hera, which was once wealthy and packed with

many offerings.
261 C, 27–262 C, 2 Distances are not given in a consistent manner. Polybius,
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) however, gives one thousand three hundred stades, in total, from the Strait, Straits of Messina
Strait to Lacinium; and seven hundred for the direct crossing from Lacinium, on Capo Colonna
there to Iapygia headland. People say that this crossing is the Iapygia headland, Capo S. Maria
di Leuca (It.)
mouth of the Tarantinian bay. The circuit of the bay itself is
Tarantinian bay, Gulf of Taranto
considerable, at two hundred and forty miles, according to
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early the chorographer 2 . . . * three hundred and eighty . . . * Ar-
1st c. BCE)
temidorus, and this many short of the width of the mouth
of the bay.
262 C, 2-5 The bay f aces southeast, and its beginning is marked by
Lacinium, immediately after rounding which, you come to Lacinium, on Capo Colonna
what w ere Achaean cities. These cities, other than that of the
Tarantinians, are no longer in existence but warrant lengthy
treatment b ecause of their fame.3 |
262 C, 6-14 First, there’s Croton, one hundred and fifty stades from Croton, Crotone (It.) 6.1.12
Lacinium; and also Aesarus (river and harbor) and another Aesarus (river), Esaro r.
river, “Neaethus” (Burnt-ships), said to be named after what hap- Neaethus, Neto r.
pened t here. The story is that some Achaeans, who had got
separated from the rest of the Trojan expedition, landed t here
and disembarked for a reconnaissance of the place; the Trojan
women on board were weary of the voyage and, when they
realized that the men had gone from the ships, set the ships on
fire; thus the men, who had anyway seen that the land was ex-
cellent, were forced to stay there; since several others arrived
soon afterward and made entreaties on the basis of kinship,
many settlements arose; several of the settlements took their
names from rivers.
262 C, 14-26 Antiochus says that when the god instructed the Achaeans to
Antiochus (5th c. BCE) found Croton, Myscellus went off to inspect the place, but when he
saw the already-founded Sybaris (with the same name as the nearby
river), he decided that the latter city was preferable; on his return, he
asked the god whether it might be more desirable to found the latter
[ 1 ] Le Castella, Capo Rizzuto, Capo Cimiti (It.).

[ 2 ] “Chorographer”: 224 C, 29-33n.
[ 3 ] Achaean cities: 262 C, 6–265 C, 19.
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3.1. Western Europe
rather than the former; the god replied—Myscellus happened to be

a hunchback—“O short-backed Myscellus, in passing by the god in
your quest, / you are looking for trouble; be grateful for whatever gift
you are given”; he went back and founded Croton with the help of Ar-
chias (the f ounder of Syracuse), who happened to arrive by ship when
he had started the foundation of Syracuse. Croton was previously
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) inhabited by Iapygians, as Ephorus tells us.
262 C, 27–263 C, 2 The city seems to have dedicated itself to military and city = Croton, Crotone (It.)
athletic prowess: in one Olympics, the seven men who beat

the o
thers on the track w ere all from Croton. Thus the saying
seems justified, the Crotoniate who comes last beats other Greeks
who come first; and they say that the proverbial expression more
healthful than Croton is derived from the fact that the place has
something that is conducive to health and fitness. The city
produced very many Olympic victors, even though she was
not inhabited for very long b ecause of the loss of the great
numbers of men who fell at Sagra.
263 C, 2-12 Adding to her renown w ere not only the large number of
Pythagoreans but also Milo, the most splendid athlete and a
student of Pythagoras, who lived for a long time in the city.
They say that once, when the p hilosophers were having din-
ner together, a pillar gave way; that Milo got underneath
it and saved everyone; and that he managed to get himself
out as well. It is reasonable to suppose that he was trusting
in this same bodily strength when he met the catastrophic
end recorded by certain writers. The story goes that he was
once on a journey through a deep wood and strayed greatly
from the path; coming upon a huge tree split with wedges, he
got both his hands and his feet into the aperture and forced
it completely open; his strength was sufficient only that the
wedges fell out; then, the two halves of the tree immediately
closed up; thus ensnared, he became food for wild animals. |
263 C, 13-25 Next, a fter two hundred stades, comes Sybaris, founded Sybaris, Sibari/Copia (It.) 6.1.13
by the Achaeans, situated between two rivers, the Crathis and Crathis, Crati r.
the Sybaris. The founder of the city was . . . *. This city was Sybaris (river), Coscile r.
so exceptionally fortunate in antiquity that she ruled over

four nearby nations and held twenty-five cities subject; three
hundred thousand of her men fought against the Crotoniates;
her inhabitants, on the banks of the Crathis, filled an area fifty
stades in circumference. Through indolence and pride, they
310
Italy + Islands
ere deprived of all their blessings—in a space of seventy

w
days—by the Crotoniates, who captured their city and di-
verted the river to flood them. The few survivors subsequently
regrouped and reestablished the settlement. In time, however,
they, too, were destroyed by the Athenians and other Greeks,
who came and joined them but then, conceiving contempt for
them, killed some . . . *. They moved the city to another place
nearby and gave it the same name as the spring, “Thurii.” Thurii = Sybaris
263 C, 25-28 The Sybaris makes horses that drink its waters timid—for Sybaris (river), Coscile r.
which reason, p eople also keep farm animals away from it.
The Crathis turns the hair of men who bathe in it blond or Crathis, Crati r.
white, and it is a cure for many other diseases.

263 C, 28-31 The Thurians, after flourishing for a long time, were en-
slaved by the Leucanians. When they w ere taken back by the
Tarantinians, they fled to the Romans; the Romans, sending
out colonists because of the low population, changed the
city’s name to “Copiae.” | Copiae/Thurii, Sibari/Copia (It.)
263 C, 32–264 C, 1 After Thurii is the fortress of Lagaria, founded by Epius 6.1.14
and the Phocians. This is where “Lagaritanian” wine comes

from—sweet, delicate, and recommended by doctors. (“Thu-
rian” is also a famous wine.)
264 C, 1-11 Then come Heraclia, a city set back slightly from the coast, Heraclia, nr. Policoro (It.)
and two navigable rivers, the Aciris and the Siris. On the banks Aciris, Agri r.
of the latter, there was a Trojan city of the same name. In time, Siris, Sinni r.
when Heraclia was founded as a colony from t here by the Tar- Trojan city of same name = Siris,
nr. Policoro (It.)
antinians, this city became the Heracleote seaport. She was
twenty-four stades from Heraclia (around three hundred and
thirty from Thurii). People treat as proof of Trojan settlement Thurii, Sibari/Copia (It.)
the cult statue of “Ilias” (Trojan) Athena that stands there. Myth
has it that the statue closed her eyes when the suppliants w ere
dragged away by the Ionians who captured the city—these Io-
nians had come as settlers fleeing Lydian domination, took the
city (which belonged to the Chonians) by force, and called her
“Polieium”; the statue with her eyes closed is shown as proof! Polieium = Siris, nr. Policoro (It.)
264 C, 12-18 It is reckless to indulge in such mythmaking as to claim not

only that the statue closed her eyes (like the statue in Ilium Ilium = Troy
that turned away when Cassandra was v iolated) but also that
the closed-eye statue is proof! It is far more reckless to use as
proof all the cult statues that writers say have been brought Lavinium, Pratica di Mare (It.)
from Ilium: for in Rome, Lavinium, and Luceria, as well as Luceria, Lucera (It.)
311
3.1. Western Europe
Siritis, the cult statue is called “Ilias” Athena, as if it had Siritis = territory of Siris, nr.
Policoro (It.)
been brought from there. Also, the daring deed of the Trojan
women is set in many diff erent places and appears unworthy
of belief, though possible.
264 C, 19-24 Some people claim that both Siritis and Sybaris-on-the- Sybaris-on-the-Traeis, nr.
Trionto r. (It.)
Antiochus (5th c. BCE) Traeis were founded by Rhodians. Antiochus says that the
Tarantinians, d oing b attle with the Thurians and their general
Cleandridas (an exile from Lacedaemon) over Siritis, came to an
agreement that the settlement should be a joint one but that the colony
should be considered Tarantinian; she was later called “Heraclia,” Heraclia, nr. Policoro (It.)
with both her name and her situation being changed. |

264 C, 25-29 Next comes Metapontium, to which it is one hundred and Metapontium, Metaponto (It.) 6.1.15
forty stades from the seaport of Heraclia. The story is that it

was founded by Pylians sailing from Ilium under the com- Ilium = Troy
mand of Nestor: they are said to have derived such a fortune

from their agriculture that they dedicated a harvest of gold
at Delphi. The fact that they make sacrifices to the Neleids is Neleids = descendants of
Neleus (father of Nestor)
used as evidence for the foundation story. The city was de-
stroyed by the Samnites.
264 C, 29–265 C, 6 Antiochus says that the site, having been abandoned, was colo-
Antiochus (5th c. BCE) nized by a group of Achaeans summoned by the Achaeans in Sybaris;
they w
ere summoned—in the light of the hatred t oward the Tarantin-
ians felt by the Achaeans who had fled from Laconia—in order that
the neighboring Tarantinians would not rush into the place; there
being two cities (Metapontium being nearer to Taras, Siritis farther Metapontium, Metaponto (It.)
from her), the new arrivals w ere persuaded by the Sybarites to take Taras, Taranto (It.)
possession of Metapontium, on the grounds that if they possessed this Siritis = territory of Siris, nr.
Policoro (It.)
place, they would also possess Siritis, whereas if they betook themselves
to Siritis, they would be giving Metapontium to the Tarantinians,
who w ere right t here on its flanks; l ater on, when they w
ere at war with
the Tarantinians and the Oenotrians inland, peace was concluded in
return for a portion of the land, which became the boundary between
what was then Italy and Iapygia.
265 C, 7-13 This is the setting for the myth of Metapontus, the shackled
Melanippa, and her son Boeotus. Antiochus thinks that the city
was previously called “Metabus” and subsequently underwent a name
change; Melanippa was brought not to this man but to Dius; proof is this man = Metapontus/
Metabus
provided by the temple to the hero Metabus and by the statement of
Antiochus (5th c. BCE) cites
Asius (?6th/?5th c. BCE) the poet Asius that Boeotus “was born to beautiful Melanippa in the
312
Italy + Islands
halls of Dius,” which is to say, Melanippa was brought to that man

rather than to Metabus.
265 C, 14-19 Ephorus says that the f ounder of Metapontium was Daulius, Metapontium, Metaponto (It.)
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) the ruler of Crisa, near Delphi. T
here is another story, as follows. Crisa, Ag. Varvara (Gr.)
The man sent out by the Achaeans for the colonization was
Leucippus; given the use of the site for a day and a night, he
would not return it; during the daytime, he replied to those
who demanded it back that he wanted it and would take it
for the following night; in the nighttime, he replied that he
wanted it and would take it for the following day!
265 C, 20-26 Next come Taras and Iapygia. I will deal with them1 after Taras, Taranto (It.)
Strabo segues from his first doing the circuit of the islands lying off the coast of Italy, Iapygia = “heel” of Italy
description of w. Italy to his
description of Sicily in accordance with what has been my plan from the start. I
always add, to my description of the individual nations, a de-
scription of the neighboring islands. So, too—since I have
reached the end of Oenotria, which was the only part to which
men of former times gave the name “Italy”—I am at this junc-
ture justified in maintaining the same pattern and heading off
to Sicily and the islands associated with her. |
265 C, 27-33 Sicily is triangular in shape. For this reason, it was for- 6.2.1
SICILY merly called “Trinacria” (Three-pointed) and subsequently “Thri-

It. island
nacia,” the change to the latter name being made for the sake
of euphony. Three headlands define its shape: Pelorias, which, Pelorias, Capo Peloro (Sic.)
together with Caenys and the Reginian column, creates the

Strait; and Pachynus, jutting eastward and washed by the Si- Strait, Straits of Messina
cilian sea, facing the Peloponnese and the Cretan seaway. The Pachynus, Capo Passero (Sic.)
third headland—Lilybaeum—is the one nearer Libya, facing Lilybaeum, Capo Boeo (Sic.)
Libya and the southwest.2

265 C, 33–266 C, 6 Of the sides created by the three headlands, two curve con-
siderably inward; but the third, outward-curving side, which
extends from Lilybaeum to Pelorias,3 is the longest one, at Pelorias, Capo Peloro (Sic.)
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) one thousand seven hundred stades, according to Posidonius
(who adds another twenty). As for the other sides, the one
from Lilybaeum to Pachynus is the longer of the two. The Pachynus, Capo Passero (Sic.)
shortest side is the one nearer the Strait and Italy, extending
from Pelorias to Pachynus, some one thousand one hundred
and thirty stades.
266 C, 6-19 Posidonius gives the circular voyage as four thousand four
hundred stades. In the Chorography,4 a greater sum is given
[ 1 ] 277 C, 26–285 C, 34.

[ 2 ] Strabo rotates Sicily some 45° (even farther at 266 C, 28–267 C, 17)
counterclockwise.
[ 3 ] The term “outward-curving” would more appropriately be applied the side
from Lilybaeum (Capo Boeo) to Pachynus (Capo Passero).
[ 4 ] Either a work by the “chorographer” (224 C, 29-33n) or perhaps a reference to
Polybius’s work or part thereof: 104 C, 6-19n. Strabo’s use of “titles” to refer to
parts of works: 639 C, 15-27n. Other examples of the term “chorography”: 346 C,
10-12n; 465 C, 1-9n.
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3.1. Western Europe
for the constituent distances expressed in miles. From Pelo- Mylae, Milazzo (Sic.)
rias to Mylae, twenty-five; the same number from Mylae to Tyndaris, Tindari (Sic.)
Tyndaris; then to Agathyrnum, thirty; an equal number to Agathyrnum, nr. Capo

d’Orlando (Sic.)
Alaesa; an equal number again to Cephaloedium. These are
Alaesa, nr. Castel di Tusa (Sic.)
small towns. It is e ighteen to the Himeras river, which runs
Cephaloedium, Cefalù (Sic.)
through the middle of Sicily.1 Then to Panormus, thirty-five;
Panormus, Palermo (Sic.)
and thirty-two to the Aegestan entrepôt. This leaves thirty-
eight to Lilybaeum. Rounding the headland from t here to Aegestan entrepôt, Castel
lammare del Golfo (Sic.)
the next side, it is seventy-five to Heraclium; twenty to the
Heraclium, Eraclea Minoa (Sic.)
Camarina, Camarina (Sic.) Acragantinian entrepôt; and another twenty . . . * Camarina;
Acragantinian entrepôt, south
then fifty to Pachynus. From there, back on the third side, it of Agrigento (Sic.)
Syracuse, Siracusa (Sic.) is thirty-six to Syracuse; sixty to Catana; then thirty-three to
Catana, Catania (Sic.) Tauromenium; then thirty to Messene. Tauromenium, Taormina (Sic.)
266 C, 19-21 Overland from Pachynus to Pelorias is one hundred and

Valerian road = Lat. Via Valeria sixty-eight; and from Messene to Lilybaeum on the Valerian Messene, Messina (Sic.)
road is two hundred and thirty-five.

266 C, 21-22 Some p eople speak more generally, such as Ephorus, who
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) says that the circumnavigation takes five days and nights.
266 C, 23-28 Posidonius, defining the island by means of climata, puts climata, grid of geographical
coordinates
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) Pelorias in the “north,” Lilybaeum in the “south,” and Pachy-
nus in the “east.” Given that the climata are fitted into a paral-
lelogram shape, triangles inscribed within them—especially
triangles that are scalene and whose sides do not coincide with
any of the parallelogram’s sides—are, by definition (because
of their obliquity), noncongruent with the climata.
266 C, 28-34 Nevertheless, in the case of the [?parallelogram, ?clima, ?triangle]
of Sicily, situated south of Italy, Pelorias would correctly be Pelorias, Capo Peloro (Sic.)
said to be the “northernmost” of the three corners, so that

the side connecting it to Pachynus (Pachynus, as I said, juts Pachynus, Capo Passero (Sic.)
eastward)2 creates the north-facing side—that is, the side fac-

ing the Strait. One should allow for a slight curvature t oward
the southeast: the coast deviates in this direction as you pro- Catana, Catania (Sic.)
ceed from Catana to Syracuse and Pachynus. Syracuse, Siracusa (Sic.)
266 C, 34–267 C, 5 The sea crossing from Pachynus to the mouth of the Al- Alphius, Alpheios r. (w.
Peloponnese)
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early phius is four thousand stades. Artemidorus, in stating that it
1st c. BCE)
is four thousand six hundred stades from Pachynus to Taenarum, but Taenarum, Akra Tainaron (s.
Peloponnese)
one thousand one hundred and thirty from the Alphius to the Pamisus,3
would seem to me to provide justification for the claim that
his statements are not in accordance with the man who claims
that it is four thousand stades from Pachynus to the Alphius.
[ 1 ] Himeras river = Grande r. + Salso r.

[ 2 ] 265 C, 27-33.
[ 3 ] For various rivers called “Pamisus” in the Peloponnese: 361 C, 4-14n.
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Italy + Islands
267 C, 5-10 As for the side from Pachynus to Lilybaeum (the latter Lilybaeum, Capo Boeo (Sic.)
of which is considerably farther west than Pelorias), this too Pelorias, Capo Peloro (Sic.)
would slant considerably toward the west from due south, and
at the same time would face east and south, washed on one
direction by the Sicilian sea, in the other by the Libyan sea, Libyan sea = Med. Sea off
Tunisia/present-day Libya
which extends from Carthage to the Syrtes.
267 C, 10-14 The shortest sea crossing to the Carthage region of Libya is Carthage, Carthage (Tun.)
from Lilybaeum, at one thousand five hundred [stades]. For this Lilybaeum (headland), Capo
Boeo (Sic.)
reason, some sharp-eyed person,1 standing on some lookout
point, is said to have announced to the people in Lilybaeum Lilybaeum (town), Marsala (Sic.)
the number of ships setting sail from Carthage!

267 C, 14-17 As for the side from Lilybaeum to Pelorias, it would nec- Pelorias, Capo Peloro (Sic.)
essarily slant eastward and face northwest, with Italy to the

north, the Tyrrhenian sea and the islands of Aeolus to the islands of Aeolus, Isole Eolie (It.
islands)
west. |
267 C, 18-22 There are cities along the side forming the Strait: first, 6.2.2
Messene, then Tauromenium, Catana, and Syracuse. The Messene, Messina (Sic.)
cities between Catana and Syracuse—Naxos and Megara— Tauromenium, Taormina (Sic.)
Symaethus, Simeto r.
have been eclipsed. This is where the rivers Symaethus and Catana, Catania (Sic.)
Pantacias, Porcaria r.
Pantacias, flowing from Etna, join the sea through mouths Syracuse, Siracusa (Sic.)
Xiphonia’s Promontory, Porto
Megarese (Sic.) that have fine harbors. Here, too, is Xiphonia’s Promontory.
267 C, 22-33 Ephorus says that these w ere the first cities founded by the
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) Greeks in Sicily, in the tenth generation a fter the Trojan period; men Trojan period, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
of earlier times so feared Tyrrhenian piracy and the savagery of the
natives in the region that they did not sail t here even for commercial
purposes; Theocles the Athenian, blown off course, landed in Sicily
and recognized that the population was sparse and the conditions ex-
cellent; when he sailed home, he could not convince the Athenians, but,
winning over many Chalcidians in Euboea, some Ionians, and even
some Dorians (of whom the majority were Megarians), he set sail;
the Chalcidians founded Naxos, and the Dorians founded Megara, Naxos, Naxos-Giardini (Sic.)
which was earlier called “Hybla.” The cities no longer exist, but Megara/Hybla, Megara
Hyblaea (Sic.)
the name of “Hybla” survives on account of the excellence of
“Hyblaean” honey. |
267 C, 34–268 C, 10 As for the cities that do survive on the said side,2 Messene Messene/Zancla, Messina (Sic.) 6.2.3
lies in the bay of Pelorias, which curves a long way eastward

and forms a sort of crook. She is a sixty-stade crossing away
from Regium but much less far away from the column. She Regium, Reggio di Calabria (It.)
was refounded by the Peloponnesian Messenians, through

whose agency she underwent a name change, having been
[ 1 ] Other ancient writers tell us that this man was called “Strabo” (which in Greek
literally means “cross-eyed”). Our author may h
ere be coyly alluding to the fact
that he shares the same name. Another possible example of our author drawing
attention to the literal meaning of his name: 224 C, 3-8n.
[ 2 ] 267 C, 18-22; cf. 266 C, 28-34.
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3.1. Western Europe
called “Zancla” previously because of her curving topogra-

phy (a curve was called a zanclion) and having been founded
previously by t hose Naxians from near Catana. She was l ater Naxians = inhabitants of Naxos,
Naxos-Giardini (Sic.)
settled by the Mamertinians, a Campanian tribe. The Romans
Catana, Catania (Sic.)
used her as a base of operations in the Sicilian war against the
Carthaginians. Later, Sextus Pompeius assembled his fleet
here when he was at war with Augustus Caesar; and when he
fled the island, it was from here that he made his escape.
268 C, 10-14 In the channel a short distance in front of the city is what
is identified as the incredible depths of Charybdis, into which
the refluent current of the Strait naturally draws vessels topsy-
turvy into its whirls and its huge eddies. When the ships have
been sucked down and destroyed, the wreckage is borne away
to the Tauromenian shore, which is called “Copria” (Rubbish-tip)
as a result of this phenomenon.
268 C, 14-18 The Mamertinians prevailed among the Messenians to
such an extent that the city became subject to them. Every
one calls them “Mamertinians” rather than “Messenians.”
The territory is very good for wine production; people call
the wine not “Messenian” but “Mamertinian”—it is as good
as the best Italian wines
268 C, 18-32 While the city is quite well populated, Catana is even bet- city = Messene, Messina (Sic.)
ter populated, for it has absorbed Roman settlers as well. Catana, Catania (Sic.)
(Tauromenium is less well populated than either of these Tauromenium, Taormina (Sic.)
two.) Catana was founded by the same Naxians1 (Tauro-

menium was founded by the Zanclaeans in Hybla).2 Catana Hybla, Megara Hyblaea (Sic.)
expelled the original settlers when Hiero, ruler of Syracuse, Syracuse, Siracusa (Sic.)
settled her with other people and called the city “Etna” in-
Pindar (5th c. BCE) stead of “Catana.” Pindar calls him the f ounder of this city,
saying: listen to what I say, you who share a name with the holy rites,3
/ O father, founder of Etna. Following the death of Hiero, the
Catanians returned, expelled the inhabitants, and dug up the
grave of the ruler. The Etnaeans retreated, settled on a ridge
of Etna called “Innesa,” and gave the city “Etna” to the place
(it is eighty stades from Catana), and they declared that Hiero
was the f ounder.
268 C, 33–269 C, 4 Etna4 is immediately above Catana and shares most fully
in the effects associated with volcanic craters. The streams
of lava flow down extremely close to Catanaea, which is the
setting for The pious ones—Amphinomus and Anapias, who lifted
[ 1 ] I.e., the same Naxians who founded Zancla: 267 C, 34–268 C, 10.
[ 2 ] Hybla: 267 C, 22-33.
[ 3 ] The Greek word for “holy rites,” in the inflected form used by Pindar, is hieron;
the Greek form of the name “Hiero” is Hieron.
[ 4 ] Perhaps the town of Etna (268 C, 18-32; cf. 273 C, 26–274 C, 4), rather than the
volcano.
316
Italy + Islands
their parents onto their shoulders and saved them from the
evil bearing down on them.
269 C, 4-19 Whenever . . . *1 around the mountain, the area belong-
ing to the Catanaeans gets covered with deep layers of ash.
The ash causes problems at the time but later brings benefits
to the territory, making it good for growing vines and other
crops, even though the rest of the territory is not suited for
wine production in the same way. People say that the roots
nourished by the ash-covered area make small farm animals
so fat that they choke, which is why blood has to be drawn
from their ears every four or five days, just as also happens
in the case of Erythia, as I said.2 The lava, when it solidifies,
turns the earth’s surface to stone for quite some depth, so
that you have to dig down if you want to uncover the original
surface. When the rock in the craters becomes molten and
then is thrown upward, the fluid that pours out over the peak
is a black mud, which flows down the mountainside; then it
hardens into stone that is good for millstones, preserving the
same color that it had when molten. The ash is the result of
the stone burning up in the same way as wood. Just as rue is
nourished by wood ash, so (it is reasonable to suppose) that
ash from Etna has some useful quality for vines. |
269 C, 20–270 C, 4 Syracuse was founded by Archias, who sailed from Corinth Syracuse, Siracusa (Sic.) 6.2.4
at around the time that Naxos and Megara w ere founded. It Naxos, Naxos-Giardini (Sic.)
is said that Archias visited Delphi at around the same time Megara, Megara Hyblaea (Sic.)
oracle, center for divine as Myscellus; when they consulted the oracle, the god asked
prophecy at Delphi (Gr.)
whether they preferred wealth or health; Archias chose wealth,
and Myscellus chose health, so the god granted Syracuse to the
former and Croton to the latter; this is how it came to be that Croton, Crotone (It.)
the Crotoniates lived in such a healthy (as I have recounted)3

city, while Syracuse fell into such wealth that her inhabitants
achieved notoriety in the proverb, uttered in regard to those
who w ere overly extravagant, the Syracusan tithe would not . . . *
them; on the voyage to Sicily, Archias left behind—with part
of the army—Chersicrates (a man of Heraclid descent) to
found what is now called “Corcyra” and was formerly called Corcyra, Kerkyra/Corfu
(Gk. island)
“Scheria”; Chersicrates settled the island, expelling the Liby-
rnians who were in possession of it, while Archias, putting in
at Zephyrium and coming across some Dorians who had ar- Zephyrium, Capo Bruzzano
(s. It.)
rived t here from Sicily (from among t hose founding Megara),
[ 1 ] The wording in the manuscripts is nonsensical but appears to attribute the

following discussion to Posidonius.
[ 2 ] 169 C, 21-28.
[ 3 ] 262 C, 27–263 C, 2.
317
3.1. Western Europe
brought them back and included them in his foundation of

Syracuse . . . *.
270 C, 5-8 The city expanded, both because of the blessed nature of city = Syracuse, Siracusa (Sic.)
her territory and the felicitous location of her harbors. Her

menfolk proved to be leaders. It turned out that the Syra-
cusans, when they were themselves subject to tyrants, im-
posed absolute rule over o thers; when they w ere set f ree, they
freed t hose who w ere oppressed by the natives.
270 C, 8-15 As for the natives, some of them were local and some ar-
rived from the mainland. The Greeks allowed none to reach
the coast but were not strong enough to keep them com-
pletely away from the interior. It is rather the case that Sicil-
ians, Sicanians, Morgetans, and various o thers have contin-
ued to inhabit the island right up to the present. Included
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) among these were Iberians, whom Ephorus states are reputed
to be the first natives who settled the islands. It is reasonable
to suppose that Morgantium (she was once a city but is no Morgantium, ?Serra Orlando
(Sic.)
longer in existence) was founded by the Morgetans.
270 C, 15-24 When the Carthaginians arrived, they never ceased from
harrying both these p eople and the Greeks. The Syracusans
managed, however, to keep them at bay. L ater, the Romans
expelled the Carthaginians and took Syracuse by siege. In our
own times, a fter Pompeius had mistreated Syracuse along
with the other cities, Augustus Caesar sent out a colony
but restored a large part of the ancient city, which, in antiq-
uity, had been a pentapolis (five-city state), her surrounding wall
measuring one hundred and eighty stades. It was not neces-
sary to fill the entire area within this perimeter. He thought it
necessary only to improve upon the part that was i nhabited—
on the side toward the island of Ortygia—which had the pe- Ortygia, Ortygia (Sic.)
rimeter of a considerable city.

270 C, 25–271 C, 2 Ortygia is connected to the mainland by a bridge . . . *
and has a spring, Arethusa, which sends its stream directly
into the sea. According to myth, this stream is the Alphius, Alphius, Alpheios r.
(w. Peloponnese)
which, after rising in the Peloponnese, traverses the ocean
by flowing underground as far as the Arethusa, then flows
from there back into the sea. The evidence given is as fol-
lows: a bowl, dropped into the river in Olympia, fetched up
in the spring; and the spring was discolored by the sacrifice
of c attle in Olympia. It is in accordance with this view that
318
Italy + Islands
Pindar (5th c. BCE) Pindar says: revered resting place of the Alphius, / scion of famous
Timaeus (late 4th–early 3rd c. Syracuse, Ortygia. Timaeus, the writer, makes the same decla-
BCE)
ration as Pindar.
271 C, 2-9 Now if, before joining the sea, the Alphius fell into some
chasm, there would be some plausibility to the view that,
from there, its course continued underground—separate
from the sea and preserving its nonsaline w ater. However,
the mouth of the river where it joins the sea is plainly visible,
and nowhere in that part of the sea does t here appear to be
any mouth to swallow the river’s flow (which would thus not
remain consistently fresh but nevertheless—if it followed an
underground course—largely so). Consequently, the view is
completely untenable.
271 C, 9-17 The water of the Arethusa testifies against it, being non-
saline. The idea of the river’s current maintaining its integrity
across so great a waterway, without getting mixed with the
sea, u ntil joining the fictional stream, is complete myth. We
scarcely credit this of the Rhodanus, whose current retains its Rhodanus, Rhône r.
integrity as it passes through a lake, keeping its course visi

ble. There, however, the distance is short and the lake undis-
turbed by waves. Here, where there are tremendous storms
and waves, the view has no credibility at all. The cited “bowl”
magnifies the falsehood: a bowl does not follow a river’s
course, especially one of such length and flowing through
waterways of such a nature.
271 C, 18-33 There are many rivers all over the world that flow under
ground, albeit not for such a distance. Even if it is a possibility,
the aforementioned is impossible, and is similar to the myth
Sophocles (5th c. BCE) about the Inachus, which flows from Pindus’s / peak, says Sopho-
cles, and from Lacmum, from the Perrhaebians, / to the Amphilo-
chians and Acarnanians, / mixing with the waters of the Achelous,
and later he says, thence, cleaving the waves to Argos, / it comes to
the people of Lyrcium. Such tall tales are increased by t hose who
Zoilus (4th c. BCE) carry the Inopus to Delos from the Nile. Zoilus (the public
speaker), in his Praise for the Tenedians, says the Alphius flows
Homer (8th c. BCE) from Tenedos—he, who accuses Homer of myth mongering!
Ibycus (6th c. BCE) Ibycus says that the Asopus in Sicyon flows from Phrygia.
271 C, 33-37 Preferable is the statement by Hecataeus, who says that
Hecataeus (6th–5th c. BCE) the “Inachus” among the Amphilochians, which flows from Lacmus
(whence the Aias also runs), is different from the “Inachus” in the
319
3.1. Western Europe
Argolid; it was named by Amphilochus, who also called the city

“Amphilochian Argos.” He says that this river joins the Achelous,
while the Aeas flows westward to Apollonia.
271 C, 38-39 On either side of the island are large harbors, the more island = Ortygia, Ortygia (Sic.)
sizable of which measures eighty stades.

272 C, 1-4 Caesar restored both this city and Catana, and likewise city = Syracuse, Siracusa (Sic.)
Centoripa, which made a g reat contribution to the downfall Catana, Catania (Sic.)
of Pompeius. Centoripa is situated above Catana, verging on Centoripa, Centuripe (Sic.)
Symaethus, Simeto r. the mountains of Etna and the Symaethus river, which flows
into Catanaea. |
272 C, 5-10 As for the remaining sides of Sicily,1 the side r unning 6.2.5
from Pachynus to Lilybaeum has suffered complete eclipse,

although preserving some traces of the ancient settlements,
which included Camarina, colonized by the Syracusans. Camarina, Camarina (Sic.)
Acragas (belonging to the Geloans) and its seaport, and Acragas, Agrigento (Sic.)
Lilybaeum, remain still in existence. Since these parts were Geloans = inhabitants of Gela,
Gela (Sic.)
mostly u nder Carthaginian control, many w ere destroyed in
Lilybaeum, Marsala (Sic.)
the long series of wars.
272 C, 10-16 The remaining and longest side, although also not densely Alaesa, nr. Castel di Tusa (Sic.)
populated, nevertheless has quite a few settlements: t here Tyndaris, Tindari (Sic.)
are the small towns of Alaesa, Tyndaris, and the entrepôt of entrepôt of the Aegestans, Ca
stellammare del Golfo (Sic.)
Cephaloedis, ?Cefalù (Sic.) the Aegestans and Cephaloedis; and Panormus has a Roman
Aegestaea = territory of
Panormus, Palermo (Sic.) colony. It is said that Aegestaea was founded by those who Aegesta, Segesta (Sic.)
crossed the sea with Philoctetes to Crotoniatis (as mentioned
in my Italica),2 and who w ere dispatched by him to Sicily with
Aegestes the Trojan.
272 C, 16-22 Also settled is Eryx, a lofty hill with an exceptionally Eryx, Erice (Sic.)
Radt, following earlier editors, well-regarded temple to Aphrodite, which was, in antiquity,
places this paragraph here
full of female temple slaves, whom people from Sicily, and
many from elsewhere, dedicated in fulfillment of their vows.
Nowadays, just as the settlement is depopulated, so too is
the temple; and the great number of temple personnel has
vanished. T here is also a replica t emple to this goddess in
Rome—the temple in front of the Colline gate known as the
Erycinian Aphrodite = Lat. temple to “Erycinian” Aphrodite, with an inner shrine and a
Venus Erycina
remarkable colonnade r unning around it.3 |
272 C, 23-27 In the interior, a few p eople occupy Enna—in which Enna, Enna (Sic.) 6.2.6
there’s a t emple to Demeter—situated on a hill surrounded

by broad plateaus, all of them arable. The runaway slaves as-
sociated with Eunus4 inflicted great harm on the city when
[ 1 ] I.e., “remaining” as per Strabo’s definition at 265 C, 27–266 C, 6.

[ 2 ] Italica (lit., “Stuff about Italy”) refers to the section of Strabo’s narrative (209 C,
15–288 C, 33) in which he describes the territory of Italy; and within which he
discusses the founding of Croton (254 C, 6-14). Strabo’s use of such “titles”:
639 C, 15-27n.
[ 3 ] Radt (vol. 2, critical apparatus on 272 C, line 16) transposes this paragraph to
the location shown here from its manuscript position after 272 C, 23-27.
[ 4 ] “The runaway slaves associated with Eunus” is idiomatic, meaning predomi-
nantly “the runaway slave Eunus” (2nd c. BCE), but including, in this context,
his fellow slaves; the expression is repeated at 273 C, 2-14.
320
Italy + Islands
they were besieged there and were destroyed (with some dif-
ficulty) by the Romans. The Catanaeans, Tauromenitans, and
several o thers, suffered the same fate.
272 C, 27-32 Other settlement, both inland and on the coast, has mostly
become the preserve of shepherds. I do not know w hether Hi- Himera, Himera (Sic.)
mera is still inhabited, or Gela, Callipolis, Selinus, Euboea, or Gela, Gela (Sic.)
various others. Of these, Himera was founded by the Mylaean Selinus, Selinunte (Sic.)
Zanclaeans, Gela . . . *, Callipolis by the Naxians, Selinus by Euboea, ?Licodia Euboia (Sic.)
the Megarians t here, Euboea by the Leontinians.

272 C, 32-34 All of Leontina, which also belonged to the Naxians of the Leontina = territory of Leontini,
Lentini (Sic.)
Radt, following earlier editors, region, has been devastated. Her inhabitants always shared
puts this paragraph here
in the ill luck of the Syracusans but did not always share in
their good luck.1
272 C, 34–273 C, 2 Many of the native settlements have also vanished, such
as Camici, the royal residence of Cocalus, by whom Minos is
said to have been treacherously murdered.
273 C, 2-14 The Romans, when they took possession, recognized
the lack of population, and they handed the mountains
and most of the plains over to herders of horse, cattle, and
sheep. Because of these people, the island often faced grave
danger, initially b ecause the herdsmen resorted occasionally
to brigandage, later b ecause they congregated in large num-
bers and besieged the settlements, as when those associated
with Eunus took Enna. Recently, in our times, there was dis- Enna, Enna (Sic.)
patched to Rome a certain Selurus, called “Son of Etna,” who

led an army and for a long time had swooped down on the
Etna area in raid a fter raid. I saw this man2 when he was torn
apart by wild beasts during some gladiatorial games held in
marketplace = Lat. forum the marketplace. He was placed on a high scaffold—as if on
Etna—which was made to collapse suddenly, and as it disin-
tegrated, he fell down with it into cages holding wild animals;
the cages w ere flimsy and built beneath the scaffold for this
purpose. |
273 C, 15-22 What should I say about the excellence of this territory, territory = Sicily 6.2.7
lauded by many as by no means inferior to Italy? One might

say that it is superior in regard to grain, honey, saffron, and
some other produce. Its nearness is an advantage: it is as if
the island were a part of Italy. It supplies Rome with every
thing, as conveniently and painlessly as if from the fields of
Italy. Indeed, the island is called “the storehouse of Rome.”
[ 1 ] Radt (vol. 2, critical apparatus on 272 C, line 32) transposes this paragraph to
the location shown in this translation from its manuscript position a fter 273 C,
23-25.
[ 2 ] Strabo was therefore in Rome at the date of this spectacle (mid-30s BCE). Com-
ments elsewhere reinforce his presence in Rome at this time: 381 C, 7-16n; 548 C,
9-14n. Strabo was probably in Rome on at least one subsequent occasion: 236 C,
13-22n. Other attestations of Strabo’s presence in Rome or elsewhere in w. Italy:
117 C, 12-20n; 199 C, 31–200 C, 17n; 223 C, 27–224 C, 3n (cf. 222 C, 9-22n). Sugges-
tions of Strabo’s presence in Rome: 224 C, 20-28n; 236 C, 25-28n: 144 C, 12-21nn.
321
3.1. Western Europe
It is to Rome that all its products (except for the few things
consumed locally) are exported—not food products alone
but livestock, leather, wool and so on.
273 C, 23-25 Posidonius says that Syracuse and Eryx are situated like two Syracuse, Siracusa (Sic.)
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) acropolises on the sea; and between them lies Enna, above the encir- Eryx, Erice (Sic.)
cling plains. | Enna, Enna (Sic.)
273 C, 26–274 C, 4 Near Centoripa is a town, the aforementioned Etna,1 Centoripa, Centuripe (Sic.) 6.2.8
which receives p eople climbing the mountain and escorts

them on their way: from thereon, the summit begins. The
upper regions are bare, ashy, and packed with snow in the
winter; the lower regions are marked by forests and plants
of all different types. It is likely that the peaks of the moun-
tain have undergone many changes because of the behavior
of the volcano, which is sometimes concentrated within one
crater and sometimes dispersed, and which sometimes sends
forth molten lava and sometimes flames and fiery smoke, and
which sometimes shoots out red-hot stones. It must be the
case that the subterranean channels undergo changes at the
same time as these phenomena, and the openings, sometimes
several . . . * on the surface all around.
274 C, 4-21 People who had recently made the ascent described to
me 2 how they found at the top a level plateau some twenty
stades in circumference, enclosed by an ashy rim the height
of a city wall, so that those who wished to proceed farther
had to jump down onto the plateau; that they could see in
the middle a mound of the same ash-colored appearance
as the surface of the plain; above the mound, a cloud rose
some two hundred feet straight up in the air, unperturbed
(for t here was no wind), resembling smoke; two of their
number w ere daring enough to venture into the plain, but
they turned back when the sand on which they walked got
hotter and deeper, and they were unable to add anything
more than what was observable to those watching from afar;
from what they saw, they believed that much of what was said
was mythical, especially the story told by some concerning
Empedocles—that he jumped down into the crater and that Empedocles, a philosopher,
5th c. BCE
the only clue left of what happened to him was one of the pair
of brazen sandals he wore, which was found just a l ittle way
outside the lip of the crater as if thrown up by the force of
the volcano—for it was impossible either to reach the site or
[ 1 ] 268 C, 18–269 C, 4n.

[ 2 ] These p eople may have recounted their ascent to Strabo when he was in Rome:
273 C, 2-14n. Alternatively, Strabo may have been on a ship that s topped in Sicily
and picked up passengers: cf. 485 C, 30–486 C, 3. See also Strabo’s account of
his own ascent of the mountain at Corinth: 379 C, 2-13.
322
Italy + Islands
even see it, and they surmised that nothing could be hurled
down into it because of the countervailing blasts of air from
far below and b ecause of the heat (with which, it is reasonable
to suppose, one was confronted long before getting close to
the mouth of the crater).
274 C, 21-25 Even if anything w ere hurled in, it would be destroyed be-
fore being thrown back out . . . * as earlier tradition had it. It
is not irrational to suppose that at times the blasts of air and
fire would stop, as its fuel ran out, but not to the extent that
any man, faced with such a force, could make an approach.
274 C, 26-29 Etna is inland, mostly from the coast at the Strait and Cat- Strait, Straits of Messina
anaea but also from the coast on the Tyrrhenian sea near the
Liparaean islands. By night, a bright light can be seen shining Liparaean islands, Isole Eolie (It.
islands)
from its peak. By day, it is shrouded in smoke and haze. |
274 C, 29-30 The Nebrodes mountains are opposite Etna; they are Nebrodes, Monti Nebrodi, 6.2.9
Monti Peloritani, Madonie (Sic.)
lower but much wider.
274 C, 31–275 C, 5 The whole island is hollow underneath but filled with riv- island = Sicily
ers and volcanic fire (which is also the case with the Tyrrhe-
nian sea, as I said, as far as Cumaea).1 At any rate, in many
Selinuntian waters = Lat. places the island features springs of hot w ater: the Selinun- Selinuntian waters, Sciacca (Sic.)
Thermae Selinuntinae
tian waters and the waters at Himera are salty, the Aegestaean aters at Himera, Termini
w
aters at Himera = Lat. Thermae
w Imerese (Sic.)
Himeraeae
waters are fresh. In the Acragas region, t here are lakes that
Aegestaean waters, Terme
Aegestaean waters = Lat. Aquae
taste like seawater but have a remarkable quality: it happens Segestane (Sic.)
Segestanae that even t hose who cannot swim do not go under, but they Acragas, Agrigento (Sic.)
float on the surface like pieces of wood!
275 C, 5-19 The Palicians have craters from which conical geysers of Palicians = Sicilian deities
water shoot upward and then fall back into the same hole. geysers, at Lago di Naftia (Sic.)
The cave in the Mataurus region has a huge channel inside it,
in which a river flows unseen for a great distance then reap-
pears at the surface. Similarly, the Orontes in Syria disappears
into the chasm called “Charybdis”—between Apamia and
Antioch—and then, after forty stades, reemerges. The Ti-
gris in Mesopotamia and the Nile in Libya—shortly before
its sources—are comparable cases. The w ater in the region
of Stymphalus, after flowing underground for two hundred
stades, issues forth in Argia as the Erasinus river. Again, the
water at Arcadian Asea, forced underground, at some l ater
point returns to the surface as both the Eurotas and the Al-
phius, causing people to believe a mythical falsehood, that
garlands dedicated to each river and thrown into the common
[ 1 ] 248 C, 6-16.
323
3.1. Western Europe
stream reappear, each in the river appropriate to the dedica-

tion! The story about the Timavus has already been told.1 |
275 C, 20-28 Of the same kind as these Sicilian phenomena are the 6.2.10
LIPARAEAN ISLANDS phenomena observed in the Liparaean islands (and in Lipara Liparaean islands/islands of
Isole Eolie (It. islands) Aeolus, Isole Eolie (It.)
itself ). These islands are seven in number, but the largest is
Lipara, a colony of Cnidians, lying closest to Sicily after Ther-
messa. Lipara was formerly called “Meligunis,” commanded Lipara/Meligunis, Lipari (It.
island)
a fleet, held out for a long time against Tyrrhenian incur-
sions, controlled the islands now called “Liparaean” (known
by some as “the islands of Aeolus”), and furthermore often
adorned Apollo’s temple in Delphi with her victory spoils. It
has productive land, a profitable stypteria mine, hot springs,
and volcanic blasts.
275 C, 29-32 Roughly between this island and Sicily is the island that
men of today call “Hiera,”2 rocky all over, deserted, and vol- Hiera, Vulcano (It. island)
canic. It has three places where there are volcanic blasts, as if

from three craters; the flames from the largest are accompa-
nied by red-hot stones, which have ultimately blocked a large
part of the seaway.
275 C, 32–276 C, 4 From observation, it is believed that the intensity of the
flames—both t here and on Etna—is related to the winds;
when the winds die down, so do the flames. This is not an
unreasonable supposition. Winds are generated and fed ini-
tially by vapors from the sea; consequently, it is not permitted
for people who observe such outcomes elsewhere to express
amazement that volcanic fire is kindled from a related sub-
stance and p rocess.
276 C, 4-9 Polybius says that one of the three craters is partially damaged,
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) but the other two remain intact; the largest has a lip with a circumfer-
ence of five stades, gradually contracting to a diameter of fifty feet;
its height above sea level is one stade, so that it can be seen in calm
conditions. If anyone believes this, they should also believe the
false myth about Empedocles!
276 C, 9-21 He says that if the south wind is about to blow, a thick mist en- He = Polybius
shrouds the island so that not even Sicily can be seen from t here; when
the north wind is about to blow, pure flames arise from the aforemen-
tioned crater, and loud rumbling sounds are emitted; the situation
with the west wind is intermediate. The other two craters are similar,
but their blasts are less powerful. Based on the variation in rumbling
sounds and on the source of the blasts and flames and fiery smoke, a
[ 1 ] 214 C, 28–215 C, 4.
name Hiera (itself borrowed from the Greek). Strabo’s transliteration of Latin
names: 508 C, 10-18n. The Greeks themselves seem to have called the island
“Thermessa”: 275 C, 20-28; 276 C, 23-30.
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Italy + Islands
prediction can be made as to the wind that will blow on the third day
forward. He says that, at a time when conditions on Liparae w ere
not good for sailing, certain people predicted to him the future wind,
and they w ere not mistaken: this is why the seemingly most mythical
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) falsehood spoken by the poet is not spoken in vain but is the statement
of a man who hints at the truth, namely when he says that Aeolus is
the “steward of the winds” (which m atters I discussed at quite
some length previously).1
276 C, 21-22 I return to what comes next in sequence a fter the point
from which I turned aside.2 |
276 C, 23-30 I have described Lipara and Thermessa.3 “Strongyla” Strongyla, Stromboli (It. island) 6.2.11
(Round) is so called b ecause of its shape. This island, too, is shot

through with fire: the flames are less strong but excessively
bright. This is where Aeolus is said to have lived. The fourth
island is “Didyma” (Double), also named a fter its shape. Of the Didyma, Salina (It. island)
islands that remain, “Ericussa” (Heathery) and “Phoenicussa” Ericussa, Alicudi (It. island)
(Date-palm) are called after plants and given over to pasturage. Phoenicussa, Filicudi (It. island)
The seventh is “Euonymus” (Left-hand-side), the farthest out to Euonymus, Panarea (It. island)
sea and uninhabited: it is so named b ecause, as you sail from

Lipara to Sicily, it is the most immediately “on the left-hand
side.”
276 C, 31-33 Flames were often seen leaping to the surface of the sea
around the islands from deep-down apertures, a fter some
passageway opened up and the fire was forced to find an exit.
277 C, 1-15 Posidonius says that within living memory, at sunrise around
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) the time of the summer solstice, the sea between Hiera and Euony-
mus was seen to rise to an extraordinary height, to remain for some
time continuously inflated, and then to subside. Those who were bold
enough to sail closer fled when they saw the dead fish carried in the
sea’s current; others fled because they were overwhelmed by the heat
and the stink. One of the vessels, however, went very close: it lost some
of its occupants and scarcely managed to get the o thers to safety in
Lipara—at times they w ere senseless in the manner of epileptics, and
at times they recovered their normal wits. Many days l ater, blooms
of mud w ere seen on the sea’s surface and, in many places, shooting
flames, smoke, and soot. The mud then hardened and became a solid
mass like millstone. The governor of Sicily, Titus Flamininus, made
a report to the senate; the senate sent instructions that propitiatory
sacrifices be made, both on the little island and on Liparae, to the
underworld gods and the gods of the sea.
[ 1 ] Strabo’s thesis that there is much truth in Homer’s poetry: 15 C, 26–47 C, 8.

[ 2 ] Strabo picks up the thread of the narrative on the Liparaean islands from 275 C,
29-32.
[ 3 ] Lipara (Lipari, It. island): 275 C, 20-28. Hiera/Thermessa (Vulcano, It. island):
275 C, 29-32.
325
3.1. Western Europe
277 C, 16-19 The chorographer1 says it is ten miles from Ericodes to Ericodes, Alicudi (It. island)
Phoenicodes: from there to Didyma . . . *. Phoenicodes, Filicudi (It. island)
277 C, 20-25 Lying off Pachynus are Melita, whence come those little Melita, Malta
dogs that people call “Melitaean,” and Gaudus: both islands Gaudus, Gozo (island in Maltese
archipelago)
are eighty-eight miles from the headland. Cossura lies off
Cossura, Pantelleria (It. island)
Lilybaeum and off Aspis (Shield)—a Carthaginian city, which
Lilybaeum, Marsala (Sic.)
they call “Clypea”2—midway between the two and the said
distance from each. Aegimurus, too, lies off Sicily and Libya, Aegimurus, Zembra (Tun.
island)
as do other small islands.3
277 C, 25 The foregoing is my description of the islands.4 |
277 C, 26-33 Now that I have journeyed across the region of ancient 6.3.1
IAPYGIA Italy as far as Metapontium,5 the area that follows should be Metapontium, Metaponto (It.)
“heel” of Italy
described. What follows is Iapygia.6 The Greeks call this area,
additionally, “Messapia.” The locals call it by its parts, calling
one part (the Iapygian headland region) the “Salentinians,”
the other part the “Calabrians.”7 North of these peoples are
the “Peucetians” and “Daunians,”8 as they are called in the
Greek language. The locals give the name “Apulia” to the en-
tire territory that comes next a fter the Calabrians. Some of
the people there, particularly the Peucetians, are also called
“Poediclians.”9
277 C, 33–278 C, 2 Messapia is rather in the shape of a peninsula, with an
isthmus of three hundred and ten stades from Brundisium Brundisium, Brindisi (It.)
to Taras. (The voyage around the Iapygian headland is, in Taras, Taranto (It.)
round numbers, . . . * stades). The distance from Metapon- Metapontium, Metaponto (It.)
tium is around two hundred and . . . * and the voyage to it is

eastward.
278 C, 2-7 Here, although the Tarantinian bay as a whole is largely Here = at Taras, Taranto (It.)
harborless, t here’s a large and very fine harbor, with an Tarantinian bay, Gulf of Taranto
immense bridge. It has a perimeter of one hundred stades,

and it forms an isthmus between the inner recess and the
outer sea, so that the city lies on a peninsula and vessels can
easily be hauled across from either side, since the neck of land
lies at a low level.
278 C, 7-18 The city, too, is built at a low level, although rising slightly city = Taras, Taranto (It.)
at the acropolis. The circuit of the ancient wall is huge. Nowa-

days, the part t oward the isthmus is largely in ruins, although
the part (the site of the acropolis) toward the harbor mouth
survives and fills the space of a sizable city. The city has a very
fine gymnasium and an immense marketplace, the location of
[ 1 ] “Chorographer”: 224 C, 29-33n. [ 7 ] “The locals” are Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin eth-
[ 2 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin place-name nic names Salentini and Calabri. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C,
Clypea (Kelibia, Tun.). Clipeus is the Latin word for “shield.” Strabo’s translitera- 10-18n.
tion of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n. [ 8 ] Peucetians and Daunians = Lat. Apulia: 283 C, 17–285 C, 34.
[ 3 ] Strabo’s account of Cossura and Aegimurus is confusing. For further confusion, [ 9 ] I.e., called by Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin names
followed by elucidation: 834 C, 1-18nn. Apulia and Poediculi. Strabo refines his e arlier statement (242 C, 8-10, where
[ 4 ] 265 C, 27–277 C, 25. he equates the Apulians with the “Daunians”). Strabo’s transliteration of Latin
[ 5 ] Strabo picks up the thread of his narrative from 265 C, 20-26. names: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 6 ] Iapygia: 277 C, 33–285 C, 34.
326
Italy + Islands
the colossal bronze statue of Zeus, which is the largest a fter

that of the Rhodians. Between the marketplace and the har-
bor mouth is the acropolis, with only a pittance of its ancient
array of offerings. Most of the offerings w ere e ither destroyed
by the Carthaginians when they took the city or w ere taken
as booty by the Romans when they forcibly took control. In-
cluded among the latter is the Heracles, the colossal bronze
statue in the Capitol,1 the work of Lysippus, dedicated by
Fabius Maximus when he took the city. |
278 C, 19-27 Describing the founding, Antiochus says that after the 6.3.2
Antiochus (5th c. BCE) Messenian war, t hose of the Lacedaemonians who had not taken part
in the campaign w ere reduced to servitude and called “helots.” As
for any sons born during the campaign, people called them “parthe-
niae” (virgin-born) and took away their rights. They did not put up They = ?partheniae
with this—for they w ere numerous—and plotted against the body of

citizens. When they realized what was happening, they insinuated they = ?Lacedaemonian citizens
certain p eople whose intent was, u

nder the guise of friendship, to re-
port on the nature of the plot. Included among them was Phalanthus,
who seemed to be the leader of these people but was not at all in favor these people = ?partheniae
of the sworn aims of the plot.

278 C, 27–279 C, 2 The plan was to launch the attack during the Hyacinthian
[games] in the Amyclaeum, when the games w ere being held, at the
moment when Phalanthus put on his helmet. (The citizens w ere
recognizable from their hair.) When t hose associated with Pha-
lanthus2 had secretly reported the plot and when the games were get-
ting underway, a herald approached Phalanthus and told him not to
put on his helmet. Perceiving that they3 had revealed the plot, some
ran away and others sought supplication. Bidding them be of good
cheer, they held them under guard and sent Phalanthus to question
the god about forming a colony. The god replied: “I grant you Sa- Satyrium, Saturo, Porto Perone
(It.)
tyrium and rich Taras, to s ettle your p eople t here and be a bane to
Taras, Taranto (It.)
the Iapygians.”
279 C, 3-11 So then, the partheniae went off with Phalanthus, and they
were received by the natives, and also by the Cretans who had
previously taken the place. People say that the latter were
those who sailed with Minos to Sicily and who, after his death
occurred in Camici at the home of Cocalus, set sail from Sic-
ily and w
ere driven off course on their return voyage hither.
Some of them l ater marched overland around the Adria, as Adria, Adriatic Sea
far as Macedonia, and were called “Bottiaeans.” They say that
[ 1 ] Strabo undoubtedly saw this bronze statue in the Capitol in Rome: 236 C,
25-28n.
[ 2 ] “Those associated with Phalanthus” is an idiomatic expression, which simply
means Phalanthus.
[ 3 ] The plural “they” may refer to “those associated with Phalanthus” and is gram-
matically required, even if the sense (i.e., “Phalanthus”) is singular. Cf. 477 C,
28–478 C, 11nn.
327
3.1. Western Europe
all the p eople as far as Daunia w ere called “Iapygians” a fter

Iapyx (son of Daedalus by a Cretan w oman), who ruled over
the Cretans. People named the city “Taras,” after a hero. |
279 C, 12-21 Ephorus describes the founding of the city as follows. 6.3.3
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) When the Lacedaemonians w ere at war with the Messenians—who
had killed their king, Teleclus, when he was visiting Messene to make
sacrifices—they swore they would not go home u ntil they e ither took
Messene or all died in trying. Whilst away on campaign, they had
left behind, as guardians of their city, the youngest members of the
citizenry and the oldest. In the tenth year . . . * of the war, the wives
of the Lacedaemonian men got together and sent some of their number
to their husbands, castigating them for not fighting on equal terms
with the Messenians (“those who stay . . . * make babies; those who
campaign on enemy soil leave their women bereft”) and risking de-
population of the fatherland.
279 C, 21-27 The men, simultaneously keeping their oath and heeding the
words of their wives, sent back those who w ere the most vigorous and
also the youngest. They recognized that these had, while still only boys,
gone along with their elders without swearing the oath. They gave
instructions that every one of them should have sex with e very young
virgin, believing that more children would be conceived. This was
done, and the sons w ere called “partheniae” (virgin-born).
279 C, 27-33 Messene, meanwhile, was captured after being under attack for
Tyrtaeus (7th c. BCE) nineteen years, as Tyrtaeus, too, tells us: “They waged battle
about her for nineteen years, / continuously and unceasingly
with stout hearts, / t hose spearmen, f athers of our f athers. /
In the twentieth year, the people left their rich crops / and fled
from the g reat Ithomaean mountains.”
280 C, 1-13 They divided up Messene between them, but when they arrived
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) back home, they did not accord the “partheniae” the same rights as
other p eople, on the grounds that they w ere illegitimate. The latter
made common cause with the helots, formed a plot against the Lace-
daemonians, and agreed to hold up a Laconian cap in the market-
place to signal that they should begin. When one of the helots betrayed
they = the Lacedaemonians the plot, they recognized that it was difficult to make a counterattack
(given that there w ere many of them, all of like mind, treating each
other like brothers) and instructed those who were supposed to raise
the signal to leave the marketplace. When they saw that the plan had
been betrayed, some held back. Others persuaded them through their
328
Italy + Islands
f athers to go forth and found a colony: if they were to find a site that
was satisfactory, they should stay t here; if not, they w
ere to come back
and divide the fifth part of Messene between them. They set out and
came across the Achaeans fighting with the natives, and taking a share
of the risk, they founded Taras. | Taras, Taranto (It.)
280 C, 14-20 Once upon a time, under democratic government, the 6.3.4
Tarantinians grew exceptionally strong: they had acquired

the largest fleet in the region, and they fielded thirty thousand
foot soldiers, three thousand h orsemen, and one thousand
hipparchs (cavalry commanders). They were followers of Pythago-
rean philosophy. This was particularly the case with Archy-
tas, who also presided over the city for a long time. L ater, on
account of their prosperity, their extravagance reached such
heights that there were more days than not on which annual
citywide holidays w ere celebrated. As a result, their govern-
ment deteriorated.
280 C, 20-30 One indication of their poor p olitical judgment is that
they employed foreigners as generals. They recruited Alex-
ander the Molossian against the Messapians and Leucanians;
before that, Archidamus (son of Agesilaus); l ater, Cleonymus
and Agathocles; then Pyrrhus, when they joined him in rebel-
ling against the Romans. Yet they w ere not easily able to obey
the men they had themselves invited but made enemies of
them. Out of enmity, Alexander tried to shift to Thuria the
festival shared by all the Greeks of the region and customarily
celebrated in the Heraclium in Tarantina. He instructed that
a site on the Acalandrus river be fortified, where the meetings
would be held. The misfortune that befell him is said to have
been the result of this antagonism.
281 C, 1-5 Around the time of the Hannibalic wars, they lost their
freedom. They subsequently received a Roman colony and
lived peaceably and better than before. They went to war with
the Messapians over Heraclia, having as allies both the Dau- Heraclia, nr. Policoro (It.)
nian king and the Peucetian king. |

281 C, 6-10 The next stretch of Iapygian territory is unexpectedly 6.3.5
fine.1 Although it appears rocky on the surface, it is found

when excavated to have deep soil; and although it is waterless,
it is seen to be nevertheless good for pasturing animals and for
tree growth. This entire area was once well populated and had
329
3.1. Western Europe
thirteen cities. Nowadays, apart from Taras and Brundisium, Taras, Taranto (It.)
they are merely small towns. Such is the extent to which they Brundisium, Brindisi (It.)
have been worn down.

281 C, 11-18 People say that the Salentinians are colonists of the Cre-
tans. This is the location of the temple to Athena, which
was once wealthy, and the lookout point that people call
“Iapygia” headland, jutting far out into the sea in a south- Iapygia headland, Capo S. Maria
di Leuca (It.)
easterly direction, curving somewhat t oward Lacinium,
Lacinium, on Capo Colonna
which lies west of it and, together with it, forms the mouth
of the Tarantinian bay. The Ceraunian mountains likewise Tarantinian bay, Gulf of Taranto
form—together with it—the mouth of the Ionian gulf. The Ceraunian mts., range incl. Cikes
mt. (Alb.)
distance from it to the Ceraunians, and also to Lacinium, is
some seven hundred stades.
281 C, 19-28 As for the coastal voyage from Taras to Brundisium, it is Taras, Taranto (It.)
six hundred stades as far as the small town of Baris. Men of Brundisium, Brindisi (It.)
today call Baris “Veretum.”1 She lies at the extremity of Sal- Baris/Veretum, Serra di Vereto
(It.)
entina. For the most part, it is easier to get to her from Taras
by land than by sea. It is eighty stades from t here to Leuca, a Leuca, Leuca (It.)
small town in which a spring of foul-smelling water is shown.

People say that, in myth, t hose of the g iants who survived
in Campanian Phlegra (called “Leuternians”) w ere driven
out by Heracles; that they fled hither and w ere enveloped by
the earth; that it is because of their blood that the spring has
such a characteristic flow. For this reason, too, people call this
stretch of coast “Leuternia.”
281 C, 28-35 From Leuca to the small town of Hydrus is one hundred Hydrus, Otranto (It.)
and fifty [stades]. From there it is four hundred to Brundisium, Brundisium, Brindisi (It.)
and an equal number to the island of Sason. The island lies Sason, Sazani (Alb. island)
approximately at the midpoint of the voyage from Epirus Epirus, Albania, nw. Greece
across to Brundisium, with the consequence that t hose who

are unable to sail a direct course veer to the left, from Sason
to Hydrus. From there, they await a favorable wind and make
for the harbors at Brundisium, or they disembark and take
the shorter overland route to Rhodiae (a Greek city, home of Rhodiae, Rugge (It.)
the poet Ennius).

282 C, 1-5 So, the area from Taras to Brundisium that is sailed around
is like a peninsula. The overland route from Brundisium to peninsula = “heel” of Italy
Taras—one day’s journey for a properly equipped person—is

effectively the isthmus of the said peninsula. Most people call
the peninsula “Messapia,” “Iapygia,” “Calabria,” or “Salen-
place-name Veretum. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
330
Italy + Islands
tina” without distinction. Some people, however, distinguish

between the names, as I said before.1 |
282 C, 6-11 The small towns along the coast have been described.2 6.3.6
In the interior are Rhodiae, Lupiae, and (set back just a Rhodiae, Rugge (It.)
little from the coast) Aletia. In the middle of the isthmus Lupiae, Lecce (It.)
is Uria, in which the royal residence of some dynast can still Aletia, Alezio (It.)
be seen. We should understand either this city or Veretum Uria, Oria (It.)
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) as being referred to when Herodotus says that Hyria is in Veretum, Serra di Vereto (It.)
Iapygia, founded by t hose Cretans who w
ere dispersed a fter Minos’s
expedition.
282 C, 12-18 Cretans are said to have colonized Brundisium—either Brundisium, Brindisi (It.)
those Cretans accompanying Theseus on the return from

Cnossus, or t hose who had set sail from Sicily with Iapyx
(both versions are given). It is said, however, that they did
not stay but went away to Bottiaea. L ater, when the city was
under monarchical rule, she was deprived of much of her
territory by the Lacedaemonians under Phalanthus. The
Brundisians nevertheless gave him refuge when he was ex-
pelled from Taras and, when he died, deemed him worthy of
a splendid burial.
282 C, 18-25 Their territory is of better quality than that of the
Tarantinians. Its soil is of poor quality . . . * the latter but
productive—its honey and wool are among the most highly
praised. Brundisium is also better supplied with harbors:
with one mouth, many sheltered harbors are formed because
of the internal subdivision of bays, resembling a stag’s ant-
lers in shape. This is the origin of her name: the site, along
with the city, resembles the head of a stag, and in the Mes-
senian tongue, the head of a stag is called brention. (The Tar-
antinian harbor is not completely f ree of waves, on account
of its being exposed; and the innermost part even has some
reefs.) |
282 C, 26–283 C, 8 Moreover, if you make the sea crossing from Greece and 6.3.7
Asia, the more direct route is to Brundisium. Indeed, this

is where landfall is made by all who intend to reach Rome Beneventum, Benevento (It.)
Minucian road = Lat. Via by road.3 There are two roads. One, the “Minucian” road, Egnatia, Egnazia (It.)
Minucia
runs past the Peucetians (whom they call “Poediclians”),4 Caelia, Ceglie del Campo (It.)
Daunians, and Samnites, to Beneventum. Along this road Herdonia, Ordona (It.)
are the cities of Egnatia, Caelia, Netium, Canusium, and Canusium, Canosa di Puglia (It.)
Herdonia. The other road is through Taras—somewhat to Taras, Taranto (It.)
[ 1 ] Strabo refines his earlier statement (277 C, 26-33, where he describes the pen-
insula as split between the Calabrians and Salentinians), now acknowledging
that “Calabria” and “Salentina” can be applied to the entire peninsula.
[ 2 ] 281 C, 19-35.
[ 3 ] “All” surely includes Strabo, who would have passed through Brundisium on
his way to Rome for his further education. For Strabo’s probable inclusion of
himself in the expression “all”: 663 C, 19-33n.
name Poediculi: 508 C, 10-18n.
331
3.1. Western Europe
the left if you choose to make the detour of around one day’s
Appian [road] = Lat. Via Appia journey. It is called the “Appian” and is more suitable for
wagons. On it are the cities of Uria and Venusia: the former is Uria, Oria (It.)
between Taras and Brundisium, the latter on the Samnite/ Venusia, Venosa (It.)
Leucanian border. The two roads merge at Beneventum and
Campania and are called “Appian” for the final stretch to
Rome through Caudium, Calatia, Capua, and Casilinum to
Sinuessa (the road thence has been described).1 The total
distance from Rome to Brundisium is three hundred and
sixty miles.
283 C, 8-11 There is a third road from Regium past the Brettians and Regium, Reggio di Calabria (It.)
the Leucanians and through Samnitis to Campania, where

it merges with the Appian. It is longer than the road from
Brundisium by three or four days, passing through the Apen- Brundisium, Brindisi (It.)
nine mountains. |
283 C, 12-16 As for the voyage from Brundisium to the opposite 6.3.8
shore, one route is to the Ceraunians and to the coast of Ceraunian mts., range incl. Cikes
mt. (Alb.)
Epirus and Greece that comes after them. The other route
is to Epidamnus. It is longer than the first route, being a Epirus, Albania, nw. Greece
distance of one thousand stades, while the first is a distance Epidamnus, Durrës (Alb.)
of eight hundred stades. This route is well used because the
city is conveniently situated with regard to the Illyrian and
Macedonian nations.
283 C, 17-23 As you sail along the Adriatic coast from Brundisium, Brundisium, Brindisi (It.)
PEUCETIANS, DAUNIANS you come to the city of Egnatia, which is a stopping place Egnatia, Egnazia (It.)
(= APULIA)
e. Italy for those heading to Barium by ship or on foot. The voyage Barium, Bari (It.)
is made with the south wind. The Peucetians extend this far
along the coast (as far inland as Silvium). The w hole coast is Silvium, Botromagno/Gravina di
Puglia (It.)
rugged and mountainous, much of it a continuation of the
Apennine mountains. It has apparently received Arcadian
settlers. The distance from Brundisium to Barium is some
seven hundred stades. Egnatia is virtually equidistant from
each.
283 C, 23-27 The following stretch is held by Daunians (then by Apu-
lians as far as the Frentanians). Since the “Peucetians” and
the “Daunians” are never—except in antiquity—referred
to by the locals, and since the entire territory is now called
“Apulia,”2 it is unnecessary for the boundaries of these na-
tions to be precisely given. T here is therefore no need for me
to make categorical statements about them. |
[ 1 ] 233 C, 8–234 C, 6.
[ 2 ] I.e., by Latin speakers. Strabo clarifies his e
arlier statement (277 C, 26-33, where
the Peucetians and Daunians are spoken of in the present tense).
332
Italy + Islands
283 C, 28-29 The distance from Barium to the Aufidus river, on which Aufidus, Ofanto r. 6.3.9
is the entrepôt of the Canusites, is four hundred [stades] (and Canusites = inhabitants of
Canusium, Canosa di Puglia (It.)
the voyage upstream to the entrepôt is ninety).
283 C, 29-34 Nearby is Salapia, the seaport belonging to the Argyrip- Salapia, ?Salpi/?Lupara (It.)
penans. Inland, at no g reat distance from the coast, on a fertile

plain, are two cities that w ere once the largest Italiote cities,
Canusium, Canosa di Puglia (It.) as is clear from their city walls. They are Canusium and Ar- Argyrippa/Argos Hippium/Arpi,
nr. Arpinova (It.)
gyrippa, the latter originally called “Argos Hippium,” then
“Argyrippa,” and now “Arpi.”
283 C, 34–284 C, 10 Both cities are said to have been founded by Diomedes,
and . . . * the plain and many other things are identified as
evidence for the rule of Diomedes in these places. There are
the many ancient offerings in Athena’s temple in Luceria, Luceria, Lucera (It.)
which was originally a Daunian city, although now much di-

minished. There are the two islands, called the “Diomedians,” Diomedians, Tremiti (It. islands)
in the sea nearby. One of these islands is inhabited, while the

other is said to be deserted. Some say that this latter is the
mythical setting of Diomedes’s disappearance and the trans-
formation of his companions into birds; that, even now, t hese
birds are tame and lead a humanlike life in their daily routine,
in their gentle disposition toward good people, and in their
avoidance of p eople who are criminal and corrupt. I have al-
ready spoken of the tales told by the Enetians concerning this
hero and the honors paid to him.1
284 C, 11-19 It seems that Sipous, some one hundred and forty stades Sipous, Siponto (It.)
from Salapia, was also founded by Diomedes. It used to be

called “Sepious” (Cuttlefish) in the Greek language, a fter the cut-
tlefish that w ere washed ashore t here. Between Salapia and
Sipous is a navigable river with a lagoon at its mouth; along
them, goods from Sipous, particularly grain, are exported
downstream. In Daunia, around the hill called “Drium,” Drium, ?Monte S. Angelo (It.)
hero shrines have been identified. The shrine to Calchas is

on the very peak: t hose who seek a prophecy sacrifice a black
ram to him and then spend the night sleeping in the skin.
The shrine to Podalirius is lower down at the base of the
hill, some one hundred stades from the sea: from it a brook
runs forth, which is a curative for the diseases suffered by
livestock.
284 C, 20-22 Jutting out from this bay is a promontory—Garganum— Garganum, Testa del Gargano
(It.)
extending eastward into the sea for three hundred stades. As
[ 1 ] 215 C, 5-18.
333
3.1. Western Europe
you round the headland, you come to a little town—Urium— Urium, in Piano di Carpino (It.)
and, off the headland, the Diomedian islands. Diomedian islands, Tremiti (It.
islands)
284 C, 23-25 This entire territory yields a wide array of bountiful pro-
territory = Apulia
duce, and it is exceptional for its horses and sheep. The wool
is softer than that from Taras but less glossy. The territory is Taras, Taranto (It.)
sheltered by the enclosed nature of the plains.

284 C, 25-32 Some p eople say that Diomedes attempted to cut a canal
through to the sea but left this and other projects unfinished
when he was called home, where he ended his life. This is one
of the stories about him. A second story is that he stayed here
until the end of his life. A third is the mythical version which I
related, telling of his disappearance on the island.1 One should
add, as the fourth, the story current among the Enetians: they
say that their own region was the setting for his death, which
they call an “apotheosis.” |
284 C, 33-34 The foregoing distances are given in accordance with 6.3.10
Artemidorus.2
285 C, 1-7 The chorographer3 gives the distance from Brundisium Brundisium, Brindisi (It.)
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early to Garganum as one hundred and sixty-five miles. Artemi- Garganum, Testa del Gargano
1st c. BCE) (It.)
dorus’s figure amounts to more than that. From t here to
Ancon, the former fellow says it is two hundred and fifty- former fellow = chorographer
four miles. Artemidorus gives the distance to the Aesis—near Ancon, Ancona (It.)
Ancon—as one thousand two hundred and fifty stades, which Aesis, Esino r.
is much less than the former fellow gives.

285 C, 7-12 Polybius says that, from Iapygia, milestones have been erected;
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) that it is five hundred and sixty-two miles to . . . * city; and from
there to Aquileia, one hundred and seventy-eight [miles]. . . . * Aquileia, Aquileia (It.)
[people] disagreeing about the accepted distance along the Il-

Ceraunian mts., range incl. Cikes
lyrian shore from the Ceraunian mountains to the recess of mt. (Alb.)
the Adria and stating that this distance exceeds six thousand Adria, Adriatic Sea
[stades], making it much longer than the former fellow does, former fellow
= ?chorographer/?Polybius
whereas it is much shorter.
285 C, 12-20 All writers disagree among themselves in respect to all
other writers, particularly in regard to distances, as I often
note. When it is possible for me to arbitrate, I select what
seems to me to be right; when that is not possible, I believe
that I should present their different views. If I find nothing
in their work, it is not surprising if I, too, omit some detail
in such an undertaking as this. I would not omit anything
[ 1 ] 283 C, 34–284 C, 10.

[ 2 ] I.e., the various distances given at 283 C, 17–284 C, 22.
[ 3 ] “Chorographer”: 224 C, 29-33n.
334
Italy + Islands
important. As for minor details, they profit one little, even if

known. Their omission goes unnoticed as one cruises along,
and the work as a whole is not impaired—or at least not
much!1 |
285 C, 21-28 In the interim, immediately after Garganum, you come 6.3.11
to a deep bay. T hose who live around it are called “Apulians” deep bay = ?Lago di Varano
in the specific sense. They share a language with the Dau-

nians and the Peucetians, and nowadays do not differ from
them much in any other respect. It is reasonable to suppose,
however, that long ago they did differ from them; and that
this is why the diff erent names persist, in contrast to all e lse.
Formerly, all this land prospered. Hannibal and the subse-
quent wars caused its depopulation: this is where the events
at Cannae took place, where the number of fatalities among Cannae, Canne (It.)
the Romans and their allies was very high.

285 C, 28-34 On the bay is a lake (and in the interior, back from the lake = ?Lago di Lesina
lake, is “Apulian Teanum,” which shares her name with the Apulian Teanum, nr. S. Paolo di
Civitate (It.)
Sidicinian one). This is where Italy undergoes quite a con-
Sidicinian [Teanum], Teano (It.)
traction widthwise with the region of Dicaearchia, resulting
widthwise = from east to west
in an isthmus of less than one thousand stades from sea to
Dicaearchia, Pozzuoli (It.)
sea. After the lake is the coastal stretch to the Frentanians
and Buca: it is two hundred stades in either direction from Buca, ?Termoli (It.)
the lake to Buca and Garganum. What comes next after the
Buca region has already been described.2 |
285 C, 35–286 C, 8 Such is the nature and extent of Italy.3 . . . * having said 6.4.1
many things, I will now list the most important factors that
have contributed to Roman ascendancy. One factor is that,
in the manner of an island, Italy’s security is ensured by the
seas that surround it in all but a few directions, and, in those
places, it is protected by mountain ranges that are difficult to
cross. The second factor is that Italy is largely harborless, but
those harbors that it does have are large and impressive. The
former characteristic is useful against invasions from abroad,
while the latter characteristic is useful in resisting invasions
and in helping to create an abundance of trade. The third
factor is that Italy is subjected to a wide range of climates and
temperatures in accordance with which fauna and flora—and
everything, in short, that supports life—are present in very
great profusion, for better or worse.
[ 1 ] For similar sentiments and vocabulary: 826 C, 10-22.

[ 2 ] 240 C, 27–242 C, 10.
[ 3 ] 209 C, 15–285 C, 34.
335
3.1. Western Europe
286 C, 8-14 Italy extends lengthways largely from north to south. (Sic-
ily, being itself of such great length, is an addition to such a
lengthways extension, as a constituent part.) Temperateness
and intemperateness of climate are assessed in accordance with
low temperatures, high temperatures, and temperatures in be-
tween. It necessarily follows from this that “Italy,” as it now is,
being positioned midway between each extreme, b ecause of its
great length occupies a very great part of the temperate zone,
and does so in many diff erent forms.
286 C, 14-22 This is to Italy’s advantage in another way. Since the Apen-
nine mountains extend down its entire length, leaving both
plains and fruitful hillsides on either side, there is no part of
Italy that does not enjoy the benefits of both mountain and
plain. Add to this the size and number of rivers and lakes and,
in addition to these, the springs—both hot and cold—that
nature has provided in many places for health and well-being,
and the abundance of minerals of all sorts. One cannot ad-
equately describe the abundance of materials and food prod-
ucts for both men and animals that Italy provides nor Italy’s
fruitfulness.
286 C, 22-26 Being at the midpoint between the greatest nations1 and
Greece and the best parts of Asia, on the one hand Italy is
naturally suited to leadership because it is superior in qual-
ity and size to t hose that surround it, and on the other hand
it has benefited from readily available assistance in close
proximity. |
286 C, 27–287 C, 3 If it is necessary to add to my account of Italy a brief ac- 6.4.2
count of the Romans who occupied Italy and made it a base

for their entire empire, then this, too, should be included:
that the Romans, a fter founding Rome, w ere for many gen-
erations subject to moderate rule by a succession of kings;
then, when the last Tarquinius ruled badly, they expelled him
and established a constitution that was a mixture of monar-
chy and aristocracy; they treated the Sabines and Latins as
partners, but since they consistently found that neither these
people nor their other neighbors w ere well disposed t oward
them, they were in a way forced to destroy them and increase
their own territory.
287 C, 4-18 As they gradually proceeded to expand, it happened that they = the Romans
they suddenly lost their city, against the expectation of all,
[ 1 ] Strabo is perhaps thinking of the Lusitanians (152 C, 27-35); Suebians (290 C,

32–291 C, 7); Dacians (304 C, 27-29); Boïans, Scordistans, Autariatae, Ardiaeans,
Dardanians, Triballians (315 C, 27–316 C, 1; 317 C, 29–318 C, 5); Gaetulians (825 C,
33–826 C, 9). For the “splendor and power” of Greece: 334 C, 14-21.
336
Italy + Islands
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) and against expectation regained it. This happened, as Poly-
bius tells us, in the nineteenth year a fter the naval engagement at
Aegospotami, during the peace concluded u nder Antalcidas. In the
process of getting rid of them, the Romans first made all the
Latins their subjects; then they stopped the Tyrrhenians,
and the Celts from the Padus area, from taking enormous Padus, Po r.
and unceasing liberties; then they conquered the Samnites, they = the Romans
after them the Tarantinians and Pyrrhus, and finally the rest
of what is now Italy, except for the territory in the Padus re-
gion. With the last territory still in a state of war, they crossed
over into Sicily and, having taken it from the Carthaginians,
returned to fight against those in the Padus region. While this
war was still proceeding, Hannibal appeared in Italy, and the
second Carthaginian war took place; and not long afterward,
the third, in which Carthage was razed and the Romans ac-
quired Libya1 and as much of Iberia as they had taken from
the Carthaginians.
287 C, 19-24 The Greeks, the Macedonians, and t hose from Asia this
side of the Halys and Taurus joined the Carthaginians in their
rebellion. They w ere thus induced to conquer all of these They = the Romans
people simultaneously, including king Antiochus, Philip,

and Perseus. Those of the Illyrians and Thracians who were
neighbors of the Greeks and Macedonians entered the war
against the Romans and continued to fight right up u ntil the
obliteration of all the nations this side of the Ister and this
side of the Halys.
287 C, 25-34 The same fate was suffered by the Iberians and Celts and
by all the rest of those who are subject to the Romans. As
for Iberia, they did not stop from subsuming it by force of they = the Romans
arms until they had overturned it entirely, destroying the Nu-

mantinians and later annihilating Viriathus, Sertorius, and
most recently, the Cantabrians, whom Augustus Caesar . . . *.
As for Celtica—all of it, both the part this side and the part Germanicus (nephew of
outside, along with Ligystica—at first, they moved against it Tiberius) was awarded a
triumph for his campaign
successively and piecemeal, but later the deified Caesar and against Germans, 15 CE
(celebrated in 17 CE); Tiberius
then Augustus conquered it in an all-out, once-and-for-all was awarded a triumph, 8 BCE
war. Currently, they are waging war against the Germans,2 (celebrated in 7 BCE)
starting out from these areas as being the most suitable, and these areas = Celtica
they have even now adorned their fatherland with some tri-
umphs from them.3
[ 1 ] Libya in the sense of the Roman province of Africa, rather than the entire con-
tinent: 840 C, 13-26.
[ 2 ] Strabo considers that the Roman war against the Germans is ongoing, since
the German leader Arminius remains at large: 291 C, 23–292 C, 10n.
[ 3 ] Strabo may include the minor triumph (called an “ovation”) awarded to
Tiberius’s son, Drusus (19 CE).
337
3.1. Western Europe
288 C, 1-4 With regard to Libya, the part not belonging to the
Carthaginians had been turned over to client kings. Any who
rebelled w ere destroyed. Currently, Maurusia and many parts
of the rest of Libya have ended up with Juba, on account of his
goodwill and friendship with the Romans.
288 C, 4-16 The situation was similar with regard to Asia. To start
with, it was managed through client kings. Since their lines
later died out (in the case of the Attalic, Syrian, Paphlago-
nian, Cappadocian, and Egyptian kings)1 or they rebelled
and were then destroyed (as happened in the case of Mith-
ridates Eupator and the Egyptian woman, Cleopatra),2 all
areas 3 this side of the Phasis and the Euphrates (except for this side of Phasis and
Euphrates = Asian
some Arabs) are subject e ither to the Romans or to the dy- peninsula + lands west of
nasts appointed by them. The Armenians, and the Albanians Euphrates r.
and Iberians inland from Colchis, need only the presence of

men who will lead them, and do well when kept under con-
trol. They break out into rebellion when Roman attention
is elsewhere, as do t hose living beyond the Ister around the beyond Ister = north of Danube r.
Euxine region except for Bosporus and the nomads—on Bosporus = kingdom on e ither
side of Straits of Kerch'
the one hand subjected, on the other hand totally useless
Euxine, Black Sea
through lack of common purpose, requiring only constant
watching. Many other parts belong to the Scenitae and to
nomads who are very far away.
288 C, 16-23 The Parthians, sharing a border and being very powerful,
nevertheless yielded to the superiority of the Romans and the
leaders of our times 4 to such an extent that they sent to Rome
the trophies they had once erected to commemorate their vic-
tory over the Romans. Not only that, but Phraates also en-
trusted his children and his children’s children to Augustus
Caesar, courting friendship through the giving of hostages.
Currently, they often send hither for their f uture king; and hither = to Rome
they are more or less on the brink of giving their entire empire
over into Roman hands.5
288 C, 24-33 As for Italy itself (which has experienced political infight-
ing many times since it fell under Roman control) and as for
Rome itself, they have been prevented by constitutional
excellence and virtuous leadership from proceeding too far
down the path of error and disaster. Nevertheless, it is difficult
to manage an empire of such size other than by turning it over
to one man alone, as a f ather. Never have the Romans and
[ 1 ] Strabo refers to the last male of the Egyptian royal line. Cf. Strabo’s reference [ 3 ] Alternatively, “nations.”
to a male of the Egyptian royal line as the “last Ptolemy” to rule Cyprus: 684 C, [ 4 ] The expression “leaders of our times” includes Tiberius (current emperor) and
17-24. Both Egypt and Cyprus were subsequently ruled by a female member Augustus (previous emperor). The specific reference here is to activities carried
of the Egyptian royal f amily—Cleopatra, s ister and niece, respectively, of the out by Tiberius as a young man, when Augustus was still emperor. “Leaders”:
last male rulers of Egypt and Cyprus. 159 C, 19-28n.
[ 2 ] Strabo, well aware that Cleopatra was a member of the Egyptian royal line, re- [ 5 ] For the sense of imminent capitulation to the Romans, see Strabo’s comments
peatedly treats her as lacking legitimacy: 684 C, 24–685 C, 5; 796 C, 19–797 C, 6. on the Getans and Dacians: 305 C, 11-15.
338
Italy + Islands
their allies enjoyed so much peace and prosperity as was pro-

vided by Augustus Caesar once he assumed complete control
and as is now provided by Tiberius, the son and successor of
Augustus, who emulates Augustus in his management of af-
fairs and issuing of orders and who is himself emulated by his
own sons, Germanicus and Drusus, as they assist their f ather. |
339
Netherlands
Poland
Germany
?
1 ?
Rh
?
in
Czech Rep. Ukraine

e
kia
Slova M
ol
Austria do
France er- va
Swiatznd Hungary
l nia
Slove
Croatia
2
Romania 3 Crimea
a- ube
sni ina Dan
Italy Bozegov Serbia
r
He
Monte-
negro Kosovo Bulgaria 5
4 North
Albania
Macedonia
ce
Gree
6 Turkey
MAP 3. Strabo’s “Eastern Europe”

CH APT E R TH R E E Eastern Europe
PART 2
Having divided E urope into its western and eastern parts, and having described the west-
ern part, Strabo now moves on to eastern Europe, which he divides into the part north of
the Ister (Danube river) and the part south of it. The part north of the Ister also happens
to be east of the Rhine. Strabo starts with the area immediately east of the Rhine (1, on
the accompanying map), treating the riverbank as a quasi-coastline with a corresponding
hinterland (northern Netherlands, Germany, Czech Republic). He repeats the p rocess with
the lower Danube (2), the banks of which he similarly treats as a sort of coastline, with
areas north of the river (Hungary, northern Serbia, Romania, Moldova) acting as a sort of
hinterland. He concludes his account of the part of eastern E urope north of the Ister with
a true coastline (3)—formed by a part of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov—together
with its hinterland (Moldova, Ukraine, Russia).
Strabo’s description of the area north of the Danube underscores one of the differ-
ences between his idea of what constitutes eastern E urope and our own. In the m iddle
of the twentieth c entury, our concept of “eastern E urope” was colored largely by the
presence of the Iron Curtain between the liberal West and the communist East, with the
latter including countries like Czechoslovakia (as it then was), Poland, and East Germany.
Nowadays, with Germany united and many of the erstwhile countries of eastern E urope
more commonly considered to be part of “central Europe,” the boundary has moved
farther east. For Strabo, in contrast, the dividing line between east and west is formed
by the river Rhine, with the corollary that nearly all of Germany and the northern part
of the Netherlands are categorized for him as part of eastern Europe.
In a further complication, much of what Strabo might have categorized as part of
eastern E urope falls into something of a hole in his knowledge. He assumes the area of
present-day Poland, Slovakia, and western Ukraine to be inhabited, but he does not know
by whom. Farther north, Strabo categorizes the space occupied by the Baltic states, by
Belarus, and by most of Russia, as existing beyond the lived-in world. His belief that
conditions t here are too severe to allow for h uman habitation renders irrelevant, for
Strabo, the question of whether the space consists of (uninhabited) land or w hether it
is covered by sea, although Strabo tends to favor the latter. In general, Strabo assumes
that the fact that nothing is known about this space means that there is nothing worth
341
3.2. Eastern Europe
knowing there, an assumption that underlies the geographical mindset of his times and
has not been entirely absent since.
As for the part of eastern Europe south of the Danube, Strabo makes a further sub-
division, treating the Dinaric Alps, the Balkans, and the Rhodope mountain range as
a continuous entity running from west to east parallel to the Danube. He announces
that he w ill first tackle the area within and north of the mountains (Slovenia, Croatia,
Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro, Albania, North Macedonia, southern Serbia, Kosovo, Bulgaria,
southeastern Romania) but in the event he will go beyond his self-imposed remit by taking
his description of the Adriatic coast down to the Ceraunian mountains (southern Albania)
and his description of the Black Sea coast to Byzantium (Istanbul, Turkey) (4 and 5, on the
accompanying map).
Strabo then moves south of the mountains (6) and fills in the gap between the Medi-
terranean coastline and the Pontic sea (Black Sea). More precisely, although Strabo did fill
in this gap, most of what he wrote is now lost to us. This lost portion of Strabo’s narrative
is, in this translation, called the “eastern European gap” (329 C, 15—332 C, 1), the gap
between coastlines coinciding with an actual gap in the narrative. Only the beginning of
Strabo’s description of this part of the world survives, covering the initial stretch of the
Roman road called the Via Egnatia from its beginnings in Epidamnus (Durrës, Albania)
and Apollonia (Pojan, Albania). Strabo’s description of the subsequent stretches of this
road and his account of the surrounding territory and islands would—if we still had it—
have taken us as far as what Strabo calls “Thessalonicia” (Thessalonike/Salonica, Greece)
and Cypsela (?Ipsela, European Turkey).
After the “eastern European gap,” Strabo’s narrative resumes with his description
of Greece. Today, most commentators would probably not categorize Greece as part of
eastern Europe. In truth, Greece has been something of a moving target when it comes
to geopolitical categorization: a century ago, it was considered by Western commenta-
tors to be part of the “Middle East.” Despite Strabo’s explicit inclusion of Greece within
eastern Europe, he treats it at such length—devoting four times as many words to it as
to the rest of eastern E urope—that it is r eally in a class of its own. Strabo’s description of
Greece is, in this translation, given its own separate chapter (chapter 3.3).

The division and subdivision of territories within eastern Europe is not enough for
Strabo’s purposes; he could have achieved that by drawing a map. Strabo wants to de-
scribe what each of the parts is like—this involves using words and narrative, which in
turn involves moving through the divisions he has created in a linear motion. As noted
in the introduction to western E urope, this linear motion depends on the concept of a
map—it is as if Strabo’s gaze sweeps over areas cartographically represented—but, un-
like a map, it has a beginning and an end, and it follows a sequence. In the case of eastern
Europe, we have seen that Strabo’s gaze passes from the Rhine to the Danube and on to
342
the Black Sea, then switches south of the Danube to the mountainous area comprising the
Dinaric Alps and the Balkans. Strabo momentarily swoops down to earth in order to fol-
low the Adriatic coast as if voyaging along it; ditto the Black Sea coast. Switching to the
area south of the mountains, he again adopts a traveler’s point of view, as if journeying
along the Roman road—the Via Egnatia—from the Adriatic to the Aegaean.
As far as we can tell, none of this represents any actual voyage or overland journey
made by Strabo. His travels in eastern Europe appear to have been restricted to visiting
a few locations in Greece (which, as noted above, is given its own chapter in this transla-
tion), probably while journeying between Italy and what is now Turkey or between Italy
and Egypt. Just as is the case with western E urope, Strabo’s journey through eastern
Europe is an intellectual one, as he combs through the literature of the ancient world for
information relevant to his project, including information that we, from our twenty-first-
century standpoint, would consider to be beyond the purely geographical.
Strabo’s Contemporary Sensitivities

Strabo supplements his literary sources with reports of Rome’s military campaigns. This
is particularly the case with Germany, in the description of which, perhaps more than
anywhere e lse in his work, Strabo is alert to unfolding events. The years in which Strabo is
writing are an important time for Rome in its long and costly battle against the Germans.
Strife between the German nations led to one of their kings, Maroboduus, approaching
Rome for help on the grounds that he was a Roman ally. The Roman emperor, Tiberius,
turned down the request and secretly encouraged dissent within Maroboduus’s nation.
This resulted in the overthrow of Maroboduus and his request to the Romans for asylum.
Asylum was ultimately granted, but it was left unclear w hether Maroboduus was to be
treated as an e nemy who had been captured or as a friend in need of help.
The termination of Maroboduus’s c areer prompts Strabo to write a retrospective
of his life and reign. It is unclear at precisely which point in the succession of events—
Maroboduus’s overthrow, his request for asylum, debate in Rome as to whether asylum
should be granted, or his taking up residence in Italy—Strabo is writing. The politically
ambiguous status of Maroboduus means that he is a diplomatic minefield. Strabo is con-
tent with letting the facts speak for themselves. Tiberius as a young man had been forced
reluctantly to abort a proposed invasion of Maroboduus’s territory. Now, as emperor, he
can belatedly take credit for Maroboduus’s downfall, however achieved.
343
3.2. Eastern Europe
Remember

Italics are also used where Strabo riffs on individual phrases or words
used by an e arlier scholar or poet.
reader.
344
CH APT E R TH R E E Eastern Europe
PART 2
289 C, 1-7 I have described Iberia and also the Celtic and Italian na- 7.1.1
EASTERN EUROPE tions together with their nearby islands.1 What I should de-
n. Netherlands, Germany, Czech
Republic, Hungary, Slovenia,
scribe next, using the accepted method of division, are the
Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, remaining parts of E urope.2 These remaining parts are the
Montenegro, Albania, Serbia,
Kosovo, N. Macedonia, Bulgaria, eastern ones: the parts beyond the Rhine, as far as the Tanaïs Tanaïs, Don r.
Romania, Moldova, Ukraine, and the mouth of lake Maeotis; and the parts—between the mouth of lake Maeotis, Straits
Crimea, Russia, Eur. Turkey, of Kerch'
Greece Adria and the Left-Hand Side of the Pontic sea3—which
Adria, Adriatic Sea
are south of the Ister, extending as far as Greece and the
Propontis. Propontis, Marmara Denizi
Division of Eastern Europe
289 C, 7-21 The Ister divides very nearly all the said land area into two. Ister, Danube r.
It is the largest of the European rivers, flowing southward

to start with, then bending around and flowing in a straight
line, from the west t oward the east and the Pontus. It starts
off from the western end of Germany, near the inmost
Adriatic recess (about one thousand stades distant from
it). It ends up in the Pontus, not far from the mouths of the Pontus, Black Sea
Tyras and the Borysthenes, deviating a bit to the north. To Tyras, Dniester r.
the north of the Ister are the nations 4 beyond the Rhine and Borysthenes, Dnieper r.
beyond Celtica (i.e., the Galatian and Germanic nations as

far as the Bastarnians and Tyregetans and the Borysthenes Bastarnians/Tyregetans,
Moldova, Ukraine
river) and t hose (between the latter river and the Tanaïs and
Tanaïs, Don r.
the mouth of the Maeotis) that reach inland as far as the
mouth of Maeotis, Straits of
ocean and which are washed by the Pontic sea.5 South of Kerch'
the Ister are the Illyrian and Thracian nations and w hatever Pontic sea, Black Sea
Celtic and other nations are interspersed among them, as far
as Greece.6 I w ill deal first with the parts outside the Ister, outside Ister = north of
as they are far more straightforward than the parts on the

other side. |
[ 1 ] Iberia (+ islands): 136 C, 18–176 C, 8. Celtica beyond the Alps (+ islands of Bret- 17-32n; 541 C, 17-27n; 680 C, 25–681 C, 3n. The term is coined from the viewpoint
tanica, Ierne, and Thule): 176 C, 13–201 C, 26. Alps: 201 C, 31–209 C, 14. Italy (+ is- of a navigator sailing from the Med. Sea into the Black Sea (305 C, 25-31) and is
lands): 209 C, 15–288 C, 33. contrasted with the “Right-Hand Side of the Pontic sea” (126 C, 3-11n).
[ 2 ] I.e., “remaining” as per Strabo’s description of Europe at 126 C, 30–129 C, 9. These [ 4 ] Alternatively, “parts.”
“remaining parts” are eastern Europe (including Greece): 289 C, 7–489 C, 27. [ 5 ] Eastern Europe beyond (east of) Rhine and north of Ister (Danube r.): 290 C,
[ 3 ] “Left-Hand Side of the Pontic sea” (Black Sea coast of Eur. Tky., Bul., Rom., Ukr., 1–312 C, 28.
Crim., Russ.) as a technical term: 49 C, 32–50 C, 12n; 320 C, 29–321 C, 2n; 440 C, [ 6 ] Eastern E urope south of Ister (Danube r.): 312 C, 29–489 C, 27.
345
3.2. Eastern Europe, North of the Ister (Danube r.)
North of the Danube
From the Rhine to the Elbe (n. Netherlands, Germany,

n. Austria, Czech Republic, Poland)
290 C, 1-7 The parts immediately beyond the Rhine (after the Celts), beyond Rhine = east of Rhine r. 7.1.2
GERMANS heading eastward, are inhabited by Germans.1 The Germans
n. Netherlands, Germany,
Austria, Czech Republic differ a little from the Celtic tribe (being fiercer, bigger, and
blonder), but they are similar in other respects, being in
stature, customs, and lifestyle as per my description of the
Celts.2 It is b ecause of this, I think, that the Romans have
given them their name, meaning to describe them as ger-
mani Galatae (true Galatians) because germani means “true” in
the Roman language. |
290 C, 8-12 The first part of their territory is the part along the Rhine 7.1.3
from its source to its outlets. This, the whole river valley, con-
stitutes more or less the width of the territory on the western width = north–south dimension
side. From this territory, some nations w ere transferred by

the Romans into Celtica; some, such as the Marsians, escaped
by migrating into the deep interior. Only a few remain, as also
some of the Sugambrians.
290 C, 13-17 Coming a fter t hose who dwell along the river’s edge are
the other nations between the Rhine and the river Elbe. The
Elbe flows more or less parallel to the Rhine (traversing no ocean = North Sea
less territory than it) toward the ocean. In between are navi- Amasia, Ems r.
gable rivers (including the Amasia, where Drusus defeated Drusus Germanicus, Roman
general, brother of the later
the Bructerians in a naval b attle), which similarly flow from emperor Tiberius, campaigned
south to north and into the ocean. in Germany, 12–9 BCE
290 C, 17-25 The territory gets higher in the south and forms a sort of
mountain ridge following on from the Alps and extending
eastward, as if it w ere a part of the Alps. This is what some
people have claimed, on the grounds of its said orientation
and because it produces the same type of trees. However, the
parts h
ere do not achieve the same height. This is the location
of the Hercynian Forest and of the Suebian nations, some Hercynian Forest, mountainous
area from Black Forest to
of whom3 dwell within the forest—for example, the Quadian Carpathian mts.
nations, amongst whom is located Maroboduus’s royal capi- Buiaemum, Bohemia (Czech
Rep.)
tal, Buiaemum, whither Maroboduus transferred several na-
Maroboduus relocated
tions including the Marcomannians, of the same nationality Marcomannians, ca. 9 BCE; he
as himself. was overthrown, 18 CE
[ 1 ] Germans: 290 C, 1–294 C, 34.

[ 2 ] 195 C, 18–198 C, 13.
[ 3 ] Strabo delays reference to the “others of whom” u
ntil 290 C, 29-31.
346
From the Rhine to the Elbe
290 C, 25-29 Maroboduus, of humble origins, took over control after

he returned from Rome (he spent his youth here and won here = in Rome
Augustus’s favor). Once home, he became a dynast and ac-

quired, in addition to t hose nations I mentioned, the Lugians
(a mega-nation) and also the Zumians, Gutones, Mugilones,
and Sibinians, as well the Semnones, a huge nation belonging
Suebians, s. present-day
to the Suebians themselves. Germany, Czech Rep.
290 C, 29-31 However, with regard to the Suebian nations, as I said,
forest = Hercynian Forest,
some dwell within the forest,1 and o thers outside the forest, mountainous area from Black
sharing a border with the Getans. Forest to Carpathian mts.
290 C, 32–291 C, 7 The Suebian nation is very large indeed, stretching

from the Rhine to the Elbe. Some of the Suebians dwell
b eyond the Elbe—for example, the Hermundurians and Hermundurians, Langobardians,
e. present-day Germany
the Langobardians, who have now been completely exiled
to the river’s farther side. A feature common to all the
people of this region is the ease with which they migrate,
owing to the simplicity of their lives and to the fact that
they neither work the land nor store its produce but live in
huts equipped only for their immediate needs. Most of their
food comes from their livestock, as is the case with nomads.
Like nomads, they load their h ousehold possessions onto
their wagons and wander wherever they w ill, taking their
animals with them.
291 C, 7-10 There are other, poorer Germanic nations: the Cherus-
cians, Chattians, Gamabrivians, Chattuarians; t oward the
ocean, Sugambrians, Chaubians, Bructerians, and Cimbrians; ocean = North Sea
Caucians, Caulcians, Campsianians, and various others.

Bisurgis, Weser r.
291 C, 11-16 The Bisurgis flows in the same direction as the Amasia, as
does the Lupia river which is around six hundred stades from Amasia, Ems r.
Lupia, Lippe r.
the Rhine and flows past the Lesser Bructerians. T here is also
Sala, Thüringische Saale
a river Sala. Drusus Germanicus died during a successful mili-
Drusus Germanicus, Roman
tary action between the Sala and the Rhine, having subjugated general, brother of the later
most of the nations and the islands off the coast (including emperor Tiberius, died 9 BCE
Byrchanis, which he took by siege). | Byrchanis, Borkum (Ger. island)
291 C, 17-22 Knowledge was gained about these nations 2 as they en- 7.1.4
gaged in battle against the Romans, then surrendered, then

rebelled again or migrated. Greater knowledge would have
accrued if Augustus had allowed his generals to cross the Augustus had prevented
Tiberius from pursuing the
Elbe in pursuit of the fleeing tribes, but, as it was, Augustus Germans across the Elbe, 6 CE
thought it would be better for the campaign if those living
[ 1 ] See 290 C, 17-25n. As he often does, Strabo elaborates on, rather than merely
repeats, his earlier statement.
[ 2 ] I.e., the nations listed at 290 C, 8–291 C, 10.
347
peaceably outside the Elbe w ere left alone rather than spurred
into action by a shared hostility.
291 C, 23–292 C, 10 The Sugambrians, who lived close to the Rhine, started Sugambrians, n. present-day
Germany
the war under the leadership of Maelo. From there, different
people ended up taking over the war at diff erent times as they
rose to power and fell from it, then rebelled again, forfeiting
their hostages and renouncing their pledges. The best policy
has been to avoid putting any trust in them. T hose who w ere
trusted did the greatest damage—for example, the Cherus- Cheruscians destroyed Roman
legions u
nder command of
cians and those subject to them, who treacherously ambushed Quintilius Varus, 9 CE
and destroyed three Roman legions and their general, Quin-
tilius Varus. All of them paid the price, providing the youn
ger Germanicus with a spectacular triumph.1 Individuals Germanicus campaigned
against Germans, 14–16 CE;
from among their most illustrious men and women were in celebrated a triumph, 17 CE
the procession: the Cheruscian leader Segimuntus (son of Se-
gestes); his s ister, Thusnelda by name (wife of Arminius, who
was the military commander of the Cheruscians in their act of
treachery against Quintilius Varus, and who is continuing the
fight even now),2 and her three-year-old son, Thumelicus;
furthermore, Sesithacus (son of the Cheruscian leader Segi-
merus) and his wife, Ramis (daughter of the Chattian leader
Veromerus); Deudorix (son of Maelo’s brother, Baetorix), a
Sugambrian. Segestes (father-in-law of Arminius) was op-
posed from the outset to Arminius’s policy and changed sides
when the opportunity arose; he was an honored guest at the
parade of his closest relatives. Libes, the Chattian priest, took
part in the procession. Also paraded w ere other individu-
als from the decimated nations—Caulcians, Campsanians,
Bructerians, Usipians, Cheruscians, Chattians, Chattuarians,
Landians, and Tubantians. |
292 C, 11-16 The Rhine–Elbe distance is around three thousand stades, 7.1.5
if one could travel along straight roads. As it is, one has to

detour via twists and turns, marshland, and forests. The Her- Hercynian Forest, mountainous
cynian Forest is quite dense, with huge trees, encompassing a Carpathian mts.
huge area within its rugged natural defenses. At its center is
the territory that I have described,3 capable of supporting a
good-size population.
292 C, 16-25 Near this territory are the source of the Ister and the Ister, Danube r.
source of the Rhine, and the lake between them both, and lake = Bodensee/Constance l.
(Ger., Swi., Aus.)
the marshes spreading out from the Rhine. The lake is more
[ 1 ] The “younger” Germanicus (son of Drusus Germanicus) is the nephew of Ti-

berius. This Germanicus served in Germany from 14 to 16 CE and is still alive
(though not for much longer) as Strabo writes this section.
[ 2 ] The Roman war against Arminius is ongoing at the time of writing: 287 C, 25-34;
305 C, 11-15.
[ 3 ] 290 C, 17-29.
348
From the Rhine to the Elbe
than . . . * stades in perimeter, and nearly two hundred stades

to sail across. (It has an island that was used as a base by Ti- Tiberius (under auspices
of emperor Augustus)
berius when he fought a naval battle against the Vindoli- campaigned in the Alps, 15 BCE
cians.) This lake is south of the source of the Ister so that,
going from Celtica to the Hercynian Forest, you cross first the
lake and then the Ister, then the going gets easier and you ap-
proach the forest across mountain plateaus. (Within one day’s
journey from the lake, Tiberius saw the sources of the Ister.)
292 C, 25-31 The lake is bordered by the Rhaetians for a short distance,
but mostly by Helvettians and Vindolicians . . . * and the
Boïan desert. All of them (but principally Helvettians and
Vindolicians), as far as the Pannonians, inhabit mountain
plateaus. The Rhaetians and the Noricans extend high up
toward the Alpine mountain passes, in the direction of Italy
(some bordering on Insubrians, o thers on Carnians and the
Aquileia region).
292 C, 31-32 There is another huge wood, Gabreta, on this side of the Gabreta, ?Böhmerwald (Ger.,
Aus., Czech Rep.)
Suebians (the Hercynian Forest is on the far side). It, too,
belongs to the Suebians. |
292 C, 33–293 C, 8 As for the Cimbrians, some of what is said about them is Cimbrians, originally from 7.2.1
Denmark + n. Germany,
inaccurate, and some contains not even a modicum of plau- migrated south, late 2nd c. BCE
sibility. None would accept the following explanation for
their becoming migrants and raiders: that, being residents
of a peninsula, they w ere driven out of the area by a very high peninsula = ?Jutland (Den.)
tide. (They possess the same territory now as earlier: they

sent, as a gift to Augustus, their most sacred caldron, ask-
ing for friendship and forgiveness for their e arlier transgres-
sions; then, when they got what they wanted, they departed.)
It would be ridiculous for them to leave their land b ecause
of anger toward a naturally recurring event that takes place
twice per day. It is delusional to hypothesize that t here was
one excessively high tide, given that the ebb and flow of the
ocean is regular and predictable.
293 C, 8-22 He is not correct who says that the Cimbrians take up arms
against the high tide, or that the Celts, trained in fortitude, endure
the flooding of their homes and then rebuild them, suffering greater
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) ater than through war (which is what Ephorus
losses through w
states). The regularity of the high tide and our knowledge
of the affected territory count against such absurdities. How
is it credible (given that high tides occur twice per day) that
349
the tide’s return would not at once be observed as a natural

and harmless occurrence, not only locally but all along the
Clitarchus (late 4th–3rd c. BCE) ocean shore? Nor is Clitarchus’s statement plausible: he says
that horsemen, seeing the approaching sea, turned tail and fled,
narrowly escaping catastrophe. We know that high tide does not
arrive with such precipitous speed but rather that the sea ap-
proaches imperceptibly. Nor would a daily event—already fa-
miliar (before they see it) to all who are about to draw near—
induce so much fear as to cause flight, as if what happened
were unexpected. |
293 C, 23–294 C, 3 Posidonius is right to criticize writers for these state- 7.2.2
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) ments. He makes the plausible conjecture that the Cimbrians
were raiders who led a wandering existence; they made an expedition
as far as the Maeotis region; the “Cimmerian” Bosporus was named Maeotis, Sea of Azov
after them, meaning “Cimbrian” Bosporus (“Cimmerians” being the Cimmerian Bosporus, Straits
of Kerch'
Greek name for the “Cimbrians”). He says that Boïans were for-
merly living in the Hercynian Forest; the Cimbrians launched an at- Hercynian Forest, mountainous
tack against this place but were repulsed by the Boïans and retreated Carpathian mts.
to the Ister and the Scordiscan Galatians, then to the Teuristians
and Tauriscans (who were also Galatians), then to the Helvettians.
The Helvettians were rich but peaceable. Yet, when they saw that
the wealth attained through raiding was in excess of what they had,
they were so inflamed (particularly the Tigyrenans and the Toygen-
ans) that they joined the invaders. They were all of them—the
Cimbrians and their allies—destroyed by the Romans, some
when they crossed the Alps into Italy, some when they were beyond the Alps = north of
beyond the Alps. | the Alps
294 C, 4-14 People describe the following custom among the 7.2.3
Cimbrians. Their women, accompanying them on cam-

paign, w ere attended by priestesses who could foretell the
future—gray-haired and white-robed, with linen overcloaks
fastened with clasps, with bronze belts, and barefooted. Sword
in hand, they would approach the captives in the camp, crown
them with garlands, and lead them to a bronze caldron (some
twenty amphorae in capacity). They had a platform, climbing amphora, largest fluid
measure in Roman metrical
onto which . . . * high above the caldron, she slit the throat system (in modern terms,
of each captive in turn when he was raised up. They made a 1 amphora = approx 26.2 liters)
prophecy based on the flow of blood into the caldron, while

other women inspected the entrails and loudly predicted vic-
tory for their side. During b attle, they would drum on the
350
North of Lower Danube
hides stretched over the wicker of their wagons, making a hell

of a racket. |
294 C, 15-34 As I said, the northern Germans live on the ocean coast,1 ocean coast = coast of North 7.2.4
Sea
BEYOND THE ELBE and we have information on those that live from the mouth
e. Germany, Poland, Ukraine
of the Rhine as far as the Elbe, the best known of whom are
the Sugambrians and the Cimbrians. The oceanic region
beyond the Elbe is totally unknown to us. No one I know of beyond Elbe = east of Elbe r.
from earlier times made the voyage east along the coast to
the mouth of the Caspian sea; 2 no Roman has yet proceeded
into the farther regions on the other side of the Elbe; nor has
anyone made the journey by foot. It is, however, clear from
the climata and parallel distances,3 that (going lengthwise lengthwise = from west to east
to the east) one links up with the Borysthenes region and Borysthenes region, Ukraine,
s. Russia
with places to the north of the Pontus. It is not easy to say
Pontus = Black Sea
what lies beyond Germany and its neighbors,4 whether one
should speak of Bastarnians, as several people suppose, or
whether t here are o
thers—Iazyges, Rhoxolanians, or other
hamaxoeci (wagon-dwellers)—who come in between. Nor is it easy
to say whether they extend as far as the ocean for the entire
length, nor whether there is some part where life is impos- length = west–east dimension
sible b
ecause of the frigid climate, or for some other reason,
nor even whether there is some other race of men between
the sea and the eastern Germans. This same ignorance about
the other northern nations that come next . . . *: we do not
know how far the Bastarnians or Sauromatians (or t hose liv-
ing above the Pontus in general) are from the Atlantic sea nor Atlantic sea = supposed
northern ocean
even w hether they reach it. |
North of Lower Danube (Hungary, n. Serbia,

Romania, Moldova)
294 C, 34–295 C, 4 With regard to the southern part of Germany beyond the 7.3.1
Elbe, the immediately adjacent part is still occupied by Sue-

bians. Next, right on their borders, comes the country be-
GETANS longing to the Getans.5 It starts off narrow, stretching along
Romania, Hungary
the Ister in the south and, in the opposite direction, along the Ister, Danube r.
mountain slopes of the Hercynian Forest and, in fact, occupy- mountain slopes of Hercynian
Forest = Carpathian mts.
ing a part of the mountains; then it broadens out northward
as far as the Tyregetans. Tyregetans, Moldova, Ukraine
295 C, 4-15 I am, however, unable to give precise boundaries. Because

these regions were unknown, those who created mythical
[ 1 ] 291 C, 7-10, with expanded comments on Sugambrians (291 C, 23–292 C, 10) and
Cimbrians (292 C, 33–294 C, 14).
[ 2 ] One might ask on what basis Strabo thinks that the journey to the northern
end of the Caspian sea constitutes a “voyage,” given his acknowledgment that
no one has made such a journey. Strabo believes that the Eurasian landmass is
limited in its northward extension and is thus predisposed to assume that such
a voyage is possible.
[ 3 ] For the climata and parallel distances: 131 C, 26–135 C, 22.
[ 4 ] See 306 C, 13-33.
[ 5 ] Getans (including Mysians/Moesians): 295 C, 16–305 C, 22.
351
stories about the Rhipaean mountains and the Hyperboreans

Pytheas (4th c. BCE) were taken seriously, as were t hose lies concocted by Pytheas
the Massalian about the paroceanis (ocean coast) under the guise
of astronomical and mathematical research. Let these indi-
Sophocles (5th c. BCE) viduals be ignored. Even if Sophocles writes certain tragic
lines in which he describes Orithyia as snatched up by Boreas Boreas, north wind
and conveyed beyond the Sea to the very ends of the earth, / to the Sea = Black Sea (in Strabo’s
understanding of Sophocles’s
sources of the night, where heaven unfurls, / to the ancient garden of lines)
Phoebus, these lines would be irrelevant to the m atter in hand
Phaedrus, written by Plato (late and should be ignored (as by Socrates in the Phaedrus). But
5th–early 4th c. BCE)
what we have learned from history, ancient and modern,1 this
is what we should stick to. |
295 C, 16-22 The Greeks supposed that the Getans were Thracian. 7.3.2
These people used to live on either side of the Ister, as did Ister, Danube r.
those Mysians—likewise Thracian—whom they now call

“Moesians,”2 and from among whom originated the Mysians 3
now living between the Lydians, Phrygians, and Trojans.
(The Phrygians, too, are a Thracian nation—the Brigians—as
are the Mygdonians, Bebrycians, Maedobithynians, Bithyn-
ians, Thynians and, I think, the Mariandynians. All of these
have completely moved out of Europe, while the Mysians
remained.)
295 C, 22-36 Posidonius is right, I think, in his conjecture that Homer
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) refers to the European, by which I mean Thracian, Mysians 4
Homer (8th c. BCE) when he says that “he turned back his shining eyes, / looking in the he (says) = Homer
far distance at the land of the horse-loving Thracians / and of the he (turned back his shining
eyes) = Zeus
combative Mysians,” since if the reference were to the Asian Mysians,
the statement would be nonsense. Only someone who had mixed statement = by Homer
up their continents and ignored the context would, with re
Posidonius (or Strabo) spect to the turning back of the gaze away from the Trojans toward
paraphrases Homer
the land of the Thracians, connect with the latter the land of
those Mysians who are not in the far distance but border on
the Troad, who are situated beyond and on either side of the
Troad, and who are divided from Thrace by the broad Hel-
lespont. The phrase turned back specifically means “reversed,”
whereas to turn the gaze away from the Trojans toward “those
beyond” or “on the sides” would be to move the gaze “farther
forward”—not at all to “reverse” it!
295 C, 36–296 C, 7 Evidence for this point of view is provided by what
follows,5 given that he connected with them the hippemolgi he = Homer
[ 1 ] Ancient history: 295 C, 16–303 C, 32. Modern history: 303 C, 33–305 C, 15.
name Moesi. When Strabo is writing, the Romans have incorporated the Moe-
sians/Mysians into the Roman province called Moesia: 303 C, 19-31n; 541 C,
28–542 C, 4n. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 3 ] I.e., the Asian Mysians (sw. Turkey): 571 C, 17–581 C, 1. Cf. 586 C, 17-22; 612 C, 8-14;
613 C, 29–614 C, 4; 615 C, 18-27; 625 C, 16–626 C, 10; 628 C, 8–629 C, 11; 677 C,
33–678 C, 16.
[ 4 ] Strabo’s support for identification of Homer’s “Mysians” with European Mysians:
295 C, 36–303 C, 32.
[ 5 ] I.e., what “follows” in Homer’s Iliad, the relevant lines of which are quoted by
Strabo at 300 C, 1-6 (and by Posidonius at 296 C, 8-19).
352
(mare-milkers), galactophagi (milk-eaters),1 and abii (without-lives)—

that is, the wagon-dwelling Scythians and Sarmatians. Even
today, these nations (as also the Bastarnian nations) live
amongst the Thracians, mostly those beyond the Ister but beyond Ister = north of Danube r.
also those within the Ister, among whom also live Celtic within Ister = south of Danube r.
nations—Boïans, Scordiscans, and Tauriscans. Some p eople

call the Scordiscans “Scordistans”; and people say the Tau-
riscans . . . * and “Tauristans.” |
296 C, 8-19 Posidonius says that the Mysians abstain from flesh b ecause of 7.3.3
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) their piety (even from domesticated animals, for the same reason);
they live peaceably, on a diet of honey, milk, and cheese, on which
account they are called “theosebeis” (god-fearing) and “capnobatae”
(smoke-walkers); there are some Thracians who live without w omen, and
these are called “ctistes” (founders); they are dedicated to the gods as a
mark of honor and live their lives in immunity; these are all collec-
Posidonius cites Homer (8th c. tively referred to by the poet as “the glorious hippemolgi (mare-milkers),
BCE)
galactophagi (milk-eaters), and abii (without-lives), most just of men”;
he calls them “abii” mostly b ecause of their separation from w omen,
considering that a life bereft of women is incomplete (as in the “in-
complete” h ouse of the bereft Protesilaus), and he calls the Mysians
“combative” because, like good warriors, they are unconquered; one
should, in the thirteenth book, write “combative Moesians” rather
than “[combative] Mysians.” |
296 C, 20-22 Alteration of the wording after it has been accepted for 7.3.4
so many years is perhaps excessive. It is more credible that

they were initially called “Mysians” and that the name got
changed . . . *.
296 C, 22-28 One might take abii as meaning not “bereft of women”
but rather “hearthless” and “wagon dwelling.” Since injus-
tices arise particularly in connection with business contracts
and the worship of money, it would be appropriate for t hose
who live cheaply on such meager resources to be called most
just of men. The philosophers who put justice closest to self-
discipline strove for self-sufficiency and simplicity above all
(an excess of which pushed them over into Cynicism).
296 C, 28–297 C, 13 Living “bereft of women” carries no such connotation,
particularly among the Thracians and, within this group, the
Menander (late 4th–early 3rd c. Getans. See what Menander says about them—not making it
BCE)
up, probably, but basing it on fact—all the Thracians, we Getans
/ most of all—I profess / that I myself am Getan by descent—are not
[ 1 ] For the reason these p

eople are described as “milk-eaters” rather than, as we
might expect, “milk-drinkers”: 311 C, 16-20n.
353
very / self-restrained. A little further on, he gives examples of

their immoderation with regard to w omen: There’s not one of
us does not marry ten / or eleven wives; some marry twelve or more.
/ If anyone marries only four or five—/ what a catastrophe!—this
fellow is called, among the locals, / “unwedded,” “unfortunate,” “un-
married.” These views find confirmation in other sources. It
is not likely that the same people hold simultaneously that a
life without a multitude of wives is unfortunate and that a life
“bereft of women” is good and just.
297 C, 13-27 The supposition that men without wives are theosebeis (god-
fearing) and capnobatae (smoke-walkers) is contradicted by common
beliefs. Everyone believes that it is wives who are the initia-

tors of religious observances. T hese women encourage men,
too, to partake in greater worship of the gods, festivals, and
loud lamentations. Such characteristics are rarely found in
a man living on his own. See again what the same poet says same poet = Menander
in the character of a man who is unhappy with the expenses

incurred by his wives in connection with sacrifices (the gods
wear us down, / we married men in particular: always some festival
/ has to be celebrated); and in the character of the Misogynist,
who complains about the same matters (we sacrificed five times
a day, / seven female attendants beat the cymbals all around us, /
while o thers ululated).
297 C, 28–298 C, 5 The supposition that it is specifically the celibate Getans
who are pious seems somewhat contradictory. However,
the strength of religious fervor within this nation does not
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) lack credibility, based both on what Posidonius says and on
other research. | For it is said that t here was a certain Getan, 7.3.5
“Zalmoxis” by name, who was a slave of Pythagoras and learned

some astronomy from him, and some other things from the
Egyptians (since his travels took him even that far). When he
returned home, he was courted by the leaders and the people
because of his ability to make forecasts based on signs; in the
end, he persuaded the king to make him a partner in empire
inasmuch as he could announce divine intent. To begin with,
he was made a priest of the god that was most highly revered by
them. Then he was himself named “god” and took possession
of a cavelike place from which o thers w
ere prohibited; spending
his time there, he had little contact with outsiders other than
the king and his ministers. The king colluded with him, seeing
354
that the population paid more attention to him than before

because his edicts w ere promulgated with divine backing.
298 C, 5-12 This custom extended even into our times, with someone
always being found of such a character, who acted as adviser
to the king and was called “god”1 by the Getans; the moun-
tain, too, was considered sacred, and people name it accord-
ingly (its name is “Cogaeonum,” the same as the river running
past it). At the time when the Getan ruler was Byrebistas,
whom the deified Caesar planned at last to attack, the of- deified Caesar = Julius Caesar
(mid-1st c. BCE)
fice was held by Decaeneus. Abstinence from eating flesh—a
Pythagorean habit handed down from Zalmoxis—was still
sort of observed. |
298 C, 13-19 In these respects,2 it would not be wrong to question what 7.3.6
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) is found in the poet concerning the Mysians and the glorious
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) cites hippemolgi (mare-milkers). But one would not say what Apol-
lodorus says when introducing the second volume of his
About the Ships: 3 he praises Eratosthenes’s pronouncement,
inasmuch as that fellow states, Homer and other ancient poets that fellow = Eratosthenes
know their Greek material but are grossly ignorant of faraway places,
having no knowledge of long overland journeys and no knowledge of
sea expeditions.
298 C, 19–299 C, 12 To prove this case, he says that Homer calls Aulis “rocky” (as he (says) = Apollodorus (citing
Eratosthenes)
indeed it is), Eteonus “multi-ridged,” Thisbe “dove-rich,” Haliartus
“grassy,” but neither he nor other poets know about faraway places. (neither) he = Homer
He does not mention even the most famous of the forty or so rivers
Borysthenes, Dnieper r. flowing into the Pontus—the Ister, Tanaïs, Borysthenes, Hypanis, Pontus, Black Sea
Hypanis, Bug r. Phasis, Thermodon,4 and Halys. Furthermore, he does not mention Ister, Danube r.
Phasis, Rioni r. the Scythians but invents some “glorious hippemolgi” (mare-milkers), Tanaïs, Don r.
Halys, Kızıl Irmak some “galactophagi” (milk-eaters) and “abii” (without-lives). He has re-
corded what he has learned about the inland Paphlagonians from
those who approached these areas overland but has no knowledge of
the coast, as is to be expected, given that this sea was at that time this sea = Black Sea
unexplored and was called “Axenus” (Unfriendly) because of its storms
and because of the ferocity of the nations living around it (particu-
larly the Scythians, who sacrificed strangers, ate their flesh, and used
their skulls as drinking cups), and was only called “Euxine” (Friendly)
later on, a fter the Ionians had founded cities along its coast. He is
similarly ignorant of matters associated with Egypt and Libya—for Libya = Africa
example, the flooding of the Nile and the silting up of the sea, neither isthmus between Erythra and
Egyptian sea, Isthmus of Suez
of which he mentions, and likewise ignorant of the isthmus between the (Egy.)
[ 1 ] The same Greek word (theos) is used by Strabo for the “god” who was the ad-
viser to the Getan king and for the “deified” Caesar in the following sentence.
[ 2 ] 295 C, 22–298 C, 12.
[ 3 ] About the Ships is the name of a commentary by Apollodorus on the part of
Homer’s Iliad traditionally referred to by the “title” Catalogue of Ships or simply
Ships. Cf. 4 C, 14-20n.
[ 4 ] The Thermodon (Terme Çay, Tky.) is not a very significant river. Apollodorus
may h ere be repeating Eratosthenes’s conflation of the Thermodon with the
Lycus (Kelkit Çay, Tky.): 529 C, 11-30.
355
Erythra and the Egyptian sea and of matters in Arabia and Ethiopia
Zeno (4th–3rd c. BCE) and on the ocean (unless consideration be given to Zeno, the
philosopher, when he writes “I came to the Ethiopians, the
Sidonians, and the Arabs”).1 This is not surprising in Homer’s
case, since even t hose more recent than him are ignorant of many
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) things and invent wonders, Hesiod speaking of “hemicynes” (men-who-
Alcman (7th c. BCE) are-half-dog), “megalocephali” (big-headed men), and Pygmies; Alcman
speaking of “steganopodes” (men-who-cover-themselves-with-their-feet),

Aeschylus (5th c. BCE) and Aeschylus speaking of “cynocephali” (men-with-the-head-of-a-dog),
“sternophthalami” (men-with-eyes-in-their-breasts), “monommati” (one-
eyed men), and a myriad of other t hings.
299 C, 12-18 From these, he proceeds against writers who speak of the he = Apollodorus (citing
Eratosthenes)
“Rhipaean mountains,” the “Ogyian mountain,” the home of the
Theopompus (4th c. BCE) “Gorgons” and of the “Hesperides”; Theopompus’s “Meropian
Hecataeus (late 4th–early 3rd c. country”; Hecataeus’s city of “Cimmeris”; Euhemerus’s “Panchaean
BCE)
country” . . . * river stones that are made of sand and dissolve in the
Euhemerus (4th–3rd c. BCE)
rain, and the existence in Libya of a “Dionysus City,” which it is not Libya = Africa
possible for one man to find twice over.
299 C, 19-23 He takes issue with those who locate in Sicily the wander- He = Apollodorus
ings of Homer’s Odysseus, on the grounds that if such were the

case, one would have to say that, although the wanderings took place
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) there, the poet “oceanized” them for the sake of mythology. Others
might be excused, but this is not at all the case with Callimachus, who, Gaudus, Gozo (island in Maltese
archipelago)
though claiming to have an education, identifies “Calypso’s island”
Corcyra, Kerkyra/Corfu
with Gaudus and identifies “Scheria” with Corcyra. (Gk. island)
299 C, 24-25 He accuses o thers of falsehoods with regard to “Gerena,” He = Apollodorus
“Acacesium,” “Demus” in Ithaca, “Pelothronium” on Pelium,

and “Glaucopium” in Athens.2
299 C, 25-32 After adding to t hese points some minor additions, he he = Apollodorus
ceases from such talk. Most of it, as I noted e arlier, is de-

rived from Eratosthenes and is not correct.3 The fact may be
conceded to Eratosthenes and this fellow, that men of later this fellow = Apollodorus
times were more experienced in such matters than those of

ancient times. But it seems to me that it would be just to con-
demn such excessive argumentation, particularly in regard to
Homer, and to say, on the contrary, that t hese men are igno-
rant of those very m atters of which they attribute ignorance
to the poet!
300 C, 1-6 Their other arguments might deserve mention, some in
my detailed description4 and some in my general overview,5 |
[ 1 ] I.e., in editing the Odyssey, Zeno (4th–3rd c. BCE) replaces “Erembians” with
“Arabs”: 784 C, 12-30.
[ 2 ] Greeks often pointed to (or fabricated) local place-names in order to lay claim
to mythological figures: e.g., “Gerenian” Nestor (339 C, 31–340 C, 5; 353 C, 10-12).
[ 3 ] Strabo’s disagreement with Eratosthenes’s criticisms of Homer: 15 C, 26–48 C,
28. Apollodorus’s support of Eratosthenes’s criticisms: 298 C, 13-19; 44 C, 25-34.
[ 4 ] The expression “detailed description”: 104 C, 1-5n.
[ 5 ] The “general overview” is the opening section of Strabo’s narrative (chap. 1 in
this translation), within which he deals extensively with arguments concerning
the reliability of Homer: 15 C, 26–48 C, 28.
356
but let me now speak of the Thracians1—the combative Mysians 7.3.7
and glorious hippemolgi (mare-milkers), / glactophagi (milk-eaters), and

abii (without-lives), most just of men—with the aim of distinguish-
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) ing between what is said by myself and Posidonius and what t hese fellows = Eratosthenes
is said by these fellows. + Apollodorus
300 C, 6-10 The first point is that they have proved the opposite of they = Eratosthenes
+ Apollodorus
what was proposed. They proposed to show that men of an-
cient times displayed greater ignorance of places faraway from
Greece than men of modern times, but they in fact showed
the opposite, not only in regard to faraway places but also
to places in Greece itself. (However, as I said, let t hese other
arguments be put aside for the time being and let me concen-
trate on the m atter in hand.)2
300 C, 10-14 They claim that, because of his ignorance, he does not mention he = Homer
the Scythians nor the ferocity toward strangers (whom they sacrificed,
whose flesh they ate, and whose skulls they used as drinking cups) of
these p eople, on account of whom the Pontus was called “Axenus” (Un- Pontus, Black Sea
friendly), but that he invents some “glorious hippemolgi (mare-milkers),
some galactophagi (milk-eaters) and abii (without-lives), most just of

men”—who exist nowhere on earth!
300 C, 15-20 How could it be that p eople used the name “Axenus”
(Unfriendly) without knowing about this ferocity or its most
ardent exponents—that is to say, the Scythians? Were the

people living beyond the Mysians and Thracians and Getans
not both hippemolgi (mare-milking) and galactophagi (milk-eating) and
abii (without-lives)? They exist even now, called “wagon dwellers”
and “nomads,” living off their animals, milk, and cheese (es-
pecially cheese made from mare’s milk), knowing nothing of
producing a surplus nor of trade other than bartering.
300 C, 20–301 C, 1 In what sense was the poet “ignorant” of the Scythians,3
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) when he calls people hippemolgi (mare-milkers) and galactophagi
(milk-eaters)? That people in those days called them hippemolgi them = Scythians
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) (mare-milkers) is attested by Hesiod in the lines that Eratosthenes
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) cites, Ethiopians, Ligyans, and the hippemolgi (mare-milking) Scyth-
ians. Is it surprising if, on account of the increase among us
of fraudulent contracts, he called most just of men those who he = Homer
have nothing to do with contracts and coinage, but who hold

all their possessions (except sword and drinking cup) in
common—and most notably hold their wives and c hildren
Aeschylus (5th c. BCE) in common, in the Platonic fashion? Aeschylus, too, patently
[ 1 ] Strabo follows Posidonius in arguing that Homer’s “Mysians” are Thracian/Eu

ropean: 295 C, 22–298 C, 12.
[ 2 ] 300 C, 1-6.
[ 3 ] I.e., as claimed by Eratosthenes and Apollodorus in the argument paraphrased
by Strabo at 300 C, 10-14.
357
pleads the poet’s case when he says of the Scythians: Scythians,

law-abiding, eaters of cheese made from mare’s milk.
301 C, 2-4 This remains the view held by Greeks today. We believe
them to be the most ingenuous and least mischievous of men,
much more frugal and self-sufficient than we are.
301 C, 4-11 However, our lifestyle has brought to nearly everyone
a change for the worse, introducing luxuries and sensual
pleasures and a myriad of corrupt ways to increase them.
Much of this evil has been visited on native peoples, espe-
cially the nomads. Through their contact with the sea, they
have deteriorated, raiding and murdering foreigners. As they
come into contact with the many, they are infected by their
extravagance and mercantilism, qualities that appear civiliz-
ing but that destroy morals and replace the ingenuousness
just mentioned1 with cunning. |
301 C, 12-21 Those, however, who lived before our times, particularly 7.3.8
Homer (8th c. BCE) those chronologically close to Homer, w ere of the type—and
were assumed by the Greeks to be of the type—described by
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) Homer. See what Herodotus says about the Scythian king
against whom Darius campaigned and the king’s reply. See, Darius, Persian king,
campaigned against Scythians,
Chrysippus (3rd c. BCE) too, what Chrysippus says about the kings of Bosporus as- 513/512 BCE
sociated with Leuco.2 The Persian letters, as also the remi- Bosporus = kingdom on e ither
niscences of Egyptians, Babylonians, and Indians, are full of side of Straits of Kerch'
the ingenuousness to which I referred. This is the reason that

Anacharsis, Abaris, and other such men were held in high es-
teem among the Greeks, in that they displayed ethnic traits of
calmness, straightforwardness, and righteousness.
301 C, 21-28 But why speak only of men of long ago? It is said of Alexan- Alexander the G reat, king of
Macedonia, campaigned north
der (son of Philip) that he saw, during his campaign against the of the Balkans, mid-330s BCE
Thracians beyond the Haemus, as he attacked the Triballians,
that they extended as far as the Ister and the island of Peuca Ister, Danube r.
within it (while the Getans lived on its far side); that he got that
far but was not able to disembark on the island because of a lack
of landing craft (the Triballian king, Syrmus, who had taken
refuge there, obstructed the endeavor); that he nevertheless
crossed over to the Getans, seized their city, and quickly re-
turned home, bringing gifts from the nations and from Syrmus.
301 C, 29–302 C, 4 Ptolemy (son of Lagus) says that, during this campaign, the
Ptolemy (late 4th–early 3rd c. Celts from the Adria region had meetings with Alexander to estab- Adria, Adriatic Sea
BCE)
lish friendship and hospitable relations; the king, receiving them in
[ 1 ] 301 C, 2-4.
[ 2 ] “Kings . . . associated with Leuco” is idiomatic, meaning predominantly Leuco.
358
a kindly manner, asked them during a drinking session if there was

anything that they really feared (thinking that they would say him);
they replied that they “feared nothing other than that the sky might
fall in—but did, of course, value above all else the friendship of a
man such as he” !
302 C, 4-12 These, then, are proof of the natives’ ingenuousness: that
the man who would not allow disembarkation on his island
nevertheless sent gifts and established friendship; and that
men who said they feared nothing nevertheless valued above
all the friendship of g reat men. Dromichaetes was the Getan
king during the period of Alexander’s successors. When
he captured Lysimachus alive during the latter’s campaign Lysimachus, king of Thrace,
campaigned against
against him, he pointed out the poverty of himself and his Dromichaetes, early 3rd c. BCE
nation but also their self-sufficiency; and bade him not go to
war with such people but rather to establish friendship. After
saying this, he was hospitable and established friendship—
and then let him go. |
302 C, 13-26 Ephorus, in the fourth book (entitled Europe)1 of his 7.3.9
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) scholarly work, a fter narrating the ambit of E urope as far
as the Scythians, says at the end that the lifestyles of the Scyth-
ians, particularly the Sauromatians, are not all the same. Some
of them are so unfeeling as to be cannibals, whereas some of them
refrain from eating any living creature. O thers, he says, describe
the savagery of these p eople, in the knowledge that what is terrible
and shocking is attention-grabbing, but one should also describe the
opposite and make it into an example; he himself will tell the story
of those who are “most just” in character, for some Scythian nomads
live off mare’s milk and surpass all other men in righteousness. The
Homer (8th c. BCE) poets mention them: Homer mentions the “glactophagi (milk-eaters)
and abii (without-lives), most just of men” when he describes Zeus sur-
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) veying the earth; and Hesiod mentions them in what is called the
“Ambit of the Earth,” when he says that Phineus was abducted by
the Harpies “to the land of the glactophagi (milk-eaters), who have
wagons for homes.”
302 C, 27–303 C, 7 He then gives as the explanation that, with their frugal life- He = Ephorus
style and their nonuse of money, they are orderly in their internal
relations (since they share all t hings with each other, including wives,
children, and the whole f amily) and yet not belligerent in their ex-
ternal relations and not subject to aggression (since they possess noth-
ing on account of which outsiders would try to enslave them). He
[ 1 ] “Titles” are often used for subsections of larger works, as by Strabo himself:
639 C, 15-27n.
359
Choerilus (5th c. BCE) cites in support Choerilus for his reference, in the “Crossing of the
pontoon bridge” (which bridge was constructed by Darius), to “the
sheep-tending Sacans, Scythian by descent, dwelling / in wheat-rich
Asia—they w ere colonists from the nomads, / men of righteousness.”
303 C, 8-18 Calling Anacharsis a wise man, Ephorus says that he be-
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) longed to this race and was considered one of the Seven Wise Men
because of his frugality, self-discipline, and sagacity. He says, his
inventions included the bellows, the double anchor, and the potter’s
wheel. I mention these things in the clear realization that this this fellow = Ephorus
fellow does not tell the utter truth in all m atters—and does not
do so in the case of Anacharsis! How can the potter’s wheel be
Homer (8th c. BCE) Anacharsis’s invention, when it is known by Homer, who lived
much earlier (as when a potter takes the wheel in his hands, and so
on)? However, I mention these t hings b ecause I want to make
it clear that there has been a belief, among men of long ago as
well as men of more recent times, based on widespread report,
that those nomads who are farthest removed from other men
are galactophagi (milk-eaters) and abii (without-lives) and most just—
this is not just a fiction created by Homer. |
303 C, 19-31 As for the Mysians, Apollodorus should rightly explain 7.3.10
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) what is meant in the lines.1 Does he consider these people, too,
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) to be a fiction, when the poet refers to the combative Mysians
and the glorious hippemolgi (mare-milkers)? Or does he take them as
being the Mysians in Asia? If he takes them to be the Mysians
in Asia, he misinterprets the poet, as discussed.2 If he says
they are a fiction, on the grounds that there are no Mysians
in Thrace, he contradicts the facts. At least, in our own times,
Aelius Catus transferred,3 from the far side of the Ister, fifty Roman general Aelius Catus
transferred Getans from north
thousand persons from among the Getans (a nation with the side of Ister (Danube r.) to
same language as the Thracians) into Thrace, and they now south side
reside there under the name “Moesians”4—whether they

were formerly named thus, and it was the “Mysians” in Asia
who underwent a name shift, or whether (as is more in line
with history and with the words of the poet) those in Thrace
were formerly called “Mysians.”
303 C, 31-32 That is enough on t hese matters. I return to the continu-
ation of my geographical narrative.5 |
303 C, 33–304 C, 6 Let the ancient history of the Getans be left to one side. 7.3.11
Their history right up to our own times, however, is as follows.

Byrebistas, a Getan man, established his mastery over the na-
[ 1 ] Strabo returns to his initial point, the identity of Homer’s Mysians in the lines
cited at 295 C, 22-36.
[ 2 ] 295 C, 22–303 C, 18.
[ 3 ] The transference took place at some point between the year in which Aelius
Catus held the consulship at Rome (4 CE) and the date on which Strabo writes
these words (probably 18/19 CE).
[ 4 ] Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin ethnic name Moesi. The same trans-
literation is made at 295 C, 16-22; 541 C, 28–542 C, 4. Strabo’s transliteration of
Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 5 ] Strabo resumes the thread of narrative from 295 C, 4-15.
360
tion and healed a population damaged by incessant wars. He

so reinvigorated the p eople by means of training, sobriety,
and obedience to his commands, that in a few years he had
established a huge empire and subjected most of the neigh-
boring peoples to the Getans. Finally, Byrebistas instilled fear
even in the Romans—he crossed the Ister unchecked, plun- Ister, Danube r.
dered Thrace as far as Macedonia and Illyria, sacked the Celts

who lived among the Thracians and Illyrians, and completely
eradicated the Boïans (under Critasirus)1 and the Tauriscans.
304 C, 7-11 In winning the compliance of his nation, Byrebistas had an
accomplice, namely Decaeneus, an enchanter, who had visited
Egypt and learned ways of telling the future by interpreting
divine signs; 2 before long, he was made “the god,” as I said
in my discussion of Zamolxis.3 The following is evidence of
their compliance: they obeyed the command to cut down
their vines and abstain from wine!
304 C, 11-15 Byrebistas’s c areer was ended when certain p eople led a
revolt against him, before the Romans launched their mili- Romans campaigned against
Getans, 29/28 BCE and ca. 11 CE
tary action against him. His successors split the empire into
several parts—into five parts just now when Augustus Caesar
sent his army against them but, at that e arlier time, into four
parts. |
304 C, 16-27 Such divisions are made ad hoc and are different at differ 7.3.12
ent times. T here is, however, a separate territorial division

DACIANS dating back to ancient times. They call one group “Dacians,”
n. Serbia, Hungary, w. Romania
the other “Getans.”4 While the Getans are in the direction
of the Pontus and the east, the Dacians are toward Germany Pontus, Black Sea
and the sources of the Ister, and I suspect that in antiquity Ister, Danube r.
they were called “Daoi.” This would explain why, among the
Attic writers, there were many “Getans” and “Daoi” as slave
names.5 This is more probable than that they are from the
Scythians, whom they call “Daans”6—for the latter are far Daans, peoples in Turkmenistan
away in the Hyrcania region, whence slaves were unlikely to

have been imported to Attica. People either called their slaves
after the nations from which they originated—for example,
“Lydus” (Lydian) or “Syrus” (Syrian); or labeled them with names
commonly found in t hose places—for example, “Manes” or
“Midas” (for a Phrygian) and “Tibius” (for a Paphlagonian).
304 C, 27-29 Having been reinvigorated to such an extent by Byrebi-
stas, the nation was completely humbled, both by internal nation = Dacians
[ 1 ] Strabo seems later to correct the name: 313 C, 23-29.

[ 2 ] “Divine signs” are probably astronomical phenomena.
[ 3 ] 297 C, 28–298 C, 12. Strabo perhaps corrects the name (spelled “Zalmoxis” in
the earlier passage). Cf. 762 C, 18-30n.
names Daci and Getae. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 5 ] The sense is that an individual slave would bear the singular form of the name,
i.e., “Getan” or “Daos.”
name Dahae.
361
rebellion and by the Romans. Nevertheless, even now they

can furnish forty thousand men. |
304 C, 30–305 C, 2 The Marisus river flows past them and into the Danube, them = Dacians 7.3.13
Marisus, ?Marosch r./?Mureș r. on which river the Romans ferried in their military supplies.
They gave to the upper part of the river—the part, t oward
the source as far as the rapids, which mostly flows past the
Dacians—the name “Danube.”1 (They call the lower reaches—
alongside the Getans as far as the Pontus—the “Ister.”) Pontus, Black Sea
305 C, 2-11 The Dacians use the same language as the Getans. The
Getans are better known to the Greeks because they are con-
stantly migrating across the Ister and have intermingled with
the Thracians and Mysians. The Triballian nation (also being
Thracian) has undergone the same process and has been sub-
jected to relocations, as neighbors force weaker neighbors to
move on. The Scythians, Bastarnians, and Sauromatians from Scythians + Sauromatians,
Ukraine, Russia
the other side of the river are often so dominant that they even
Bastarnians, Moldova, Ukraine
cross the river in pursuit of those who have been driven out
and stay (some of them) on the islands or in Thrace. Those
in the other direction are subject to the excessive strength of
the Illyrians.
305 C, 11-15 Although the Getans and Dacians increased their power
very greatly (so much so that they could dispatch armies of
two hundred thousand men), the number they can now mus-
ter is some forty thousand.2 They have all but submitted to
the Romans but are not quite yet u nder complete control,3
having high hopes for Rome’s enemies, the Germans. |
Pontic (Black Sea) Coast + Hinterland (Moldova, Ukraine)

305 C, 16-22 Meanwhile, lying back from the stretch of the Pontic coast 7.3.14
Strabo segues from his from the Ister to the Tyras is the completely flat and waterless Ister, Danube r.
description of Getans and
Dacians to his description of Getan desert. H ere, Darius (son of Hystaspes) was trapped Tyras, Dniester r.
Black Sea coast when he crossed the Ister to pursue the Scythians. He, along Getan desert, Ukraine
with his entire army, was in danger of dying of thirst. Belat- Darius, Persian king,
campaigned against the
edly realizing his error, he turned back. Later, Lysimachus, Scythians, 513/512 BCE
campaigning against the Getans and their king, Dromi-
chaetes, was not only exposed to danger but also taken cap-
tive. He found the native 4 magnanimous and was returned
safely, as I said e arlier.5 |
305 C, 23-25 . . . * at the mouths, is the large island of Peuca (Pine-wood). mouths = Danube delta (Rom.) 7.3.15
The Bastarnians who occupied it were named “Peucinians.”
[ 1 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin name
Danuvius. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
[ 2 ] Strabo refines his earlier statement (304 C, 27-29, where he implies that the
Dacians alone can muster forty thousand men).
[ 3 ] For the sense of imminent capitulation to the Romans: 288 C, 16-23.
[ 4 ] The “native” is shorthand for the “native king,” i.e., Dromichaetes.
[ 5 ] 302 C, 4-12.
362
Pontic Coast + Hinterland
here are other islands that are much smaller, some upriver
T
from Peuca and some t oward the sea.
305 C, 25-31 The Ister has seven mouths. The largest one is called the Ister, Danube r.
“Sacred Mouth,” via which it is one hundred and twenty

stades upriver to Peuca (at the lower end of which Darius
constructed a pontoon bridge, although he could have built
it at the upper end). This is also the first mouth on your left
as you sail into the Pontus.1 The rest follow in sequence along Pontus, Black Sea
the coast in the direction of the Tyras. The seventh mouth is Tyras, Dniester r.
around three hundred stades from the Sacred Mouth.

305 C, 31-34 There are little islands between the mouths. The three
mouths that come after the Sacred Mouth are small; the re-
it = Sacred Mouth
maining ones, while much smaller than it, are nevertheless
these = three mouths after
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) bigger than these. (Ephorus says that the Ister is five-mouthed.) Sacred Mouth
305 C, 34–306 C, 8 From there to the Tyras, a navigable river, it is nine hun- Tyras, Dniester r.
dred stades (in the intervening stretch, t here are two huge
lakes, one opening into the sea and used as a harbor, the other
having no outlet). | At the mouth of the Tyras is a tower called 7.3.16
“[Tower of ] Neoptolemus” and a village known as “[Village of] Her-

monax.” If you sail upriver for one hundred and forty stades
you come to cities on either side, Niconia and, on the left, Niconia, Roksolanskoye (Ukr.)
Ophiussa. (If you go overland, it is one hundred and twenty Ophiussa, Belgorod-
Dnestrovskiy (Ukr.)
stades, according to those who live on the river.) From the
river mouth, it is a crossing of five hundred stades to the is-
land of Leuca, lying in the open sea and sacred to Achilles. | Leuca, Zmeinyi (Ukr.)
306 C, 9-13 Then, after six hundred stades, is the Borysthenes (a navi- Borysthenes, Dnieper r. 7.3.17
gable river); nearby, t here’s another river, the Hypanis, and Hypanis, Bug r.
an island (at the mouth of the Borysthenes) with a harbor. If Borysthenes (island), Berezan'
(Ukr.)
you sail up the Borysthenes for two hundred stades, t here’s
a city with the same name as the river—this same city is also Borysthenes (city)/Olbia,
Parutino (Ukr.)
called “Olbia”—a great entrepôt, founded by the Milesians.
306 C, 13-17 As for all the territory lying inland from the said stretch 2
between the Borysthenes and the Ister: first,3 there’s the
Getan desert; then come the Tyregetans, and after them, the Getan desert, Ukraine
Iazygian Sarmatians, t hose who are called the Basilii (Royals), Tyregetans, Iazygian
Sarmatians, etc., n. Romania,
and the Urgians. For the most part these are nomads, but a Moldova, Ukraine
few of them practice agriculture. (It is said that t hese latter
live mostly alongside the Ister, often on both sides.)
306 C, 17-21 As for the interior, t here are the Bastarnians, bordering on Bastarnians, Moldova, Ukraine
the Tyregetans and the Germans and more or less of German
[ 1 ] The viewpoint is that of a navigator sailing from the Med. Sea. The “Left-Hand
Side of the Pontus” (Black Sea coast of Eur. Tky., Bul., Rom., Ukr., Crim., Russ.) as
a technical term: 289 C, 1-7n.
[ 2 ] 305 C, 25–306 C, 13.
[ 3 ] I.e., “first” if starting from the mouth of the Ister (Danube r.).
363
stock. They are divided into several tribes: some are called
“Atmonians” and “Sidonians”; those occupying the island of
Peuca in the Ister are called “Peucinians.” Ister, Danube r.
306 C, 21-24 Farthest north, inhabiting the plains between the Tanaïs Tanaïs, Don r.
and the Borysthenes, are the Rhoxolanians. The entire area Borysthenes, Dnieper r.
to the north, from Germany to the Caspian, consists of plains, Rhoxolanians, Ukraine, Russia
as far as we know.1 We do not know whether any people live

beyond the Rhoxolanians.
306 C, 25-32 The Rhoxolanians, under their leader, Tasius, fought a war
against the generals of Mithridates Eupator. They arrived
as allies of Palacus (son of Scilurus). They looked warlike,
but against an o rganized and well-armed b attle formation,
every native tribe is weak. Although there were around fifty
thousand of them—against the six thousand arrayed under
Diophantus, the general of Mithridates—they could not hold Diophantus campaigned in the
area, late 2nd c. BCE
out. Most of them perished. They use rawhide helmets and
corslets; they carry wicker shields; and they have spears, bows,
and swords as weapons.
306 C, 32-33 Most of the others 2 are such as these.
307 C, 1-5 The nomads’ tents, made of felt, are fixed to the wagons
in which they live. Around their tents are their animals, on
whose milk, cheese, and meat they feed. They follow their
cattle, continuously moving on to places that offer pasture—
in winter, among the marshes around the Maeotis but in sum- Maeotis, Sea of Azov
mer also on the plains. |

307 C, 6-10 The entire territory, as far as the coastal region between 7.3.18
the Borysthenes and the mouth of the Maeotis, has bitter Borysthenes, Dnieper r.
winters, as do the most northerly parts of the coast itself— mouth of Maeotis, Straits of
Kerch'
the mouth of the Maeotis, and even more so the mouth of the
Borysthenes and the innermost recess of the Tamyracan (or Tamyracan/Carcinitian bay,
Karkinitsky bay
“Carcinitian”) bay, which is the location of the isthmus of the
Great Cherronesus, Crimea Great Cherronesus.
307 C, 10-14 An indication of the cold is that, even though people live
on the plains, they do not breed asses (since this animal is
sensitive to the cold); as for the c attle, while some are born
without horns, people file off the horns of o thers (since this
is the part that is sensitive to the cold); their horses are small,
their sheep and goats are large; bronze water vessels shatter,
and their contents freeze.
[ 1 ] The area “from Germany to the Caspian” (e. Germany, Poland, Belarus,
w. Ukraine, s. Russia),” unvisited by Greeks or Romans, is assumed to represent
the northern limit of the lived-in world: 294 C, 15-34.
[ 2 ] I.e., Getans, Tyregetans, Sarmatian Iazyges, Basilii, Urgians, Bastarnians, as
noted at 306 C, 13-21.
364
Cherronesus, Maeotic Coast + Hinterland
307 C, 14-22 The extent of the freeze-up is particularly evident from

what happens at the mouth of the Maeotis. The passage mouth of Maeotis, Straits of
Kerch'
across the strait, from Panticapaeum to Phanagoria, is tra-
Panticapaeum, Kerch' (Crim.)
versable by wagons, with the consequence that it becomes a
Phanagoria, Sennaya (Russ.)
muddy road! Fish that are caught in the ice—in particular,
sturgeon as big as dolphins—are dug up with what is called a
gangama. It is said that Neoptolemus (Mithridates’s general),
in this one strait, overcame the natives during the summer in
a naval battle and during the winter in a cavalry engagement!
It is said that, in Bosporus, the vine is buried in winter, with Bosporus = kingdom on e ither
people heaping a vast quantity of earth over it.
307 C, 22-25 It is said, too, that the heat is intense: perhaps because
people are not used to it, perhaps because at that season no
winds blow on the plains, or because the thick atmosphere
heats up more, like the effect of mock suns in the clouds.
307 C, 26-27 It seems that most of the natives in this region were ruled
Ateas fought a war against
by Ateas, who fought a war against Philip (son of Amyntas). | Philip of Macedonia, 339 BCE
307 C, 28–308 C, 5 After the island at the mouth of the Borysthenes, what island = Berezan' (Ukr.) 7.3.19
comes next as you sail east is the headland of Achilles’s Race- Achilles’s Racecourse,
Tendrovskaya Kosa (Ukr.)
course1—a place that is treeless, although called a “grove,” and
is sacred to Achilles—then the low-lying peninsula of Achil-
les’s Racecourse itself. This is a ribbonlike strip some one
thousand stades in length, going eastward; it has a maximum
breadth of two stades, a minimum of four plethra; it is sixty 1 plethrum = 100 ft.; 6 plethra =
1 stade
stades away from the mainland on either side of the neck; it
is sandy, and water can be obtained by digging. (The neck,
measuring some forty stades, is located at its midpoint.) It
ends in a headland, which is called “Tamyraca,” with an an- Tamyraca headland,
Dzharylgach (Ukr.)
chorage facing the mainland, after which is the huge Carcini-
Carcinitian [Tamyracan] bay,
tian bay, extending northward for some one thousand stades Karkinitsky bay
(some say three times that distance to its innermost point).
308 C, 5-6 . . . * are called “Taphrians.” People also call the bay Taphrians = inhabitants of
Taphrus, Perekop (Crim.)
“Tamyraca,” the same name as for the headland. |
Cherronesus (Crimea), Maeotic (Azov) Coast + Hinterland

(Ukraine, s. Russia)
308 C, 7-10 This is the location of the isthmus separating what is called isthmus, Perekop (Crim.) 7.4.1
Sapra Lake, Sivash “Sapra (Putrid) Lake” from the sea. It m
easures forty stades and sea = Black Sea
creates what is called the “Taurian” or “Scythian” Cherronesus. Taurian/Scythian Cherronesus,

Crimea
[ 1 ] Strabo reprises the thread of his narrative from 306 C, 9-13.
365
Some p eople give the width of the isthmus as three hundred

and sixty [stades].1
308 C, 10-14 Sapra Lake is said to m easure as much as four thousand Sapra Lake, Sivash
stades. It is the western part of the Maeotis, with which it is Maeotis, Sea of Azov
connected by a large mouth. It is very marshy but is navigable

(just!) in light vessels of stitched material. The winds readily
expose the shoals, then submerge them again, with the con-
sequence that the marshes cannot be crossed by larger vessels.
308 C, 15-23 The bay contains three small islands, and some shallows bay = Carcinitian/Tamyracan
bay, Karkinitsky bay
and a few reefs along the coast. | On your left (as you sail out 7.4.2
of the bay), t here’s a small town, Calus Limen (Fine harbor). It be- Calus Limen, Chernomorskoye
(Crim.)
longs to the Cherronesitians. For, on the next stretch of coast,
there’s a huge southward-protruding headland,2 part of the
overall Cherronesus, and on it is situated a city belonging to Cherronesus (city), nr.
Sebastopol (Crim.)
the Heracleotes, a colony of the Heracleotes in Pontus,3 which
bears the same name, “Cherronesus.” It is four thousand four
hundred stades away from the Tyras, as measured along the Tyras, Dniester r.
coast. In it,4 there is a temple to a certain deity, Parthenus

(Maiden); also named a fter this deity is the headland, one hun-
dred stades outside the city, called “Parthenium.” It has an Parthenium, ?Cape Fiolent
(Crim.)
inner sanctum sacred to the deity, and a cult statue.
308 C, 23-30 Between the city and the headland, t here are three har- headland = ?Cape Fiolent
(Crim.)
bors, then Old Cherronesus (in ruins), and a fter that, a
narrow-mouthed harbor, which the Taurans, a Scythian na-
tion, used as their main base for piracy, attacking those who
fled to it for refuge. This is called “Symbolon (Matching-half) Symbolon Harbor, nr. Balaklava
(Crim.)
Harbor”: together with another harbor, called “Ctenus,” it
Ctenus Harbor, nr. Sebastopol
forms an isthmus m easuring forty stades. This is the isthmus (Crim.)
of the Little Cherronesus, which latter I mentioned as being
a part of the Great Cherronesus, with the homonymous city
of Cherronesus situated on it.5 | Cherronesus (city), nr.
Sebastopol (Crim)
308 C, 31–309 C, 10 This 6 used to be self-governing but, a fter being sacked by 7.4.3
the natives, was forced to take as its protector Mithridates Mithridates Eupator
campaigned in the area, late
Eupator, who was leading a campaign against the natives on 2nd c. BCE
the far side of the isthmus,7 as far as the Borysthenes and the Borysthenes, Dnieper r.
Adria. This was preparatory to an attack against the Romans. Adria, Adriatic Sea
Because he entertained these hopes, he gladly sent an army
to the Cherronesus and fought a simultaneous war against
the Scythians, and against Scilurus and Scilurus’s sons—those
associated with Palacus—of whom there w ere fifty according
[ 1 ] In giving the alternative figure of 360 stades, Strabo is perhaps mistakenly

thinking of the “isthmus t oward the Maeotis”: 311 C, 27-31n.
[ 2 ] See 308 C, 23-30n.
[ 3 ] Heraclia (Ereğli, Tky.) in the Roman province of Pontus: 542 C, 31–543 C, 6.
[ 4 ] Or “on it”—i.e., on the Cherronesus headland?
arlier statement (308 C, 15-23, where the headland with the
homonymous city of Cherronesus on it is described as “huge” and “southward-
protruding”), now restricting the name “Little Cherronesus” to the headland
between Symbolon Harbor and Ctenus.
[ 6 ] City of Cherronesus? Or the headland, Little Cherronesus?
[ 7 ] The isthmus (Perekop): 308 C, 7-10.
366
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) to Posidonius, eighty according to Apollonides. He simul

Apollonides (early 1st c. BCE) taneously overcame t hese p eople by force and established
himself as the overlord of Bosporus,1 which he took from its Bosporus = kingdom on e ither
possessor, Paerisades, with the latter’s consent. From that side of Straits of Kerch'
time onward, up u ntil the present, the Cherronesitians’ city Cherronesitians’

city = Cherronesus, nr.
has been subject to the Bosporan dynasts. Sebastopol (Crim.)
309 C, 11-12 Ctenus is the same distance from the Cherronesitians’ city Ctenus, nr. Sebastopol (Crim.)
as it is from Symbolon Harbor.

309 C, 12-21 From Symbolon Harbor to Theodosia, t here’s the Taurian Symbolon Harbor, nr. Balaklava
(Crim.)
coastline, some thousand stades in length, rugged and moun-
Theodosia, Feodosiya (Crim.)
tainous, where violent north winds blow. A headland projects
southward from the coastline a long way into the sea, oppo-
Amastris, Amasra (Tky.) site Paphlagonia and the city of Amastris. It is called “Criu Criu Metopum, Cape Sarych
(Crim.)
Metopum” (Ram’s-forehead). Corresponding to it on the opposite
shore is Carambis,2 the Paphlagonian promontory, which di- Carambis, Kerembe burnu (Tky.)
vides the Euxine ocean into two seas by narrowing the strait Euxine ocean, Black Sea
from both sides. Carambis is two thousand five hundred stades

from the Cherronesitians’ city but a far lower number from Cherronesitians’
city = Cherronesus, nr.
Criu Metopum. A great many of those who traverse the strait Sebastopol (Crim.)
say that it is possible to see the headlands on either side at the
same time.
309 C, 21-26 In the mountainous territory of the Taurans t here is the
city in region of Tibarania/ mountain “Trapezus” (which shares its name with the city in
Colchis = Trapezus, Trabzon
(Tky.) the region of Tibarania and Colchis). There is, too, another
Cimmerium, Opuk mt. (Crim.)
mountain in the same range, “Cimmerium” (because the
“Cimmerians” once held sway in Bosporus—which is why Bosporus = kingdom on e ither
the entire strait that comprises the mouth of the Maeotis is
Cimmerian Bosporus, Straits
called the “Cimmerian” Bosporus).3 | of Kerch'
309 C, 27-33 After the said mountainous territory,4 there lies the 7.4.4
city of Theodosia with its fertile plain and its harbor— Theodosia, Feodosiya (Crim.)
accommodating as many as one hundred ships—which was

formerly the boundary between the country of the Bospo-
rans and that of the Taurans. The territory that comes next
is fertile too, as far as Panticapaeum, the Bosporan metropo-
lis situated at the mouth of the Maeotis. The distance from mouth of Maeotis, Straits of
Kerch'
Theodosia to Panticapaeum is around five hundred and thirty
stades, the entire territory good for growing grain, with vil-
lages and a city—with a good harbor—called “Nymphaeum.” Nymphaeum, Geroyevka (Crim.)
309 C, 33–310 C, 10 Panticapaeum is a hill, inhabited all around for a distance Panticapaeum, Kerch' (Crim.)
of twenty stades. It has a harbor to the east and docks for some
[ 1 ] Kingdom of Bosporus: 309 C, 27–310 C, 10; 495 C, 6-15.

[ 2 ] The sense is that Carambis (Kerembe burnu, Tky.) is supposed to lie due south
of Criu Metopum (Cape Sarych, Crim.): 496 C, 26–497 C, 4n.
[ 3 ] Strabo omits to mention the city of Cimmericum (Opuk, Crim.), an omission
that he later rectifies: 494 C, 8-14n.
[ 4 ] 309 C, 12-21.
367
thirty ships, and it also has an acropolis. It was founded by

the Milesians. Together with all the neighboring settlements
on both sides of the mouth of the Maeotis, it was ruled for a
long time by the dynasts associated with Leuco and Satyrus
and Paerisades, until Paerisades handed rule over to Mith-
ridates. The rulers w ere called “tyrants,” although several
were reasonable men, starting with Paerisades and Leuco;
Paerisades was even worshipped as a god. Although the most
recent ruler shared the same name as the latter, he was un-
able to withstand the natives’ demands for even more tribute
than before and handed rule over to Mithridates Eupator.
From that time onward, the kingdom has been subject to the
Romans. The greater part of it is in E urope, but some part
of it is in Asia. |
310 C, 11-14 The mouth of the Maeotis is called the “Cimmerian” Bos- Cimmerian Bosporus, Straits 7.4.5
of Kerch'
porus. It starts from where its width is greater, some seventy
stades (where people make the crossing from the Pantica- Panticapaeum, Kerch' (Crim.)
Phanagoria, Sennaya (Russ.) paeum region to what is the nearest city in Asia, Phanagoria).
It ends in a much narrower channel.
310 C, 14-19 Asia is separated from E urope by this strait and by the
Tanaïs river opposite, flowing from the north to the lake Tanaïs (river), Don r.
and its mouth. It has two outlets into the lake, some sixty
stades apart from each other. T here is a city with the same Tanaïs (city), Nedvigovka (Russ.)
name as the river, the natives’ greatest trading center a fter

Panticapaeum.1
310 C, 20-24 On your left (as you sail inward through the Cimmerian Cimmerian Bosporus, Straits
of Kerch'
Bosporus),2 there’s a small town, Myrmecium, twenty stades
Myrmecium, Karantinnaya
from Panticapaeum. Twice that distance from Myrmecium is (Crim.)
the village of Parthenium, which is where the channel is at its Parthenium, Sinyagino (Crim.)
narrowest, some twenty stades, with a village opposite on the
Asian side called “Achillium.”
310 C, 24-29 It is two thousand two hundred stades from t here to
the Tanaïs and to the island between its mouths if you sail Tanaïs, Don r.
a direct course. It is only a l ittle farther than that if you sail

along the Asian side, but more than three times the distance Asian side = eastern coast of Sea
of Azov
if you sail as far as the Tanaïs with the coast on your left, on
which coast the isthmus is situated.3 The entire coast on the
European side is empty; the coast on the Right-Hand Side4 European side = western coast
of Sea of Azov
is not empty. The total circumference of the lake is reported
to be nine thousand stades.
[ 1 ] Strabo’s description of “Asian” side of Maeotis and Cimmerian Bosporus: 493 C,

17–495 C, 27.
[ 2 ] The viewpoint is that of a navigator sailing from the Black Sea into the Maeotis
(Sea of Azov).
[ 3 ] Isthmus (Perekop) between the Cherronesus (Crimea) and mainland: 308 C,
7-10.
[ 4 ] The term “Right-Hand Side” (e. coast of Sea of Azov) is coined from the view-
point of a navigator sailing from the Black Sea into the Maeotis (Sea of Azov).
Cf. “Right-Hand Side of the Pontic sea”: 126 C, 3-11n.
368
310 C, 30–311 C, 7 The Great Cherronesus resembles the Peloponnese in Great Cherronesus, Crimea
shape and size. It is in the possession of the dynasts of Bos- Bosporus = kingdom on e ither
porus, and it has all been devastated by incessant wars. Pre-
viously, the dynasts held only the small part by the mouth
of the Maeotis and Panticapaeum as far as Theodosia. The Theodosia, Feodosiya (Crim.)
Taurans, a Scythian nation, held the greater part as far as the

isthmus and the Carcinitian bay, and this entire territory as
well as nearly all the territory outside the isthmus as far as
the Borysthenes was called “Little Scythia.” Because of the Borysthenes, Dnieper r.
large number of p eople from this territory who crossed the

Tyras and the Ister and colonized the land, no small part of Tyras, Dniester r.
that land was labeled “Little Scythia,” too. The Thracians

ceded it, partly b ecause they were forced to, and partly
because of the terrible quality of the territory (much of it
is marshy). |
311 C, 8-15 As for the Cherronesus, apart from the mountainous 7.4.6
stretch along the coast as far as Theodosia, all the rest is level
and has fertile soil. It is particularly favorable for growing
grain. Furrowed with the simplest plowshare, it yields thir-
tyfold. The people, together with the Asian localities in the
Sindica region, paid to Mithridates a tax of one hundred and
eighty thousand medimni and two hundred talents of silver. medimnus, largest volume
In earlier times, the grain supply for the Greeks came from system
there, just as their supply of pickled fish came from the lake. talent, largest unit in Greek
It is said that Leuco sent two million one hundred thousand system of weights
medimni to the Athenians from Theodosia!

311 C, 16-20 These same people were also called by the proper name
Georgi (Tillers-of-the-soil), b
ecause the p
eople inland from
them were nomads, living off a diet of meat (particularly
horsemeat) and of cheese, milk, and the fermented milk from
mares. The fermented milk, prepared in a certain way, is a
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) meal for them—which is why the poet calls all the people in
this region galactophagi (milk-eaters).1
311 C, 20-27 The nomads are warriors rather than raiders: they go to
war over payment of tribute. They allow those to have the
land who want to farm it, they are happy to get tribute in re-
turn for it, taking only what is stipulated—modest, not ex-
cessive, only what is necessary for day-to-day living and the
necessities of life. However, they go to war with t hose who
don’t pay up. Thus, the poet calls one and the same people
[ 1 ] Strabo’s extended commentary on Homer’s use of the term galactophagi/

glactophagi: 295 C, 36–303 C, 31.
369
3.2. Eastern Europe
both “just” and abii (without-lives), since if the tributes were paid
regularly, they would not resort to war.
311 C, 27-31 Tribute is not paid by t hose who rely on military strength
to ward off attackers with ease or to prevent attacks. Such
Hypsicrates (1st c. BCE) was the case, Hypsicrates tells us, with Asander: he erected a Asander usurped kingdom of
Bosporus, 47/46 BCE
wall, three hundred and sixty stades long,1 across the isthmus
of the Cherronesus toward the Maeotis and put up ten towers Maeotis, Sea of Azov
for e very stade.

311 C, 31–312 C, 2 The Georgi are considered for this reason to be more
civilized and politically advanced. Since, however, they
are money-minded and border on the sea, they do not hold
back from raiding or other similar acts of injustice and
greed. |
312 C, 3-6 In addition to t hose sites on the Cherronesus that have 7.4.7
been enumerated,2 there were also the fortresses—namely

Palacium, Chabum, and Neapolis—that were built by Scilu- Neapolis, Kermenchik,
Simferopol (Crim.)
rus and his sons and used by them as bases in their operations
against Mithridates’s generals.
312 C, 6-16 There was also a “Eupatorium,” whose f ounder was Dio-
phantus, a general under Mithridates: it is a headland, some
fifteen stades from the Cherronesitians’ wall, forming a huge
bay that points t oward the city. (Inland from this bay is a la-
goon with saltworks.) This was also the location of Ctenus. In
order that the king’s men might hold out u nder siege, they set
up a watch post on the said headland after fortifying the site,
and they filled in the mouth of the bay as far as the city, so that
they could get to it easily by foot, and, in a sense, one city was
formed from two. As a result, they more easily repelled the
Scythians. When t hese attacked the wall across the Ctenian
isthmus and filled up the trench with straw, the king’s men
burned by night the part that was bridged by day and held out
until they gained the upper hand.
312 C, 17-18 Nowadays, all is subject to whatever Bosporan kings are
put in place by the Romans. |
312 C, 19-26 A peculiarity of the entire Scythian and Sarmatian nation 7.4.8
is that they castrate their h orses to make them easy to train:

they are small but very swift and spirited. There is hunting
of deer and wild boars in the marshes, of wild asses and roe
deer in the plains. Another peculiarity is that the eagle is not
found in t hese places. T
here is a four-legged creature called
[ 1 ] Strabo perhaps corrects his e arlier statement (308 C, 7-10, where he cites some
people as giving 360 stades for a different isthmus, the isthmus (Perekop) sepa-
rating Cherronesus from the mainland).
[ 2 ] 308 C, 15–310 C, 24.
370
South of the Danube
the colus. It is between a deer and a ram in size, white, faster

than these at r unning; and it takes in w
ater through nostrils
into its head, from t here eking it out over several days, so that
it can easily live in a place without water.
312 C, 27-28 The foregoing completes my description of the section
outside the Ister, between the Rhine and the Tanaïs as far as outside Ister = north of Danube r.
Maeotis, Sea of Azov the Pontic sea and the Maeotis.1 | Tanaïs, Don r.
312 C, 29–313 C, 4 The part of E urope that remains 2 is the portion inside the inside Ister = south of Danube r. 7.5.1
Ister and the encircling sea, starting from the Adriatic re-
Strabo segues from his cess and going as far as the Sacred Mouth of the Ister. Con-
description of Europe north of
Danube r. to his description of tained within this portion are Greece; the Macedonian and
Europe south of Danube Epirote nations; the nations above these reaching the Ister
and the Adriatic and Pontic seaboards on either side (i.e.,
the Illyrians on the Adriatic seaboard, the Thracians on the
Propontis, Marmara Denizi
other seaboard as far as the Propontis and the Hellespont, Hellespont, dardanelles/
and w hatever Scythian or Celtic nations are mixed in with Çanakkale Boğazı
them).3
South of the Danube
313 C, 5-12 I should start at the Ister, describing the parts that follow on Ister, Danube r.
SOUTH OF THE DANUBE from those places through which I have already passed 4—that
Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-
Herzegovina, Montenegro, is, the parts next to Italy, the Alps, Germans, Dacians, and Ge-
Serbia, Kosovo, w. Hungary, tans. One could further divide these parts into two. Parallel
Bulgaria, se. Romania, European
Turkey, North Macedonia, with the Ister are the Illyrian, Paeonian, and Thracian moun-
Albania, Greece
tains, which form a more or less single line from the Adria to Adria, Adriatic Sea
the Pontus. North of this line are the parts between the Ister Pontus, Black Sea
and these mountains, whereas to the south are Greece and the
barbarian country adjacent to it and stretching as far as the
mountains.5
313 C, 12-19 On the side t oward the Pontus is the Haemus mountain Haemus, Balkan mts.
ILLYRIAN, PAEONIAN, range, the largest and highest in that region, dividing Thrace
THRACIAN MOUNTAINS
Dinaric Alps, Balkans, Rhodope roughly through the middle. Polybius says that both seas can
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) be seen from it,6 but he does not speak the truth (the distance
to the Adria is g reat, and t here are many t hings in the way). Adria, Adriatic Sea
The side t oward the Adria is taken up virtually entirely by
[ 1 ] 290 C, 1–312 C, 26. [ 5 ] North of Illyrian, Paeonian, Thracian mountains (Slovenia, Croatia, w. Hungary,
[ 2 ] I.e., “remains” as per Strabo’s general definition of Europe (126 C, 30–129 C, 9) Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro, Albania, Serbia, Kosovo, Bulgaria, se. Roma-
and as per his specific definition of eastern Europe (289 C, 1-21). nia): 313 C, 12–321 C, 2. South of mountains, “barbarian country” (Albania, N.
[ 3 ] Greece: 332 C, 1–489 C, 27. Macedonian, Epirote nations: 321 C, 23–332 C, 1. Illyr- Macedonia, s. Bulgaria, n. Greece): 321 C, 3–332 C, 1. Greece: 332 C, 1–489 C, 27.
ians, Thracians, Scythians, Celts: 313 C, 12–321 C, 2. [ 6 ] Strabo later seems to attribute this statement to Theopompus, implying that
[ 4 ] 201 C, 27–305 C, 15. Polybius cited Theopompus in order to criticize him: 317 C, 7-15n. The seas in
question are probably the Adriatic and the Aegean.
371
3.2. Eastern Europe, South of the Ister (Danube r.)
Ardia. In the middle is Paeonia, all of it at high elevation. As Ardia, Dinaric Alps
for either side of it, on the Thracian side is Rhodope (a high Paeonia, N. Macedonia
mountain range on the border, coming after Haemus); the Rhodope, Rhodope mts. (n.
Greece, s. Bulgaria)
other side, to the north, is Illyrian—the territory of the Au-
tariatae and Dardania.1
313 C, 19-22 Let me describe first the parts of Illyria that reach as far
ILLYRIA as the Ister and as far as t hose Alps that lie between Italy and
w. Hungary, Slovenia, Croatia,
Bosnia-Herzegovina, Monten
Germany, and which start with the lake in the region of the lake = Bodensee/Constance l.
(Ger., Swi., Aus.)
egro, Albania, Serbia, Kosovo Vindolicians, Rhaetians and . . . *. |
313 C, 23-29 A portion of this territory was devastated by the Dacians 7.5.2
in their war against the Boïans and Tauriscans (Celtic nations

under the command of Ecretosirus).2 The Dacians claimed
the territory as their own, although it was divided from them
by the Marisus river, which flows from the mountains to the Marisus, ?Marosch r./?Mureș r.
Ister in the region of those Galatians known as “Scordiscans,”

who intermingled and settled among the Illyrian and Thra-
cian nations. However, the Dacians destroyed the former but former = ?Boïans and Tauriscans
often used the latter as allies. latter = ?Scordiscans
313 C, 29–314 C, 5 The Pannonians hold the rest as far as Segestica and the Segestica, Sisak (Cro.)
Ister to the north and east; and for a considerable extent in the Ister, Danube r.
other directions.3 Segestica is a Pannonian city at the conflu-

ence of several rivers, all of them navigable, an advantageous
base of operations in the war against the Dacians. The city lies
at the base of those Alps that stretch as far as the Iapodes (a
Celtic nation and at the same time an Illyrian one) and from
which flow rivers by means of which a great number of goods
are imported into the city from various places but especially
from Italy. This is b ecause to Nauportus from Aquileia, if you Nauportus, Vrhnika (Svn.)
use the pass over Ocra, is a distance of three hundred and fifty Ocra, Nanos mt. (Svn.)
stades. (Wagons are driven to Nauportus, it being a Tauriscan

settlement.)4 Some p eople give the figure of five hundred.)
314 C, 5-9 Ocra is the lowest-lying part of those Alps that stretch
from Rhaetia as far as the Iapodes. From Ocra, the mountains
gain height again among the Iapodes and are called the “Al- Tergeste, Trieste (It.)
bians.” Through Ocra, t here is likewise a pass from Tergeste, Lugeum Helus, Cerkniško jezero
a Carnian village, to what is called “Lugeum Helus” (Swamp). (Svn.)
314 C, 9-14 Near Nauportus, there’s a river, the Corcoras, to which Corcoras, Krka r.
the goods are taken. This river joins the Savus, which joins Savus, Sava r.
the Dravus, which joins the Noarus at Segestica. From there, Dravus, Drava r.
finally, the Noarus, with a large quantity . . . * joined by the
[ 1 ] Autariatae (Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro): 317 C, 29–318 C, 5. Dardania

(Serbia, Kosovo, n. North Macedonia): 316 C, 2-12.
[ 2 ] Strabo perhaps corrects his e arlier statement (303 C, 33–304 C, 6, where he says
that the leader was called “Critasirus”).
[ 3 ] Strabo proceeds (313 C, 29–314 C, 14) to correct and clarify his e
arlier description
of the area (207 C, 18-33n).
[ 4 ] For the wagons: 214 C, 18-24.
372
Adriatic Coast + Hinterland
Calapis (which flows down past the Iapodes from the Albian Calapis, Kupa r.
mountain range), flows into the Danube in the neighborhood

of the Scordiscans. The voyage along t hese rivers is largely
northward.1
314 C, 14-15 The route from Tergeste to the Danube is some one thou- Tergeste, Trieste (It.)
sand two hundred stades.

314 C, 15-16 Near Segestica, there is also the Siscia fortress, and Sirmium Segestica, Sisak (Cro.)
on the road leading t oward Italy. |

314 C, 17-20 The Pannonian nations are: Breucians, Andizetians, Di- 7.5.3
tionians, Pirustians, Mazaeans, Daesitiatians (whose leader

is Bato), and other small and insignificant federations, which,
as you go south, stretch as far as Dalmatia and virtually as far
as the Ardiaeans.
Adriatic Coast + Hinterland (Slovenia, Croatia, w. Hungary,

Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro, Albania, Serbia, Kosovo,
North Macedonia, Bulgaria)
314 C, 20-24 . . . * all the mountainous country, stretching from the inner-
most recess of the Adria to the Rhizonian gulf and Ardiaean Adria, Adriatic Sea
country, falling between the sea and the Pannonian nations. Rhizonian gulf, Gulf of Kotor
(Mont.)
This should more or less mark the start of the next part of
my narrative journey, recapitulating a few of the things men-
tioned earlier.
314 C, 24-30 I said, in my descriptive journey through Italy,2 that the
people who come first on the Illyrian coastline (following
on from Italy and the Carnians) are the Istrians and that our Istrians, ne. Italy, w. Slovenia,
nw. Croatia
current-day leaders have moved the Italian boundary forward
to Pola, an Istrian city.3 These people are around eight hun- Pola, Pula (Cro.)
dred stades from the recess. (It is the same number of stades
from the headland at Pola to Ancon, keeping Enetia on your Ancon, Ancona (It.)
right.) The sailing distance along the entire Istrian coast is

one thousand three hundred [stades]. |
314 C, 31–315 C, 3 What comes next is the one-thousand-stade stretch of Iapodes, sw. Slovenia, w. Croatia 7.5.4
the Iapodian coast. The Iapodes are settled on the Albian Albian mountain range, Sneznik
(Svn.)
mountain range, which is the last part of the Alps and very
Metulum, Vinicica, nr. Ogulin
high; they extend on the one side to the Pannonians and the (Cro.)
Ister, and on the other side to the Adria. They are maniacal Arupini, Prozor (Cro.)
fighters but have been completely worn down by Augustus. Monetium, Brinje (Cro.)
Their cities are Metulum, Arupini, Monetium, and Vendon. Vendon, Crkvina, nr. Brlog (Cro.)
Since their territories are of poor quality, their diet consists
[ 1 ] In this paragraph, Strabo emends many statements made earlier (207 C, 26-33),
but he also introduces new errors.
[ 2 ] Strabo elaborates on earlier statements (215 C, 30–216 C, 10, and 209 C, 15–210 C,
8, where he makes no explicit reference to the boundary change).
[ 3 ] The boundary may have been changed by Tiberius as a young man when,
under the command of Augustus, he was fighting the Alpine tribes above Pola:
206 C, 13-28. The term “leaders”: 159 C, 19-28n.
373
mainly of spelt and millet. Their weaponry is Celtic, but they

tattoo themselves just like the other Illyrians and Thracians.
315 C, 4-6 After the Iapodian stretch of coastline comes the stretch
belonging to the Libyrnians, longer than the former by five Libyrnians, Croatia
hundred stades. On this stretch is a river that provides up-

stream conveyance of cargo to the Dalmatians and has a Liby-
rnian city, Scardon. | Scardon, Skradin (Cro.)
315 C, 7-10 Along the whole coastline that I mentioned 1 are is- 7.5.5
lands . . . * the Apsyrtides, in which region Medea is said Apsyrtides, Cres + Lošinj (Cro.
islands)
to have killed her brother (Apsyrtus) when he pursued her;
then Cyrictica, opposite the Iapodes; then the Libyrnides, Cyrictica, Krk (Cro. island)
around forty in number.

315 C, 10-12 Then there are other islands, of which the best known are
Issa; Tragurium,2 founded by the Issians; Pharos (formerly Issa, Vis (Cro. island)
“Paros,” founded by the Parians), from which Demetrius the Pharos, Hvar (Cro. island)
Pharian originated.
315 C, 13-19 And there’s the coastline belonging to the Dalmatians and Dalmatians, Croatia, Bosnia-
Herzegovina, Montenegro
their seaport, Salon. This nation is one of those that fought for
Salon, Solin, nr. Split (Cro.)
a long time against the Romans. They had fifty sizable settle-
ments, some of them cities: Salon, Promon, Ninia, and Sino- Promon, Tepljuh (Bos.-Hrz.)
tium (both New and the Old, which were burned by Augustus). Ninia, Knin (Cro.)
Nasica (= Cornelius Scipio There’s also the defensive site of Andetrium. Dalmium . . . * a Sinotium, Balina Glavica (Cro.)
Nasica Corculum), Roman
general, conquered Dalmatia, great city, from which the nation takes its name. Nasica reduced Andetrium, Gornji Muč (Cro.)
155 BCE it to a small city, and made its plain a sheep pasture, because of Dalmium, Lib u Borčanima
(Bos.-Hrz.)
the greed of the population.
315 C, 19-22 A peculiar custom of the Dalmatians is their reallocation
of the land every eight years.3 Their nonuse of currency is an
unusual feature compared to t hose who live along this coast-
line, but compared to many other natives, it is common.
315 C, 22-23 Adrium is the mountain range that cuts through the Adrium, Dinaric Alps
middle of Dalmatia, dividing the maritime part from the part

in the other direction.
315 C, 24-27 Then t here’s the river Naron and the Daorizians, Ardi- Naron, Neretva r.
aeans, and Pleraeans who live around it. Near some of these Daorizians, Ardiaeans,
Pleraeans, Croatia, Bosnia-
p eople is the island called “Black Corcyra” with its city Herzegovina, Montenegro
(founded by the Cnidians). Near the Ardiaeans is Pharos (for- Black Corcyra, Korčula (Cro.)
merly called “Paros,” since it was founded by the Parians). | Pharos, Hvar (Cro. island)
315 C, 27–316 C, 1 Men of l ater times called the Ardiaeans “Vardaeans.”4 The 7.5.6
Romans pushed them inland away from the sea, because of

their abuse of the sea for piratical purposes, and forced them
[1] 314 C, 24–315 C, 6.

[2] Tragurium (Trogir, Cro.) was a town on the mainland, not an island.
[3] The Greeks and Romans counted inclusively. We would say “every seven years.”
[4] “Men of later times” are Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the
Latin ethnic name Vardaei. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
374
to till the soil. The territory is rough and of poor quality, and
not for people who want to farm. The consequence is that
they have been utterly ruined and have virtually disappeared.
This same thing has happened to other nations in this area.
People that formerly had the greatest power were completely
humbled and wiped out: Boïans and Scordistans, in the case
of the Galatians; Autariatae, Ardiaeans, and Dardanians, in
the case of the Illyrians; Triballians, in the case of the Thra-
cians. They were provoked to war initially by each other and
subsequently by the Macedonians and Romans. |
316 C, 2-12 After the Ardiaean and Pleraean coastline, t here’s the Rhi- Rhizonian gulf, Gulf of Kotor 7.5.7
(Mont.)
zonian gulf, the city of Rhizon, other small towns, and the
Rhizon, Risan (Mont.)
Drilon river, with its upstream passage eastward to Dardania.
Drilon, Drini/Drin r.
Dardania connects with the Macedonian and Paeonian na-
Dardania, Serbia, Kosovo,
tions to the south, just as the Autariatae and the Dasaretians n. North Macedonia
do, diff erent people being contiguous with each other in dif
ferent places, and with . . . *. Included among the Dardani-
ans are the Galabrians, among whom . . . * ancient city, and
the Thunatians who connect to the east with the Maedians, Maedians, North Macedonia,
Bulgaria
a Thracian nation. The Dardanians, despite being so utterly
savage as to live in caves dug out u nder their sewage tips,
were nevertheless fond of m usic, constantly playing flutes
and stringed instruments. T hese, then, are the p eople in the
interior: I w ill also mention them l ater.1 |
316 C, 13-20 After the Rhizonian gulf is the city of Lissus; also Acrolis- Lissus, Lezha (Alb.) 7.5.8
sus and Epidamnus, which was founded by the Corcyraeans Acrolissus, Mali Shelbuemit
(Alb.)
and is now called “Dyrrhachium,” with the same name as the
Epidamnus/Dyrrhachium,
peninsula on which she sits; then the Hapsus river and the Durrës (Alb.)
Aous, on which is the exceedingly well-governed city of Apol- Hapsus, Semeni r.
lonia (founded by Corinthians and Corcyraeans), ten stades Aous, Vijosë r.
Hecataeus (6th–5th c. BCE) from the river and sixty [stades] from the sea. Hecataeus calls Apollonia, Pojan (Alb.)
the Aous “Aias” and says that, from the same place—rather the
same recess—in the Lacmus region, the Inachus flows southward into
Argos, while the Aias flows toward the west and the Adria.
316 C, 20-30 In the territory of the Apolloniates is what is called the
“Nymphaeum.” It is a cliff that shoots forth fire; at its foot, Nymphaeum, ?Selenicë (Alb.)
springs of warm water and asphalt flow forth (when, it is

reasonable to suppose, the solid bitumen is heated). T here
is an asphalt mine nearby on a hill. What is dug out is replen-
ished over time, since the earth that is poured into the excavation
[ 1 ] 318 C, 18-27.
375
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) is turned into asphalt, according to Posidonius. That fellow also
says that ampelitis—asphalt-like earth that is mined in Pierian Se-
leucia—is a cure for pest-ridden vines (when it is smeared on together
with olive oil, it kills the pest before it ascends from the root to the
shoots); during his prytany, a similar type of earth was discovered in prytany, state office
Rhodes, but it required more olive oil.

316 C, 30–317 C, 6 After Apollonia are Balliaca; Oricum, and its seaport, Pa- Oricum, Orikumi (Alb.)
normus; and the Ceraunian mountains, which mark the start Panormus, ?Porto Palermo (Alb.)
of the mouth of the Ionian gulf and the Adria. | The mouth is Ceraunian mountains, range 7.5.9
incl. Cikes mt. (Alb.)
common to both. The difference is that “Ionian” is the name
of the first part of this sea, while “Adria” is the name of the Adria, Adriatic Sea
inner part as far as the recess, although nowadays of the whole

Theopompus (4th c. BCE) sea as well. Theopompus says that the former name came from former name = “Ionian” gulf
a man who ruled over these places, whose family originated in Issus,
while the “Adria” was named a fter a river. The distance from the
Libyrnians1 to the Ceraunian mountains is only slightly more
than two thousand stades.
317 C, 7-15 Theopompus says that the entire voyage from the recess takes
Theopompus (4th c. BCE) six days but journeying the length of Illyria by foot takes thirty days.
He seems to me to exaggerate. He makes other untrustworthy
statements: the seas are connected by a tunnel,2 based on the discov-
ery of Chian and Thasian pottery in the Naron; both seas 3 can be seen Naron, Neretva r.
from a certain mountain range; 4 of the Libyrnides islands . . . * with

the consequence that the circumference is five hundred stades; the Ister
empties through one of its mouths into the Adria. Some of Eratos-
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) criticizes
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) and
thenes’s false beliefs are also such laodogmatica (laymen’s beliefs), as
others Polybius says when talking of him and other writers. |
317 C, 16-22 It happens that the entire Illyrian coast is well supplied 7.5.10
with harbors, both on the continuous shoreline and on the

nearby islands, in contrast to the Italian coast opposite, which
is harborless. The coasts are similar in being sunny and fer-
tile: olives and vines grow well, except in the odd place that is
really rocky. The Illyrian shore, although of such quality, was
previously held in low regard, perhaps owing to ignorance
of its fertility, but principally because of the savagery of its
people and their piratical ways.
317 C, 22-28 All the territory above this 5 is mountainous, cold, and
snowy, even more so in the territory to the north, so that t here
is a dearth even of vines, both on the peaks and in the more
level places—that is, the mountain plateaus (inhabited by the
[ 1 ] 315 C, 4-6.
[ 2 ] The seas in question are presumably the sea into which the Naron river flows
(i.e., the Adriatic) and the sea in which the islands of Chios and Thasos are
located (i.e., the Aegean).
[ 3 ] The Adriatic and the Aegean?
[ 4 ] Strabo perhaps corrects his earlier statement (313 C, 12-19, where he attributes
to Polybius the view that “both seas” can be seen from a mountain range and
where the range in question is mount Haemus, Balkans).
[ 5 ] I.e., inland from the Adriatic coast (314 C, 24–317 C, 22).
376
Pannonians), which stretch southward as far as the Dalma-

tians and the Ardiaeans, end to the north at the Ister, reach as
far as the Scordiscans to the east . . . * on the other side along
the mountains of the Macedonians and Thracians. |
317 C, 29–318 C, 5 The Autariatae w ere the largest and best Illyrian nation. Autariatae, s. Bosnia- 7.5.11
Herzegovina, Montenegro
Formerly, the nation was continuously at war with the Ardi-
aeans over salt on the borderlands. The salt crystallized out
of water that flowed in springtime from the base of a certain
mountain glen: if people drew it off and set it aside for five or
six days, salt crystals formed. It was agreed that they should
take it in turns to use the saltworks. When the terms of the
agreements w ere broken, they used to resort to war. At one
stage the Autariatae, having subdued the Triballians, who Triballians, e. Serbia, Bulgaria
stretched from the Agrianians to the Ister (a fifteen-day

journey), also reigned supreme over the other Thracians and
Illyrians. They were, however, destroyed, first by the Scordis-
cans and l ater by the Romans, who defeated the Scordiscans
themselves, though the latter had been strong for such a long
time. |
318 C, 6-13 The latter lived along the Ister—split into two groups, latter = Scordiscans, e. Croatia, 7.5.12
Serbia
one called the “Great” Scordiscans, the other the “Little”
Scordiscans. The former lived between two rivers that joined
the Ister—the Noarus (which flows past Segestica) and the Noarus = Savus, Sava r.
Margus (some people say “Bargus”). The Little Scordiscans Margus/Bargus, Morava r.
lived on the other side of this river, reaching as far as the Trib- this river = Margus
allians and the Mysians. The Scordiscans also held some of

the islands. They expanded so far that they even reached the
Illyrian, Paeonian, and Thracian mountains. They even held
several islands in the Ister. They had cities, too: Heorta and
Capedunum.
318 C, 14-18 After Scordiscan territory alongside the Ister is the terri-
tory of the Triballians and of the Mysians, whom I mentioned Triballians, e. Serbia, Bulgaria
earlier,1 and the marshes of what is called “Little Scythia in- inside Ister = south of Danube r.
side the Ister,” which I also mentioned.2 These people, to-

gether with the Crobyzians and those p eople known as “Tro-
godytes,” live inland from the region of Callatis, Tomeus, and
Istrus.3
318 C, 18-24 Then come t hose who live in the Haemus region and t hose Haemus, Balkans
Corallians, Bessians, Maedians,
Dantheletians, Bulgaria, N.
who live beyond it as far as the Pontus—Corallians, Bessians, Pontus, Black Sea
Macedonia some of the Maedians and Dantheletians. All these nations
[ 1 ] Mysians (s. Romania, Bulgaria, Serbia): 295 C, 16–303 C, 32.

[ 2 ] 310 C, 30–311 C, 7.
[ 3 ] Callatis, Tomeus/Tomis, Istrus region: 319 C, 3-10.
377
live by raiding, but the Bessians, who live for the most part
on mount Haemus, are called “raiders” even by raiders!) They
are poverty-stricken hut dwellers, extending as far as Rho-
dope, the Paeonians, and—among the Illyrians—the Autari-
atae and Dardanians.
318 C, 24-27 Between these people and the Ardiaeans are the Dasare-
tians, Hybrianians, and other insignificant nations, whom
the Scordiscans ravaged to the point that they depopulated
the territory and left it bristling with unpassable forests for a
distance of several days’ journey. |
318 C, 28–319 C, 2 What remains of the territory between the Ister and the 7.6.1
Strabo segues from his mountains on e ither side of Paeonia1 is the Pontic coastline
description of the Adriatic coast
to his description of the Pontic from the Sacred Mouth of the Ister as far as the mountains
(Black Sea) coast in the Haemus region and as far as the mouth at Byzantium. mouth at Byzantium, Bosporus
(Tky.)
In describing the Illyrian coastline, I proceeded as far as the
Ceraunian mountains (since, although they fall outside the Ceraunian mts., range incl. Cikes
mt. (Alb.)
Illyrian mountains, they provide something of a suitable end
point); 2 into my description of these, I incorporated the na-
tions of the interior, in the belief that such a configuration
would be more meaningful, for now and for what follows.
In just the same way, the coastline here, even though it falls
outside the line formed by the mountains, will nevertheless
provide an end point, namely the mouth of the Pontus, which mouth of Pontus = Bosporus
(Tky.)
is appropriate for now and for what comes next.3
Pontic Coast (Black Sea coast of Romania, Bulgaria,

European Turkey)
319 C, 3-10 Five hundred stades from the Sacred Mouth of the Ister, if
you keep the ensuing stretch of coastline on your right, is the
small town of Istrus, founded by the Milesians; then, a fter two Istrus, Istria (Rom.)
hundred and fifty stades, another small town, Tomis; then, Tomis, Constanţa (Rom.)
after two hundred and eighty stades, the city of Callatis, a col- Callatis, Mangalia (Rom.)
ony of Heracleotes; then, a fter one thousand three hundred

stades, Apollonia, a colony of Milesians, with most of the city Apollonia, Sozopol (Bul.)
situated on a small island . . . * temple to Apollo, from which

Marcus Lucullus stole the colossal statue of Apollo, a work by
Calamis, and dedicated it in the Capitol.4
319 C, 10-18 In the intervening space—from Callatis to Apollonia—is Bizona, Kavarna (Bul.)
Bizona, a large part of which was swallowed up in an earth- Cruni, Balchik (Bul.)
Naulochus, Obzor (Bul.) quake; Cruni; Odessus, a Milesian colony; Naulochus, a small Odessus, Varna (Bul.)
[ 1 ] I.e., what “remains” of the territory between the Danube and the Balkans, as
defined at 313 C, 5-12.
[ 2 ] Illyrian (Adriatic) coastline + hinterland: 314 C, 24–318 C, 27.
[ 3 ] Pontic (Black Sea) coastline: 319 C, 3–320 C, 28.
[ 4 ] Strabo probably saw this colossal statue in the Capitol in Rome: 236 C, 25-28n.
378
Pontic Coast
town belonging to the Mesembrianians; mount Haemus,

which reaches to the sea at this point; then a Megarian colony, Haemus, Balkan mts.
Mesembria (formerly Menembria, meaning “city of Menas,” Mesembria, Nesebur (Bul.)
the f ounder being called “Menas” and the word for city in
Thracian being bria, just as the name for the “city of Selys”
is Selymbria and just as Aenus was once called Poltyobria);
then Anchiala, a small town belonging to the Apolloniates; Anchiala, Pomorie (Bul.)
and Apollonia itself.

319 C, 18-20 On this stretch of coastline t here is also a headland, Ti- Tirizis, Kaliakra (Bul.)
rizis, a site with good natural defenses, which Lysimachus

once used as his t reasury.
319 C, 20-25 To resume, the distance from Apollonia to the Cyaneae is
around one thousand five hundred stades. In the interven-
ing space are Thynias (territory belonging to the Apolloni- Thynias, coastline nr. İğneada
(Tky.)
ates), Phinopolis, and Andriaca, which reach as far as the
Salmydessus. This is a deserted and rocky coastline, lack- Salmydessus, coastline nr.
Midye (Tky.)
ing any harbor, wide open to the north winds, some seven
hundred stades in length (to the Cyaneae): whoever is ship-
wrecked on this shore is plundered by the Astae, who live Astae, Bulgaria, Turkey
inland, a Thracian nation.

319 C, 26-31 The Cyaneae are two small islands at the mouth of the Cyaneae, Örektası/rocks in
Kabakos Limanı (Tky.)
Pontus—one next to E urope, the other next to Asia—
separated by a strait of some twenty stades. Such, too, is their
distance from the Byzantian Temple and the Chalcedonian Byzantine Temple, Rumeli
Kavagı (Tky.)
Temple, where the mouth of the Euxine is at its narrowest:
Chalcedonian Temple, Anadolu
you go on for ten stades, and there’s a headland creating the Kavak (Tky.)
Pentastadium (Five-stade) strait. Then the mouth opens up
more and begins to make the Propontis. | Propontis, Marmara Denizi
319 C, 32–320 C, 6 The distance from the headland forming the Pentasta- 7.6.2
dium to the harbor that is called “Under-the-fig-tree” is Under-the-fig-tree, ?Galata

(Tky.)
thirty-five stades; and from t here to the Horn of the Byz-
Horn, Haliç/Golden Horn (Tky.)
antines is five [stades]. The “Horn” is a gulf, next to the wall
of the Byzantines, extending in a roughly westward direc-
tion for a distance of sixty stades. It resembles the antlers of
a stag in that it splits off into numerous bays, like branches.
Pelamydes fish, when they enter these bays, are easily caught pelamydes = young tuna fish
on account of their numbers, on account of the force of the

current, which drives them together, and on account of the
narrowness of the bays (so that they can even be caught by
hand, because of this constriction).
379
320 C, 6-17 This fish breeds in the marshes of the Maeotis; when it Maeotis, Sea of Azov
has gained a l ittle strength, it passes through the mouth in

schools and moves along the Asian shore as far as Trapezus Trapezus, Trabzon (Tky.)
and Pharnacia. This is where the “first catch”1 takes place, al- Pharnacia, Giresun (Tky.)
though it is not a large one, since the fish has not yet attained
its proper size. As it moves on toward Sinope, the fish is more Sinope, Sinop (Tky.)
ready to be caught and pickled. When, at last, it reaches the

Cyaneae and passes by them, a white rock projecting from the Cyaneae, Örektası/rocks in
Kabakos Limanı (Tky.)
Chalcedonian shore startles the fish, with the consequence
that it immediately turns t oward the opposite shore. Since
the current t here catches it, at the same time as the topogra-
phy c auses the sea current to be reversed toward Byzantium Byzantium, Istanbul (Tky.)
and the neighboring Horn, the fish is naturally driven thither, Horn, Haliç/Golden Horn (Tky.)
furnishing the Byzantines and the Roman people with sig-

nificant revenue.
320 C, 17-23 The Chalcedonians, though situated nearby on the other
bank, do not share in this abundance, b ecause the pelamys does
not approach their harbors. People say that, for this reason,
when the men who founded Byzantium—after the founda-
tion of Chalcedon by the Megarians—asked Apollo for an Chalcedon, Kadıköy (Tky.)
oracle, Apollo told them to choose their site opposite the blind men, oracle, divine instruction
calling the Chalcedonians “blind” b ecause, although they

voyaged to the region at an earlier date, they passed over the
opportunity to occupy the far side, even though it had such
wealth, and chose the poorer side!
320 C, 24-28 We have come as far as Byzantium b ecause a famous Byzantium, Istanbul (Tky.)
city very close to the mouth provides an obvious point to

terminate the voyage along the coast from the Ister. Inland
Philip, king of Macedonia,
from Byzantium is the nation of the Astae, with their city of settled Calyba (Yambol, Bul.),
Calyba, where Philip (son of Amyntas) settled wrongdoers. | 341 BCE
320 C, 29–321 C, 2 Those are the significant nations that are included be- 7.7.1
tween the Ister and the Illyrian and Thracian mountains,2

occupying the entire Adriatic coastline from its inmost recess,
and what is called the “Left-Hand Side of the Pontus,”3 from
Strabo segues from his the Ister river to Byzantium. The parts that remain4 are the
description of the area south
of the Ister (Danube r.) but southern regions of the said mountains, and then the places
north of the mountains, to his
description of the area south of
below them, including Greece and the neighboring barbarian
the mountains country as far as the mountains.5
321 C, 3-14 Hecataeus the Milesian says, in connection with the Pelo- Hecataeus (6th–5th c. BCE)
ponnese, that it was inhabited by barbarians before the Greeks.
[ 1 ] See also 545 C, 14–546 C, 2n; 549 C, 11-22n.

[ 2 ] 313 C, 19–320 C, 28.
[ 3 ] The “Left-Hand Side of the Pontus (Black Sea)” as a technical term: 289 C, 1-7n.
The expression is coined from the point of view of navigators sailing into the
Pontus from the Med. Sea; it is used h ere by Strabo even though he describes
the relevant portion of coast (319 C, 3–320 C, 28) from the point of view of
navigators sailing in the opposite direction.
[ 4 ] I.e., “remain” as per Strabo’s definition of eastern E urope south of the Danube
at 313 C, 5-12.
[ 5 ] Southern regions of mountains: 326 C, 14–327 C, 4. Greece: 332 C, 1–489 C, 27.
Neighboring barbarian country: 321 C, 3–332 C, 1.
380
South of the Mountains
SOUTH OF ILLYRIAN, Greece was, almost in its entirety, virtually a barbarian colony
PAEONIAN, THRACIAN
MOUNTAINS in antiquity, if we reckon on the basis of what is recorded:
s. Albania, North Maecdonia, Pelops led his p eople out of Phrygia into what was named
European Turkey, Greece
after him the “Peloponnese” (Pelops’s island); Danaus led his
people from Egypt; the Dryopians, Cauconians, Pelasgians,
Lelegians,1 and such p eople divvied up among themselves the
area inside the isthmus as well as the area outside. Attica was inside the
isthmus = Peloponnese
held by Thracians who accompanied Eumolpus; in Phocis,
outside [the
Daulis was held by Tereus, and Cadmia by the Phoenicians isthmus] = mainland Greece
accompanying Cadmus; Boeotia itself was held by Aonians,
Pindar (5th c. BCE) Temmicans, and Hyantes—as Pindar tells us, t here was a time
when people called the Boeotian people Syes (Pigs)! The barbar-
ian element is evident from some of their names—Cecrops,
Codrus, Aeclus, Cothus, Drymas, and Crinacus.
321 C, 15-20 Thracians, Illyrians, and Epirotes remain up to the present
day on the flanks, although this was more the case in the past
than it is now. Even much of what is nowadays indubitably
Greece is held by barbarians: Thracians hold Macedonia and
some parts of Thessaly; 2 and Epirote nations—Thesprotians,
Cassopaeans, Amphilochians, Molossians, Athamanians—
hold upper Acarnania and Aetolia.3 |
321 C, 21-28 The Pelasgians have been described.4 Some people sup- 7.7.2
Previous barbarian inhabitants pose that the Lelegians were the same people as the Carians,
of Greece
while others suppose that they were their compatriots and
allies; that this is why, in Milesia, t here are certain settlements
called “Lelegian” and, everywhere in Caria, t here are “Lele-
gian” tombs and deserted fortifications called “Lelegian.” All
of what is now called “Ionia” was inhabited by Carians and
Lelegians; the Ionians drove them out and took possession
of the territory. Even earlier, those who captured Troy drove
the Lelegians away from the Ida region, namely Pedasus and
the Satnioeis river.
321 C, 28–322 C, 5 The very fact that these p eople w ere in alliance with the these people = Lelegians
Aristotle (4th c. BCE) Carians would be a sign that they were barbarians. Aristo-
tle’s Constitutions show that, from antiquity, they moved about
both with them and without them. He says in the “Acarnanian them = Carians
constitution” that part of Acarnania was held by the Curetes, but

the western part was held by the Lelegians, then by the Teleboans.
In the “Aetolian constitution” (likewise, in the “Opuntian
constitution” and the “Megarian constitution”), he calls
[ 1 ] Cauconians, Pelasgians, Lelegians: 321 C, 21–322 C, 13.

[ 2 ] The section of Strabo’s narrative that covers Thrace, Macedonia, and parts of
Thessaly falls into the “eastern European gap”: 329 C, 15–332 C, 1.
[ 3 ] 323 C, 32–326 C, 14.
[ 4 ] 220 C, 31–221 C, 38.
381
the Locrians of today “Lelegians” and says that they took

possession of Boeotia. In the “Leucadian constitution,” he
names a certain indigenous man “Lelex,” names the son of the
daughter of this man “Teleboas,” and names the twenty-two
sons of this man “Teleboans,” some of whom settled Leucas.
322 C, 5-13 Hesiod is particularly credible when he says the following
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) about them: Locrus ruled over the Lelegian peoples, / whom Zeus, them = Lelegians
son of Cronus, knowing everlasting thought, / once gave to Deucalion,

as people that were “lecti” (picked) from the earth. He seems to me to The Greek word for “peoples”
can also mean “stones”
hint, by means of this etymology, at their being people who
were, in ancient times, sullecti (selected) and of mixed origin;
that this is why their race has been eclipsed. One could say
the same thing about the Cauconians, who no longer exist
although they had formerly colonized several places. |
322 C, 14-24 In former times, although the nations1 were small, numer- 7.7.3
Current barbarian inhabitants ous, and insignificant, it was nevertheless not very difficult
of Greece
to determine their boundaries, because they were populous
and were ruled by their own kings. Nowadays, however, when
most of their territory has been deserted and when their set-
tlements, particularly their cities, have disappeared, even if
one w ere able accurately to define these boundaries, it would
be useless to do so, given their insignificance and obliteration.
The process, which started long ago, has in many areas not
yet come to an end, because of rebellions. Nevertheless, the
Romans have a military presence among them (and among
some people, local dynasts are appointed by them). At any
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) rate, Polybius says that seventy Epirote cities w ere overthrown by
Paulus after the destruction of the Macedonians and Perseus; most
of the cities w ere Molossian; one hundred and fifty thousand p eople
were enslaved.
322 C, 25-27 I shall nevertheless try, to the extent that it suits my narra-
tive and to the extent that it is achievable, to go through the
area in detail, beginning with the coastline at the Ionian gulf
(i.e., where the voyage out of the Adria ends). | Adria, Adriatic Sea
Mediterranean Coast (Albania, w. + ne. Greece, European

Turkey, Greek + Turkish islands of n. Aegean) + Hinterland
(n. Greece, North Macedonia)
322 C, 28–323 C, 3 Of this coastline, the first parts are those in the region of Epi- Epidamnus, Durrës (Alb.) 7.7.4
Egnatian road = Lat. Via Egnatia damnus and Apollonia. The Egnatian road runs from Apollo- Apollonia, Pojan (Alb.)
[ 1 ] Thracian, Illyrian, Epirote nations: 321 C, 15-20; 322 C, 28–327 C, 28.
382
Mediterranean Coast + Hinterland
nia eastward to Macedonia, m easured and marked with mile-

stones as far as Cypsela and the Hebrus river: it is five hundred Cypsela,?Ipsela (Eur. Tky.)
and thirty-five miles. Converting (as most do) on the basis of Hebrus, Evros/Martisa/Meriç r.
an eight-stade mile,1 that would be four thousand two hun-

dred and eighty stades. Converting in the manner of Polybius,
who adds two plethra (i.e., a third of a stade) to the eight-stade 1 plethrum = 100 ft.; 6 plethra =
1 stade
mile,2 one has to add another one hundred and seventy-eight
stades (a third of the number of miles).3 It so happens that
travelers setting off from both Apollonia and Epidamnus con-
verge onto the same road a fter an equal distance.
323 C, 3-8 The road in its entirety is called the “Egnatian road.”
Egnatian road = Lat. Via Egnatia The first stretch is called the “road over Candavia” (an Illyr- Candavia, Polisit mts. (Alb.)
ian mountain range), through Lychnidus city and Pylon (a Lychnidus city, Ohrid (N. Mac.)
place on the road that marks the boundary between Illyria Pylon, nw. Resen (N. Mac.)
Barnus, Voras Kaimatsala mt.
(Gr.)
and Macedonia). From there, the road goes alongside Bar- Edessa, Edessa (Gr.)
Heraclia, nr. Bitola (N. Mac.)

nus, via Heraclia, the Lyncestians and Eordians, to Edessa and Pella, Arkhaia Pella (Gr.)
Lyncestians, Eordians, s. North

Pella, as far as Thessalonicia. Polybius says the distance is two Thessalonicia, Thessalonike/
Salonica (Gr.)
Macedonia, n. Greece hundred and sixty-seven miles.
323 C, 9-13 As you go along this road from the Epidamnus/Apollonia
region, you have on your right the Epirote nations along the
shore facing the Sicilian sea, up to the Ambracian gulf; 4 and Ambracian gulf, Ambracian/
Amvrakikos Gulf (Gr.)
on your left, the Illyrian mountains, which I have dealt with,5
and the nations living alongside as far as Macedonia and the
Paeonians.6
323 C, 13-15 Then, the part starting from the Ambracian gulf that
heads continuously eastward, parallel to the Peloponnese,
Preview of Greece belongs to Greece—and it finishes in the Aegaean sea, leav-
ing the entire Peloponnese on the right.7
323 C, 15-21 Starting from the beginning of the Macedonian and
Preview of Macedonia, Paeonia, Paeonian mountains as far as the Strymon river, there live Strymon, Strymon/Struma r.
Thrace
Macedonians, Paeonians, and some of the mountain-dwelling
Thracians. Finally, the region beyond the Strymon, as far
as the mouth of the Pontus and as far as Haemus, belongs
entirely to the Thracians, except for the coast. The coast is Propontis, Marmara Denizi
inhabited by Greeks, some of whom are settled on the Pro-
Hellespont, Dardanelles/
pontis, some on the Hellespont and the Melas gulf, some on Çanakkale Boğazı
the Aegaean shore.8 Melas gulf, Saros Körfezi
323 C, 21-31 The Aegaean sea washes two sides of Greece: the east- Sunium, Kolonnes (Gr.)
Overview of seas surrounding facing side, stretching from Sunium northward as far as Thessalonicia, Thessalonike/
Greece
the Thermaean gulf and Thessalonicia (a Macedonian city, Salonica (Gr.)
[ 1 ] This passage is key to our understanding of the value of the stade used by ance for the different values of the Greek and Roman foot, simply dividing
Strabo. The Roman mile is equivalent to 1.4785 km. Based on a conversion rate 5,000 by 600, which gives a ratio of 8 1/3 stades to the Roman mile.
of 8 stades to the mile, the value of the stade is 185 m. [4] 323 C, 32–326 C, 14.
[ 2 ] Polybius used a ratio of 8 1/3 stades to the mile, higher than writers who came [5] 317 C, 22–318 C, 27.
after him. He “adds” 1/3 stade only from Strabo’s retrospective point of view. [6] 326 C, 14–327 C, 28.
A similar use of “add”: 690 C, 35–691 C, 8n. [7] In this paragraph, Strabo looks ahead to his description of Greece: 332 C,
[ 3 ] 1 Roman mile = 5,000 Roman feet. 1 stade = 600 Greek feet. Ratio of Greek foot 1–489 C, 27. He probably paraphrases Eudoxus: 323 C, 13-15; 390 C, 8–391 C, 3.
to the Roman foot = 25:24. Divide 5,000 by 600 and multiply by 24/25 = 8. Poly- For the boundary with Greece: 334 C, 4-6.
bius (2nd c. BCE) was probably the first Greek writer interested in converting [8] In this paragraph, Strabo looks ahead to the section of his narrative that falls
Roman miles into stades. As such, he appears initially to have made no allow- within the “eastern European gap”: 329 C, 15–332 C, 1.
383
more populous nowadays than any other); and the south-

facing (Macedonian) side, from Thessalonicia to the Stry- Strymon, Strymon/Struma r.
mon. Some people add to “Macedonia” the stretch from the

Strymon to the Nestus, since Philip was excessively keen on Nestus, Nestos/Mesta r.
these regions, in consequence taking them as private posses-

sions, and he derived huge revenues from the mines and from
other advantageous features of the place. From Sunium to
the Peloponnese, there are the Myrtoan, Cretan, and Libyan
seas, together with their bays, as far as the Sicilian sea. This
latter would be the sea that fills the Ambracian, Corinthian,
and Crisean gulfs. |
323 C, 32–324 C, 4 Theopompus says that there are fourteen Epirote nations; the Theopompus (4th c. BCE) 7.7.5
most famous are the Chaonians and the Molossians because they once
EPIRUS ruled all Epirotis—first the Chaonians, then the Molossians, who
Albania, nw. Greece
flourished greatly, both because of the families from which their kings Aeacids = descendants of
Aeacus, a deity
came (they were members of the Aeacids) and because the ancient and oracle, center for divine
renowned oracle at Dodona belonged to them. prophecy
324 C, 5-11 The Chaonians, Thesprotians, and, right after these, the Chaonians, Thesprotians,
Cassopaeans, s. Albania, nw.
Maritime Epirus Cassopaeans (these, too, are Thesprotians) dwell along the Greece
Albania, nw. Greece
coast from the Ceraunian mountains as far as the Ambracian Ceraunian mts., range incl. Cikes
gulf, and their territory is blessed. Starting from the Chao- mt. (Alb.)
nians, g oing eastward t oward the Ambracian and Corinthian

gulfs, with the Ausonian sea on your right and Epirus on your
left, it is a voyage of one thousand three hundred stades from
the Ceraunians to the mouth of the Ambracian gulf.
324 C, 11-16 In this stretch, there’s Panormus, a large harbor halfway Panormus, ?Porto Palermo (Alb.)
along the Ceraunian mountains; a fter that, t here’s another

harbor, Onchesmus (to which the western end of Corcyraea Onchesmus, Sarandë (Alb.)
Cassiopa, Akra Kassiope corresponds),1 and yet another, Cassiopa, from which the dis- Corcyraea = territory of
(Kerkyra/Corfu) Kerkyra/Corfu (Gk. island)
tance to Brundisium is one thousand seven hundred stades,
the same as the distance to Taras from another headland, far-
Phalacrum, Akra Taxiarkhis
(Kerkyra/Corfu) ther south than Cassiopa, called “Phalacrum.”
324 C, 16-21 After Onchesmus are Posidium, Buthrotum (situated at Posidium, Akra Skala (Alb.)
the mouth of what is known as “Pelodes (Mud) Harbor,” in a Buthrotum, Butrinti (Alb.)
place that forms a peninsula and has a colony of Romans), Pelodes Harbor, Gji i Butrintit
(Alb.)
and the Sybota. The Sybota are little islands, only a short
Sybota, Sivota (Gk. islands)
distance from the mainland, lying opposite the eastern end
of Corcyraea, which is called “Leucimma.” T here are other Leucimma, Akra Lefkimis
(Kerkyra/Corfu)
small islands, too, off the coast, but they are not worth
naming.
[ 1 ] Strabo conceives of the mainland coast (Albania, Greece) and the island of
Corcyra (Kerkyra/Corfu) as each running from due west to due east, and the
western end of Corcyra as lying due south of Onchesmus. For “corresponds to”
meaning “lies due south of”: 496 C, 26–497 C, 4.
384
324 C, 21-28 Then there’s a headland, Chimerium, and Glycus (Freshwa- Chimerium, ?Akra Trophale (Gr.)
Acheron, Akheron r. ter) Harbor, into which the Acheron river discharges, flowing Glycus Harbor, ?nr. Ormos Ag.
Ioannou (Gr.)
out of the Acherusian lake before being joined by several riv-
Thyamis, Thyamis/Kalamas r. ers, so that it freshens the water of the bay. (The Thyamis
flows nearby.) Inland from this bay is Cichyrus, formerly Cichyrus/Ephyra,
Mesopotamon (Gr.)
Buthrotum, Butrinti (Alb.) “Ephyra,” a Thesprotian city. (Inland from the bay at Buthro-
Phoenica, Finiq (Alb.) tum is Phoenica.) Near Cichyrus is a small town, Buchetium, Buchetium, ?Rogous (Gr.)
belonging to the Cassopaeans, only a short distance inland Elatria, ?Paliorophon (Gr.)
from the coast; and Elatria, Pandosia, and Batiae in the inte- Pandosia, ?Trikastro (Gr.)
rior. Their territory stretches as far as the bay. Batiae, Kastri (Gr.)
324 C, 28-32 Immediately after Glycus Harbor are another two har-
bors: the nearer and smaller one is Comarus, forming a Comarus, Limani Komaros (Gr.)
sixty-stade isthmus with the Ambracian gulf and Nicopolis, Nicopolis, Palaio-Preveza (Gr.)
founded by Augustus Caesar; the farther and larger and bet-

ter harbor is near the mouth of the gulf, some twelve stades
from Nicopolis. |
324 C, 33–325 C, 8 Immediately a fter is the mouth of the Ambracian gulf. Ambracian gulf, Ambracian/ 7.7.6
Amvrakikos Gulf (Gr.)
The mouth of this gulf is just a l ittle more than a tetrastadium
(four-stade [strait]). The circumference, however, is three hundred
stades, and all of it is well supplied with harbors. As you sail

in, the areas on your right are inhabited by Acarnanians (who
are Greeks), and the t emple to “Actian” Apollo is t here, near
the mouth. It is a hill, with the temple upon it and at its base
a flat area with a sacred grove and dockyards where Caesar Caesar = Augustus Caesar
dedicated the ten ships that were the first fruits of war, rang-
ing from ships with one bank of oars to ships with ten banks.
Both the buildings and the vessels are said to have been de-
stroyed by fire.
325 C, 8-12 On your left is Nicopolis and the Cassopaeans (who are
Epirotes), as far as the recess at Ambracia (which—founded Ambracia, Arta (Gr.)
by Gorgus, son of Cypselus—is just a little inland from the

recess). R unning past the city is the Aratthus river, with the Aratthus, Arachthos r.
upstream voyage from sea to city being just a few stades. The Tympha, Mavrovouni mt.
river starts from Tympha mountain and the Paroraea. Paroraea, Peristeri (Gr.)
325 C, 12-20 Even early on, this city did extremely well, with the gulf this city = Ambracia, Arta (Gr.)
taking its name from her. Pyrrhus beautified the city and
used her as his royal residence. Subsequently, the Mace-
donians and the Romans crushed both this city and o thers
in continual wars, b ecause they w
ere disobedient. In the Augustus defeated Marc
Antony and Cleopatra at
end Augustus, realizing that the cities had been completely Actium, 31 BCE
385
eclipsed, amalgamated them into the one city, which he called

“Nicopolis” (Victory city), on the gulf. He named her a fter his
naval victory, in front of the mouth of the gulf, over Antony
and the Egyptian queen, Cleopatra, who was present at the
battle.
325 C, 20-26 Nicopolis is well populated and increases daily. She has a Nicopolis, Palaio-Preveza (Gr.)
great deal of territory; adornments derived from the spoils of

war; and the sacred precinct constructed in the suburbs, one
part for the quinquennial games in a grove with a gymnasium
and racecourse, and one part on the hill that lies above the
grove and is sacred to Apollo. The Actian games (sacred to
“Actian” Apollo) have been decreed “Olympian.” They are Olympian = equivalent in status
to the Olympic games
organized by the Lacedaemonians.
325 C, 26-28 The other settlements are satellites of Nicopolis. (Even in
earlier times, the Actians—garlanded games—were held in garlanded = with garlands for
prizes
honor of the god by the p eople living round about. Nowadays,
Caesar has caused them to be even more highly regarded.) |
325 C, 29–326 C, 7 After Ambracia, there’s Amphilochian Argos, founded by Amphilochian Argos, ?Ag. 7.7.7
Ioannes, nr. Neokhori (Gr.)
Interior Epirus Alcmaeon and his sons. Ephorus says that Alcmaeon, after the
Albania, n. Greece
campaign of the Epigoni against Thebes, was invited by Diomedes to
Ephorus (4th c. BCE)
accompany him in g oing to Aetolia and in taking possession of both
this territory and Acarnania; when Agamemnon called them to the
Trojan war, Diomedes set forth, but Alcmaeon stayed in Acarnania Trojan war, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
and founded Argos, which he called “Amphilochian” a fter his b rother;
to the river running through the territory and into the gulf, he gave the
Thucydides (5th c. BCE) name “Inachus,” after the Argive river. Thucydides says, Amphi-
lochus himself, a fter the return from Troy, unhappy with events in
Argos, went on to Acarnania; when he succeeded to his brother’s dy-
nasty, he founded the city and called it a fter himself. |
326 C, 8-14 The Amphilochians are Epirotes, as are t hose situated 7.7.8
above them reaching as far as the Illyrian mountains, inhab-

iting a rugged terrain, namely Molossians, Athamanians, Molossians, etc., n. Greece,
Albania
Aethicians, Tymphaeans, Orestians, Paroraeans, and Atinta-
nians, some of them being closer to the Macedonians, others
to the Ionian gulf. It is said that Orestias was once the posses- Orestias = territory of Orestians
sion of Orestes, who was in exile after his m other’s murder;

that when he died, the territory was named after him; that he
founded a city, which he called “Orestian Argos.” Orestian Argos, Hrupista (Gr.)
326 C, 14-20 Intermingled with t hese are the Illyrian nations in the
southern part of the mountainous region and inland from the
386
Ionian gulf. Living inland of the stretch from Epidamnus and Ceraunians, range incl. Cikes
Apollonia to the Ceraunians are the Byllionians, Taulantians, mt. (Alb.)
Parthinians, and Brygians. Somewhere nearby are the silver Byllionians, etc., Albania, North
Macedonia
mines in Damastium . . . * call them “Sesarethians.” Near
Lyncestians, etc., n. Greece,
Tripolitis Pelagonia, ?Prilepec these are the Lyncestians, Deuriopus, Tripolitis Pelagonia, North Macedonia
(N. Mac.)
the Eordians, Elimia, and Eratyra. Eratyra, nr. Kozani (Gr.)
326 C, 21-25 Formerly, each was ruled separately. The rulers of the
Encheleans were descended from Cadmus and Harmonia. Encheleans, North Macedonia
(Places from the myths about them are identified there.)

These people, then, were not ruled by people of local origin.
Likewise, the Lyncestians became subject to a scion of the
Bacchiad family, Arrabaeus. Eurydice, the mother of Philip
(son of Amyntas), was the granddaughter of this man, and
she was the d aughter of Sirras.
326 C, 25-28 With regard to the Epirotes, the Molossians were subject Molossians, nw. Greece, Albania
to Pyrrhus (son of Neoptolemus, who was the son of Achilles)

and his descendants, who were Thessalian. The others were
ruled by p eople of local origin.
326 C, 28–327 C, 4 Then, certain nations continuously getting the upper hand,
they all (except for a few of those above the Ionian gulf ) ended
up in the Macedonian empire. The region of Lyncus, Pelagonia,
Orestias, and Elimia was called “Upper Macedonia” or, by men Upper Macedonia, n. Greece,
North Macedonia
of later times, “Free Macedonia.” Some people use the name
“Macedonia” for the entire territory as far as Corcyra, citing the Corcyra, Kerkyra/Corfu (Gk.
island)
use of similar hairstyles, languages, cloaks, and suchlike. Some
of the p eople also speak two languages. When the Macedonian
empire was destroyed, the nation fell to the Romans.
327 C, 5-6 These are the nations through which the Egnatian road
from Epidamnus and Apollonia passes.1
327 C, 6-12 In the region of the “road over Candavia” are the lakes
associated with Lychnidus (with their independent fish- Lychnidus, Ohrid l. (Alb., N.
Mac.)
pickling factories) and rivers, both those that flow into the
Ionian gulf and those that flow south—the Inachus and the Inachus, Bizakos r.
Aratthus (and the Achelous and the Euenus, which was for- Aratthus, Arachthos r.
One river . . . gulf = Aratthus merly called the “Lycormas”). One river flows into the Am- Achelous, Akheloos r.
one . . . Achelous = Inachus bracian gulf and one flows into the Achelous. (The Achelous Euenus, Phidaris r.
itself and the Euenus flow into the sea, the former through
Acarnania and the latter through Aetolia).
327 C, 12-19 The Erigon is joined by many streams from the Illyr-
Lyncestians, etc., North
Erigon, Crna r. ian mountains—from among the Lyncestians, Brygians, Macedonia, n. Greece
[ 1 ] 322 C, 28–327 C, 4.
387
Axius, Axios/Vardar r. euriopians, and Pelagonians—and flows into the Axius. |

D
Formerly, there were cities among these nations: at any rate, 7.7.9
Pelagonia, upper Crna basin Pelagonia—to which Azorus belonged—was called “Trip-
olitis” (Three-city state). On the banks of the Erigon were situ- Bryanium, ?Graiste (N. Mac.)
ated all the cities of the Deuriopians, which included Brya- Alcomenae, ?Bucin (N. Mac.)
nium, Alcomenae, and Stybara. Cydriae belonged to the Stybara, Cepigovo (N. Mac.)
Brygians; Aeginium, bordering on Aethicia and Tricca, to
Aeginium, ?Nea Koutsouphiliani
the Tymphaeans. (Gr.)
327 C, 19-24 Finally, near Macedonia and Thessaly, in the region of Macedonia, Thessaly, n. + e.
Greece
mount Poeum and Pindus, are the Aethicians and the sources
of the Peneius, which are a bone of contention between the Peneius, Peneios r.
Tymphaeans and the Thessalians, who live at the foot of Pin-

dus; and a city, Oxynia, on the banks of the Ion river, one hun-
dred and twenty stades from Tripolitan Azorus. Also nearby
are Alcomenae, Aeginium, and Europus, and the conjunction
of the Ion with the Peneius.
327 C, 24-28 All Epirus and Illyria, although rugged and full of moun-
tains (Tomarus, Polyanus, and several o thers), w
ere, as I
said, at one stage fully populated.1 Nowadays, many parts
are deserted, while others offer only village life and are left
in ruins.
327 C, 29–328 C, 1 Even the oracle in Dodona, like other oracles, has been oracle, center for divine
prophecy
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) somewhat eclipsed. | It was founded, as Ephorus says, by 7.7.10
Dodona, Dodone (Gr.)
the Pelasgians. The Pelasgians are said to be the earliest of
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) those who held power in Greece. The poet says the following:
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) O Zeus, Dodonian lord, Pelasgian. Hesiod says: he came to Dodona
and the oak tree, the abode of the Pelasgians. The Pelasgians have
been described in the Tyrrhenica.2
328 C, 2-10 As for Dodona, Homer, too, makes it clear that t hose
Homer (8th c. BCE) dwelling in the vicinity of the temple are barbarians, based
on their lifestyle: he calls them aniptopodes chamaeëunae (ground-
sleepers-with-unwashed-feet). The literature, being ambiguous, does
not permit a clear answer as to w hether one should call them

Pindar (5th c. BCE) “Hellans” (as Pindar does) or “Sellans” (as people believe to
Philochorus (4th c. BCE) cites be the Homeric term). Philochorus claims that the Dodona
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE)
region, like Euboea, is called “Hellopia,” on the grounds that Hes-
iod says the following: “there is a certain Hellopia, wheat-rich, well-
meadowed, / on the margins of which a certain Dodona has been
built.”
[ 1 ] 322 C, 14-24.
[ 2 ] Tyrrhenica (lit., “Stuff about Tyrrhenia”) refers to the section of Strabo’s narra-
tive (218 C, 25–227 C, 6) in which he describes the territory of Tyrrhenia (w. Italy);
and within which he discusses the Pelasgians (220 C, 31–221 C, 38). Strabo’s use
of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
388
328 C, 11-17 Apollodorus says that people suppose the name to be derived
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) from the “hele” (marshes) in the neighborhood of the temple. How-
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) ever, he supposes that the poet did not call t hose in the t emple’s vi-
cinity “Hellans” but rather “Sellans,” giving as his reason that he he = Homer
names a certain river the “Sellëeis.” Now, he uses the name when
he says far from Ephyra, far from the river Sellëeis. In the . . . *
Strabo cites Demetrius (2nd c. “Ephyra” among the Thesprotians but the one among the
BCE)
Elians, on the grounds that the “Sellëeis” is found in the latter place,
but t here’s no “Sellëeis” among the Thesprotians or Molossians.
328 C, 18-20 As for the myths told about the oak tree, the doves, and
suchlike, as in the case of the myths about Delphi, some be-
long to a more poetry-oriented study, but others are relevant
to the geographical work at hand. |
328 C, 21-24 In ancient times, both Dodona and mount “Tomarus” or Dodona, Dodone (Gr.) 7.7.11
“Tmarus” (it is spelled both ways), at whose foot the t emple Tomarus/Tmarus, Tomaros/
Olytsika mt.
lies, were under Thesprotian control: the tragic poets and
Pindar (5th c. BCE) Pindar call Dodona “Thesprotian.” Later, it fell under Molos-
sian control.
328 C, 25-27 People say that it is b ecause of Tomarus that t hose men
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) who w ere called by the poet interpreters of Zeus—men whom
he also calls aniptopodes chamaeëunae (ground-sleepers-with-unwashed-
feet)—were named “tomuri.”
328 C, 27–329 C, 2 In the Odyssey, some p eople write what Amphinomus says
Homer’s Odyssey (8th c. BCE) when counseling the suitors not to attack Telemachus until
they have made inquiries of Zeus, as follows: If the “tomuri” of
Zeus approve, / I w ill commit murder and bid all o thers likewise. / If
the god turns us down, I bid us desist. They reason that it is better
to write tomuri than themistes (decrees) because the poet nowhere
uses themistes for oracular responses, but rather for legislative
counsels, political regulations, and lawmaking. They say that
the word tomuri is contracted, as from tomarophylakes (guardians
of Tomarus).
329 C, 2-6 While more recent commentators read tomuri, one should
more simply understand Homer as using themistes (decrees) and
“counsels” to mean oracular (as well as legislative) instruc-
tions and advice. Such is the case in the line: to hear the counsel
of Zeus from the oak tree with its lofty foliage. |
329 C, 7-10 To start with, the oracular prophets w ere male. This is 7.7.12
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) perhaps indicated by the poet: he calls them “interpreters”
389
(which would include “prophets”). L ater, three old w omen

were appointed, at the time when Dione was added alongside
Zeus as the t emple dedicatee.
329 C, 10-15 Suidas, telling mythical stories to curry f avor with the
Suidas (4th c. BCE) Thessalians, says that the t emple was relocated from there—from there = Thessaly
the Scotussa region of Pelasgia (Scotussa belongs to Pelasgian Scotussa, Ag. Triadi/Souphli
(Gr.)
Thessaly); it was accompanied by very many women whose descen-
dants are the prophetesses of today; and that is why Zeus is called
“Pelasgian.”
329 C, 15 . . . Cineas, in even more mythical fashion, . . . * |
Cineas (3rd c. BCE)
329 C, 15–332 C, 1 At this point (329 C, 15), there is a gap in Strabo’s narrative. It can give the
“Eastern European gap” impression that Strabo was distracted midsentence; and that, a fter being
distracted, he jumped ahead to his description of Greece, with which his
narrative resumes (332 C, 1). This is not, of course, what happened. It is an il-
lusion caused by an accident in the transmission of Strabo’s work. Although
Strabo wrote (or dictated) the missing words, a subsequent event resulted
in their physical loss. Perhaps the end of a papyrus roll got torn off. Perhaps
a medieval monk did the equivalent of spilling his Starbucks coffee over his
codex and then had to remove the damaged pages. Perhaps someone tore
out the pages on purpose. Perhaps mice nibbled the manuscript, or moths
ate it. Whatever the cause, the relevant surviving manuscripts are all derived
from this damaged version, with the possible exception of one manuscript,
which unfortunately suffered its own damage over the same pages.
Because Strabo is so orderly in his narrative, we can tell which areas of
the world he described in the missing portion. They are Paeonia, Macedo-
nia, and Thrace (North Macedonia, ne. Greece, E uropean Turkey). Further-
more, Strabo has a habit of making forward references to areas he intends
to describe later. Indeed, he has at this stage in his narrative already alerted
his readers to several locations that, in the event, fall within the “eastern
European gap.” Thus we know that, as well as Paeonia, Macedonia, and
Thrace, Strabo included in the “eastern E uropean gap” the islands of Lem-
nos (Lemnos, Gk. island), Thasos (Thasos, Gk. island), Imbros (Gökçeada, Tk.
island), and Samothrace (Samothrake, Gk. island).
390
The C-page (329 C) on which Strabo’s narrative breaks off and the
C-page (332 C) on which it resumes are numbered according to an early
seventeenth-century edition in which the relevant portion of narrative
was already absent. The jump from 329 C to 332 C reflects the number of
pages left blank by the scribes of that edition rather than the number of
pages occupied by Strabo’s missing description. A reasonable guess is that
Strabo’s account of these areas, had it survived, would have occupied some
ten C-pages.
In late antiquity and the Middle Ages, it was customary to produce ab-
breviated versions of long works. Strabo’s work was duly epitomized, and
copies of these epitomes have survived to the present day. These epitomes
(the original versions of which were written before the loss of the portion
of Strabo’s narrative dealing with Paeonia, Macedonia, Thrace, e tc.) give us
an idea of what was in the lost portion, but they are not comprehensive and
are not included in this translation.
391
Bulgaria
North Macedonia
Albania
Greece
Turkey
BANDS OF
GREECE
5th
4th •
•
CORINTH
ATHENS
3rd
PELOPONNESE
2nd
1st
CRETE
MAP 4. Strabo’s “Greece”

CH APT E R TH R E E Greece
PART 3
Macbeth shall never vanquished be until

Great Birnam Wood to high Dunsinane Hill
Shall come against him.
—Shakespeare, Macbeth
Imagine learning the geography of Britain by reading Shakespeare’s plays. Essentially,

that is how Strabo approaches the geography of Greece, except that the literary figure in
question is Homer, and the works involved are the epic poems the Iliad and the Odyssey.
Strabo’s Homer-centricity makes life difficult for twenty-first-century readers, especially
those unfamiliar with ancient Greek literature. It makes life difficult even for classicists,
who are familiar with Homer but unaccustomed to treating him as a geographer.
The situation was different in antiquity. The Homeric poems w ere well known, and
Strabo w ill have been steeped in Homer’s works from the earliest days of his education. They
were among the earliest works recorded by what was at the time a new technology, writing.
They were thus seen as providing evidence for the antiquity of the places named in them.
However, Strabo notes that some places mentioned by Homer are no longer in existence in
his own day, or at least no longer as magnificent as they once were or are supposed to have
been. This poses problems for Strabo. If a place-name used by Homer is no longer current
in Strabo’s day, does that mean that the place has fallen into oblivion, or simply that it is now
known by a different name? If so, by what name is it now known? Conversely, if a Homeric
place-name is still in use in Strabo’s day, does it still denote the same place as it denoted for
Homer? What if Homer used the place-name to designate a different place? What if there
are several places with that name? Which place has the right to claim Homeric legitimacy?
Strabo’s fascination with Homer throughout his narrative rises to something of a fever
pitch in his description of Greece, warping his view and giving rise to phantom locations
in an effort simply to make the Iliad and the Odyssey geographically accurate. Indeed, it
may be that his obsession with Homer was what had caused Strabo to take up geography
in the first place. Strabo’s engagement with Homer leads him to a general recognition
of how much the world changes over time, makes him alert to changes of geographical
nomenclature, and underlies his appreciation of how simple name changes can reflect the
rise and fall of major p olitical powers.
393
3.3. Greece
Strabo is so familiar with Homer that he often lapses into “Homer-speak,” weav-
ing citations from Homer into his own sentence structure and using Homer’s spellings
of place-names alongside the conventional spellings of his own day. In this translation,
citations of Homeric words, phrases, and place-names are shown in italics where their
Homeric origin is germane to our understanding of Strabo’s narrative. T here are prob
ably many instances of Homer-speak in Strabo’s narrative beyond those marked in this
translation. It would be an interesting project to see exactly how many oddities in Strabo’s
narrative might be explained by his insertion or use of phrases and idioms borrowed
from Homer.
The “Sectionalization” of Greece

Strabo marks Greece off from the area to its north by drawing a line from the Ambracian
gulf on the Adriatic to Thermopylae (Thermopiles, Greece) on the Aegean. Strabo divides
the area south of this line into five bands, stretching from sea to sea. He has explained
these bands e arlier, in his description of eastern E
urope, but the relevant passage unfor-
tunately falls within the “eastern E uropean gap,” the lost portion of Strabo’s narrative
(329 C, 15–332 C, 1). The loss of this explanation is regrettable, as it would no doubt
clarify the several back references that Strabo makes to it in his description of Greece.
Nevertheless, in broad terms, it appears that Attica and Megaris (south-central Greece)
form the first band; Boeotia (south-central Greece), Phocis (central Greece), and Locris
(central Greece) form the second, third, and fourth bands, respectively; Thessaly (eastern
Greece) and Acarnania and Aetolia (southwestern Greece) form the fifth band.
The part of Greece with which Strabo begins his description, namely the Pelopon-
nese, is not part of this system of bands. Strabo’s decision to start with the Peloponnese
is based on a diff erent model, in which Greece is seen as one huge peninsula, whose isth-
mus stretches from the Ambracian gulf to the Thermaean gulf. Within this peninsula,
a secondary isthmus stretches from the Ambracian gulf to the Malian gulf, creating a
sub-peninsula. Within this sub-peninsula, a tertiary isthmus stretches from the Crisaean
gulf to the Malian gulf. Within the sub-peninsula thus formed, a fourth isthmus stretches
from Pagae (Alepochori, Greece) to Nisaea (near Pachi, Greece). Finally, there’s the narrow-
est isthmus of all, where the Corinth Canal now passes. This last isthmus marks off the
peninsula that comprises the Peloponnese.
Strabo launches into his description of the Peloponnese as if this series of isthmuses
will form the framework of his narrative. However, once he has finished with the Pelopon-
nese, Strabo surreptitiously jettisons the isthmus model in favor of the five-band model.
He starts with Attica and Megaris, and proceeds with Boeotia, Phocis, and Locris. He
concludes with Aetolia, Acarnania, and Thessaly, adding descriptions of Euboea in the
east and the islands of Cephallenia (Kephallenia), Ithaca (Ithake), and Zacynthus (Zaky-
nthos) in the west. He then rounds out his description with an account of Crete and the
Greek islands.
394
Greece as an Anchor
Strabo’s description of Greece occupies three of the seventeen “books” into which his
narrative was divided. These book divisions, which probably reflect the number of pa-
pyrus rolls that Strabo used, are not much used in this translation, but it is worth paying
attention to them as concerns Greece. The three books describing Greece occupy a per-
fectly central position, with seven books preceding them and seven books coming after
them. Strabo’s account of Greece thus acts as an anchor for the overall work. As befits an
anchor, it is hefty, weighing in at over fifty thousand words and representing more than a
sixth of the overall narrative. Strabo’s account of Greece is thus wildly disproportionate
to the amount of physical space occupied by Greece. It is nevertheless consistent with its
cultural weight and a reminder that cultural considerations are far more important for
Strabo than p olitical boundaries.
Remember
In this chapter more than any other, Strabo cites Homer (eighth century
BCE), often referring to him as the “poet,” or simply as “he” or “him.”
Whereas in other chapters, instances of the “poet” or “he” meaning Homer
are noted in the margin, in this chapter they are so frequent that they are
noted only where necessary to avoid confusion. Strabo frequently expli-
cates lines from Homer’s verses at g reat length, arguing strenuously over
the meaning of individual words and phrases. These words or phrases, as
well as the longer passages of Homer cited by Strabo, are shown in italics.
Italics are also used when Strabo is writing in the voice of an earlier
scholar or a poet other than Homer. These passages should not necessar-
ily be understood as verbatim quotations as they are frequently adapted to
Strabo’s sentence structure and filtered through Strabo’s own ideas.
known with certainty—may fall outside these p arameters.
Consult “Special Features of this Translation” and “A User’s Guide” at the
start of this translation for a fuller discussion of aids provided to the reader.
395
CH APT E R TH R E E Greece
PART 3
332 C, 1-4 Starting from the western parts of Europe that are enclosed 8.1.1
Strabo segues from the between the inner and the outer seas, I worked my way inner sea = Med. Sea
northern parts of eastern
Europe to Greece
through all the barbarian nations in E urope as far as the outer sea = Atlantic
Ocean + North Sea
Tanaïs and through a part—albeit not large—of Greece.1 I
Tanaïs, Don r.
will now present what remains of the geography of Greece.
332 C, 4-13 The subject was tackled first by Homer, then by vari
GREECE ous other writers. Some of them wrote specifically entitled
Greece + Greek islands
Harbors or Coastal Navigations or Journeys Around the World or
suchlike, within which are included Helladica.2 Some writers
provided a dedicated topographical description of the con-
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) tinents within their overall histories, as did Ephorus and
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) Polybius. Others, such as Posidonius and Hipparchus, in-
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) corporated even matters of this sort into physics and mathe
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) matics. While the views of these men are easy to assess, those
of Homer require a more careful critical analysis, given that he
speaks poetically and does not describe the present but rather
the long-ago past, which has faded with time.
332 C, 13-16 Insofar as is possible, I must take the m
atter in hand, start-
ing from where I left off: my account ended with the Epirote
and Illyrian nations to the west and north and with the Mace-
donians as far as Byzantium to the east.3
332 C, 17–333 C, 3 After the Epirotes and the Illyrians, with regard to the
Greeks, there are Acarnanians, Aetolians, and Ozolian
Locrians, plus Phocians and Boeotians. Across the w ater
from these is the Peloponnese, subtending the intervening
Corinthian gulf (which it shapes and by which it is shaped).
After Macedonia, t here are Thessalians as far as the Malians outside the isthmus = north of
Peloponnese
and as far as the rest of those outside the isthmus and those inside the isthmus = within
inside the isthmus. | Peloponnese
333 C, 4-13 On one level, t here is a large number of nations, but at the 8.1.2
highest level t here are only as many as the number of Greek

dialects passed down to us. Although there are four of these,
we say that the “Ionian” dialect is the same as “old Attican,”
since the Atticans of that time were called “Ionians,” and
[ 1 ] Western Europe: 136 C, 13–288 C, 33. Eastern Europe (= barbarian nations) + small
part of Greece: 289 C, 1–329 C, 15n.
[ 2 ] Helladica (lit., “Stuff about Greece”) is the “title” of sections within the works
listed. For Strabo’s use of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 3 ] 312 C, 29–329 C, 15n.
397
3.3. Greece
the Ionian colonizers of Asia originate from there, and their

language is today known as “Ionian”; and that the “Dorian”
dialect is the same as the “Aeolian,” since all t hose outside
this isthmus—except for the Athenians, the Megarians, and
the Dorians of the Parnassus region—are even today called
“Aeolians.” It is a reasonable supposition that the Dorians,
their numbers few and their territory rugged, because of their
isolation changed their language and other customs so that
they became diff erent from the rest, whereas previously they
were the same.
333 C, 13-18 The same thing happened in the case of the Athenians.
The territory they inhabited had only a thin covering of soil and was
Thucydides (5th c. BCE) rocky, which is why, according to Thucydides, they were not subject
to attack and w ere considered indigenous. They possessed the same
territory across the ages, since no one drove them away or even desired
what was theirs. This, it is reasonable to suppose, was why they
spoke a different language and followed different customs,
even though they w ere not few in number.
333 C, 18-24 Similarly, the Aeolian nation prevailed outside the isth-
mus, while t hose inside the isthmus, who had previously been
Aeolians, became racially mixed when Ionians from Attica
took possession of Aegialus, and when the Heraclids brought Aegialus, n. shore of
Peloponnese
back the Dorians (the founders of Megara and many cities
Megara, Megara (Gr.)
in the Peloponnese). The Ionians were soon banished by the
Achaeans (an Aeolian nation), leaving two nations in the
Peloponnese—the Aeolian nation and the Dorian.
333 C, 24-29 The Aeolian dialect continued to be spoken by t hose
whose integration with the Dorians was limited. This is what
happened in the case of the Arcadians and Elians. The former
were totally confined to the mountains and took no part in
the land distribution. The latter were considered sacred to
Olympian Zeus and lived for a long time in peaceful auton-
omy, for various reasons including that they belonged to the
Aetolian race and had welcomed the army that accompanied
Oxylus around the time of the return of the Heraclids.
333 C, 29-32 The rest spoke a mixed language formed out of both dia-
lects, some of them speaking in a more Aeolian way, and some
in a less Aetolian way: the dialect varies, virtually from city to
city, even now. However, p eople are all considered to speak
in the Dorian dialect, b ecause of their effective domination.
398
Overview of Greece
334 C, 1-3 Such are the nations of Greeks in number, and such are
their definitions, broadly speaking. Let me now describe
them in order, adopting whatever method of classification is
necessary.1 |
334 C, 4-10 Ephorus says that the start of Greece in the west is marked by 8.1.3
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) starts his Acarnania: this is the first territory that borders on the Epirote na-
description of Greece with
Acarnania tions.2 Just as he, using the seacoast as his yardstick, starts with
Acarnania (deciding on the sea as his guiding principle with
respect to the description of place, since otherwise he could
have declared the land of the Macedonians and Thracians to be
the start of Greece), so it is also appropriate for me to make the
sea my counselor in following the natural disposition of places.
334 C, 10-13 The sea, as it leaves the Sicilian ocean, flows in one direc-
tion into the Corinthian gulf, while in the other direction it
Strabo sees Peloponnese as produces a great peninsula, the Peloponnese, closed off with
start of Greece: 1st reason
a narrow isthmus.
334 C, 14-17 The two greatest federations in Greece are the one inside
the isthmus 3 and the one beyond Pylae as far as the outlet of beyond Pylae (= Thermopylae),
north of Thermopiles (Gr.)
the Peneius—that is, the Thessalian federation.4 The larger
and more famous federation is the one inside the isthmus.
2nd reason for starting with The Peloponnese is even a sort of acropolis for the whole of
Peloponnese
Greece.
334 C, 17-21 Apart from the splendor and the power of the nations
residing t here, this hegemony is underscored by the overall overall layout = layout of all
Greece
layout, richly textured with a multitude of bays and headlands
Greece consists of a series of and, most conspicuously, huge peninsulas, each incorporat-
peninsulas
ing another in continuous succession.
334 C, 21-22 The Peloponnese is the first of the peninsulas, closed by
1st peninsula an isthmus of forty stades.
334 C, 22-25 This peninsula is incorporated within the second penin-
2nd peninsula sula, whose isthmus extends from Megarian Pagae to Nisaea Pagae, Alepochori (Gr.)
(the Megarian seaport), a crossing of one hundred and twenty

stades from sea to sea.
334 C, 25-28 This peninsula is incorporated within the third peninsula,
3rd peninsula whose isthmus extends from the recess of the Crisaean gulf Crisaean gulf, Iteas Gulf
to Thermopylae; the i magined straight line m easures some Thermopylae, Thermopiles (Gr.)
five hundred . . . * stades, cutting off Boeotia5 in its entirety

but cutting obliquely across Phocis and the Epicnemidians.
334 C, 28-31 The fourth peninsula is the one whose isthmus, measuring
4th peninsula some eight hundred stades, extends from the Ambracian
[ 1 ] Strabo starts his description of Greece with a classification system (334 C, 10-34)
based on 5 peninsulas. Once he has described the Peloponnese (1st peninsula,
335 C, 1–389 C, 42), he proceeds to switch to a system based on the division of
Greece into 5 bands: 390 C, 1-7nn; 400 C, 15-26n; 416 C, 11–417 C, 27; 429 C, 15-20.
[ 2 ] Epirote nations: 323 C, 32–329 C, 15n.
[ 3 ] Federation inside the isthmus (= in Peloponnese), i.e., Achaean federation:
384 C, 9–385 C, 27.
[ 4 ] Federation beyond Pylae/Thessalian federation: 429 C, 15–444 C, 7.
[ 5 ] The insertion of “Attica and” before Boeotia (Radt, vol. 2, 334 C, line 27) is
unnecessary.
399
3.3. Greece
gulf, through Oeta and Trachinia, to the Malian gulf and

Thermopylae. Thermopylae, Thermopiles (Gr.)
334 C, 31-33 There is another isthmus, measuring more than one

5th peninsula thousand, extending from the same Ambracian gulf, past
the Thessalians and the Macedonians, to the recess of the
Thermaean gulf.
334 C, 33-34 The succession of peninsulas suggests an acceptable order:
I should start with the smallest but most famous. |
The Peloponnese (s. Greece)
335 C, 1-8 The Peloponnese is shaped like the leaf of a plane tree, its length 8.2.1
and breadth being virtually equal, at some one thousand four

hundred stades: the former is m easured from west to east (i.e.,
from Chelonatas through Olympia and Megalopolitis to Isth- Chelonatas, Akra Kyllinis (Gr.)
mus); the latter is measured from south to north (from Maleae Olympia, Archaia Olympia (Gr.)
through Arcadia to Aegium). Its circumference, if you do not Isthmus, Isthmos (Gr.)
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) hug the coast, is four thousand stades according to Polybius Maleae, Akra Maleas (Gr.)
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early (but Artemidorus adds another four hundred). If you hug the Aegium, Aigion (Gr.)
1st c. BCE)
coast, it is more than five thousand six hundred.
335 C, 8-11 It has been said that the isthmus at Diolcus (Haul-across),
across which p eople haul their ships from one side to the
other, m easures forty stades.1 |
335 C, 12-19 The western part of this peninsula is held by the Elians and 8.2.2
Preview of the Peloponnese, by the Messenians,2 who face the Sicilian sea. They possess
starting with Elia and Messenia
in addition the coast in e ither direction. Elia curves around
to the north and the start of the Corinthian gulf as far as the Araxus, Cape Araxos (Gr.)
headland Araxus, across the strait from which is Acarnania Zacynthus, Zakynthos (Gk.
island)
and the islands lying off it (Zacynthus, Cephallenia, Ithaca,
Cephallenia, Kephallenia (Gk.
Echinades, Echinades (Gk. and the Echinades, which include Dulichium). The greater island)
islands)
part of Messenia opens to the south and the Libyan sea, as far Ithaca, Ithake (Gk. island)
as what are called the “Thyrides” (Windows), near Taenarum. Thyrides, Pounta (Gr.)
335 C, 19-22 Continuing on from Elia is the Achaean nation, which

Preview of Achaea and Sicyonia faces north and stretches along the Corinthian gulf. It ends
with Sicyonia, which is followed by Sicyon and Corinth as far
as the isthmus.3
335 C, 22-23 After Messenia comes Laconia and Argia (it, too, reaching
Laconia and Argia as far as the isthmus).4
[ 1 ] Strabo elaborates on his e arlier statement (334 C, 21-22, where only the distance
across the isthmus is given).
[ 2 ] Elia (w. Peloponnese): 336 C, 18–358 C, 26. Messenia (sw. Peloponnese): 358 C,
27–362 C, 26.
[ 3 ] Achaea (n. Peloponnese): 383 C, 1–388 C, 12. Sicyonia and Corinth (ne. Pelopon-
nese): 378 C, 1–382 C, 33.
[ 4 ] Laconia (se. Peloponnese): 362 C, 27–368 C, 22. Argia (e. Peloponnese): 368 C,
23–377 C, 34.
400
The Peloponnese
335 C, 23-27 The gulfs h ere are the Messenian and the Laconian gulfs;
and thirdly, the Argolic gulf; and fourth, the Hermionic and
Saronic, which people also call “Salaminian.”1 Of these, some
are inlets of the Libyan sea, others are inlets of the Cretan sea
and the Myrtoan ocean (some p eople use the name “ocean”
for the Saronic, as well).
335 C, 27-28 In the center is Arcadia, lying on the borders of all, a
Preview of Arcadia neighbor to the other nations.2 |
335 C, 29–336 C, 5 The Corinthian gulf starts at the outlets of the Euenus Euenus, Phidaris r. 8.2.3
CORINTHIAN GULF (some say, the Achelous, which divides the Acarnanians Achelous, Akheloos r.
from the Aetolians) and at Araxus. This is where the coasts Araxus, Cape Araxos (Gr.)
on each side first approach each other to a significant extent.
As they continue, they converge completely at Rhium and
Antirrhium, leaving a strait of only some five stades. Rhium Rhium, Rion (Gr.)
is a low-lying headland, belonging to the Achaeans, with a

drepanoid curve t oward the inner gulf—indeed, it is also called drepanoid, sickle-shaped
“Drepanum” (Sickle); it lies between Patrae and Aegium and has
a temple to Posidon. Antirrhium is situated on the border be- Antirrhium/Molycrian Rhium,
Antirion (Gr.)
tween Aetolia and Locris; p eople call it “Molycrian” Rhium.
From this point, the coastline pulls apart on each side and
heads into the Crisaean gulf. T here it terminates, blocked by Crisaean gulf = e. end of Gulf
of Corinth
the western ends of Boeotia and Megaria.
336 C, 5-13 The Corinthian gulf has a perimeter, from the Euenus
to Araxus, of two thousand two hundred and thirty stades
(if measured from the Achelous, it would be some one hun-
dred stades more). From the Achelous to the Euenus t here
are . . . *; then, continuing on to Antirrhium, Aetolians; Antirrhium, Antirion (Gr.)
the rest as far as Isthmus . . . * Phocians and Boeotians, and Isthmus, Isthmos (Gr.)
Megaris, one thousand one hundred and twenty stades, less 1,120 stades minus 2 = 1,118
stades
two. The sea from Antirrhium to Isthmus . . . * is called “Al-
cyonian,” being a part of the Crisaean gulf.3 From the isthmus
to Araxus is one thousand and thirty stades.
336 C, 14-16 In general terms, such are the dimensions and character
of the layout of the Peloponnese and of the land across the
strait as far as the recess; such, too, is the gulf lying between
them both.4
336 C, 16-17 I will proceed with a detailed account, starting with Elia. |
336 C, 18-26 Nowadays, people give the name “Elia” to the entire coast- 8.3.1
ELIA line between the Achaeans and the Messenians, stretching to
w. Peloponnese
the Arcadian interior in the region of Pholoa and the Azani- Pholoa, Pholoe mt. (Gr.)
[ 1 ] Messenian gulf: 359 C, 34–362 C, 26. Laconian gulf: 362 C, 33–364 C, 3. Argolic
gulf: 368 C, 12–369 C, 2. Strabo gives the impression that the Hermionic and
Saronic gulfs are one and the same thing; cf. 368 C, 10-12. He corrects himself
in their detailed description: 369 C, 3-17; cf. 380 C, 15-19n.
[ 2 ] Arcadia (cen. Peloponnese): 388 C, 13–389 C, 24.
[ 3 ] Although Strabo sometimes uses the term “Crisaean gulf” in a narrow sense
(Iteas Gulf, 334 C, 25-28), he more often uses “Crisean gulf/sea” to mean more
generally the eastern part of the Gulf of Corinth (335 C, 29–336 C, 5; 379 C,
30–380 C, 3; 390 C, 8-21), with particular reference to its northern shore (259 C,
10-19; 400 C, 23-37; 405 C, 13–406 C, 1; 409 C, 13-34; 410 C, 22-28; 416 C, 11-30;
417 C, 18-27). Cf. 418 C, 20-28n.
[ 4 ] Peloponnese: 335 C, 1-28. Corinthian gulf and north shore: 335 C, 29–336 C, 13.
401
3.3. Greece
ans and Parrhasians. This had been divided in antiquity into

several dynastic regions, but then into just two, namely the
dynastic region of the Epians and the dynastic region subject
to Nestor (son of Neleus), as referred to by Homer. He gives
the name Elis to the dynastic region subject to the Epians—
and past sacred Elis, where the Epians hold sway. He gives the
name Pylos to the dynastic region subject to Nestor through
which, he says, the Alphius flows—Alphius, whose broad stream Alphius, Alpheios r.
flows through the land of the Pylians.

336 C, 27-32 The poet also knows of Pylos as a city: to Pylos, the well-built
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) city of Neleus, / they came. The Alphius flows neither through
the city nor even near her—a different river flows near her,
called by some the “Pamisus” and by others the “Amathus”
(Sand [river]), which is apparently why he calls Pylos emathoeis
(sandy)—but the Alphius does flow through Pylian territory.1 |
336 C, 33-36 The current-day city of Elis had not yet been founded in Elis, Palaiopolis/Kalyvia Elidos 8.3.2
(Gr.)
Homer’s time. The territory, however, was settled with vil-
lages. It was called “Coele Elis” after the facts of the matter:
for such was the greatest and best [part].2 At some later stage,
after the Persian war, the population came together from
many demes into the current-day city of Elis. deme, administrative district
336 C, 36–337 C, 8 In respect of nearly all the other places (with a few ex-
ceptions) in the Peloponnese that the poet catalogues, he
names not cities but territories, each with several federations
of demes, out of which, in later times, were constituted the
Mantinia, Mantineia (Gr.) now familiar cities. For example, in Arcadia, Mantinia was
Tegea, Piali/Episkopi (Gr.) founded by the Argives from five demes, Tegea from nine,
and Heraea from the same number by Cleombrotus (or Cle- Heraea, Ag. Ioannes (Gr.)
onymus); similarly, Aegium was made into one city out of Aegium, Aigion (Gr.)
Patrae, Patras (Gr.) seven or eight demes, Patrae from seven, Dyma from eight.
Dyma, Kato Achaia (Gr.) In just this way, Elis was made into one city from the outlying Elis, Palaiopolis/Kalyvia Elidos
(Gr.)
communities; one of these . . . * the Agriades.
337 C, 8-9 Running through the city is the Peneius river, near the Peneius, Peneios r.
city’s gymnasium.
337 C, 10-17 The Elians did this 3 a long time after their absorption of
places subject to Nestor. | These places were Pisatis (of which 8.3.3
Olympia is part), Triphylia, and the Cauconian territory.4 Olympia, Archaia Olympia (Gr.)
The “Triphylians” (Three-tribes) were so called a fter the facts,

from the assemblage of three tribes: the original Epian tribe;
[ 1 ] Strabo believes that Homer’s Pylos is to be equated with a (supposed) city

called “Pylos” in Triphylia. Strabo’s interpretation of emathoeis as derived from
the name of a (supposed) river “Amathus” in Triphylia is used to bolster this
(probably spurious) identification. For the “Pylos question”: 339 C, 20-27n; 343 C,
36–344 C, 7n; 342 C, 27-37; 344 C, 12-15; 345 C, 19–346 C, 12; 350 C, 19–353 C, 18.
[ 2 ] Coele literally means “hollow.” In connection with Elis, it has been variously in-
terpreted as meaning a plain surrounded by hills or mountains, a landscape con-
sisting of hollows, or a valley. Strabo’s comments, however, suggest that “Coele
Elis” is used to mean the heartland of Elis (“the greatest and best [part]”). The
adjective is also applied to a part of Persia (729 C, 22-31) and Syria (756 C, 16-18n).
[ 3 ] “Did this” = amalgamated the outlying communities into one city?
[ 4 ] Pisatis: 342 C, 38–343 C, 27; 353 C, 19–357 C, 12. Triphylia (including Cauconians):
343 C, 28–348 C, 31.
402
The Peloponnese
the tribe of the Minyans, who settled t here l ater; and the tribe
of the most recently dominant Elians. Some p eople make a
claim for the Arcadians rather than the Minyans, since the
former often disputed the territory; for this reason, one and
the same Pylos was called both “Arcadian” and “Triphylian.”
337 C, 17-20 Homer uses the name Pylos for all the territory as far as
Messene, using the same name as for the city. It is evident,
from the names of the leaders and their settlements in the
Catalogue of Ships,1 that Coele Elis 2 had been separated from
the places subject to Nestor.
337 C, 20-25 I make t hese statements 3 because I am contrasting the cur-
rent situation with the situation as described by Homer. It is
necessary to examine contradictions between the latter and the
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) former, because of the poet’s fame and because of our long fa-
miliarity with him, each of us believing that a given argument
is correct only when it contains nothing contrary to his words
about the same places, in which we put a great deal of trust.
One must, therefore, describe what is and, citing the words of
the poet, consider them in addition, as far as is appropriate.4 |
337 C, 26-33 There is, in Elia, a north-pointing headland, Araxus, sixty Araxus, Cape Araxos (Gr.) 8.3.4
COELE ELIS stades distant from the Achaean city of Dyma. I take this to
w. Peloponnese
mark the start of the Elian coast. After this headland, head-
ing west, is the Elian seaport, Cyllena, with its route inland, Cyllena, Kyllini (Gr.)
measuring one hundred and twenty stades, to the current-day

city. (This is the “Cyllena” that Homer has in mind when he
refers to Otus, the Cyllenian, leader of the Epians; he would not
have meant to say that the Epian chief came from the Ar-
cadian mountain!) It is a village of some size, with Colotes’s
Asclepius, an ivory statue that is wonderful to behold.
337 C, 33–338 C, 5 After Cyllena is a promontory, Chelonatas, which is the Chelonatas, Akra Kyllinis
westernmost point of the Peloponnese. There’s a small island

lying offshore, and sandbanks that form the borderland be-
tween Coele Elis5 and Pisatan territory, whence the voyage
to Cephallenia is no more than eighty stades. Somewhere Cephallenia, Kephallenia (Gk.
island)
around there, also in the borderlands, flows the river “Elison”
(or “Elisa”). |
338 C, 6-11 Between Chelonatas and Cyllena, the Peneius river has its Peneius, Peneios r. 8.3.5
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) outlet, and also the Sellëeis, which is mentioned by the poet,
flowing out of Pholoa. On the banks of the latter is the city of Pholoa, Pholoe mt. (Gr.)
[ 1 ] The “title” Catalogue of Ships refers to a part of Homer’s Iliad: 4 C, 14-20n; cf.
639 C, 15-27n.
[ 2 ] Coele Elis: 336 C, 33-36n; 337 C, 26–342 C, 5.
[ 3 ] 336 C, 18–337 C, 20.
[ 4 ] E.g., Strabo describes Coele Elis as it is in his day (337 C, 26–340 C, 6), then as it
appears in Homer’s poems (340 C, 6–342 C, 5).
[ 5 ] Meaning of Coele: 336 C, 33-36n.
403
3.3. Greece
Ephyra (a fourth city that is different from the Thesprotian

city, from the Thessalian city, and from the city belonging to
Corinth), lying along the road to . . . * e ither identical with
“Boenoa” (this is the name by which people know Oenoa)
or near to her, one hundred and twenty stades from the
Elian city.
338 C, 11-17 It appears that this is the city from which is said to come
the mother of Heracles’s son Tlepolemus (she whom he brought
from Ephyra, from the Sellëeis river)—for this is where the cam-
paigns of Heracles took place, and t here is no Sellëeis river near
the other cities—and also Meges’s breastplate, which Phyleus /
brought from Ephyra, from the river Sellëeis.
338 C, 18-30 From this city, too, came deadly drugs. Athena says that
Odysseus came to Ephyra in search of a deadly drug, with which /
to smear his arrows; and the suitors say of Telemachus: or he in-
tends to go to Ephyra, fertile land, / thence to procure a lethal drug.
The daughter of Augeas, king of the Epians, is given the role of
a sorceress by Nestor, in his account of the war against them: I
was the first to slay a man, he says, Mulius the spearman. He was the
son-in-law of Augeas, / married to the eldest d aughter, / who knew of
as many drugs as t here are in the w
hole wide world.
338 C, 31-32 There is also, in the Sicyon region, a “Sellëeis” river and a
village of “Ephyra” nearby; and in Aetolian Agraea, a village
of “Ephyra,” whose inhabitants are called “Ephyrians.” |
338 C, 33–339 C, 5 Apollodorus, explaining how the poet distinguishes between 8.3.6
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) homonyms, in the case of “Orchomenus,” for example, calling the Arcadian Orchomenus, Kalpaki
comments on Homer (8th c. (Gr.)
BCE) Arcadian Orchomenus “sheep-rich” while calling the Boeotian Or-
Boeotian Orchomenus, Skripou
chomenus “Minyian,” and calling Samos “Thracian” 1 . . . * using (Gr.)
context (“between Samos and . . . Imbros”) to differentiate it from Thracian Samos = Samothrace,
the Ionian Samos, says that the poet, in the same way, distinguishes Samothrake (Gk. island)
Thesprotian Ephyra with the word “distant” and with the phrase Ionian Samos, Samos
(Gk. island)
“from the Sellëeis river.” This is not in accordance with the
Strabo notes Apollodorus words of the Scepsian Demetrius, from whom he borrows a
departs from his normal
practice of drawing on great deal. That fellow says that there is no “Sellëeis” river among That fellow = Demetrius
Demetrius (2nd c. BCE) the Thesprotians, but t here is one in Elia, by the Ephyra t here, as
I noted previously.2
339 C, 6-16 He lacks perception (scepsis) in saying this and also in saying He (lacks) = Demetrius
that there is only one city of Eurytus the Oechalian, when there is
not just one city. It is clear that he refers to the Thessalian city he (refers) = Homer
in the passage where he says, those who held Oechalia, the city of
[ 1 ] For Homer’s description of the Thracian island of Samos as wooded and be-
tween Samos and rugged Imbros: 457 C, 4-16n.
[ 2 ] Strabo adds to his e
arlier statement (338 C, 6-17, where he does not attribute
the information explicitly to Demetrius).
404
The Peloponnese
Eurytus the Oechalian—but from which city was it that Tha-

myris the Thracian had set out when the Muses fell in with him
at Dorium and put a stop to his singing? (He says that Thamyris He = Homer
was on his way from Oechalia, from Eurytus the Oechalian.)1 If this
is the Thessalian city, then the Scepsian is again incorrect in the Scepsian = Demetrius
claiming that this is some city in Arcadia, the city that people now
call “Andania.” If he is correct, then the Arcadian city is also
described as belonging to Eurytus, so that t here is not just one
city—and he says there is just one! |
339 C, 17-20 Between the outlet of the Peneius and the Sellëeis, there Peneius, Peneios r. 8.3.7
was once a “Pylos” at Scollium. This was not Nestor’s city Pylos at Scollium, ?Armatova/
Agrapidochori (Gr.)
but a different one, associated neither with the Alphius nor
with the Pamisus (which latter should perhaps be called the
“Amathus”).
339 C, 20-27 Some p eople force the issue in their attempt to appropri-
ate Nestor’s fame and nobility. Three “Pyloi” are recorded
Strabo cites a proverb in the Peloponnese, whence the line, there’s a Pylos in front of
Pylos—and yet another Pylos. There are this Pylos, the Lepre- this Pylos = Pylos at Scollium
atic Pylos in Triphylia and Pisatis, and a third (Messenian)

Pylos on Coryphasium. Each group tries to identify their own Pylos on Coryphasium,
S. Petrochorion (Gr.)
as emathoeis 2 and declare that it is Nestor’s homeland!
339 C, 27-31 The majority of people of later times—both historians and
poets—say that Nestor was Messenian, and they throw their
support b ehind the Pylos that has been preserved up to their
own times. However, the more Homeric of them, who stick
closely to his words, say that Nestor’s Pylos is the one through
whose territory the Alphius runs (it runs through Pisatis and Alphius, Alpheios r.
Triphylia).
339 C, 31–340 C, 5 This is the type of desire for fame that has prompted
people from Coele Elis to attach tokens of recognition to their
own Pylos. They identify a place “Geranus,” a river “Geron,”
and another river “Geranius.” They then assert that this is
why Nestor was known by the epithet “Gerenian”! The Mes-
senians have done the same t hing and appear more credible:
they say that their own “Gerena”—once highly populated—is Gerena, ?Zarnatas (Gr.)
better known.
340 C, 6 The above was my description 3 of Coele Elis 4 as it now is. |
340 C, 6-13 The poet divides the territory into four parts and says that 8.3.8
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) they had four leaders, but his statement is not clear: those who
dwelt in Buprasium and sacred Elis, / such as was enclosed within
[1] For the Homeric passage to which Strabo refers: 349 C, 5-12n.
[2] Strabo’s own attempt: 336 C, 27-32n.
[3] 337 C, 26–340 C, 5.
[4] Meaning of Coele: 336 C, 33-36n.
405
3.3. Greece
Hyrmina and Myrsinus, on the far border, / and the Olenian Rock
and Alisium. / There w ere four chiefs of this area, and each was ac-
companied by / ten swift ships, with many Epians on board.1
340 C, 14-20 It might seem—because he uses the name “Epians” for
both Buprasians and Elians but does not yet use the name
“Elians” for Buprasians—that he does not divide Elia into
four parts but rather thus divides the territory of the Epians
(which he formerly divided into two parts); and that Bupra-
sium would not be part of Elis but rather would belong to the
Epians (for it is clear that he called the Buprasians “Epians”:
just as when the Epians buried lord Amarynceus / in Buprasium).
340 C, 21-23 Again, by his verbal joining together of Buprasium and sa-
cred Elis, and then his division into four subsections, he would
seem to categorize the parts as subject to both Buprasium and
Elis jointly.
340 C, 23-27 Probably Buprasium was a sizable settlement in Elia, albeit
one that no longer exists (the name is applied only to the ter-
ritory on the road to Dyma from the current-day city of Elis). city of Elis, Palaiopolis/Kalyvia
Elidos (Gr.)
One might suppose that, at that stage, Buprasium was more
important than Elis, as likewise the Epians than them. Later, them = Elians
instead of “Epians,” they were called “Elians.”

340 C, 27-37 Buprasium was a part of Elis. People say that Homer uses
poetic license in listing the part along with the w hole, as in
throughout Hellas and through the midst of Argos, and through Hel-
las and Phthia, and the Curetes and the Aetolians fought, and the
men from Dulichium and the sacred Echinades (since Dulichium
is one of the Echinades).
340 C, 37–341 C, 3 Later writers also use this device. Hipponax has, they eat the Hipponax (6th c. BCE)
bread of the Cyprians and the wheat of the Amathusians (the Ama-
Alcman (7th c. BCE) thusians are Cyprians). Alcman has, she who leaves lovely Cyprus
Aeschylus (5th c. BCE) and seagirt Paphos. Aeschylus has, she who possesses the entire land
of Cyprus and Paphos.
341 C, 4-6 If he does not describe the Buprasians as “Elians”—well, I
will say that there are many other things about the world that
he does not describe. This is not evidence that he knows noth-
ing of them but only evidence that he says nothing of them. |
341 C, 7-17 Hecataeus the Milesian says that the Epians are different 8.3.9
Hecataeus (6th–5th c. BCE) from the Elians; the Epians joined Heracles’s campaign against Au-
geas and, together with him, destroyed Augeas and Elis. He also
says that Dyma is both Epian and Achaean. The ancient com-
[ 1 ] Strabo analyzes these lines of Homer: 340 C, 14–342 C, 5.
406
The Peloponnese
mentators say much about the world that is not true, being
steeped in falsehood through their familiarity with mythical
writings—which is also why they contradict each other in
dealing with the same events. However, it is not beyond belief
that the Epians w ere once different from the Elians and of a
distinct ethnicity, but they merged into one unit with them
when they got the upper hand and had a shared government;
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) and that they prevailed as far as Dyma. The poet does not
name Dyma, but it is not unreasonable to suppose that Dyma
was subject at one stage to the Epians and only later to the
Ionians (or not even to them but to the Achaeans who seized
the latter’s territory).
341 C, 18-20 Of the four subsections1 (within which is Buprasium),
Hyrmina and Myrsinus belong to Elia, and the remaining
subsections are on the border with Pisatis, according to
some. |
341 C, 20-22 Hyrmina was once a small town but is no longer in exis- 8.3.10
tence. T here is, however, a mountainous promontory near

Cyllena, called “Hormina” or “Hyrmina.” Hormina, Chlemoutsi
341 C, 22-24 Myrsinus is current-day “Myrtuntium,” a settlement that

sits on the coast, on the road from Dyma to Elis, seventy Elis, Palaiopolis/Kalyvia Elidos
(Gr.)
stades from the Elian city.
341 C, 24-29 People surmise that the Olenian Rock is current-day “Scol- Scollis, Skollis mt. (Gr.)
lis”: it is necessary to indulge in guesswork, since both places

and their names have undergone changes, and the fellow in the fellow = Homer
many cases is not very clear. It is a rocky mountain shared by

the Dymaeans, Tritaeans, and Elians, next to another (Ar-
cadian) mountain, Lampia, which is one hundred and thirty Lampia, Kalliphoniou mt. (Gr.)
stades from Elis, from Tritaea one hundred . . . * the same,

Achaean cities.
341 C, 29–342 C, 5 Alisium is the current-day “Alasyaeum,” a place in the Am-
phidolis region, where every month the surrounding people
get together for a market. She is situated on the mountain
road from Elis to Olympia and was formerly a city that be- Elis, Palaiopolis/Kalyvia Elidos
(Gr.)
longed to Pisatis—boundaries are drawn differently at diff er
Olympia, Archaia Olympia (Gr.)
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) ent times, according to changes made by the leaders. The poet
uses the alternative name Hill of Alisius for Alisium, when he
says: we brought our horses as far as wheat-rich Buprasium / and the
Olenian Rock and Alisius, what is called / the “Hill of.” We have to
understand this as a case of transposition, equivalent to where
[ 1 ] Strabo reverts to his analysis of the lines of Homer cited at 340 C, 6-13.
407
3.3. Greece
is what is called the “Hill of Alisius.” Some p eople also identify

a river “Alisius.” |
342 C, 6-10 Since there are some Cauconians on the Messenian side 8.3.11
of Triphylia, and since Dyma is called “Cauconian” by some Dyma, Kato Achaia (Gr.)
people, there being a river in Dymaea between Dyma and

Tritaea that is called the “Caucon,” people raise the question Tritaea, Ag. Marina (Gr.)
concerning the Cauconians—might they not be said to be Caucon, Toporoviti r.

split into two groups, one in the Triphylia region, and one in
the region of Dyma, Elis, and the Caucon?
342 C, 10-18 The latter joins another river, which is called the “Teuth- latter = Caucon r.
eas” (masculine in gender, homonymous with one of the small Teutheas, Serdini r.
towns amalgamated with Dyma—except that the town loses

the “s” and is called “Teuthea,” being feminine in gender with
a long last syllable, and has a temple to “Nemydian” Artemis).
The Teutheas joins the Achelous, which flows by Dyma. The Achelous/Pirus, Kamenitsa/
Peiras r.
Achelous is homonymous with the Acarnanian river and also
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) goes by the name “Pirus.” Hesiod says he lived on the Olenian
Rock, on the riverbanks / of broad Pirus. Those who change it to
“Porus” are incorrect.
342 C, 18-26 As for the Cauconians, he says,1 people are puzzled because,
in the Odyssey, Athena in the guise of Mentor says to Nestor, “but
in the morning, to the greathearted Cauconians / I will go, where a
debt is owed to me, neither a new one / nor a small one. You, since this
man has come to your h ouse, / send him on his way with your chariot
and your son, and give him horses.” It seems that the reference is to
some territory in the land of the Epians held by diff erent Cauconians
than t hose in Triphylia, perhaps extending as far even as Dymaea.
342 C, 27-37 It is not proper to leave to one side the question of how it has
come about that Dyma is called “Cauconian,” or why the river Dyma, Kato Achaia (Gr.)
is called “Caucon,” on account of the question that is posed Caucon, Toporoviti r.
as to who t hose “Cauconians” are to whom Athena says she is

heading for the procurement of the debt owed to her. If we un-
derstand the reference as being to t hose in the Lepreum region
in Triphylia, I do not see how the account is plausible (which
is why some p eople write, where a debt is owed to me in sacred Elis,
/ and no small one). This will find a clearer explanation when I
proceed with the territory next in sequence,2 namely Pisatis
and Triphylia, up to the borderland with the Messenians. |
342 C, 38–343 C, 5 After Chelonatas comes the long Pisatan shoreline. Then 8.3.12
small town = Phea/Pheia, Ag.
there’s a headland, Phea; at one time, t here was also a small Andreas/Pontikokastro (Gr.)
[ 1 ] “He” is probably Apollodorus, cited at 338 C, 33–339 C, 5.

[ 2 ] 345 C, 19–346 C, 12.
408
The Peloponnese
PISATIS town—by the walls of Pheia, near where the Iardanus flows (for
w. Peloponnese
there is a small river nearby). Some p eople say that Phea
marks the beginning of Pisatis. Lying off this headland too
are a small island and a harbor, whence the most direct route
from the coast to Olympia is one hundred and twenty stades. Olympia, Archaia Olympia (Gr.)
Immediately thereafter, there’s another headland, which,

like Chelonatas, projects a long way to the west, and whence
the distance back to Cephallenia is one hundred and twenty
stades.
343 C, 6-11 Then there’s the outlet of the Alphius, two hundred and Alphius, Alpheios r.
eighty stades from Chelonatas, five hundred and forty-five

from Araxus. It flows from the same place as the Eurotas. Eurotas, Evrotas r.
The place is called “Asea,” a village in Megalopolitis, with two Asea, Asea (Gr.)
springs close to each other from which the said rivers run.
They sink underground for many stades, then reemerge, one
flowing down into Laconia, the other into Pisatis.
343 C, 11-15 Eurotas reveals its stream again where Bleminatis begins, Eurotas, Evrotas r.
flows past Sparta herself, goes through a long valley, and flows
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) out to sea at Helos (mentioned also by the poet), between Gythium, Gythion (Gr.)
Gythium (the Spartan seaport) and Acraeae. Acraeae, Kokkinia (Gr.)
343 C, 15-21 The Alphius is joined by the Ladon and the Erymanthus Ladon, Ladon r.
and other insignificant rivers; flows through Phrixa, Pisatis, Erymanthus, Erymanthos r.
and Triphylia, right by Olympia; and issues into the Sicilian Phrixa, Phixa (Gr.)
sea between Phea and Epitalium. Near its outlet is the sacred Epitalium, Epitalio (Gr.)
grove of “Alphionian” (or “Alphiusan”—both names are

given) Artemis, at a distance of eighty stades from Olympia. Olympia, Archaia Olympia (Gr.)
An annual festival is celebrated in honor of this goddess in

Olympia too, and likewise in honor of “Elaphian” [Artemis] and
“Daphnian” [Artemis].
343 C, 22-24 The entire country is bristling with temples to Artemis, to
Aphrodite, and to the nymphs, in sacred groves . . . * mostly
on account of the good supply of water. T here are t emples to
Hermes at frequent intervals along the roads and temples to
Posidon on the headlands.
343 C, 24-27 In the temple to “Alphionian [Artemis]” are paintings by
Cleanthes and Aregon (they are Corinthians): by the one, the
Fall of Troy and the Birth of Athena; by the other, Artemis Being
Carried Off by a Griffin. All are very famous. |
343 C, 28-35 Then t here’s the Triphylian mountain range dividing Ma- 8.3.13
cistia from Pisatis; then another river (the Chalcis), a spring
409
3.3. Greece
TRIPHYLIA (Cruni), and a settlement (Chalcis); and after these, Sami- Samicum, Kato Samikon (Gr.)
w. Peloponnese
cum, the location of the highly revered temple to “Samian”
Posidon. T here’s a sacred grove largely consisting of wild ol-
ives. The Macistians used to take care of it. T hese p
eople also
announced what people call the “Samian truce.” All Triphyli-
ans contribute to the upkeep of the temple. Also, the temple
to “Scilluntian” Athena, in the Scillus region (close to Olym- Scillus, Makrisia (Gr.)
pia, at Phellon), is one of the famous temples. |

343 C, 36–344 C, 7 Somewhere near these temples, lying thirty stades or a 8.3.14
little more inland from the sea, is “Triphylian” (or “Lepre- Triphylian/Lepreatic/Arcadian
Pylos = possibly a ghost site (see
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) atic” or “Arcadian”) Pylos, which the poet describes as ema- footnote)
thoeis and presents as Nestor’s ancestral home, as one might
judge from his poem.1 Either the river running by it to the
north, which is nowadays called “Mamaus,” was previously
called “Amathus,” hence the epithet emathoeis; or this river was
called by the same name, “Pamisus,” as the two rivers in Mes-
senia, and the origin of the city’s epithet is uncertain. P eople
say that the amathode (sandiness) of the river, or of the territory,
is a fiction.
344 C, 8-12 Near Pylos to the east is a mountain named a fter Mintha. mountain named a fter Mintha,
Minthe mt. (Gr.)
In myth, she became a concubine of Hades and was trampled
on by Cora, and was turned into the garden variety of mint
(called by some people hedyosmon). On the mountain, there’s
a precinct sacred to Hades, who is also revered by the Ma-
cistians; and a grove sacred to Demeter, situated above the
Pylian plain.
344 C, 12-15 This plain has rich soil. It reaches to the sea and lies length-
wise along the w hole stretch between Samicum and the Neda Samicum, Kato Samikon (Gr.)
river. The littoral consists of a narrow sandbank, with the Neda, Bouzi r.
consequence that one should not jettison the possibility that
Pylos was called emathoeis because of it.2 |
344 C, 16-24 Bordering on Pylos to the north, there were once two 8.3.15
small Triphylian towns, Hypana and Typaneae. Of these, one Hypana, Platiana (Gr.)
was amalgamated with Elis, but the other was left alone. Two Typaneae, Vresto (Gr.)
rivers run nearby, the Dalion and the Acheron, tributaries of Acheron, Ladikon r.
the Alphius. The Acheron has been named because of its con- Alphius, Alpheios r.
nection with Hades, given that the temples to Demeter and

Cora, and also to Hades, are very highly revered here, perhaps
Demetrius (2nd c. BCE) on account of the contrasts, as Demetrius the Scepsian says:
for Triphylia produces good crops but also yields mildew and
[ 1 ] Strabo seems to hypothesize the past existence of “Triphylian Pylos” merely to

preserve the geographical validity of Homer: 336 C, 27-32n.
[ 2 ] 336 C, 27-32n.
410
The Peloponnese
rushes. For this reason, it happens that these areas often ex-
perience crop failures rather than great harvests. |
344 C, 25-32 On the southern side of Pylos is Lepreum. She, too, was a Lepreum, Lepreon (Gr.) 8.3.16
city lying forty stades back from the sea. Between Lepreum
and the Alphius is the temple to “Samian” Posidon, at a dis- Alphius, Alpheios r.
tance of one hundred stades from each. This is the temple

poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) in which, the poet says, Telemachus encountered the Pylians
making sacrifices: To Pylos, the well-built city of Neleus, / they
came. The people were sacrificing, at the edge of the sea, / pure black
bulls, in honor of the dark-haired Earthshaker.
345 C, 1-5 The Lepreatans held a territory that was naturally blessed.
Next to them were the Cyparissians. Both these places were Cyparissians = inhabitants of
Cyparissia, Kyparissia (Gr.)
once in the possession of the Cauconians, as was also Macis-
Macistum/Platanistus,
tum (which some p eople call “Platanistus”)—it is a town with Skilloundi/Mazi (Gr.)
the same name as its territory. P eople say that in Lepreatis
there is also a memorial to Caucon—whether he was the
founder or whether for some other reason he had the same
name as the nation. |
345 C, 6-11 There are several accounts of the Cauconians. It is said 8.3.17
that they are an Arcadian nation, like the Pelasgian nation,

and that just like that nation, they wandered far and wide.
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) The poet records them joining the Trojans as allies. He does
not say from where they came, but it is surmised that it was
Paphlagonia, on the grounds that t here are some p eople called
“Cauconites” there (neighbors of the Mariandynians, who are
themselves also Paphlagonian). I will describe them at greater
length when my narrative gets around to that location.1
345 C, 12-18 For the time being, the following information still has
to be added concerning the Cauconians in Triphylia. Some
people say that all of current-day Elia, from Messenia to
Antimachus (late 5th–early Dyma, was called “Cauconia”; Antimachus at any rate la-
4th c. BCE)
bels them all both “Epians” and “Cauconians.” Others say
that they did not occupy the whole territory but lived in two
groups, one group in Triphylia toward Messenia and the other
group in Buprasis and Coele Elis 2 toward Dyma. (This is pre-
Aristotle (4th c. BCE) cisely where Aristotle knew them as settled.)
345 C, 19-24 This last opinion accords better with the words of Homer
and offers a solution to the puzzle posed e arlier.3 On the one
hand, Nestor is understood as living in Triphylian Pylos, and
areas to the south and east—that is, adjoining Messenia and
[ 1 ] 542 C, 4-30.
[ 3 ] 342 C, 6-37.
411
3.3. Greece
Strabo argues that some Laconia—are subject to him. On the other hand, the Cau-
Cauconians live east of
Triphylian Pylos, en route to conians are so disposed that those journeying from Pylos to
Lacedaemon Lacedaemon necessarily follow a route past the Cauconians.
345 C, 24-34 The temple to “Samian” Posidon and its anchorage, where
Telemachus moored his ship, lies to the north and west. If
Strabo argues that some this is the only place inhabited by Cauconians, the poet’s this = Triphylia
Cauconians live north of
Triphylian Pylos, that Homer statement is not valid. Whilst it is allowable for the poet to poet = Homer (8th c. BCE)
refers to them fabricate what is not real, when it is possible to harmonize
verse and facts and validate his account, restraint is more ad-
Sotades (3rd c. BCE) visable. Mentor-Athena (according to Sotades) bids Nestor
send Telemachus to the east, to Lacedaemon, with his chariot
and son. She says that she w ill herself go back west, to spend
the night on the ship. But, she says, in the morning she will go
forward again to the greathearted Cauconians to collect her debt!
345 C, 34–346 C, 6 How is this so? It would have been possible for Nestor to
say “the Cauconians are my subjects and are on your way if
you are g oing to Lacedaemon, so why not accompany t hose
associated with Telemachus,1 instead of going back?” At the
same time, it would have been proper for someone on their
way to people subject to Nestor for the purpose of collecting a
debt (not a small one, as she says) to ask him for some help if, as she = Athena
is often the case, t here was anything unfair about the contract.
But this did not happen.
346 C, 6-10 If then the Cauconians were to live only here, these para- here = in Triphylia
doxes result. If, however, a group had been sectioned off into
the Dyma region of Elia, Athena would be describing her Dyma, Kato Achaia (Gr.)
journey thither, and there would be nothing strange about

her return to the ship nor her separation from the traveling
party, since her route lay in the opposite direction.
346 C, 10-12 A fitting solution would similarly be found to the ques-
tions raised about Pylos 2 when, a little further on in this
chorography,3 I reach Messenian Pylos. |
346 C, 13-17 The name “Paroreatae” was given to some of those in 8.3.18
Triphylia occupying mountains—reaching down to the sea

near the Samian Posidium (temple to Posidon)—in the region of
Lepreum and Macistum. | At the foot of these are two caves 8.3.19
on the shoreline: one belongs to the Anigriad nymphs; the

other is the setting for The Atlantides and the Birth of Darda- Atlantides = daughters of Atlas
nus. Here, too, are the sacred groves, the Ionaeum and the
Eurycydaeum . . . *.
[ 1 ] The expression “those associated with Telemachus” is idiomatic, meaning

simply Telemachus.
[ 2 ] The “Pylos question” (336 C, 27-32n) is answered at 350 C, 19–353 C, 18.
[ 3 ] The term “chorography”: 266 C, 6-19n.
412
The Peloponnese
346 C, 18-19 Samicum is a stronghold, and formerly t here was also a Samicum, Kato Samikon (Gr.)
city, which was perhaps called “Samos” on account of its lofty

position (given that people used to call lofty places samoi).
346 C, 19-29 Perhaps this stronghold was the acropolis of Arena to
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) which, in the Catalogue,1 the poet alludes (those who dwelt in
Pylos, and in lovely Arena).2 Although people cannot locate
Arena anywhere with certainty, they guess that this was the
specific location, where no small clue is provided by the
Anigrus river running nearby, being formerly called the
“Minyeius.” (The poet says, there is a river, Minyeius, flowing into
the sea / near Arena.) Close to the cave of the Anigriad nymphs
is a spring, which causes the area below it to be marshy and
swampy. Most of the water joins the Anigrus, which is deep
and so sluggish that it spreads out into a lake.
346 C, 29–347 C, 3 Because the place is sulfurous, it causes a disgusting odor
for twenty stades and makes the fish inedible. Some people
explain it with the myth of the Hydra’s poison being sluiced
off here by certain of the arrow-pierced Centaurs; o thers
with the myth of Melampus using these waters to cleanse the
Proetids. Bathing in t hese w aters cures alphus (leprosy), leucae, Proetids = daughters of Proetus
and lichenae.3 People say that the “Alphius” has been so named
from its use in curing alphus.
347 C, 3-16 The sluggishness of the Anigrus and the backward pressure
of the sea result in stagnant rather than flowing water. Thus
people say that it was formerly called “Mimneius” (Holding-still)
and that some people adapted the name, replacing it with
“Minyeius.” T here are other etymologies for the name. It may
have its origin in the “Minyans,” who accompanied Nestor’s
mother, Chloris, from Minyian Orchomenus.4 Or it may originate
in the “Minyans” who, being descendants of the Argonauts, fled
from Lemnos to Lacedaemon, thence to Triphylia, where they
settled in the Arena region, in the territory now called “Hypae-
sia,” although it no longer has any Minyan settlements. Some of
these people, sailing away with Theras (son of Autesion)—this
fellow was a descendant of Polynices—to the island between
Cyrenaea and Crete (“Callista” of old, then “Thera” by name, as Thera (island), Santorini
(Gk. island)
Callimachus (3rd c. BCE) Callimachus says), founded Thera as the metropolis of Cyrene
and made the island homonymous with the city. |
347 C, 17-19 Between the Anigrus and mountain range from which 8.3.20
it flows, the meadow of Iardanus is identified, as well as the
[ 1 ] The “title” Catalogue refers to a part of Homer’s Iliad: 4 C, 14-20n; cf. 639 C,
15-27n.
[ 2 ] The relevant passage of Homer is cited in full at 349 C, 5-12.
[ 3 ] The names refer to various skin diseases.
[ 4 ] Minyian is the adjective used by Homer to describe Orchomenus: 414 C, 19-29.
413
3.3. Greece
hero’s shrine, and also the “Achaeans”—steep cliffs belonging

to the same mountain range—inland from which t here was,
as I said, a city, “Samos.”1
347 C, 19-26 The writers of Coastal Navigations make no mention at all
of Samos, perhaps because she was razed long ago, or perhaps
because of the location. The Posidium is a sacred grove close
to the sea, as noted,2 and above it is a lofty hill, facing current-
day Samicum, on which Samos was situated, with the conse-
quence that she could not be seen from the sea. The plain here
is called “Samian,” which would provide further evidence that
there was once a city of “Samos.”
347 C, 26-34 The poem Rhadina by (so it seems) Stesichorus, which
Stesichorus (late 7th–6th c. BCE) starts, Come, clear-voiced Muse, begin your singing with hymns
about the lovely / Samian c hildren, to the tune of the lovely lyre, re-
fers to children from here. Rhadina, given in marriage to a from here = from Triphylian
Samos
tyrant in Corinth, set sail when Zephyrus was blowing (there-
Zephyrus, west wind
fore not sailing from Ionian Samos!); her brother went to
Delphi as the head of a sacred embassy by means of the same
wind; her cousin, who was in love with her, set out a fter her
to Corinth by chariot. (The tyrant, killing them both, sends
back their corpses by chariot; changing his mind, he recalls
them and gives them a burial.) |
348 C, 1-4 From this Pylos and from Lepreum, it is some four hun- 8.3.21
Messenian Pylos, dred stades to Messenian Pylos, to the fortress of Corypha-
sium on the sea, and to the island of Sphagia, which lies along- Sphagia, Sphakteria (Gk. island)
side it. (From the Alphius, it is some seven hundred and fifty;
from Chelonatas, one thousand and thirty.)
348 C, 4-14 In between are the t emple to “Macistian” Heracles and the
Acidon river, which runs past Iardanus’s Tomb and past Chaa, Chaa, ?Kalydona (Gr.)
a city that once existed near Lepreum, and which is the loca-
tion of the Aepasian plain. Some people say that this was the
Chaa over which the war was fought (by the Arcadians against
the Pylians) that is described by Homer; and they suppose
that one should write, would that I was young again, as when, on
the banks of the swift-flowing Acidon, a b attle was fought / between
the massed Pylians and Arcadians, / by the walls of Chaa (rather
than Celadon or Pheia),3 on the grounds that this location is nearer
than the other to Iardanus’s Tomb and to the Arcadians. |
348 C, 15-20 . . . * Cyparissia, Pyrgi, the Acidon river, and the Neda, are Cyparissia, Kyparissia (Gr.) 8.3.22
Pyrgi, Ag. Elias (Gr.) on the Triphylian sea. Triphylia’s current-day boundary with Neda, Bouzi r.
[ 1 ] 346 C, 18-19.
[ 2 ] 343 C, 28-35; 344 C, 25-32; 346 C, 13-17.
[ 3 ] Pheia is the name preferred by Strabo: 342 C, 38–343 C, 5.
414
The Peloponnese
Messenia is formed by the tumultuous stream of the Neda as it

descends from Lycaeum, an Arcadian mountain, from a spring
that, according to myth, was opened up by Rhea so she could
bathe after she had given birth to Zeus. It runs past Phigalia Phigalia, Phigaleia (Gr.)
and joins the sea where the last of the Triphylians (the Pyrgi-
tans) border on the first of the Messenians (the Cyparissians).
348 C, 20-26 In antiquity, the division was made differently, so that
some of the parts beyond the Neda—Cyparisseeis1 and some
other parts on the far side—were subject to Nestor, in just the
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) same way as the poet extends the Pylian sea as far as the seven
cities that Agamemnon promised to Achilles: all are close to
the sea, far away from “emathoeis” 2 Pylos (equivalent to near the
Pylian sea). |
348 C, 27-31 Following on from Cyparisseeis, if you sail along the coast 8.3.23
in the direction of Messenian Pylos and Coryphasium, are Messenian Pylos,

Erana, ?Marathoupolis(Gr.) Erana—which some p eople incorrectly suppose was previ-
ously called by the same name, “Arena,” as the Pylian city—
and the headland Platomodes. It is a distance of one hundred
stades from the latter to Coryphasium and what is now called
“Pylos.” T here is . . . * and Prota, a small island with a city of Prota (island), Proti (Gk.)
the same name on it.

348 C, 32–349 C, 3 I would not, perhaps, examine ancient matters at such
length, and would instead be happy to describe things as
they now are, had not a certain tradition about t hese t hings
been handed down to us from our childhoods. When diff erent
people say different things, there is need of critical analysis.
In general, it is the most famous, most s enior, and most ex-
perienced men who warrant belief. Since Homer transcends
all o
thers in this respect, we should join together in analyzing
his words and compare them with matters as they now are, as
I said just a short while ago.3 |
349 C, 4-5 I have already investigated 4 Homer’s references to Coele 8.3.24
Elis 5 and Buprasium.

349 C, 5-12 As for the territory subject to Nestor, he says the follow- he = Homer
ing: Those who dwelt in Pylos, and in lovely Arena, / in Thryum

where the Alphius is forded, and in well-built Aepy, / and t hose who
lived in Cyparisseeis, in Amphigenia, / in Pteleum, in Helos, and in
Dorium where the Muses / fell in with Thamyris the Thracian and
put a stop to his singing, / as he was on his way from Oechalia, from
Eurytus the Oechalian.6
[1] The lines of Homer in which Cyparisseeis appears are cited at 349 C, 5-12.
[2] 336 C, 27-32n.
[3] 337 C, 20-25.
[4] 340 C, 6–341 C, 17.
[5] Meaning of Coele: 336 C, 33-36n.
[6] In what follows (349 C, 13–353 C, 18), Strabo provides a commentary on this
passage from Homer.
415
3.3. Greece
349 C, 13-14 It is Pylos concerning which there is a problem, and to

which I will turn my attention forthwith.1 Arena has already
been described.2
349 C, 14-19 The city that he h ere calls Thryum, he elsewhere calls
Strabo identifies Homer’s Thryoessa (there is a city, Thryoessa, a steep hill, / far away on the
“Thryum” and “Thryoessa”
banks of the Alphius). He says where the Alphius is forded because
the river can apparently be crossed on foot at this point. A
place that is part of Macistia, it is now called “Epitalium.” Epitalium, Epitalio (Gr.)
349 C, 19-24 As for well-built Aepy (Steep), some people wonder which was
Strabo discusses possible the epithet of the other, and which city she was, and whether
identifications of Homer’s
“Aepy” she is current-day Marganae in Amphidolia. This city is not This city = Marganae
a place well defended by natural means, but another place—

naturally well defended—is identified in Macistia. The man
who thinks this latter place is meant says that Aepy was the
name of the city as a result of its physical state, as in the case of
Helos (Marsh), Aegialus (Strand), and several others. The man who
thinks Marganae is meant says perhaps the opposite.
349 C, 24-31 People say that Epitalium is Thryum and Thryoessa because
Strabo discusses other all the territory here is thryodes (full of rushes), but the rivers are
identifications of Homer’s
“Thryum” and “Aepy” particularly so, and this is more obvious at places where the
river is fordable. People say that perhaps the ford was called
Thryum, and Epitalium was called well-built Aepy because she
is a natural stronghold, given that he elsewhere refers to a steep
hill (there is a city, Thryoessa, a steep hill, / far away on the banks of
the Alphius, the outermost city of “emathoeis” 3 Pylos). |
349 C, 32-35 Cyparisseeis is in the region of the former “Macistia,” when 8.3.25
Strabo discusses identification Macistia still included the far side of the Neda. She is not in-
of Homer’s “Cyparisseeis”
habited, nor is Macistum. Messenian “Cyparissia” is diff erent. Macistum, Skilloundi/Mazi (Gr.)
Not called by the same name, the latter is nevertheless now Messenian Cyparissia,
Kyparissia (Gr.)
called by the name of “Cyparissia,” which is similar, albeit in
the singular and in the feminine gender; and the river is called
“Cyparissëeis.”
349 C, 36-37 Amphigenia is in the Hypsois region, also in Macistia, and
Identification of Homer’s
“Amphigenia” is the location of the t emple to Leto.
349 C, 37–350 C, 2 Pteleum was a settlement founded by colonizers from
Identification of Homer’s Thessalian Pteleum (Antron by the sea, and grassy Pteleum refers
“Pteleum”
to the latter); and there’s a wooded site, uninhabited, called
“Pteleasium.”
350 C, 2-6 Some people say that Helos (Marsh) was a territory in the Al-
Identification of Homer’s “Helos” phius region, and some even say it was a city like the Laconian
[ 1 ] 350 C, 13–353 C, 18.

[ 2 ] 346 C, 19-29.
[ 3 ] 336 C, 27-32n.
416
The Peloponnese
one (Helos, a city by the sea); others say that it was a marsh in the
region of Alorium, wherefore the temple to “Helian” (Marshy)
Artemis, under Arcadian control (they held the priesthood).
350 C, 6-12 Some people say that Dorium was a mountain, some that
Identification of Homer’s it was a plain, some that it was a town. Nothing is now iden-
“Dorium”
tified. Nevertheless, some say that Dorium was current-day
“Oluris” or “Olura,” situated in what is called the “Valley
of Messenia.” Also somewhere around h ere is Oechalia (the
city belonging to Eurytus),1 current-day “Andania,” an Ar- Andania, Kallirhoe (Gr.)
cadian town (homonymous with the one in Thessaly and the

poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) one in Euboea), coming from which to Dorium, the poet
says, Thamyris the Thracian was deprived of his music by
the Muses. |
350 C, 13-19 On this basis,2 it is clear that the territory subject to 8.3.26
Nestor, which in its entirety he calls the land of the Pylians,3 he = Homer
lies on either side of the Alphius. The Alphius touches nei- Alphius, Alpheios r.
ther Messenia nor Coele Elis.4 Within this territory is the

ancestral home of Nestor, which we call “Triphylian” and
“Arcadian” and “Lepreatic” Pylos. Whereas the other “Pyloi”
are demonstrably on the coast, this “Pylos” is set more than
thirty stades back from the coast, as is clear from the poem:
350 C, 19–351 C, 6 • A messenger is sent to Telemachus’s companions at the

Strabo identifies Nestor’s vessel, inviting them to dinner.
home as Triphylian/Arcadian/
Lepreatic Pylos, on the basis of • Telemachus, on his return from Sparta, does not allow
Homer’s words Pisistratus to drive to the city but makes him turn aside
and hurry to the ship—because the route to the city is
not the same as the route to the anchorage.
• It would be appropriate to describe the departing voy-
age of Telemachus thus: They went past Cruni and the
fair-streamed Chalcis. / The sun set and all the paths were
dark. / The ship, exulting in a fair wind sent by Zeus, sailed
to Pheae / and past sacred Elis, where the Epians hold sway.
• Up to this point, his voyage is to the north. Thence, it
deviates to the east. The ship departs from the direct
and original Ithaca-bound course, for the reason that
the suitors had set up an ambush in the strait between
Ithaca and Samos.
he (steered) = Telemachus • Thence he steered the ship to the Thoae islands. He calls He (calls) = Homer
the Oxians the Thoae: these islands belong to the
[ 1 ] Strabo comments on Oechalia, as used by Homer in the lines cited at 349 C,

5-12n; 339 C, 6-16.
[ 2 ] 349 C, 5–350 C, 12.
[ 3 ] Strabo comments on the phrase land of the Pylians as used by Homer in the
line cited at 336 C, 18-26.
417
3.3. Greece
chinades, and are near the start of the Corinthian

E
gulf and the outlets of the Achelous. Achelous, Akheloos r.
• Passing Ithaca so as to be b ehind it, he turns back

onto the appropriate course between Acarnania and
Ithaca and makes landfall on the other side of the is-
land, rather than in the Cephallenian strait, which was
guarded by the suitors. |
351 C, 7-15 If one were to suppose that the Elian Pylos was the one 8.3.27
belonging to Nestor, it would not have been appropriate to

say that the ship, on putting to sea from there, was borne
along past Cruni and the Chalcis until the sun set, then sailed
to Pheae during the night and only then coasted along Elia.
For these places—first Pheae, then the Chalcis, then Cruni,
then Triphylian Pylos and Samicum—are south of Elia. If
you w ere to sail southward from Elian Pylos, this would be
the route. If, however, you were to sail to the north (which is
where Ithaca is), all t hese places would be b ehind you. Only
Elia itself would be passed, and before sunset, whereas he says
after sunset.
351 C, 15-22 Then again, if one w ere to take Messenian Pylos and Cory- Messenian Pylos, S.
Petrochorion (Gr.)
phasium as the start of the voyage from Nestor, the distance
would be greater, and the voyage would take longer: even the
distance to Triphylian Pylos and the Samian Posidium is four
hundred stades. Furthermore, the voyage toward Phea would
not be past Cruni and the Chalcis—which are the names of in-
significant rivers, or rather ditches—but past the Neda, the Neda, Bouzi r.
Acidon, the Alphius, and places between t hese. If any places Alphius, Alpheios r.
were to be mentioned later, it would be these, on the grounds

that they w ere sailed past on the voyage. |
351 C, 23-36 The account that Nestor delivers to Patroclus, telling of 8.3.28
Strabo adds further justification the war between the Pylians and the Elians, bolsters my case
for identifying Nestor’s “Pylos”
with Triphylian/Arcadian/ when one pays close attention to the verses. In them, he states he = Homer
Lepreatic “Pylos” that, when Heracles so devastated Pylia that all the youth was
destroyed, of the twelve sons of Neleus only one remained to
him—Nestor, who was very young. The Epians, despising Ne-
leus on account of his old age and lack of family, were arrogant
and contemptuous in their treatment of the Pylians. In reaction
to this, Nestor, gathering together as many of his p eople as he
could, says that he attacked Elia and rounded up a great deal
418
The Peloponnese
of booty: fifty herds of cattle, and as many flocks of sheep, / and as

many herds of swine; just as many herds of goats; one hundred and
fifty sorrel mares, most of them with foals.
352 C, 1-5 These we drove to Nelean Pylos, he says, cityward under cover
of night, meaning that the stealing of the booty and the rout
of those who assisted—at which time, he says, he killed he (killed) = Nestor
Itymoneus—took place by day; and the return took place by

night (resulting in cityward under cover of night).
352 C, 5-8 While they were busy dividing up their spoils and making they = Pylians
sacrifices, the Epians—both foot soldiers and horsemen—

mustered on the third day in great numbers and launched a
retaliatory attack, setting up their encampment at Thryum,
located on the Alphius. Alphius, Alpheios r.
352 C, 8-10 The Pylians, when they realized what was g oing on, set off
immediately to help. After spending the night in the region of
the Minyeius river near Arena, from there they arrived at the
Alphius in the fullness of day, which means “at noon.”
352 C, 10-18 They sacrificed to the gods and spent the night at the river.
As soon as dawn broke, they joined b attle. Inflicting a glori-
ous rout, they did not cease from pursuit and slaughter u ntil
they reached Buprasium / and the Olenian Rock and Alisius, what
is called / the “Hill of,” / where Athena turned the men back. And
further on: but the Achaeans / steered their swift horses back from
Buprasium to Pylos. |
352 C, 19-20 In the light of these considerations,1 how could anyone 8.3.29
suppose that the reference is to Elian Pylos or to Messenian Messenian Pylos, S.

Petrochorion (Gr.)
Pylos?
352 C, 20-23 As concerns Elian Pylos, this would entail that when
“Pylos” was devastated, Heracles also devastated the ter-
ritory of the Epians (i.e., Elia!). How is it, then, that these these people = Epians
people, who shared in the same devastation and were of the

same tribe, would go on to employ such arrogance and contempt
against their fellow sufferers? fellow sufferers = Pylians
352 C, 23-30 How is it that they overran and plundered their own land?
How is it that they simultaneously were ruled by Augeas and
Neleus, when t hese men w ere the enemies each of the other?
(If, at any rate, it is true that to Neleus, a large debt was owing in
sacred Elis, / four prizewinning h orses with chariots, / who went t here
for the games. They were to compete / for the tripod. However, Auge-
ias, master of men, / kept them, and sent back only the charioteer.)
[ 1 ] 352 C, 1-18.
419
3.3. Greece
352 C, 31-37 If Neleus lived there, then that is where Nestor ruled, too. there = in Elian Pylos
How is it, then, that the Elians and Buprasians had four chiefs,
and each was accompanied by / ten swift ships, with many Epians
on board ?1 How is it that the territory was divided into four
parts, over not one of which Nestor ruled (but over those who
dwelt in Pylos, and in lovely Arena, and in the succeeding areas
as far as Messene)?
352 C, 37-39 How is it that the Epians, when they “launched a retalia-
tory attack” against the Pylians, set out for the Alphius and Alphius, Alpheios r.
Thryum? How is it that, a fter the battle there, they turn and
fled to Buprasium?
352 C, 40–353 C, 3 Alternatively, if it was Messenian Pylos that Heracles Messenian Pylos,
eople who lived so far
p devastated, how is it that people who lived so far away w ere
away = Epians
arrogant toward them and involved in many contractual obli- them = Pylians
gations on which they fraudulently defaulted, with the con-

sequence that this was the cause of the war?
353 C, 3-6 How is it that Nestor, setting forth on his raid and round-
ing up so much booty (consisting of swine and other domestic
animals incapable of moving swiftly or over long distances)—
how is it that he completed a journey of more than one thou- Coryphasian Pylos,
sand stades to the Coryphasian Pylos? S. Petrochorion (Gr.)
353 C, 6-10 On the third day, they all came to Thryoessa and the Alphius they all = Epians
river to besiege the stronghold. How is it that these areas— Alphius, Alpheios r.
although they were held by Cauconians, Triphylians, and
Pisatans—belonged to men who ruled Messenia?
353 C, 10-12 As for “Gerena” or “Gerenia” (spelled both ways), perhaps Gerena/Gerenia, ?Zarnatas (Gr.)
certain p eople named it thus on purpose. It is also possible

that the place just happened to be named thus.
353 C, 12-18 In general, Messenia has been classified as subject to
Menelaus, to whom Laconia had likewise been classified as
subject, as will be clear from what comes later.2 This is the
territory through which the Pamisus and the Nedon flow Pamisus, Pamisos r.
but not the Alphius, whose broad stream flows through the land of
the Pylians—which land was ruled by Nestor! What account
would be believed that transports the man to a foreign terri- the man = Nestor
tory and deprives him of the cities catalogued as subject to

him, making everything subject to that fellow? | that fellow = Menelaus
353 C, 19-23 It remains to describe Olympia and the changeover of 8.3.30
OLYMPIA everything to the Elians.3 The temple is in Pisatis, less than

Archaia Olympia (Gr.)
three hundred stades distant from Elis. In front of it, t here’s
[ 1 ] Strabo’s analysis of the relevant lines of Homer: 340 C, 6–342 C, 5.

[ 2 ] Messenia, Laconia: 358 C, 27–368 C, 22.
[ 3 ] I.e., what “remains” of Strabo’s description of Elia, as defined at 336 C, 18-26.
420
The Peloponnese
a sacred grove of wild olive trees, the location of the stadium.

Nearby flows the Alphius, from Arcadia flowing t oward the Alphius, Alpheios r.
Triphylian sea to the southwest.

353 C, 23-34 Its fame was originally due to the oracle of “Olympian” oracle, center for divine
prophecy
Zeus. When this fell into abeyance, the temple’s reputa-
tion nevertheless persisted and increased to the degree with
which we are familiar, owing to the festival and to the Olympic
games, which, having garlands as prizes and being sacred, are
considered to be the most important games of all. The temple
was adorned with the host of offerings that w ere made from
all over Greece, including the Zeus made of hammered gold
and dedicated by Cypselus, the Corinthian tyrant. The great-
est of these offerings was the cult statue of Zeus that was cre-
ated out of ivory by the Athenian Phidias (son of Charmides),
and which was of so g reat a size that, despite the t emple being
enormous, its maker seems to have misjudged the scale, in
that he represented it seated but virtually touching the roof
with its head, so as to give the impression that if it stood com-
pletely upright, it would take the roof off the temple!
354 C, 1-2 Certain p eople recorded the measurements of the statue.
Callimachus (3rd c. BCE) Callimachus, too, expressed them in his iambic poem.
354 C, 2-12 Phidias was greatly helped by Panaenus the painter (his
nephew and assistant), at least in decorating the statue with
colors, particularly its clothing. (Many wonderful paintings
around the temple are identified as his.) People record that
Phidias, when Panaenus asked him what his model would be
for the figure of Zeus, replied that it would be the image found
in Homer, as expressed in the following lines: Cronion spoke and Cronion = son of Cronus = Zeus
nodded with his dark brow / and the lord’s ambrosial hair streamed
in waves / from his immortal head. He shook great Olympus.
354 C, 13-20 This (particularly the brow) seems well expressed, in that
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) the poet invites us to paint a mental picture of i mmense form
and immense power worthy of Zeus. He does likewise in the
case of Hera, albeit at the same time preserving what is ap-
propriate to each. He says, she shuddered on her throne, and shook
high Olympus. What happens in her case when she shakes her
whole body, happens in the case of Zeus merely with the nod
of his brow, with his hair being likewise affected. The state-
ment that “he is alone in seeing, or alone in representing, the
images of the gods” is nicely put.
421
3.3. Greece
354 C, 21-31 The Elians very much deserve to take credit for the mag-
nificence and prestige of the t emple at Olympia. During the Olympia, Archaia Olympia (Gr.)
Trojan period, and before it, they had not prospered, having Trojan period, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
been brought low by the Pylians and later by Heracles (when
their king, Augeas, was overthrown). The proof of this is that
they sent forty ships to Troy, while the Pylians and Nestor
sent ninety. Later, after the return of the Heraclids, the op-
posite was the case. The Aetolians—who returned with the
Heraclids u nder the leadership of Oxylus and formed joint
settlements with the Epians on account of their ancient
kinship—enlarged Coele Elis1 and took over a large part of
Pisatis, and Olympia became subject to them. The Olym-
pic games w ere instituted by them; and it was they who cel-
ebrated the first Olympiads.
354 C, 31–355 C, 7 One should disregard the ancient stories about both the
foundation of the t emple and the institution of the games,
some p eople claiming that their f ounder was the “Heracles”
who was one of the Idaean dactyli, others claiming that it was
the son of Alcmena and Zeus, who was also the first competi- son of Alcmena and
Zeus = Heracles, hero of Greek
tor and the first victor. Various such tales are told, and they myth
have no credibility at all. It is more credible that, up until the
twenty-sixth Olympiad = twenty-sixth Olympiad (counting from the first, in which the first [Olympiad] = 776 BCE
676 BCE
Elian Coroebus was victorious in the foot race), the Elians
controlled both the temple and the games.
355 C, 7-9 In the Trojan period, either there were no garlanded Trojan period, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
Strabo argues against the games or they w ere not famous, neither these games nor any
existence of the Olympic games garlanded = with garlands
in the Trojan period of the others that are now famous. Homer does not mention awarded as prizes
any of them but instead mentions certain funeral games.
355 C, 9-19 Some p eople think that he does mention the Olym- he = Homer
pic games, when he says that Augeas stole four prizewinning

horses . . . / who went there for the games, and they say that it there = to Elis
was b ecause the Pisatans w ere considered sacred to Zeus that

they took no part in the Trojan war. However, Pisatis—where
Olympia is located—was not subject to Augeas at that time,
only Elia was. Nor w ere the Olympic games even once held in
Elis, but always in Olympia. The games in the citation appear
to have taken place in Elis, where the debt was owed (a debt
was owing to him in sacred Elis, / four prizewinning h orses).2 These
games w ere not garlanded (they were to compete / for the tripod),
whereas those are. those = Olympic games

[ 2 ] The exact wording of Strabo’s citation of these lines from Homer differs slightly
from his citation of the same lines at 352 C, 23-30.
422
The Peloponnese
355 C, 19-30 After the twenty-sixth Olympiad, the Pisatans retook

their homeland. Seeing that the games w ere well regarded,
they continued to celebrate them. As time passed, when
Pisatis l ater reverted to the Elians, the holding of the games
reverted to them too. The Lacedaemonians gave aid to the
Elians, who had been their allies in arms, a fter the final de-
struction of the Messenians. (Conversely, Nestor’s descen-
dants and the Arcadians sided with the Messenians.) In fact,
they gave them so much help that all the territory as far as they = Lacedaemonians
Messene was called “Elia” and remains to this day, whereas

not even the name of the “Pisatans,” “Triphylians,” or “Cau-
conians” survives. Also, they amalgamated emathoeis 1 Pylos
itself with Lepreum, to satisfy the Lepreatans who had been
victorious in battle, and tore down many other settlements
(those who they saw wanted independence) and collected
tribute. |
355 C, 31–356 C, 9 Pisatis became highly renowned, in the first place b ecause 8.3.31
of its extremely powerful leaders: Oenomaus; his successor,

Pelops; and the many sons of the latter. Salmoneus, too, is
said to have been king there: at any rate, Pisatis is divided
into eight cities, and one of them is called “Salmona.” Because
of these things, and because of the temple at Olympia, the Olympia, Archaia Olympia (Gr.)
territory features extremely widely in stories. One should

recognize that the ancient reports are widely divergent.
More recent writers innovate to such an extent that they
also create contradictions, saying for example that Augeas
ruled over Pisatis and that Oenomaus and Salmoneus ruled
over Elia; and some of them treat the two nations as identi-
cal. One should in general give credence to matters that are
agreed upon.
356 C, 9-23 People do not give the same etymology even for the name
“Pisatis.” Some p eople derive it from a city of “Pisa,” hom-
onymous with the spring, and say that the spring was called
“Pisa,” like pistra—that is, a “drinking place”; and they iden-
tify the city’s site as high up between two mountains, Ossa
and Olympus (homonymous with the Thessalian moun-
tains). O thers say that there has never been a city of “Pisa”—
otherwise she would have been one of the eight 2—but only
the spring now called “Bisa” near Cicysium, the largest of the
Stesichorus (late 7th–6th c. BCE) eight cities. They say that Stesichorus uses the word city for
[ 1 ] 336 C, 27-32n.
[ 2 ] Division of Pisatis into 8 cities: 355 C, 31–356 C, 9.
423
3.3. Greece
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) the territory called “Pisa,” just as the poet calls Lesbos city of
Euripides (5th c. BCE) Macar; just as Euripides, in the Ion, says Euboea is a city neigh-
boring on Athens and, in the Rhadamanthys, says those who hold
Sophocles (5th c. BCE) the Euboean land, the neighboring city; and just as Sophocles,
in the Mysians, says the whole land is called “Asia,” O stranger; /
“Mysia” is the name of the city of the Mysians. |
356 C, 24-31 Salmona is near the spring of the same name, from which 8.3.32
the Enipeus flows. It joins the Alphius and is now called the Enipeus, Lestenitsa r.
“Barnichius.” P eople say that Tyro fell in love with this river
(she who fell in love with the divine river Enipeus), as this was where
Euripides (5th c. BCE) her father, Salmoneus, was king, as also claimed by Euripides
in his Aeolus. People write “Elipeus” for the river in Thessaly
that flows from Othrys, and which is joined by the Apidanus,
coming down from Pharsalus.
356 C, 31–357 C, 4 Near Salmona is Heraclia, also one of the eight cities, Heraclia, Brouma/Herakleia (Gr.)
around forty stades from Olympia. She is situated on the

Cytherius river, home to the temple to the Ioniad nymphs,
who are believed to cure diseases with the waters. Also near
Olympia is Harpina, also one of the eight cities, through Harpina, nr. Miraka (Gr.)
which runs the Parthenias river (or those heading in the di-
rection of Pheraea). Pheraea is part of Arcadia, lying above
Dymaea, Buprasium, and Elis, which are north of Pisatis.
357 C, 4-6 Here, too, is Cicysium, one of the eight cities; and also
Dyspontium, lying in a plain on the road from Elis to Olym-
pia. She was abandoned, and most of her citizens emigrated
to Epidamnus and Aetolia.
357 C, 7-8 Pholoa is an Arcadian mountain inland from Olympia and Pholoa, Pholoe mt. (Gr.)
very close, so that the lower slopes are part of Pisatis.

357 C, 8-12 All of Pisatis and most of Triphylia border on Arcadia.
This is why most of the Pylian places reviewed in the Cata
logue1 are also deemed to be Arcadian. Experts deny this, on
the grounds that the Erymanthus, a tributary of the Alphius,
acts as the border with Arcadia, and that t hese places are
located outside that river. |
357 C, 13-28 Ephorus says that Aetolus was driven out of Elis by Salmo- 8.3.33
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) neus, king of the Epians and Pisatans, to Aetolia; he named the latter
territory after himself and founded the cities there; his descendant
Oxylus, being an ally of the Heraclids associated with Temenus,2
showed them the way when they made their return to the Pelopon-
nese, apportioned the enemy territory to them, and in other respects
15-27n.
[ 2 ] The expression “the Heraclids associated with Temenus” is idiomatic, meaning
simply “the Heraclid Temenus.”
424
The Peloponnese
advised them on the repossession of the territory; in return for d oing

these t hings, he received the right of return to Elia inasmuch as it was
his ancestral domain; he returned, amassing an army from Aetolia
against the Epians who were in possession of Elis; because the Epians
offered armed resistance, and since the forces were equally matched,
Pyraechmes the Aetolian and Degmenus the Epian met in hand-to-
hand combat, following ancient Hellenic custom; Degmenus, lightly
armed with a bow, thought that his range would allow him easily to
overcome his heavily armed opponent; the latter, recognizing his op-
ponent’s ruse, had a sling and pouch full of stones (as it happened, the
idea of the sling had recently been invented by the Aetolians); since
the sling’s range was greater, Degmenus fell, and the Aetolians took
possession of the country, driving out the Epians.
357 C, 28–358 C, 9 They also took over the maintenance of the temple at Olympia, They = Aetolians
which was in Achaean possession; given Oxylus’s alliance with the

Heraclids, a joint agreement was easily sworn by all parties that Elia
should be sacred to Zeus—whoever took up arms against this territory
would be cursed, as likewise whoever did not defend it to the best of their
ability; for t hese reasons, the l ater founders of the Elian city left it un-
walled, and t hose who passed right through the territory with an army
laid aside their weapons and took them up again only after leaving its
borders, and Iphitus held the Olympic games, the Elians being a sacred
people. For t hese reasons, the population increased. Whereas o thers
were always at war with each other, t hese people alone—and not only
them but resident aliens too—experienced continuous peace, so that
for this reason too, the population flourished more than anywhere e lse.
358 C, 9-19 Phidon the Argive, in the tenth generation from Temenus, ex-
ceeded his contemporaries in power and used it to recover all of
Temenus’s allotment, which had been split up into several parts, and
also to devise what were called “Phidonian” m easures, as also weights
and minted coinage (including silver coinage); in addition to this, he
attacked the cities that had been taken by Heracles, and considered
it fitting that he himself should hold the games that the latter had
held, including the Olympic games; he held the games after entering
by force, as the Elians, because of their peace, did not have the weapons
to prevent him, and others were dominated by his power. The Elians
did not keep a record of these games, but because of his actions, they
acquired weapons and began to look a fter themselves.
358 C, 19-24 The Lacedaemonians joined them, either b ecause they begrudged
them the good fortune that they had enjoyed as a result of peace or
425
3.3. Greece
b ecause they thought they would thus have allies in destroying Phidon,
who had deprived them of the hegemony over the Peloponnesians that
they had previously possessed; they did indeed help in the destruction
of Phidon; and those p eople assisted the Elians in establishing Pisatis
and Triphylia.
358 C, 25-26 The length of the entire voyage along the coast of current-
day Elia, if you don’t follow its indentations, amounts to a
total of one thousand two hundred stades.
358 C, 26 That was my account of Elia.1 |
358 C, 27–359 C, 2 Following on from Elia, in the direction of the south and the 8.4.1
MESSENIA Libyan sea, is Messenia. In the Trojan period, it was categorized Trojan period, late 2nd–early
sw. Peloponnese 1st millennium BCE
(since it was part of Laconia) as subject to Menelaus, and the
territory was called “Messene.” The city currently known by
the name “Messene,” whose acropolis was Ithoma, had not yet Messene (city), Mavromati (Gr.)
been founded. A fter Menelaus’s death, since his successors in Ithoma, Ithome mt.
Laconia w ere feeble, the Neleids took over Messenia.
359 C, 2-14 At the time of the Heraclids’ return and the territorial di-
visions that took place then, Melanthus was king of the Mes-
senians as a people in their own right. They were earlier sub-
ject to Menelaus, as is shown by the evidence. The seven cities
that Agamemnon promised to give to Achilles—Cardamyla,
Enopa, and grassy Hira, / sacred Pherae and deep-meadowed An-
thia, / beautiful Aepia, and vine-clad Pedasus 2—were on the
Messenian gulf and the next gulf along (called “Asinaean,”
after Messenian Asina); and he would not have promised cit- Messenian Asina, Koroni (Gr.)
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) ies that belonged to neither him nor his brother! The poet
also has men from Pherae fighting alongside Menelaus. And
he includes Oetylus, situated on the Messenian gulf, in the
Laconian Catalogue.3
359 C, 15-21 Messenia comes after Triphylia.4 They share a common
headland, after which there’s Coryphasium. Seven stades in-
land from this and from the sea, there’s a mountain range,
Aegaleum. | Ancient Pylos (the Messenian one) lay at the foot Messenian Pylos, S. 8.4.2
Petrochorion (Gr.)
of Aegaleum. When she was destroyed, some of her inhab-
itants settled on Coryphasium. The Athenians, when they
set sail for a second time (with Eurymedon and Sophocles)
against Sicily, refounded the city as a bulwark against the
Lacedaemonians.
359 C, 21-29 Here, too, is Cyparissia (the Messenian one), . . . *, and Cyparissia, Kyparissia (Gr.)
off the coast near Pylos, the island of Sphagia, also known as
[ 1 ] 336 C, 18–358 C, 26.

[ 2 ] Strabo analyzes these Homeric locations in the ensuing narrative: Cardamyla,
Pherae (under spelling “Pharae”), 360 C, 4-10; Pedasus (known in Strabo’s day
as “Methone”), 359 C, 30-33; Enopa, Hira, Anthia, Aepia, 360 C, 17–361 C, 3.
[ 3 ] The Catalogue is the part of the Iliad in which Homer lists the forces fighting at
Troy (4 C, 14-20n), within which the Laconian Catalogue deals with the Laconian
forces: cf. 442 C, 35–443 C, 9n.
[ 4 ] Strabo resumes the thread of his coastal description from 348 C, 15-20.
426
The Peloponnese
“Sphacteria,” where the Lacedaemonians had three hundred Sphagia/Sphacteria, Sphakteria

(Gk. island)
men captured when they w ere besieged by the Athenians and
forced to surrender. Off this coast are two islands belonging to
the Cyparissians, far out to sea and called the “Strophades”—
they are far away from the mainland, some four hundred
Thucydides (5th c. BCE) stades, in the Libyan and southern sea. Thucydides says that
this Pylos is the Messenian seaport, and it is four hundred [stades]
from Sparta. |
359 C, 30-33 Next comes Methone. P eople say that this is the city called Methone, Methoni (Gr.) 8.4.3
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) Pedasus by the poet,1 one of the seven that Agamemnon
promised to Achilles. This is where Agrippa killed the Mau-
rusian king who was part of Antony’s faction in the Actian
war, taking the place in a naval attack. |
359 C, 34–360 C, 4 After Methone comes Acritas, marking the start of the Acritas, Cape Akritas 8.4.4
MESSENIAN/ASINAEAN GULF Messenian gulf. People also call it the “Asinaean” gulf, after
Asina, the first town in the gulf, homonymous with the Asina, Koroni (Gr.)
Hermionian town. This town marks the beginning of the gulf

to the west. To the east are what are called the “Thyrides” Thyrides, Pounta (Gr.)
(Windows), which border current-day Laconia at Cinaethium
and Taenarum.
360 C, 4-10 In the intervening space, starting from the Thyrides,
there’s Oetylus (called “Boetylus” by some), then Leuctrum (a Oetylus, Oitylos (Gr.)
Cardamyla, Kardamyle (Gr.) colony sent out by the Boeotian Leuctrians); then, Cardamyla Leuctrum, Leontari (Gr.)
sits on top of a steep rock; then t here’s Pharae,2 bordering on Pharae, Kalamata (Gr.)
Thuria and Gerena, after which, people say, Nestor was called Thuria, Aithaia/Hellenika (Gr.)
“Gerenian” b ecause he was rescued there, as I noted earlier.3 Gerena/Gerenia, ?Zarnatas (Gr.)
In Gerenia, a temple is identified to “Triccaean” Asclepius, an
offshoot of the temple in Thessalian Tricca.
360 C, 10-16 It is said that Pelops founded Leuctrum, Charadra, and
Thalamae (now called “Boeoti”) when he gave his sister, Thalamae/Boeoti, Thalames
(Gr.)
Niobe, in marriage to Amphion and brought certain people
out of Boeotia. Next to Pharae is the outlet of the Nedon, Nedon, Nedon r.
which runs through Laconia (and is different from the

“Neda”). It has a famous temple to “Nedusian” Athena. In Neda, Bouzi r.
Poeaessa (Grassy),4 too, t here’s a t emple to “Nedusian” Athena,

taking the name from a place, “Nedon,” from which p eople
say that Teleclus founded Poeaessa, Echiae, and Tragium. |
360 C, 17-23 Of the seven cities offered to Achilles,5 I have dealt with 8.4.5
Cardamyla, Pharae, and Pedasus.6 Enopa is said by some to

be Pellana, by some to be a place in the Cardamyla region,
[ 1 ] Strabo defines the name Pedasus as it appears in the lines of Homer cited at
359 C, 2-14.
[ 2 ] Strabo defines the names Cardamyla and Pherae (here called “Pharae”) as they
appear in the lines of Homer cited at 359 C, 2-14.
[ 3 ] Strabo adds to his earlier statement (339 C, 31–340 C, 5, where he does not use
the name form “Gerena” nor refer to the story of Nestor’s rescue).
[ 4 ] Possibly, Hira is meant, described as “grassy” in the lines of Homer cited at 359 C,
2-14.
[ 5 ] In the lines of Homer cited at 359 C, 2-14.
[ 6 ] Cardamyla, Pherae (under name “Pharae”), 360 C, 4-10; Pedasus, 359 C, 30-33.
427
3.3. Greece
by others to be Gerenia. Hira is identified as being on the

mountain by Megala Polis in Arcadia, as you go toward An-
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) dania (which, as I said, is called Oechalia by the poet).1 Others
say that this was the name for what is now “Mesola,” which
reaches down to the gulf between Taygetus and Messenia.
360 C, 23-30 Aepia (Steep) is now called “Thuria,” which, as I said, bor- Thuria, Aithaia/Hellenika (Gr.)
ders on Pharae.2 She is situated on a lofty hill, whence the Pharae, Kalamata (Gr.)
name. From Thuria, t here’s the “Thurian gulf,” in which t here

was once a small town by the name of “Rhium,” facing Tae-
narum. Anthia is said by some to be the same as Thuria (and
Aepia the same as Methone) and by others to be the same as Methone, Methoni (Gr.)
the intervening Asina (since she, of all the Messenian cities, ?Asina, Koroni (Gr.)
would most appropriately be called deep-meadowed), on the

seaward side of which is the city of Corona. (Some p eople say Corona, Petalidhi (Gr.)
that this is the city called Pedasus by the poet.)

360 C, 30–361 C, 3 All are near the sea. Cardamyla is right on it; Pharae is five
stades away, with a summer anchorage; and the o thers are
various distances from the sea. |
361 C, 4-14 Near Corona, at around the gulf ’s midpoint, is the outlet 8.4.6
of the Pamisus river, on the right of which are this city and Pamisus, Pamisos r.
the cities that come after it (with Pylos and Cyparissia farthest
to the west, and midway between them, Erana, which some
people have earlier wrongly supposed was called “Arena”),
and on the left of which are Thuria and Pharae. It is the largest Thuria, Aithaia/Hellenika (Gr.)
inside the isthmus = in of the rivers inside the isthmus, albeit flowing no more than Pharae, Kalamata (Gr.)
Peloponnese
one hundred stades from its sources, in a full stream through
the Messenian plain and what is called “Macaria.” The river is
fifty stades away from the current-day Messenian city. There’s
another “Pamisus,” a small mountain stream that flows near another Pamisus, Milia r.
Laconian Leuctrum. The Messenians argued about it, in front

of Philip, with the Lacedaemonians. I mentioned earlier the
“Pamisus” named by some “Amathus.” 3 |
361 C, 15-21 Ephorus says that Cresphontes, when he took Messene, divided 8.4.7
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) it into five cities in such a way that he made Stenyclarus—situated
in the middle and in the best part of the territory—his royal resi-
dence and sent kings to the other cities (Pylos, Rhium, Mesola,
and Hyamitis), making all the Messenians equal in law with the
Dorians; since, however, the Dorians objected, he changed his mind
and treated Stenyclarus alone as a city, and brought all the Dorians
into it. |
[ 1 ] 350 C, 6-12.
[ 2 ] 360 C, 4-10.
[ 3 ] 336 C, 27-32; 339 C, 17-20; 343 C, 36–344 C, 7.
428
The Peloponnese
361 C, 22-32 The Messenian city is like Corinth. Both cities have, loom- Messenian city = Messene, 8.4.8
Mavromati (Gr.)
ing over them, a steep and lofty mountain, contained within
the city wall so that it functions as an acropolis, one mountain
called “Ithoma” and the other called “Acrocorinthus.” Con-
Demetrius of Pharus (4th–early sequently, Demetrius of Pharus seems to have given good
3rd c. BCE)
advice to Philip (son of Demetrius), when he said that the
man who wants the Peloponnese should hold both cities: he
who seizes both horns will hold down the cow (meaning, by horns,
Ithoma and Acrocorinthus; by cow, the Peloponnese). Indeed,
these two cities have always been fought over b ecause of their
good locations: Corinth was razed and then rebuilt by the Ro-
mans; Messene was conquered by the Lacedaemonians then
restored by the Thebans and, afterward, by Philip (son of
Amyntas). Neither acropolis was ever inhabited. |
361 C, 33–362 C, 6 The t emple to Artemis in Limnae is where the Messenians Limnae, ?Volimnos (Gr.) 8.4.9
are considered to have committed sacrilege in respect of the

maidens who had come to make sacrifices. It is on the bor-
der of Laconia and Messenia and is where both peoples once
jointly held a festival and made sacrifices. It is said that war
broke out after the sacrilege when the Messenians did not
pay reparation. From this Limnae, the t emple to Artemis in
Sparta also gets its name of “Limnaeum.” |
362 C, 7-13 They frequently went to war because of revolts by the Mes- They = Lacedaemonians 8.4.10
Strabo paraphrases the words senians. Tyrtaeus says in his poems that their first subjection took
of Tyrtaeus (7th c. BCE)
place at the time of our f athers’ fathers. The second subjection took
place at the time when, taking as allies the Argives, Arcadians, Elians,
and Pisatans, they revolted—the Arcadians lent their king, Aristo- they = Messenians
crates (son of Orchomenus), as army commander, whilst the Pisatans

he = Tyrtaeus provided Pantaleon (son of Omphalion), at which time, he says,
he himself commanded the war on behalf of the Lacedaemonians.
362 C, 13-22 In the elegy that p eople call Eunomia, he says that he was from there = ?from Laconia
he = Tyrtaeus from there: son of Cronus and husband of Hera with her beautiful
crown, / Zeus gave this city to the Heraclids, / with whom we left windy
Erineus / and came to Pelops’s broad isle. Consequently, one must Erineus = perhaps Erineus,
Kastellia/Evangelistria (cen. Gr.)
either deny his authorship of the elegy or one must discredit
Philochorus (4th c. BCE) Philochorus (who claims that Tyrtaeus was an Athenian from
Callisthenes (late 4th c. BCE) Aphidna) as well as Callisthenes and various others (who say
that he came from Athens when the Lacedaemonians asked
for him in accordance with an oracle, which enjoined them to oracle, instruction from the
gods
get their commander from among the Athenians).
429
3.3. Greece
362 C, 23-24 The second war, then, was in Tyrtaeus’s time. People say
that a third war and a fourth war took place, in which the Mes-
senians w ere utterly destroyed.
362 C, 25-26 The voyage along the entire Messenian coast, if you go in
and out of e very bay, is some eight hundred stades. |
362 C, 27-32 However, I w ill travel beyond the bounds of moderation 8.4.11
if I follow all the many stories that are told concerning ter-
ritory that has for the most part been abandoned, which is
LACONIA why Laconia has a population shortage, compared with her
se. Peloponnese
flourishing population in antiquity. Outside Sparta, t here are
only some small towns remaining, about thirty in number. It
is said that, in antiquity, Laconia was called “Hecatompolis”
(Hundred-citied), and this is why they hold the yearly “Hecatom-
baea” (Hundred-cattle) sacrifices! |

362 C, 33-34 After the Messenian gulf is the Laconian gulf, between Taenarum, Akra Tainaron 8.5.1
LACONIAN GULF Taenarum and Maleae, slanting slightly east of south. Maleae, Akra Maleas
362 C, 34–363 C, 6 The Thyrides are one hundred and thirty stades from Thyrides, Pounta (Gr.)
Taenarum,1 being in the Messenian gulf and comprising a

steep cliff facing a strong current. Inland from these is Tay-
getus: this is a mountain range set slightly back from the sea,
steep and sheer, the northern part of which links up with the
Arcadian foothills in such a way that a gorge is left between
Sparta, Sparti (Gr.)
them, which is where Messenia connects with Laconia. At the
Amyclae, Slavochorion (Gr.)
base of Taygetus, in the interior, are Sparta, Amyclae (where
Pharis, ?Vapheio/Ag. Vasilios
there’s the t emple to Apollo), and Pharis. (Gr.)
363 C, 6-10 The city is sited in an enclosed, low-lying area (although city = Sparta
it does include mountains), but no part of it is marshy. In

antiquity, the suburbs were marshy, and people called them
“Limnae” (Marshes); and the temple to Dionysus in Limnae
once stood in a wet spot, although its location is now dry.
363 C, 10-21 In the bay, on the coastline, Taenarum is a projecting head- Taenarum, Akra Tainaron
land with a temple to Posidon that is situated within a sacred

grove; and t here’s a cave nearby, which is where, according to
myth, Cerberus was brought up from Hades by Heracles. The
sea crossing from there southward to the headland of Phycus Phycus, Ras Aamer/Ras Sen
(Lib.)
in Cyrenaea is three thousand stades; westward to Pachynus,
Pachynus, Capo Passero (Sic.)
the Sicilian promontory, four thousand six hundred stades
(some say four thousand). It is six hundred and seventy stades
eastward to Maleae, if you hug the coast; five hundred and Maleae, Akra Maleas
Onugnathus, Ag. Maria/
Elaphonisas (Gr.) twenty stades to Onugnathus, a low-lying peninsula this side

arlier statement concerning the position of the Thyrides
(359 C, 34–360 C, 4).
430
The Peloponnese
of Maleae. Lying forty stades off this peninsula is the island

of Cythera, with a fine harbor and a homonymous city, which Cythera, Kythera (Gk. island)
was held as a private estate held by Eurycles, the Lacedaemo-

nian leader of our times. Around it lie several small islands,
some nearby and o thers somewhat farther away.
363 C, 21-22 The most direct voyage to Corycus, the Cretan headland, Corycus, Gramvousa (Kriti/
Crete)
is . . . * hundred and fifty stades. |
363 C, 23–364 C, 2 After Taenarum, if you sail toward Onugnathus and Ma- 8.5.2
leae, t here’s the city of Amathus; then Asina and Gythium, Amathus, harbor at Porto Kagio
(Gr.)
Sparta’s seaport, situated at a distance of two hundred and
Asina, ?Skoutari (Gr.)
forty stades. People say that it has an artificially dug-out
Gythium, Gythion (Gr.)
dock. Then the Eurotas has its outlet between Gythium and
Eurotas, Evrotas r.
Acraeae. For a while, the voyage is along a strand—for some
Acraeae, Kokkinia (Gr.)
two hundred and forty stades. Then there’s a marshy area set
back from the sea, and the village of Helos (Marsh). It was for-
merly a city, as Homer says: those who held Amyclae and Helos, a
city on the sea. It was founded by Helius, son of Perseus. There’s
Cyparissia, Boza (Gr.) a plain, too, called “Leuca”; then the city of Cyparissia, situ-
ated on a peninsula, with her harbor; then Onugnathus with Onugnathus, Ag. Maria/
Elaphonisas (Gr.)
Boea, Neapolis (Gr.) her harbor; then the city of Boea, then Maleae. It is one hun-
dred and fifty stades from Onugnathus to Maleae. Maleae, Akra Maleas
364 C, 2-3 The city of Asopus, too, is in Laconia. | Asopus, Plytra (Gr.)
364 C, 4-22 As for the places catalogued by Homer, people say that 8.5.3
Evidence that Homer’s “Messa” Messa is nowhere identified; that Messoa is not a part of the
is an abbreviated name form
territory but a part of Sparta (as are Limnaeum and Thor- territory = Laconia
nax). Some understand Messa to be an abbreviation of “Mes-

sene,” which, as has been noted, was once part of Laconia.1
They cite as paradigms:
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) • the poet’s use of the words kri and do and maps and his kri = abbreviation for “krithe”
(= barley)
reference to the heroes Automedon and Alkimos (rather
do = abbreviation for “doma”
than Alkimedon) (= house)
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) • Hesiod’s saying bri for brithu (heavy) and briaron (strong) maps = abbreviation for
Sophocles, Ion, Epicharmus, • Sophocles’s and Ion’s rha for rhadion (easy) “mapsidios” (= at random)
Empedocles (5th c. BCE)
• Epicharmus’s li for lian (very) and Syrako for Syrakoussai
• the statement in Empedocles that for the two there is one
“ops,” instead of opsis (sight).
Antimachus (late 5th–early • in Antimachus, the sacred “ops” of Eleusinian Demeter,
4th c. BCE)
and alphi for alphiton (barley meal)
Euphorion (3rd c. BCE) • Euphorion says hel for helos (marsh)
[ 1 ] 358 C, 27–359 C, 2.
431
3.3. Greece
Philitas, Simmias (late 4th–early • the statement in Philitas that the slave girls put into bas-
3rd c. BCE)
kets the white “eri,” for erion (wool)
Aratus (3rd c. BCE) • Aratus says the “peda”—for pedalia (oars) to the wind
• Simmias says Dodo for Dodona.
364 C, 22-29 As for other places mentioned by the poet, some have dis
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) appeared completely, of o thers only traces remain, and o thers
have undergone a name change—for example, Augiae is Ae- Aegaeae, Aigiai (Gr.)
gaeae (for the one in Locris no longer exists at all). As for Las, Las, Passavas (Gr.)
the story is that the Dioscuri once took it by siege, as a result Dioscuri = Castor and Pollux
Sophocles (5th c. BCE) of which they got named the “Lapersae” (Las-sackers): Sophocles
says somewhere by the two Lapersae, and thirdly by Eurotas, / and
by the gods in Argos and those of Sparta. |
364 C, 30-39 Ephorus says that the Heraclids (Eurysthenes and Procles) who 8.5.4
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) seized Laconia divided it into six parts and citified the territory; they
chose one of the parts (Amyclae) and gave it as a choice prize to the
man who, having betrayed Laconia to them, persuaded the person in
whose possession it was to depart 1 with the Achaeans under the terms
of a treaty and go to Ionia,2 and they declared Sparta their own royal
residence; to the other parts they sent kings and, b ecause of the popula-
tion shortage, granted them the right to receive any willing foreigners
as colonists; they used Las as their dockyard because of its good harbor,
Aegys as their fortress against enemies (since they had borders with all
those around them), and Pharis . . . * (since it provided a safeguard
against t hose from the interior as well as those from abroad).
364 C, 39–365 C, 8 All the “Perioeci,” while subject to the Spartiates, nevertheless had
the same status, sharing in the citizenship and offices of state; Agis (son
of Eurysthenes) got rid of their equal status and ordered them to pay
tax to Sparta; while most obeyed, the Helians who held Helos—they
were called “Helots”—fomented a revolution, w ere forcibly subdued
in a war, and w ere decreed to be slaves, with certain conditions, namely
that it was not possible for an o wner either to free them or to sell them
outside the borders; and this was called the “War against the Helots.”
365 C, 8-11 (It is virtually the case that t hose associated with Agis 3 laid
down the rules for the subsequent helot system that persisted
up u ntil the Roman conquest: the Lacedaemonians held them
in a way as public slaves, reserving certain settlements for
them and special duties.) |
365 C, 12-20 As for Laconian government and its iterations, one might 8.5.5
pass by much of the story on the grounds that it is already
[ 1 ] Strabo omits, or momentarily forgets, the name of the man who betrayed La-
conia and the name of the man who was “persuaded . . . to depart.” A few lines
later, Strabo recalls the name of the former as Philonomus (365 C, 20-23); many
hundreds of lines later, he gives the name of the latter as Tisamenus (383 C,
28–384 C, 9).
[ 2 ] For the sense in which “Achaeans” and “Ionia” are used: 383 C, 28–384 C, 3.
[ 3 ] “Those associated with Agis” is idiomatic, meaning predominantly Agis.
432
The Peloponnese
known, but some facts are perhaps worth mentioning. People

say that the Phthiotan Achaeans, when they came with Pelops
into the Peloponnese, settled Laconia; and that their abilities
were so superior that the Peloponnese, which had already for
a long time been called “Argos,” became known as “Achaean
Argos”; and that not only the Peloponnese, but also specifi-
cally Laconia, was thus named. At least, some commenta-
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) tors understand the poet’s where was Menelaus? / was he not in
Achaean Argos? to mean was he not in Laconia?
365 C, 20-23 On the return of the Heraclids, when Philonomus be-
trayed the territory to the Dorians, they left Laconia for they = Laconians/Achaeans
Ionian territory, the territory even now called “Achaea.” I w ill

describe t hese events in the Achaïca.1
365 C, 23-30 The men who took possession of Laconia were immod-
erate to begin with. When, however, they entrusted their
government to Lycurgus, they superseded everyone else to
such an extent that they were the only Greeks who ruled
over both land and sea; and they continued to rule over the
Greeks u ntil the Thebans—and immediately after them, the
Macedonians—deprived them of their hegemony. Actually,
they did not yield completely to the latter, but they preserved latter = Macedonians
their autonomy and continually strove for primacy with re-

gard to the other Greeks and the Macedonian kings.
365 C, 30-34 The rule of the latter having been brought to an end by the
Romans, they caused some slight offense to the governors sent they = Laconians
from Rome, since at that time they w ere subject to tyrants and governors = of Roman province
of Macedonia
their government was in disarray. When they had reorganized
themselves, they were held in exceptionally high respect and
preserved their freedom, rendering nothing other than their
services as friends.
366 C, 1-4 Eurycles recently caused a stir among them. He seemed to
make too much use of his friendship with Caesar in exercising Caesar = Augustus Caesar
his rule over them. The stir swiftly died down. He passed on,
and his son has distanced himself from all such ambition.2
366 C, 4-6 It also so happened that the F ree Laconians received some
sort of political status, since the Perioeci (especially the Hel-
ots) w ere the first to go over to the Romans when Sparta was
subject to tyrants.
366 C, 6-20 Hellanicus says that Eurysthenes and Procles drew up the con-
stitution. Ephorus however castigates him, noting that he no-
[ 1 ] Achaïca (lit., “Stuff about Achaea”) is the section of Strabo’s narrative (383 C,
1–388 C, 12) in which he describes Achaea and Ionia (nw. Peloponnese) and
within which he refers to the Achaean migration (383 C, 12–384 C, 3). For Strabo’s
use of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 2 ] These words are probably written in the year 19 or 20 CE, when Laco (Eurycles’s
son) assumed power.
433
3.3. Greece
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) criticizes where mentions Lycurgus; he ascribes the achievements of the latter
Hellanicus (5th c. BCE)
to men who d on’t deserve it; only Lycurgus has a t emple erected to him him = Lycurgus
and sacrifices held yearly in his honor, while those fellows, although those fellows = Eurysthenes and
Procles
they were the colonizers, have not even been accorded the honor of
having their descendants called “Eurysthenids” and “Proclids” re-
spectively, but rather “Agiads” (after Agis, son of Eurysthenes) and
“Eurypontids” (after Eurypontus, son of Procles), since the latter latter men = Agis and
Eurypontus
men truly exercised power, while the former, accepting people from
former = Eurysthenes and
elsewhere, exercised their power through them, which is why they are Procles
not even give the status of “Founders,” which is given to all colonizers;
Pausanias, one of the Eurypontids, banished by the opposing h ouse,1
wrote while in exile a treatise on the laws of Lycurgus (who was a
member of the banishing house), in which he also mentions the oracu-
lar prophecies given to him in the form of a g reat many panegyrics.2 | him = Lycurgus
366 C, 21-38 As for the physical nature of these and Messenian these = Laconian localities 8.5.6
Euripides (5th c. BCE) localities,3 one should agree with t hese words of Euripides.
Regarding Laconia, he describes it having much that is arable,
but it is not easy to till: / a protected plateau, enclosed by mountains,
rocky, / difficult for enemies to invade. As for Messenia: fruitful,
/ crossed by a myriad of streams, / with good pasture for c attle and
sheep, / made neither unpleasantly cold by wintry winds / nor too hot
by Helius’s chariot and four. Further on, concerning the lots that
the Heraclids drew for the territory, he says that the first was
for lordship over Lacaenian land, with its earth of poor quality. The
second was for Messene, with more fertility than can be expressed
Tyrtaeus (7th c. BCE) in words, which is how Tyrtaeus, too, describes it.
366 C, 38–367 C, 7 One should not, however, agree with him when he says
that Laconia and Messenia are separated from each other by
the Pamisus, rushing headlong to the sea, for it runs through the
middle of the Messenia, nowhere even touching current-day
Laconia. Nor is he correct, given that Messenia is situated
on the sea just like Laconia, in saying that it is far away for
mariners. Nor is he correct in giving the boundary of Elis: as
you proceed beyond the river, you come to Elis, / neighbor of Zeus.
Either he means current-day Elia, which shares a border with
Messenia—but the Pamisus does not touch this territory,
just as it does not touch Laconia (as has been noted, it runs
through the m iddle of Messenia). Or he means ancient Elia,
called “Coele [Elis],”4 which is even further from the truth—
once you’ve crossed the river, there’s still a lot of Messenia,
[ 1 ] Ephorus errs (or Strabo errs in his citation of Ephorus): Pausanias was an Agiad,
banished by the Eurypontids.
[ 2 ] For more by Ephorus on Lycurgus’s visit to Delphi: 482 C, 19-27. For poets in
the temple who put into verse form the oracular prophecies uttered by the
priestess: 419 C, 19-26.
[ 3 ] Laconia: 362 C, 33–366 C, 20. Messenia: 359 C, 15–362 C, 32.
434
The Peloponnese
then the entire territory of the Cauconians and Messaeans,

which was once called “Triphylia,” then Pisatis and Olympia,
then a fter three hundred stades, Elis. |
367 C, 8-14 Some write Lacedaemon cetoessa, and others Lacedaemon 8.5.7
caietaessa. People ask what one should understand by cetoessa,

whether as derived from cete (sea monsters) or as simply “large”
(which seems more plausible). As for caietaessa, some take it
to mean calaminthode (full of mint) while others take the fissures
caused by seismic activity to be called caieti (hollows),1 whence
also “Caietas,” the Lacedaemonian prison, meaning “a cave.”
Strabo cites a phrase from
Some prefer to say that such indentations are called coi,
Homer’s Iliad whence the phrase pheres (centaurs) orescoi (who dwell in mountain caves).
367 C, 14-18 Laconia is subject to earthquakes. Some writers note that
certain peaks of Taygetus have been split off. T here are quar-
ries for costly marble: the quarries for “Taenarian” marble in
Taenarum are very old, but more recently, certain p eople have Taenarum, Akra Tainaron (Gr.)
opened a mine on Taygetus, too, their costs defrayed by the

Roman taste for luxury. |
367 C, 19-29 It is clear from Homer that Lacedaemon is the name of 8.5.8
both the territory and the city (by territory, I mean to in-
clude Messenia). When he speaks thus about the bows and
arrows—beautiful bows, given to him by a friend who met him in
Lacedaemon, / Iphitus the Eurytid—and continues, the two en- Eurytid = son of Eurytus
countered each other in Messene, / in the home of Ortilochus, he

means the territory of which Messenia was part. There was
no contradiction for him in thus speaking inclusively (given to
him by a friend who met him in Lacedaemon) and specifically (the
two encountered each other in Messene).
367 C, 29-33 It is clear that Pherae is the home of Ortilochus: Telema-
chus and Pisistratus came to Pherae, to the h ouse of Diocles, / the
son of Ortilochus. Pherae is part of Messenia.
367 C, 34–368 C, 4 When he says that those associated with Telemachus 2
started out from Pherae and rattled the yoke for the entire day,
and continues the sun set . . . / they came to Coele Lacedaemon “ce-
toessa,” / driving to the home of Menelaus, one should understand
him to mean the city. Otherwise, he would clearly be saying
that they arrived in Lacedaemon from Lacedaemon! Besides,
it is unthinkable that the residence of Menelaus would not be
in Sparta or, if it w ere not t here, that Telemachus would say
Iw ill head to Sparta and to Pylos.
[ 1 ] Cf. 233 C, 20-26n.

[ 2 ] The expression “those associated with Telemachus” is idiomatic, meaning pre-
dominantly Telemachus but in this context including his companion.
435
3.3. Greece
368 C, 5-9 The . . . * the epithets of the territory seem to count

against this unless—by Zeus!—one would agree that this is
poetic . . . * Messene, a city belonging neither to Laconia nor
to the territory subject to Nestor, not listed separately in the
Catalogue 1 and not taking part in the expedition. |
368 C, 10-12 Coming next after Maleae are the Argolic 2 and Herm- Maleae, Akra Maleas 8.6.1
ionic 3 gulfs. If you are sailing t oward the east and the Cy-
clades, the former reaches as far as Scyllaeum; the latter is Scyllaeum, Cape Spathi
east of it, t oward Aegina and Epidauria.4

368 C, 12-19 The first parts of the Argolic gulf are Laconian posses-
ARGOLIC GULF sions; the remaining parts are Argive possessions.5 Included
among the Laconian possessions are Delium, a t emple to Delium, N Ag. Phokas (Gr.)
Apollo homonymous with the Boeotian t emple; the Minoa Minoa, Monemvasia (Gr.)
fortress, which is homonymous with the Megarian one;

Artemidorus (late 2nd–early and Epidaurus Limera, according to Artemidorus. Apol- Epidaurus Limera, Palaia
1st c. BCE) Monemvasia (Gr.)
lodorus, however, reports that this is near Cythera, and since
it is “eulimenos” (with a good harbor), it is given the abbreviated and
contracted name “Limera” (meaning “Limenera” but having
undergone a change).
368 C, 19-22 The Laconian coast, starting right away at Maleae, is rug- Maleae, Akra Maleas
ged for a long way, albeit with anchorages and harbors. The
remaining coastline is well supplied with harbors, and lying off
the coast are numerous small islands not worth describing. |
368 C, 23-27 Included among the Argive possessions are Prasiae and Prasiae, Paralio Leonidi (Gr.) 8.6.2
ARGIA Temenium, where Temenus lies buried; before that, the area Temenium, nr. Nea Kios
e. Peloponnese
through which runs the river called “Lerna,” homonymous
with the lake where the Hydra myth was set. Temenium is
twenty-six stades from Argos, set back from the sea. From Argos, Argos (Gr.)
Argos to Heraeum is forty stades; from t here to Mycenae, ten. Mycenae, Mykenes (Gr.)
368 C, 27–369 C, 1 After Temenium is Nauplia (Ships-sailing), the Argive dock- Nauplia, Nauplion (Gr.)
yard: the name originates from the “sailing of ships” to it.

People consequently say that Nauplius and his sons are fic-
tions created by writers who are more recent, on the grounds more recent = post-Homeric
that Homer could not have been oblivious to them, given

that Palamedes displayed such wit and wisdom and was so
unjustly killed, and given that Nauplius killed so many men
in the Caphereus region. The f amily tree, as well as appearing
mythical, is also at odds with chronology: if we accept that he he = Nauplius
is the son of Posidon, how could someone still living in the

Trojan period be the son of Amymona?
15-27n.
[ 2 ] Argolic gulf: 368 C, 12–369 C, 2.
[ 3 ] Strabo (or his scribe) perhaps meant to write “Hermionic and Saronic gulfs.”
The two gulfs are previewed jointly (335 C, 23-27, where Strabo appears to take
them as identical). See next note.
[ 4 ] “Former” is best taken as applying to the Hermionic gulf and “latter” as apply-
ing to the Saronic gulf. For their description: 369 C, 3-17; cf. 380 C, 15-19.
[ 5 ] Argive possessions: 368 C, 23–369 C, 17.
436
The Peloponnese
369 C, 1-2 Next after Nauplia are the caves and the labyrinths con-
structed within them. P eople call them “Cyclopia.” |
369 C, 3-7 Then there are various other places, and next comes the 8.6.3
HERMIONIC GULF Hermionic gulf: this section of my descriptive journey did not
appear to me . . . *, since Homer, too, categorized it as subject
Asina, Tolon/Asine (Gr.) to Argia. It starts with the town of Asina; then come Hermiona Hermiona, Ermione (Gr.)
Calauria, Poros (Gk. island) and Troizen.1 Lying off the coast is the island of Calauria, with Troizen, Damala (Gr.)
a circumference of thirty stades, separated from the mainland
by a four-stade strait. |
369 C, 8-10 Then there’s the Saronic gulf. Some people call it a “sea.” 8.6.4
SARONIC GULF According to this view, the name “Saronic ocean” is used for
the entire body of water from the Hermionic gulf and from
the sea in the isthmus region to as far as the Myrtoan ocean
and the Cretan sea.2
369 C, 10-17 Epidaurus is in the Saronic gulf, as also the island of Aegina Epidaurus, Palaia Epidauros (Gr.)
lying off it; then Cenchreae, the Corinthian dockyard, fac- Aegina, Aigina (Gk. island)
ing east; then, after sailing forty-five stades, Schoenus har- Cenchreae, Kechriai (Gr.)
bor. The total distance from Maleae is around one thousand Schoenus, Kalamaki (Gr.)
eight hundred stades. At Schoenus is Diolcus (Haul-across), the Maleae, Akra Maleas
narrowest part of the isthmus, near which is the temple to

“Isthmian” Posidon. For the time being, let t hese places be
postponed 3 (as they lie outside Argia); let me turn back and
pick up again on my descriptive journey through Argia. |
369 C, 18-26 First, in how many ways is the word “Argos” used by the 8.6.5
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) poet, e ither by itself or with an adjective, as when he calls it
“Achaean” Argos, or “Iasian,” “horse-rich,” “Pelasgian,” or
“horse-grazing”? “Argos” is used to mean the city: Argos and
Sparta; and they held Argos and Tiryns. It is also used to mean
the Peloponnese: in our homeland, in Argos (the city was not
the speaker’s home). It is also used to mean all of Greece: he
calls everyone “Argives,” likewise “Danaans” and “Achaeans.”
369 C, 26–370 C, 3 He distinguishes homonyms by means of adjectives. He
uses “Pelasgian” Argos for Thessaly: now, all t hose who dwelt
in Pelasgian Argos. He uses “Achaean” Argos for the Pelopon-
nese: if we should reach Achaean Argos and was he not in Achaean
Argos? (He thereby signals that the Peloponnesians were
called “Achaeans” in a specific and different sense.) He calls
the Peloponnese “Iasian” Argos: if all the Achaeans, through-
out Iasian Argos, could see Penelope, she would have still more
suitors. (It is unlikely that he means men from all of Greece,
[ 1 ] For the Homeric lines in which the names Asina, Hermiona, and Troizen are
used: 372 C, 26-31. Hermiona, Asina, 373 C, 16-25. Troizen, Calauria: 373 C, 28–
374 C, 21.
[ 2 ] Strabo corrects his e
arlier comments (335 C, 23-27, where he gives the impres-
sion that the Hermionic and Saronic gulfs are one and the same thing); cf. 368 C,
10-12n; 380 C, 15-19n.
[ 3 ] For the Homeric lines in which the names Epidaurus and Aegina are used: 372 C,
26-31. They are described in detail at 374 C, 22–376 C, 6. Cenchreae, Schoenus,
temple to “Isthmian” Posidon: 380 C, 15-19.
437
3.3. Greece
but only t hose nearby.) He uses horse-rich and horse-grazing in

a general way. |
370 C, 4-12 As for “Greece,” “Greeks,” and “Panhellenes,” there is con- 8.6.6
Thucydides (5th c. BCE) troversy. Thucydides claims that the poet nowhere speaks of bar- poet = Homer (8th c. BCE)
barians, the reason being that the Greeks themselves have not yet been
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) cites separately recognized under one name. Apollodorus claims that
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) and
Archilochus (7th c. BCE) the Thessalians alone are called “Greeks” 1 (“they w ere called Myr-
midons and Greeks”), but Hesiod and Archilochus already knew that
“Greeks” and “Panhellenes” meant everyone together. The former says
of the Proetids that the “Panhellenes sought them in marriage,” the Proetids = daughters of Proetus
latter that “the woes of the Panhellenes came together in Thasos.”

370 C, 13-17 Others claim, in opposition to t hese men, both that he he = Homer
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) does speak of “barbarians”—at least, he calls the Carians
barbarophoni (speaking barbarian language)—and also that he uses
“Greeks” for everyone together: a man whose fame has spread
widely in Greece and throughout Argos, and elsewhere, if you wish,
to travel in Greece and throughout Argos. |
370 C, 18-23 The Argive city is located on a mostly level site but has Argive city = Argos, Argos (Gr.) 8.6.7
a citadel called “Larisa,” which is quite a well-defended hill,

with a temple to Zeus. R unning near her is the Inachus, a tor- Inachus, Inachos r.
rential river with its sources on Lyrcium, the mountain on Lyrcium, Lyrkeion mt. (Gr.)
the border with Arcadia. It has already been noted that the
myths told about these sources are the fabrications of poets.2
370 C, 24-30 It is a fabrication, too, that Argos, being waterless, was ren-
Citation of Hesiod (late dered well watered by the Danaae, since its territory is a vale and Danaae = daughters of Danaus
8th–7th c. BCE)
has rivers r unning through it and features marshes and lakes,
and since the city is well supplied with w ater from many brim-
ming wells. People blame the misunderstanding on the line:
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) I would return in utter shame to “polydipsion” (parched) Argos. The
word stands for either polypotheton (much longed for) or, minus the
Sophocles (5th c. BCE) “d,” for polyipsion (much oppressed)—as Sophocles says, and this Pelopids = descendants of
“polyphthoron” (much destroyed) house of the Pelopids. Pelops
370 C, 30-33 The words proiapsai (to dispatch), iapsai (to mar), and ipsesthai
Strabo cites various lines of (to oppress) have a sense of some destruction and harm: now he
Homer
is practicing, soon “ipsetai” (he will oppress) the sons of the Achaeans;
and “iapsei” (she will mar) her lovely complexion; and “proiapsen” (he
dispatched [him]) to Hades.
370 C, 33-38 Besides, he uses “Argos” to mean not the city (since he he = Homer
was not returning there)3 but the Peloponnese—although this

is not dry, either! People understand it (with the “d ”) as a
[ 1 ] I.e., by Homer.
[ 2 ] 271 C, 18-33.
[ 3 ] Strabo continues his interpretation of the line of Homer cited at 370 C, 24-30:
I would return in utter shame to “polydipsion” Argos. The speaker is Agamem-
non, who did not reside in Argos but in Mycenae.
438
The Peloponnese
case of transposing and eliding the suffix “-de” (toward), so that

it reads, I would return in utter shame “poly d’ipsion” Argos . . . *
I would return “polyipsion” (much destroyed) Argos-de (for to . . .
Argos). |
371 C, 1-12 The Inachus, then, is one river running through Argia. Inachus, Inachos r. 8.6.8
Another river in Argia is Erasinus. This latter starts from Erasinus, Kephalari r.
Stymphalus in Arcadia, and from the lake t here called “Stym- Stymphalus, Stymphalia (Gr.)
phalian,” the setting for the myth of the Birds Driven Out by the
Arrows and Drums of Heracles (and people call the birds, too,
“Stymphalian”). People say that this river, sinking below the
surface, issues into Argia and keeps the plain watered. P eople
also call the Erasinus “Arsinus.” Another river of the same
name flows from Arcadia to the coast at Bura; and there’s
another one in Eretria, and also one in Attica at Brauron. A
spring at Lerna is identified as Amymona. Lerna is a lake be-
longing to Argia and Mycenaea, the setting for the story of
the Hydra. Because of the purgings that took place in it, the
proverbial expression arose: a Lerna of ills.
371 C, 13-19 People agree, then, that the territory has a good supply
of water but the city herself lies in a waterless spot; that she
nevertheless has a good number of wells, which people attri-
Citation of Hesiod (late bute to the Danaïds as their inventors, whence the line Argos, Danaïds = daughters of Danaus
8th–7th c. BCE)
being waterless, was rendered well watered by the Danaae; that four Danaae = daughters of Danaus
of the wells are designated as sacred and held in exceptional

honor . . . * amidst an abundance of water, introducing a lack
thereof. |
371 C, 20-26 The Argive acropolis is said to have been built by Dan- 8.6.9
aus, who is considered to have been so much more successful

than those who ruled in the area before him that, according
Euripides (5th c. BCE) to Euripides, he passed a law throughout Greece that those who had
formerly been called “Pelasgiotes” / should be called “Danaans.”
His grave is in the m iddle of the Argive agora; it is called
“Palinthus.”
371 C, 26-30 In my opinion, the fame of this city brought it about that Argives = inhabitants of city
Pelasgians and Danaans—and indeed all Greeks—were, like of Argos
the Argives, called a fter her. Thus, more recent writers say more recent = post-Homeric
“Iasians” and “Iasian Argos,” and “Apia” and “Apidonians.” 1

Homer does not use “Apidonians” but rather calls distant
land apia (far away).
[ 1 ] I.e., post-Homeric poets use “Argos” to mean all Greece. If they wish to refer
to the Peloponnese in particular, they use a qualification (“Iasian” Argos) or a
different name (“Iasians” etc.).
439
3.3. Greece
371 C, 30–372 C, 2 To show that he uses “Argos” for the Peloponnese, one can
add the following:1 Argive Helen; and Ephyra is a city in deepest
Argos; and throughout Argos; and to be lord of many islands and all
Argos. The plain, too, is called Argos by more recent writers,
but not once by Homer: people suppose that this is particu-
larly a Macedonian or Thessalian usage. |
372 C, 3-11 Sovereign rule in Argos passed to the descendants of 8.6.10
Danaus; and they were joined by the Amythaonids originat- Amythaonids = descendants of
Amythaon
ing from Pisatis and Triphylia. It should therefore come as
no surprise if these p eople, being related, initially divided
the territory into two kingdoms, in such a way that the two
cities with hegemony in the kingdoms were each made into
a metropolis, although being situated close to each other (at
a distance of less than fifty stades), namely Argos and Myce- Argos, Argos (Gr.)
nae; nor if the Heraeum (temple to Hera) in Mycenae was a joint Mycenae, Mykenes (Gr.)
temple, shared by both, in which t here w ere cult statues made
by Polyclitus, in craftsmanship superior to all o thers but in
costliness and size inferior to those made by Phidias.
372 C, 11-18 To begin with, Argos was the more powerful. Then Myce-
nae experienced greater growth, because the Pelopids joined Pelopids = descendants of
Pelops
the settlement t here. When everything devolved to the sons
of Atreus, Agamemnon, being the older son, took over power
and acquired through luck and skill a great deal of territory
over and above his existing holdings, and indeed added La-
conia to Mycenae. Menelaus got Laconia. Agamemnon took
over Mycenae and the area as far as Corinth, Sicyon, and what
was then called the “territory of Ionians and ‘Aegialians’ ” and
was subsequently called the “territory of Achaeans.”
372 C, 18-25 After the Trojan period, when Agamemnon’s rule ended, Trojan period, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
Mycenae was much reduced, particularly a fter the return
of the Heraclids. When the Heraclids took control of the
Peloponnese, they expelled those who had formerly been in
power, with the consequence that those who held Argos also
held Mycenae as one unit. In later times, Mycenae was razed
by the Argives with the consequence that no trace of the
Mycenaean city can be detected t oday. Since this was the fate
of Mycenae, it should come as no surprise if some of those
places catalogued as subject to Argos, too, have nowadays
disappeared.
[ 1 ] I.e., add to the examples of “Argos” meaning the Peloponnese, as explained at

369 C, 18–370 C, 3.
440
The Peloponnese
372 C, 26-31 The Catalogue1 has it as follows: those who held Argos and
walled Tiryns, / and Hermiona and Asina, deep in their gulf, / and
Troizen and Eïones and vine-rich Epidaurus, / and those who held
Aegina and Mases—Achaea’s young warriors.2 Of these, Argos has
already been discussed.3 I must now talk about the others. |
372 C, 32–373 C, 4 It is believed that Proetus used Tiryns 4 as a base of opera- Tiryns, Tirynthos (Gr.) 8.6.11
tions and walled it with the help of the Cyclopes; that t here
were seven of these, and they w ere called gasterochires (stomach-
hands) because their handiwork kept them in food; that they
came from Lycia when sent for. The caves near Nauplia,
and the works constructed inside them, are perhaps named
after them.5 The “Licymna” acropolis gets its name from
Licymnius.
373 C, 4-7 She is around twelve stades from Nauplia. She is deserted, She = Tiryns
as also the nearby Midea (which is diff erent from the Boeotian
city—the latter is pronounced “Mídeia,” like prónoia, whereas
this city is pronounced “Midéa,” like Tegéa). She is bordered
by Prosymna, also deserted, with a temple to Hera.
373 C, 8-15 Most of the cities w ere laid waste by the Argives for
being disobedient. The inhabitants of Tiryns went away to
Epidaurus, and the inhabitants of Hermiona to what is called Epidaurus, Palaia Epidauros (Gr.)
“Halieis” (Fishermen). The inhabitants of Asina—she, too, was Halieis, Porto Cheli (Gr.)
an Argive village near Nauplia—were relocated from there

by the Lacedaemonians to Messenia: and there’s a small town
Theopompus (4th c. BCE) there with the same name as the Argolian Asina. Theopom-
pus explains that the Lacedaemonians, taking over much foreign
hatever p eople they accepted as fugitives. . . . *
territory, settled in it w
from Nauplia returned thither. |
373 C, 16-19 Hermiona 6 is not an insignificant city. Her coast is held by Hermiona, Ermione (Gr.) 8.6.12
some men who earn their living from the sea, who are called
“Halieis” (Fishermen). It is a tradition among the Hermionians
that the descent to Hades is short, so they put no money into
the mouths of the dead for the ferry fare! |
373 C, 19-25 People say that Hermiona is a Dryopian habitation, as also 8.6.13
Asina:7 either Dryops the Arcadian settled people here who

Aristotle (4th c. BCE) were from the Sperchium region (as Aristotle claims); or
Heracles ousted them from Doris in the Parnassus region. It
is said that the “Scyllaeum” in Hermiona got its name from Scyllaeum, Cape Spathi
Scylla, daughter of Nisus. P eople say that he threw her into
15-27n.
[ 2 ] Strabo frames the ensuing portion of his narrative (372 C, 32–376 C, 19) as a
commentary on these Homeric lines.
[ 3 ] Argos: 369 C, 18–372 C, 25.
[ 4 ] Strabo starts his commentary with an elaboration (372 C, 32–373 C, 15) on Tiryns.
[ 5 ] For these “Cyclopia”: 369 C, 1-2.
[ 6 ] Strabo continues his commentary with an elaboration (373 C, 16-19) on Herm-
iona (cf. 372 C, 26-31).
[ 7 ] Strabo continues his commentary with an elaboration (373 C, 19-25) on Asina
(cf. 372 C, 26-31).
441
3.3. Greece
the sea when, driven by love, she betrayed Nisaea to Minos;

she was carried hither by the waves and buried here.
373 C, 26-27 Eïones 1 was once a village that the Mycenaeans evacuated
and made into their dockyard. . . . * is no longer a dockyard. |
373 C, 28–374 C, 5 Troizen 2 is sacred to Posidon, for which reason she was Troizen, Damala (Gr.) 8.6.14
once known as “Posidonia.” She is set fifteen stades back

from the sea and is not an insignificant city. Lying in the sea
in front of her harbor (called “Pogon”) is the little island of
Calauria, with a circumference of some thirty stades. This Calauria, Poros (Gk. island)
was the location of an asylum-temple sacred to Posidon.

People say that the god made an exchange with Leto (giving
her Delos for Calauria) and with Apollo (giving him Pytho
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) for Taenarum). Ephorus quotes the oracle: it is the same for
you, to live in Delos and in Calauria, / in holy Pytho and in windy
Taenarum.
374 C, 6-9 There was once, centered on this temple, an amphictyonia amphictyonia = alliance of
neighboring cities
of seven cities who shared in the sacrifices. They w ere Herm-
ion, Epidaurus, Aegina, Athens, the Prasians, the Nauplians,
and Minyian Orchomenus; the Argives paid on behalf of the
Nauplians, and the Lacedaemonians on behalf of the Prasians.
374 C, 9-16 This god was held in such high regard by the Greeks that
even the Macedonians, when their empire reached this far,
somehow preserved its rights of asylum and were ashamed to
extradite suppliants who had fled to Calauria. For this reason,
Archias and his soldiers dared not use force against Demos
thenes, even though Archias had been instructed by Anti-
pater to take Demosthenes alive, as well as any other rhetor he
might find who faced similar accusations. Archias endeavored
to win him over by persuasion but did not succeed: Demos
thenes preemptively killed himself with poison.
374 C, 17-21 Troizen and Pittheus (sons of Pelops) originated from
Pisatis. The former bequeathed his name to the city; Pittheus
took over from him as king. Anthes, who had previously been
in control, sailed away and founded Halicarnassus. I will dis-
cuss these matters 3 in the Carica and Troica.4 |
374 C, 22-32 Epidaurus 5 used to be called “Epitaurus.” Aristotle says Epidaurus, Palaia Epidauros (Gr.) 8.6.15
Aristotle (4th c. BCE) that she was once, like Hermiona, in the possession of Carians, but
when the Heraclids returned, the Ionians who followed them from the
Attic tetrapolis to Argos made a joint settlement with them. She is a
city of no little significance, particularly because of the fame of
[1] Strabo elaborates (373 C, 26-27) on Eïones (cf. 372 C, 26-31).

[2] Strabo elaborates (373 C, 28–374 C, 21) on Troizen (cf. 372 C, 26-31).
[3] Strabo does not fulfill his stated intention: see next note.
[4] Carica (lit., “Stuff about Caria”) is the section of Strabo’s narrative (632 C, 5–664 C,
4, esp. 650 C, 33–663 C, 14) in which he describes Caria (sw. Turkey), and within
which he makes only a brief reference to Anthes’s foundation of Halicarnassus
(656 C, 12-23). Troica (lit., “Stuff about Troy”) is the section (581 C, 1–623 C, 9) in
which Strabo describes Trojan territory (w. + nw. Turkey), within which, however,
he makes no mention of Anthes. For Strabo’s use of “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 5 ] Strabo continues his commentary, elaborating (374 C, 22-32) on Epidaurus
(cf. 372 C, 26-31).
442
The Peloponnese
Asclepius, who is believed to cure all manner of ills and whose

temple is packed with a continuous stream of sick people and
with offerings in the form of tablets on which cures happen
to have been inscribed (as also in Cos and Tricca). The city is
situated at the innermost point of the Saronic gulf, with the
voyage around her being fifteen stades, and she f aces north-
east. She is hemmed in by lofty mountains right up to the
sea, so that she has been rendered well defended by nature
in all directions.
374 C, 32–375 C, 7 Between Troizen and Epidaurus there was once a strong-
hold, “Methana,” and a peninsula homonymous with it. In Methana, nr. Megalochori (Gr.)
Thucydides (5th c. BCE) some copies of Thucydides, the name is given as “Methone,”
the same name as the Macedonian city where Philip lost his
Demetrius (2nd c. BCE) eye during a siege. Demetrius of Scepsis thinks that this is why
some people wrongly suppose that the “Methone” in Troizen is the one
concerning which it is said that the navy recruiters sent by Agamem-
non uttered a curse, that the people “might never cease from building
walls” (since the people used as their excuse—for not obeying—that
they were “building walls”). It was not these people who re-
Theopompus (4th c. BCE) fused, but the Macedonians, as Theopompus says. It is not
reasonable to suppose that these people, being so near, would
disobey. |
375 C, 8-15 Aegina1 is a place in Epidauria but also an island off this Aegina, Aigina (Gk. island) 8.6.16
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) part of the mainland, to which the poet means to refer in the
lines just cited. For this reason, some people write “the island
of Aegina” rather than “those who held Aegina,” distinguish-
ing the homonyms. Given that the island is amongst the best
known, what is t here to say about it? Aeacus and his descen-
dants are said to have hailed from there. This is the island that
once ruled the sea, and which competed with the Athenians
for championship in the naval b attle at Salamis at the time of
the Persian war.
375 C, 15-22 The island is said to have a perimeter of one hundred and
eighty stades. It includes a city of the same name, oriented
toward the southwest, and lies between Attica, Megaris, and
the Peloponnese as far as Epidaurus (each is nearly one hun-
dred stades away). To the east and the south, it is washed by
the Myrtoan and Cretan oceans. Around it are small islands,
many on the mainland side, but Belbina extends into the Belbina, Ag. Georgios (Gk.
island)
ocean. The island’s terrain features good soil at a depth, but it
[ 1 ] Strabo continues his commentary, elaborating (375 C, 8–376 C, 6) on Aegina in

the “lines just cited” (372 C, 26-31).
443
3.3. Greece
is rocky at the surface, particularly where it is level, so that it is

entirely bare of trees but produces quite a lot of barley.
375 C, 22-26 People say that the Aeginetans w ere called “Myrmidons”
not because, as the myth has it, there was a great plague and
myrmeces (ants) were turned into men at Aeacus’s request.
Rather, it is b ecause the p eople dug out the soil in an “ant-
like” manner, used it to cover the rocks so that they could
engage in agriculture, and lived in the holes they had dug,
thus preempting the need for bricks.
375 C, 26–376 C, 1 The island was long ago called “Oenona” . . . * having the
same name as the two Attic demes. One deme is t oward Eleu- deme, administrative district
Citation of Euripides (5th c. BCE) therae: you who hold . . . / would do well to grant to me and my
master, who dwells on Oenoa’s / plains, bordering this Eleutherae.
The other is one of those cities belonging to the Marathon
tetrapolis (four-city state) and is the subject of the proverb:
Oenoa [has] its raging torrent. The island was settled by Argives,
Cretans, Epidaurians, and Dorians; l ater on, the Athenians
divided the island into cleruchiae. . . . * with the Mendaeans cleruchiae, lots apportioned to
settlers
colonized Damastium in Illyria, in the region of the silver
mines, which I mentioned in the Illyrica.1 The Lacedaemoni-
ans took the island away from the Athenians and returned it
to the original inhabitants.
376 C, 2-6 The Aeginetans dispatched colonies to Cydonia in Crete
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) and to the Umbrians. Ephorus says that silver was first coined
in Aegina by Phidon; t here was a huge trading center t here, with the
inhabitants engaging in maritime trade because of the poverty of the
soil, which is why small items are called “Aeginetan ware.” |
376 C, 7-19 The poet mentions some places in the order in which they 8.6.17
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) are located: those who dwelt in Hyrie and . . . Aulis; and those who
held Argos and . . . Tiryns, / and Hermiona and Asina . . . / and
Troizen and Eïones . . . 2 At other times, they are not given
in their proper order: Schoenus and Scolus . . . / Thespia and
Graea . . . He mixes places on the mainland with islands: those
who held Ithaca / and dwelt in Crocylia (Crocylia is found among
the Acarnanians). So in this instance, he linked Mases with
Aegina,3 although Mases is on the Argolian mainland.
376 C, 20-24 The poet did not mention Thyreae by name, although Thyreae, in Kynouria (Gr.)
other writers talk about it a lot. In its vicinity, t here was a

battle between the Argives and the Lacedaemonians—the
three hundred versus the three hundred. The Lacedaemo-
[ 1 ] Illyrica (lit., “Stuff about Illyria”) is the section of Strabo’s narrative (313 C, 19–
318 C, 27) within which he describes Illyria. His specific mention of the silver
mines at Damastium (326 C, 14-20) comes within the section of narrative dealing
with Epirus (326 C, 14–327 C, 28). Strabo’s use of “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 2 ] Strabo cites the relevant Homeric lines in full at 372 C, 26-31.
[ 3 ] See 372 C, 26-31.
444
The Peloponnese
nians were the victors, under the generalship of Othryadas.

Thucydides (5th c. BCE) Thucydides says that the site is in Cynuria, on the border be-
tween Argia and Laconia.
376 C, 24-28 Hysiae is another well-known place in Argolia, as also Cen- Hysiae, Akhladokampos (Gr.)
chreae, situated on the road from Tegea to Argos through the Cenchreae, Palaio-Skaphidaki
(Gr.)
Parthenium mountain range . . . * Homer knew nothing of
them, nor of Lyrcium nor Orneae—these are villages in Argia, Lyrcium, Melissi (Gr.)
the former homonymous with the mountain . . . *, the latter

with the “Orneae” located between Corinth and Sicyon. |
376 C, 29–377 C, 4 Of the Peloponnesian cities, the most famous were, and 8.6.18
still are, Argos and Sparta.1 Because they are frequently talked Argos, Argos (Gr.)
about, they are the least necessary to describe at length—I Sparta, Sparti (Gr.)
would appear to say what many have already said. In antiq-

uity, Argos was the more renowned; in later times and all re
spects, the Lacedaemonians took the lead and managed to
preserve their autonomy except when it so happened that
they suffered some minor setback. The Argives managed to
withstand Pyrrhus—he fell before the city walls when some
granny apparently dropped a tile on his head!—but they nev-
ertheless came u nder the rule of other kings. Since they joined
the confederation of the Achaeans, they came with the latter
into the power of the Romans. Nowadays, the city stands sec-
ond in rank to Sparta. |
377 C, 5-13 Next, let me describe the places listed in the Catalogue of 8.6.19
Ships 2 as subject to Mycenae and Agamemnon. The lines are as

follows: those who held the well-built city of Mycenae / and wealthy
Corinth and well-built Cleonae; / who dwelt in Orniae, and in lovely
Araethyrea, / and in Sicyon, where Adrastus first ruled; / and t hose
who held Hyperesia and craggy Gonoessa / and Pellena; and those who
lived around Aegium / and through all Aegialus and about broad
Helica.3
377 C, 14-20 Mycenae 4 no longer exists. She was founded by Perseus and Mycenae, Mykenes (Gr.)
then passed to Sthenelus and then to Eurystheus. These men

also ruled Argos. It is recorded that Eurystheus, advancing
into Marathon against the sons of Heracles and against Iolaus
with Athenian help, fell in b attle; and that, while most of his
body was buried at Gargettus, his head (cut off by Iolaus)
was buried separately in Tricorynthus, near the M acaria
spring beneath the roadway. The place is called “Head of
Eurystheus.”
[ 1 ] Mentioned in the lines of Homer cited at 369 C, 18-26.

[ 2 ] The “title” Catalogue of Ships refers to a part of Homer’s Iliad: 4 C, 14-20n;
cf. 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 3 ] The ensuing section of Strabo’s narrative (377 C, 14–388 C, 12), as well as being
a geographical description of the Peloponnese, is a commentary on the loca-
tions named in the lines of Homer cited here: Mycenae, 377 C, 14-26; Cleonae,
377 C, 27-34; Corinth, 378 C, 1–382 C, 11; Orniae, 382 C, 12-15; Araethyrea, 382 C,
16-25; Sicyon, 382 C, 26-33; Aegialus = Ionia/Achaea, 383 C, 1–388 C, 12 (including
Helica, 384 C, 14–385 C, 12; Pellena, 386 C, 28-32; Aegium, 387 C, 2-11).
[ 4 ] Strabo starts his commentary with an elaboration (377 C, 14-26) on Mycenae.
445
3.3. Greece
377 C, 20-26 Mycenae fell to the Pelopids who had come from their base Pelopids = descendants of
Pelops
in Pisatis, then to the Heraclids who also held Argos. A fter
the naval b attle at Salamis, the Argives with the Cleonaeans
and Tegeatans attacked and utterly destroyed Mycenae and
divided up the territory between themselves. Because of the
proximity of the two cities, the writers of tragedies use the two cities = Mycenae and Argos
Euripides (5th c. BCE) names as synonyms, as if they were one—Euripides even
within one play calling the city at one point “Mycenae” and
at another point calling the same city “Argos” (e.g., in the
Iphigenia and the Orestes).
377 C, 27-32 Cleonae1 is a city lying on the route from Argos to Corinth, Cleonae, Ag. Vasileios (Gr.)
on a hill that is surrounded in all directions with settlements

and has fine walls, so that well-built Cleonae seems to me to be
quite appropriate. There, too, are Nemea (between Cleonae
and Phlius); the sacred grove in which the Argives customar-
ily held the Nemean games; the setting for the Nemean Lion
myth; and the village of Bembina.
377 C, 32-34 Cleonae is one hundred and twenty stades from Argos,
and eighty from Corinth. I glimpsed the city from the Ac-
rocorinthus.2 |
378 C, 1-12 Corinth 3 is called wealthy because of its trade: being situated Corinth, Archaia Korinthos (Gr.) 8.6.20
CORINTHIA on the isthmus and being master of two harbors, one of which
ne. Peloponnese
is near Asia and the other near Italy, makes the exchange of
goods from both places easy, even though they are so far away
from each other. Just as the Sicilian strait was not easy to navi-
gate in antiquity, the same was true of the seas, particularly
beyond Maleae, because of the countervailing winds. (This Maleae, Akra Maleas
is the origin of the proverb: sail around Maleae, forget about

home.) It was therefore desirable for merchants from both
Italy and Asia to avoid the voyage around Maleae by putting
in at Corinth and unloading their cargo there. Also, the dues
on overland exports from the Peloponnese, and on imports,
fell to those who controlled access. This remained the case in
later times and all respects.
378 C, 12-19 Even greater benefits accrued to those of subsequent date.
The celebration t here of the Isthmian games brought crowds
of people; and the ruling Bacchiads—wealthy, numerous, and
of distinguished descent—stayed in power for nearly two
hundred years and lived with impunity off the fruits of the
trade. Cypselus put an end to them and made himself ruler;
[ 1 ] Strabo continues his commentary with an elaboration (377 C, 27-34) on well-

built Cleonae (377 C, 5-13).
[ 2 ] Strabo was present in Corinth, and climbed the Acrocorinthus: 378 C, 31–379 C,
19nn.
[ 3 ] Strabo comments on the lines of Homer cited at 377 C, 5-13, with an elaboration
(378 C, 1–382 C, 11) on wealthy Corinth.
446
The Peloponnese
his f amily lasted u ntil the third generation. The wealth of

this family is attested by the dedication offered by Cypselus
at Olympia: a gigantic statue of hammered gold.
378 C, 19-22 Demaratus, one of the rulers in Corinth who fled from civil
discord there, brought so much wealth from his home to Tyr-
rhenia that he ruled in the city that received him, and his son
even became king of the Romans.
378 C, 22-30 The temple to Aphrodite was so wealthy that it owned
more than one thousand sacred prostitute-slaves, dedicated
to the goddess by both men and w omen. B ecause of these
prostitute-slaves, the city attracted crowds of p eople and
grew wealthy. Naval captains easily spent all their money,
which is why the proverb says: the voyage to Corinth is not for
every man. It is further recorded that a prostitute-slave, when
reproached by some w oman with the charge that she was lazy
and didn’t work with wool, replied: Indeed, I am such that I have
already in this short time taken down three erections!1 |
378 C, 31–379 C, 2 The layout of the city is as follows, based on what is said 8.6.21
Hieronymus (4th–3rd c. BCE) by Hieronymus, Eudoxus, and others, and on what I myself Eudoxus (4th c. BCE)
saw a fter the recent restoration of the city by the Romans.2

379 C, 2-13 A lofty mountain—with a vertical height of some three
and a half stades and an uphill climb of thirty—ends in a
sharp peak. It is called “Acrocorinthus.” Its northern side
is the steepest, with the city situated at the base, on a site
comprising a trapezoid plain right at the very bottom of Ac- trapezoid, table-shaped
rocorinthus. The circumference of the city was once forty

stades. Fortifications had been built around the part of the
city unprotected by the mountain. The Acrocorinthus moun-
tain had itself been incorporated into this encirclement where
fortification was possible—as I climbed, the ruins of the wall
were visible to me—with the consequence that the perimeter
as a w
hole was around eighty-five stades. The mountain is less
steep on the other sides, although even h ere it is of quite some
height, with commanding views.
379 C, 13-19 At the peak is a small t emple to Aphrodite. Below the peak
is the Pirena spring, which has no outlet and is always full
of clear, drinkable water. People say that the pressure from
this and other subterranean passages and arteries c auses the
spring at the foot of the mountain to flow forth into the city,
with the consequence that the city is quite well supplied with
[ 1 ] The Greek word translated as “erections” (with the same innuendo as in E nglish)
can also mean “looms” (also, in a further twist, “ship’s masts”).
[ 2 ] The restoration of Corinth (initiated early 44 BCE) will have required several
years for completion. Strabo’s reference to the restoration as “recent” at the
time he saw it is consistent with him observing it either as he passed through
Corinth on his way (ca. 40 BCE) to Rome to start his further education or when
he passed through Corinth at a later date (29 BCE): 485 C, 30–486 C, 3.
447
3.3. Greece
ater from the spring. (There’s also an abundance of wells

w
throughout the city—and people say that there’s an abun-
dance on Acrocorinthus as well, but I didn’t see them.)
379 C, 19-25 When Euripides says, I have come, leaving b ehind water-
Euripides (5th c. BCE) encircled Acrocorinthus, / sacred hill, Aphrodite’s city, we should
understand water-encircled as referring to the mountain’s in-
terior (since the mountain is riddled with arteries and sub-
terranean streams). E ither that, or it should be assumed that
Pirena long ago overflowed and cascaded down the mountain.
379 C, 25-30 People say that Pegasus (the winged horse that sprang from
the neck of Medusa at the time of the Gorgon decapitation)
was drinking here when captured by Bellerophontes. They say
that the same h orse, when it kicked its hoof against the cliff
below, caused the upwelling of Hippucrena on Helicon. Below
Pirena is the Sisyphium, which preserves the considerable re-
mains of some temple or palace constructed with marble.
379 C, 30–380 C, 3 From the peak can be seen, to the north, the lofty snow-
capped mountains of Parnassus and Helicon, and the Cri- Crisaean gulf = e. end of Gulf
of Corinth
saean gulf at the foot of each, hemmed in by Phocis, Boeotia,
Megaris, and (across the water from Phocis) Corinthia and
Sicyonia;1 to the west, the territory between Corinth and Aso-
pia, the best of the territories inside the isthmus; to the south,
the country of Teneatis (being part of Corinthia), Cleonae,
and certain mountain ranges within Arcadia and Phliasia;2 to
the east, the isthmus and the shoreline on either side (belong-
ing to the isthmus and . . . *), and the places in between as far
as Megaria, stretching from sea to sea.3 Inland from all the
latter are what are called the “Onian” mountains, stretching
as far as Boeotia and Cithaeron from the Scironian cliffs and
from the road r unning past them t oward Attica.4 |
380 C, 4-7 The start of the shoreline on either side is marked on the
one hand by Lechaeum, on the other hand by the village of Lechaeum, Lechaion (Gr.)
Cenchreae and a harbor that is some seventy stades away from Cenchreae, Kechriai (Gr.)
the city. This is the harbor used by people coming from Asia.
For those coming from Italy, Lechaeum is the harbor that is
used.
380 C, 7-15 Lechaeum is at the foot of the city, with a settlement city = Corinth
of no great size. Side walls have been extended for around

twelve stades on either side of the road down to Lechaeum.
The shoreline from h ere to Pagae in Megaris is washed by Pagae, Alepochori (Gr.)
[ 1 ] The sweeping views from Acrocorinthus’s peak serve as an overview (literally)

of Strabo’s ensuing narrative. Boeotia and Phocis: 400 C, 11–425 C, 5 (esp. 409 C,
25–410 C, 9 for Parnassus, Helicon, Crisaean gulf). Megaris: 391 C, 24–393 C, 21.
Corinthia/Sicyonia: 378 C, 1–379 C, 30; 380 C, 4–382 C, 33.
[ 2 ] Tenea: 380 C, 23-36. Cleonae: 377 C, 27-34. Mountain ranges: 388 C, 13-15; 388 C,
37–389 C, 2.
[ 3 ] Isthmus: 380 C, 4-22.
[ 4 ] Onian mountains: 393 C, 17-21.
448
The Peloponnese
the Corinthian gulf. It is concave and, together with the part

of the opposite shore at Schoenus (near Cenchreae), forms Schoenus, Kalamaki (Gr.)
Diolcus (Haul-across). Between Lechaeum and Pagae, t here was

in antiquity an oracular shrine belonging to “Acraean” Hera;
and there’s Olmiae, the promontory forming the bay in which Olmiae, Schinas
are situated Oenoa and Pagae, the latter being the Megarian Oenoa, Viokastro (Gr.)
guard post, while Oenoa belongs to the Corinthians.

380 C, 15-19 Starting from Cenchreae, there’s Schoenus—the loca- Schoenus, Kalamaki (Gr.)
tion of Diolcus’s narrow crossing—and then Crommyonia.

Off this coastline are the Saronic gulf and (more or less the
same thing)1 the Eleusinian gulf, next to the Hermionic gulf.
On the isthmus, t here is also a t emple to “Isthmian” Posidon,
shaded by a sacred grove of pines, which is where the Corin-
thians used to celebrate the Isthmian games.
380 C, 19-22 Crommyon is a village in Corinthia, although formerly Crommyon, Ag. Theodori (Gr.)
part of Megaris,2 and is the setting for the myth of the Crom-
myonian Sow (who, p eople say, was the mother of the Calydo-
nian boar). The tradition is that the slaughter of the sow was
one of Theseus’s labors.
380 C, 23-36 Tenea, too, is a village in Corinthia, with its temple to Tenea, S Chiliomodi (Gr.)
“Teneatan” Apollo. It is said that most of the settlers accom-

panying Archias (the organizer of the colony sent to Syra-
cuse) came from here, and that afterward this settlement was
the most successful of all; that, most recently, they went their they = inhabitants of Tenea
own way politically and, rebelling from the Corinthians, went

over to the Romans; and that they survived when the city was city = Corinth
razed. It is also said that the oracular response given to one

of those from Asia—when he asked whether it might be bet-
ter to emigrate to Corinth—was Corinth prospers, but I would
rather be a Teneatan! (Some people ignorantly misquote this as
I would rather be a Tegeatan.) It is said that Polybus raised Oedi-
pus here. It is considered that there is some kinship between
them and the Tenedians, through Tennes (son of Cycnus) ac-
Aristotle (4th c. BCE) cording to Aristotle. The similar ways in which Apollo is wor-
shipped in both places provides no insignificant evidence. |
380 C, 36–381 C, 7 When the Corinthians were subject to Philip, they shared 8.6.23
in his ambitions and held the Romans personally in such

contempt that certain p eople w ere so bold as to throw their
waste all over the ambassadors who w ere passing their h
ouse!
For this and other misdeeds, they immediately paid the price.
[ 1 ] Strabo perhaps corrects the impression given earlier (335 C, 23-27, where it is
implied that the Saronic and Hermionic gulf are the same).
[ 2 ] Transfer of Crommyon from Megaris to Corinthia: 392 C, 13-20; 392 C, 28–393 C,
11n.
449
3.3. Greece
fter the dispatch t here of a sizable army, the city was leveled
A
by Lucius Mummius, and the other parts as far as Macedonia Roman general L. Mummius,
took Corinth, 146 BCE
were subjected to the Romans, with various governors being
sent to various people. The Sicyonians got the greater part of
Corinthian territory.
381 C, 7-16 Polybius, speaking poignantly of the events surrounding
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) the capture, proceeds to tell of the soldiers’ heedlessness re-
garding works of art and temple offerings. He says he person-
ally saw paintings thrown to the floor, and soldiers playing
checkers on them. Of these paintings, he names the picture
by Aristides of Dionysus (the basis, according to some, of the
expression nothing compared to the “Dionysus”) and also Heracles
Tormented by Deianira’s Robe. I have not seen the latter, but I
Demetrium = temple in Rome
used to see the Dionysus—a very fine work—when it was kept to goddess Demeter (known as
in the Demetrium in Rome.1 The t emple went up in flames, “Ceres” to the Romans), which
was destroyed by fire, 31 BCE;
and the painting recently disappeared, too.2 rebuilt, 17 CE
381 C, 16-23 It is almost the case that the greatest number and the best
of the other t emple offerings in Rome also came from here. here = from Corinth
Some w ere acquired by the cities round about Rome: p eople

say that Mummius, being generous rather than cultured,
gaily handed over the items to whomsoever asked for them.
When Lucullus equipped the temple to Eutychia (Good-fortune)
with its portico, he asked to borrow some statues owned by
Mummius, in order to dress up the temple, just until its of-
ficial opening, a fter which they would be returned. He did He = Lucullus
not, however, return them but made offerings of them, tell-

ing Mummius to take them away if he wanted to. The fellow was fellow = Mummius
good-natured about it, since he couldn’t care less, with the

consequence that his reputation benefited more than that of
the man who made the offerings!
381 C, 24–382 C, 4 Corinth remained deserted for a long time but was rebuilt,
because of her favorable position, by the deified Caesar, who deified Caesar = Julius Caesar
sent out as colonists a g

reat number of people of the freedmen
class. When they removed the rubble and reopened the graves,
they discovered a mass of terra-cotta reliefs and bronzeware.
Amazed by the items, p eople left no grave untouched and
consequently, having a stockpile of such items and distribut-
ing them widely, they filled Rome with “Necrocorinthia”—
which is what people called the items taken from the graves,
particularly the terra-cottas. They w ere initially as highly
[ 1 ] The grammatical tense suggests repeated viewing by Strabo before the de-
struction of the temple (31 BCE). Comments elsewhere suggest Strabo’s pres-
ence in Rome at this period, pursuing his further studies: 273 C, 2-14n; 548 C,
9-14n.
[ 2 ] “Recently” applies grammatically to the disappearance of the painting rather
than the conflagration of the temple. Strabo had perhaps been disappointed
not to see the painting at the t emple’s reopening (17 CE), a year or two before
writing this section of his work.
450
The Peloponnese
prized as the Corinthian bronzeware. Then, people lost in-

terest, as the supply of terra-cottas declined and was not for
the most part replenished.
382 C, 5-11 The city of the Corinthians was always important and
wealthy and produced many men who w ere experts in gover-
nance and in craftsmanship. In particular, here and in Sicyon, here = in Corinth
painting and sculpting and other similar crafts flourished. But

the territory she held did not have good soil at all but was un-
even and rough, which is the reason . . . * they call her craggy
Corinth and say, as a proverb, that Corinth has crags and hollows. |
382 C, 12-15 Orneae1 is homonymous with the river running alongside 8.6.24
SICYONIA her. She is now deserted but was previously a fine settlement,
ne. Peloponnese
with a much revered temple to Priapus (which is why Euphro-
nius, author of the poem Priapia, calls the god “Ornean”). She
is situated above the Sicyonian plain; her territory was held
by the Argives.
382 C, 16-25 Araethyrea 2 is the territory now called “Phliasia.” It once
included a city homonymous with the territory, beside the
Celossa mountain range. The p eople of later times emigrated
from there and founded a city thirty stades farther on, which
they called “Phlius.” Part of Celossa is Carneates, whence be- Phlius, Nemea (Gr.)
gins the Asopus, which runs alongside Sicyon and forms the Asopus, Asopos r.
Asopian territory, which is a part of Sicyonia. (There is also an

“Asopus” that runs alongside Thebes and Plataeae and Tana-
gra; another in Trachinian Heraclia, running alongside the vil-
lage that people call “Parasopii”; a fourth in Paros.) Phlius is
situated in the middle of Sicyonia, Argia, Cleonae, and Stym- Cleonae, Ag. Vasileios (Gr.)
phalus, which lies around her. The temple to “Dia”—this is Stymphalus, Stymphalia (Gr.)
their name for Hebe—in Phlius and Sicyon is much revered. |
382 C, 26-29 Sicyon 3 was formerly called “Mecona” and before that “Ae- Sicyon, Vasiliko (Gr.) 8.6.25
giali.” Demetrius refounded her some twenty stades up from

the coast (some say twelve) on a hill with natural defenses.
The ancient city is a seaport with harbor. The boundary be-
tween Sicyonia and Corinthia is formed by the river Nemea. Nemea, Zapantis/Nemea r.
382 C, 29-33 The city was subject to tyrant rule for the longest time,
but these rulers w ere always reasonable men, with the most
famous being Aratus. He granted the city her freedom; he
ruled over the Achaeans, who willingly passed control to him;
and he expanded the confederation by adding to it his own
city and other nearby cities.
(382 C, 12-15) on Orniae (the Homeric spelling).
(382 C, 16-25) on Araethyrea.
(382 C, 26-33) on Sicyon.
451
3.3. Greece
383 C, 1-6 It came about that Hyperasia, and the successive cities men- Aegialus, n. shore of
Peloponnese
ACHAEA tioned by the poet, as well as Aegialus as far as Dyma and the
n. Peloponnese Dyma, Kato Achaia (Gr.)
Elian boundaries, finally belonged to the Achaeans.1 | This ter- 8.7.1
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) ritory was ruled in antiquity by the Ionians, who originated in
Athens. It was long ago called “Aegialia,” and its inhabitants
were called “Aegialians,” but subsequent to them it was called
“Ionia”—as was Attica—after Ion (son of Xuthus).
383 C, 7-12 It is said that Hellen was the son of Deucalion; that he held
power in the Phthia region over those areas between the Pe-
neius and the Asopus and handed the succession to his eldest
son; that he sent his other sons away to seek their own dwell-
ing place, each for himself. Of these sons, Dorus established
the “Dorians” in the Parnassus region and bequeathed his
name to them; Xuthus married the daughter of Erechtheus
and founded the Attic tetrapolis (four-city state) of Oenoa, Mara-
thon, Probalinthus, and Tricorynthus.
383 C, 12-19 As for Xuthus’s sons, Achaeus committed involuntary
murder, fled to Lacedaemon, and brought it about that the
people there were called “Achaeans.”2 Ion, however, won a vic-
tory over Eumolpus’s Thracians and was so respected that
the Athenians turned over their government to him. Ion first
divided the populace into four tribes, then into four occu-
pational groups. One group he appointed as agriculturists,
one group as artisans, one group as temple officials, and the
fourth as guardians. After making several such regulations,
he bequeathed his name to the territory.
383 C, 19-27 It happened at that time that the territory’s population
increased so much that the Athenians dispatched a colony of
Ionians to the Peloponnese, and they gave their name to the
territory they occupied, which was called “Ionia” instead of
Aegialus; 3 and the inhabitants, divided between twelve cities,
were known as “Ionians” instead of “Aegialians.” (After the
return of the Heraclids, the Ionians were driven out by the
Achaeans and went back to Athens, from where they joined
the Codrids in the Ionian colonizing expedition to Asia; and
they founded twelve cities on the coast of Caria and Lydia,
dividing themselves into the same number of parts as in the
Peloponnese.)
383 C, 28–384 C, 3 The Achaeans were Phthiotan by descent,4 but they lived
in Lacedaemon. When the Heraclids ruled supreme, the
[ 1 ] Strabo describes Achaea as part of the continuation of his commentary on the

lines of Homer cited at 377 C, 5-13. The “successive cities” are Gonoessa, Pellena
(386 C, 28-32), Aegium (387 C, 2-11, and Helica (384 C, 14–385 C, 12).
[ 2 ] History of the Achaeans: 383 C, 28–385 C, 27.
[ 3 ] Strabo uses the Homeric form of the name as cited at 377 C, 5-13.
[ 4 ] Achaean origins in the Phthian region: 383 C, 7-19.
452
The Peloponnese
Achaeans w ere won over by Tisamenus (son of Orestes) and

invaded the Ionians, as I said earlier.1 When the Achaeans
were victorious, they drove out the Ionians and themselves
occupied the country, preserving the division of the terri-
tory as they found it. They grew so strong that, although the
Heraclids—from whom they had revolted—held the rest of
the Peloponnese, the Achaeans defended themselves against
all comers and named their territory “Achaea.”
384 C, 3-9 From the time of Tisamenus to Ogygus, the Achaeans
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) were continuously ruled by kings, so Polybius tells us; then,
having established a democracy, they won such a good repu-
tation for governance that the Italiotes, after revolting from
the Pythagoreans, took most of their laws from the Achaeans.
The Thebans, a fter the b attle at Leuctra, handed arbitration
(in the matter of cities’ disputes with one another) over to
the Achaeans.
384 C, 9-13 When the commonwealth was later dissolved by the
Macedonians, the Achaeans reinvented themselves, at least
to a l imited extent. At the time when Pyrrhus sent a military
expedition into Italy, four cities (including Patrae and Dyma) Patrae, Patras (Gr.)
began by joining together, then they absorbed others of the Dyma, Kato Achaia (Gr.)
twelve,2 except for Olenus and Helica 3 (the former excluded,

the latter obliterated by a tidal wave). |
384 C, 14-16 The ocean, its level having risen owing to an earthquake, 8.7.2
inundated Helica and the t emple to “Heliconian” Posidon, Helica, E Aigion (Gr.)
who even now is worshipped by the Ionians and in whose

honor they celebrate the Panionian sacrificial festival.4
384 C, 16-26 Some people suppose that Homer has this sacrificial festi-
val in mind when he says: he breathed out his spirit and bellowed,
as a bull sometimes bellowed / when dragged around the Heliconian
Strabo presents the argument lord. They deduce that the poet must postdate the Ionian
that Homer should be dated
after the Ionian colonization colonies, since he refers to the Panionian festival, which is cel-
ebrated by the Ionians in Prienian territory in honor of “Heli-
conian” Posidon—and b ecause, too, the Prienians themselves
are said to be from Helica, and furthermore, with regard to
the festival, they appoint a young Prienian fellow as “king”
to preside over the rituals. They also base the foregoing de-
duction even more on what is said about the bull: the Ionians
consider that the omens from the sacrifice are favorable when
the bull, as it is being sacrificed, emits a “bellow.”
[ 1 ] Strabo h ere adds to his earlier statement (364 C, 30-39, where he omitted the
name “Tisamenus” for the man who led the Achaeans in invading Ionia).
[ 2 ] 12 cities belonging to the Achaean federation: 385 C, 28–388 C, 12.
(384 C, 14–385 C, 12) on Helica.
[ 4 ] Asian Ionians (sw. Turkey): 632 C, 5–647 C, 3 (esp. 639 C, 15-27 for the Panionian
festival).
453
3.3. Greece
384 C, 27-29 Those who argue the reverse transfer to Helica the stated
Strabo presents the evidence concerning the bull and the sacrifice, arguing that
counterargument
these are local customs and that the poet refers to local
sacrifices.
384 C, 29-33 The flooding of Helica took place two years before the
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) battle at Leuctra. Eratosthenes says that he himself saw the
site, and that the ferrymen reported that a bronze statue of Posidon
had once stood upright in the channel, holding a sea monster in his
hand and presenting a danger to t hose fishing with nets!
384 C, 33–385 C, 9 Heraclides says that the tragedy took place one night in
Heraclides (4th c. BCE) his own times, the city being twelve stades from the coast, and all
this area being submerged along with the city. Two thousand men
sent from the Achaeans were unable to gather the corpses and allo-
cated the territory to the neighboring people. The tragedy occurred
as a result of Posidon’s anger: t hose Ionians who had been expelled
from Helica sent a delegation and requested from the Helicans the
cult statue of Posidon, ideally, or failing that, a t emple replica.
When the Helicans did not provide these things, the Ionians sent
a delegation to the Achaean confederation. Although the vote was
carried, the Helicans did not comply, and the tragedy occurred the
following winter. L ater, the Achaeans gave the t emple replica to the
Ionians.
385 C, 9-12 Hesiod mentions another “Helica,” in Thessaly: Antha,
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) a Myrmidon city, and famous Iaolcus, / and Arna, and Helica. |
385 C, 13-24 The Achaeans continued for twenty years with a shared 8.7.3
secretary and two generals per year; a federal council was con-
vened at a single place (it was called “Hamarium”), where they
(and, before them, the Ionians) dealt with federal matters.
Then they decided to elect a single general. When Aratus was
general, he took Acrocorinthus from Antigonus and gave
it, like his native city, to the Achaeans. He acquired, in addi- native city = Sicyon
tion, the Megarians and put an end to tyrannies in individual

places, making the people he freed into “Achaeans”; . . . * and
he freed the Peloponnese from the tyrannies t here, so that
Argos, Hermion, Phlius, and Megala Polis (Great city)—the
greatest of the cities in Arcadia—were given to the Achae-
ans, at the time when they had expanded to their maximum
extent. This was at the time when the Romans expelled the Romans expelled Carthaginians,
241 BCE; campaigned against
Carthaginians from Sicily and sent an army against the Gala- Celts, 225–220 BCE
tians of the Padus region.
454
The Peloponnese
385 C, 24-27 Up u ntil the generalship of Philopoemen, the Achaeans Philopoemen was general,
208–182 BCE
remained quite united, but their u nion gradually fell apart,
as the Romans w ere in possession of all Greece and did not
deal with all places in the same manner, wanting to preserve
some and destroy others.
Radt excludes this paragraph Then he gives as his reason for spending so much time on
1
he = ?Polybius (2nd c. BCE)
from his edition of Strabo’s
work1
his description of the Achaeans that, although they became
so powerful that they overtook the Lacedaemonians, they are
not as famous as they should be. |
385 C, 28–386 C, 2 The sequence of places that they settled, after having 8.7.4
made the division into twelve sections, is as follows. After

Pellena, Zugra (Gr.) Sicyon comes Pellena, then Aegira second. Third is Aegae,
Aegira, Vitrinitsa (Gr.) with its t emple to Posidon. Fourth is Bura; and a fter that, Bura, ?Kastro, nr. Diakofto (Gr.)
Aegae, Akrata (Gr.) Helica, whither the Ionians had fled after being worsted by Helica, E Aigion (Gr.)
the Achaeans, and whence they were finally expelled. After

Helica comes Aegium, Rhypes, the Patraeans, and Pharians; Aegium, Aigion (Gr.)
Pirus, Kamenitsa/Peiras r. then Olenus, past which runs the g reat Pirus river; then Dyma Rhypes, S Koumari (Gr.)
and the Tritaeans.2

386 C, 2-8 The Ionians lived in villages, while the Achaeans founded
cities, into some of which they l ater incorporated a few cit-
ies from the other sections—for example, Aegae into Aegira
(the inhabitants w ere called “Aegaeans”), and Olenus into Olenus, ?Tsoukalaiika/
Kamenitsa (Gr.)
Dyma. Traces of the ancient city of the Olenians are identi-
Dyma, Kato Achaia (Gr.)
fied between Patrae and Dyma. H ere, too, is the site of the
famous t emple to Asclepius, forty stades from Dyma, eighty
from Patrae.
386 C, 9-15 Homonymous with this Aegae is the “Aegae” in Euboea; Euboean Aegae, Politika Kafkala
(Gr.)
homonymous with this Olenus is the city in Aetolia, of which
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) only traces remain. The poet does not mention Achaean Ole-
nus, nor indeed many other inhabitants of the Aegialus re-
gion, but speaks of them in a more general way (through all
Aegialus and about broad Helica).3 He mentions the Aetolian
Olenus when he says, who dwelt in Pleuron and Olenus.
386 C, 16-23 He mentions both “Aegae.” The Achaean one—those who Achaean Aegae, Akrata (Gr.)
bring gifts for you, to Helica and Aegae. But when he says, Aegae,
where you have your famous home in the w aters deep and there
Posidon brought his h orses to a stop, it is better to take him as
meaning the one in Euboea (after which, it is reasonable to Euboean Aegae, Politika Kafkala
(Gr.)
suppose, the “Aegaean sea” got its name). That is where the
affair of Posidon in the Trojan war is depicted.
[ 1 ] Radt, vol. 2, critical apparatus on 385 C, line 27.

[ 2 ] Strabo finishes his commentary on the lines of Homer cited at 377 C, 5-13, with
an elaboration on Pellena (386 C, 28-32) and Aegium (387 C, 2-11). Of the other
names listed h ere, Helica has already been discussed (384 C, 14–385 C, 12). The
rest are discussed in the ensuing narrative: Aegira, Aega/Aegae, Bura, 386 C,
32–387 C, 2; Rhypes, 387 C, 16-24; Patraeans (from Patrae), 387 C, 24-28; Pharians
(from Phara), 388 C, 3-7; Olenus, 388 C, 9-12; Dyma, 387 C, 28–388 C, 3; Tritaeans
(from Tritaea), 388 C, 7-9.
[ 3 ] The relevant line of Homer is cited at 377 C, 5-13.
455
3.3. Greece
386 C, 23-25 Near Achaean Aegae flows the Crathis (Mingled) river, Crathis, Krathis r.
formed out of two rivers, its nomenclature derived from their

intermingling, as is also the case with the “Crathis” in Italy. |
386 C, 26-27 Each of the twelve sections was made up of seven to eight 8.7.5
demes, so g reat was the population of the territory. deme, administrative district
386 C, 28-32 Pellena1 is a defensive stronghold sixty stades inland from Pellena, Zugra (Gr.)
the sea. There is also a village “Pellena,” whence come the

“Pellenian” cloaks that used to be given as prizes in com-
petitions; it lies between Aegira and Pellena. (“Pellana” is
different from t hese, a Laconian place in the direction of
Megalopolitis.)
386 C, 32–387 C, 2 Aegira is on a hill. Bura lies some forty stades inland from Aegira, Vitrinitsa (Gr.)
the sea: it was swallowed up in an earthquake. People say that Bura, ?Kastro, nr. Diakofto (Gr.)
it is from the “Sybaris” spring located t here that the Italian

river got its name. Aega (for Aegae is also known by this Aega, Akrata (Gr.)
name) is not populated t oday, and its territory is held by the

Aegians.2
387 C, 2-11 Aegium 3 (Goat-place) is still t oday quite populous. The story Aegium, Aigion (Gr.)
Aratus (3rd c. BCE) is told that Zeus was raised h ere by a goat, as Aratus says:
sacred she-goat who, it is said, proffered her teat to Zeus. He adds
that the priest-interpreters of Zeus call her the “Olenian” she-goat,
showing that the place is near Olenus. Here, too, is Cerynia, Cerynia, Mamousia (Gr.)
situated on high cliffs, equidistant from the sea and from

Bura. These places belong to the Aegians, as do Helica and Helica, E Aigion (Gr.)
the precinct sacred to Zeus, Hamarium, where the Achaeans

assembled to discuss federal matters.
387 C, 11-15 Running through Aegian territory is the Selinus river, Selinus, Selinous r.
homonymous with the river in Ephesus that flows past the

Artemisium, and with the river in what is now Elia, flowing
Xenophon (late 5th–early 4th c. past the place that Xenophon says he bought for Artemis in
BCE)
keeping with an oracular response. T here is another “Selinus”
among the Hyblaean Megarians who w ere uprooted by the
Carthaginians.
387 C, 16-24 Of the Achaean cities—or “sections”—that remain,4
Rhypes is not inhabited, but its territory, called “Rhypis,” Rhypes, S Koumari (Gr.)
Aeschylus (5th c. BCE) was held by the Aegians and Pharians. Aeschylus somewhere
says: sacred Bura and Cerynia, / Rhypes, Dyma, Helica, Aegium,
/ and Aegira, and steep-sided, / sacred Olenus. From Rhypes
came Myscellus, the founder of Croton. Leuctrum, a deme deme, administrative district
of Rhypes, was also part of Rhypis.
[ 1 ] Strabo continues with his commentary on the lines of Homer cited at 377 C,
5-13, with an elaboration (386 C, 28-32) on Pellena.
[ 2 ] Strabo seems to modify his e arlier statement (386 C, 2-8, where the place is
called “Aegae” and the inhabitants are “Aegaeans”).
[ 3 ] Strabo finishes his commentary on the lines of Homer cited at 377 C, 5-13, with
an elaboration (387 C, 2-11) on Aegium.
[ 4 ] I.e., “remain” as per the list at 385 C, 28–386 C, 2.
456
The Peloponnese
387 C, 24-28 After these comes Patrae, a city of some significance (and Patrae, Patras (Gr.)
in between are Rhium and Antirrhium, forty stades from Pa- Rhium, Rion (Gr.)
trae.) The Romans recently settled a significant part of the Antirrhium, Antirion (Gr.)
army h ere, in the wake of the victory at Actium; and the city
is exceptionally well populated, being now a Roman colony.
She has quite a good anchorage.
387 C, 28–388 C, 3 Next, and farthest west of all (whence her name) comes
Dyma (Sundown), a city without a harbor. She was formerly Dyma, Kato Achaia (Gr.)
called “Stratus,” and even before that, “Palieia” . . . * She is

separated from Elia at Buprasia by the Larisus river, which Larisus, Larisas/Manna r.
flows from a mountain (which the locals call “Scollis,” and Scollis, Skollis mt. (Gr.)
Antimachus (late 5th–early Homer calls the Olenian Rock). Antimachus calls Dyma “Cau-
4th c. BCE)
conian.” Some people understood this name to be derived
from the Cauconians, who extended this far, as I said above.1
Others understood it to be derived from a river “Caucon,” just Caucon, Toporoviti r.
as the Thebans are called “Dircaean” and “Asopian,” Argos is

called “Inachian,” and Troy “Simuntian.” Dyma, a little before
our times, took in a mixed population of settlers, the surviv-
ing members of the pirate horde kept by Pompey a fter he
destroyed the pirate bands: he settled some of them in Soli
in Cilicia and some of them elsewhere, even here.
388 C, 3-7 Phara shares a border with Dymaea, Patrica, and Leonte- Phara, SE Isoma/Isari (Gr.)
sia (which Antigonus founded among the Achaeans). People

from this Phara are called “Pharians,” while t hose from the
Messenian one are called “Pharatans.” T here is, in Pharaica,
a spring, “Dirce,” homonymous with the spring in Thebes.
388 C, 7-9 Tritaea joins up with Pharaica, with Leontesia, and with Tritaea, Ag. Marina (Gr.)
Larisiona; t here was once in Phocis a city homonymous with

this one . . . * “Castalia” spring . . . * Tritaea.
388 C, 9-12 Olenus is deserted and lies between Patrae and Dyma. The Olenus, ?Tsoukalaiika/
Kamenitsa (Gr.)
territory is held by the Dymaeans. Then t here’s Araxus, the
Araxus, Cape Araxos (Gr.)
Elian promontory, one thousand and thirty stades from the
isthmus. |
388 C, 13-15 Arcadia lies in the middle of the Peloponnese, and most 8.8.1
ARCADIA of the territory included in it is mountainous. The largest
cen. Peloponnese
mountain range in the territory is Cyllena: some people give Cyllena, Kyllene mt. (Gr.)
its vertical height as twenty stades, while o thers give it as

around fifteen.
388 C, 15-27 The Arcadian nations—the Azanians, Parrhasians, and
suchlike—a ppear to be the most ancient of the Greek
[ 1 ] 342 C, 6-37; 345 C, 6-11.
457
3.3. Greece
nations. Because of the complete devastation of their terri-

tory, it would seem inappropriate to describe them at length.
Their cities, once splendid, w ere obliterated by a succession
of wars. The tillers of the soil have been leaving the coun-
tryside ever since the time when most of the cities were
amalgamated into what was called “Megala Polis” (Great city). Megala Polis, Megalopolis (Gr.)
Nowadays Megala Polis has herself suffered what the comic

poet says: The Great City is a great desert! There are ample
pastures for farm animals, particularly for horses and asses
used as studs. The Arcadian breed of horse is excellent, as
likewise the Argolian and Epidaurian breeds. (The Aetolian
and Acarnanian desert is also well suited to h orse rearing, no
less so than Thessaly.) |
388 C, 28-36 Epaminondas made Mantinia famous, when he was victo- Mantinia, Mantineia (Gr.) 8.8.2
rious over the Lacedaemonians in the second b attle, in which

he himself lost his life. This city, as well as Orchomenus, Her- Orchomenus, Kalpaki (Gr.)
Maenalus, ?nr. Daria (Gr.) aea, Cleitor, Pheneus, Stymphalus, Maenalus, Methydrium, Heraea, Ag. Ioannes (Gr.)
Methydrium, Nemnitsa/ the Caphyans, and Cynaetha, either no longer exist or scarcely Cleitor, Kleitor (Gr.)
Methydrion (Gr.)
any traces or signs of them are visible. Tegea still exists in Pheneus, Kalyvia (Gr.)
Caphyae, Chotussa (Gr.)
a moderate way, as does the temple to “Alean” Athena; also Stymphalus, Stymphalia (Gr.)
Cynaetha, Kalavryta (Gr.)
honored in a small way is the t emple to “Lycaean” Zeus on Ly- Tegea, Piali/Episkopi (Gr.)
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) caeum . . . * mountain. Of the cities mentioned by the poet,
Rhipa and Stratia and wind-blown Enispa are difficult to find
and of no use to t hose who find them, on account of their
being deserted. |
388 C, 37–389 C, 2 Famous mountain ranges other than Cyllena are Pholoa, Pholoa, Pholoe mt. (Gr.) 8.8.3
Lycaeum, Maenalus, and what is called the “Parthenium,”

stretching to Argia from Tegeatis. |
389 C, 3-9 The strange fact concerning the Alphius and the Euro- Alphius, Alpheios r. 8.8.4
tas has already been noted,1 as also concerning the Erasinus,2 Eurotas, Evrotas r.
which now flows from the Stymphalian lake into Argia but Erasinus, Kephalari r.
formerly had no outlet, given that the berethra (underground chan-
nels), called by the Arcadians zerethra, were dead ends that did
not allow any egress. The consequence was that the Stympha-
lian city, which is now . . . * stades away from the lake, at that
time lay on its shore.
389 C, 9-12 The Ladon suffered the reverse phenomenon. Its stream Ladon, Ladon r.
was held back at one time by a blockage of its sources: for

seismic activity caused the collapse of the underground chan-
nels in the Pheneus region, through which channels it used
[ 1 ] 275 C, 5-19; 343 C, 6-21.

[ 2 ] 275 C, 5-19; 371 C, 1-12.
458
The Peloponnese
to run, resulting in a stoppage of its stream way down in the

subterranean arteries of the spring.
389 C, 12-22 The foregoing is what some p eople say. Eratosthenes,
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) however, says that in the Pheneus region, the river called “Anias”
makes a lake in front of the city and trickles down through certain
filters called “zerethra”; when t hese get obstructed, the w ater some-
times overflows into the plains, but when they open up again, the entire
body of water flows out of the plains and into the Ladon and Alphius;
the consequence is that, at one time, the land around the temple in
Olympia was flooded, while the lake contracted; the Erasinus flows
past Stymphalus, goes underground at the foot of the mountain, and
reappears in Argia; this is why Iphicrates, when he was besieging
Stymphalus and not getting anywhere, tried to stop up the underwa-
ter outlet by procuring a g reat quantity of sponges, but desisted when
there was sign from the heavens.
389 C, 22-24 Also in the Pheneus region is what is called the “Styx Styx water, Mavronero, above
Solos (Gr.)
water,” a small spring of toxic w ater held to be sacred.
389 C, 24 Let the foregoing suffice as my account of Arcadia.1 |
389 C, 25-36 Polybius says that the distance from Maleae northward to Ister, Danube r. 8.8.5
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early the Ister is around ten thousand stades. Artemidorus plau- Maleae, Akra Maleas
1st c. BCE) corrects Polybius
(2nd c. BCE) sibly corrects this, saying that the road from Maleae to Aegium Aegium, Aigion (Gr.)
is one thousand four hundred [stades]; the voyage from t here to Cir- Cirrha, Magoula Xeropigadas
(Gr.)
rha is two hundred; the road from there through Heraclia . . . *
five hundred; then to Larisa . . . * three hundred and forty; then Larisa, Larisa (Gr.)
through . . . * outlets of the Peneius, two hundred and forty . . . * Thessalonicia, Thessalonike/
Salonica (Gr.)
Thessalonicia six hundred and sixty, thence through Idomena,
Idomena, ?Isar-Marvinci
that fellow = Polybius Stobi, and the Dardanians, three thousand . . . *; according to that (N. Mac.)
fellow,2 the distance from Thessalonicia is six thousand five hundred; Stobi, Pustogradsko/Stobi
he = Polybius the explanation for this is that he did not measure the direct route but (N. Mac.)
whatever route happened to be taken by one of the generals.

389 C, 37-42 It is perhaps not inappropriate to add a list of those men
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) (mentioned by Ephorus) who founded the Peloponnesian
colonies after the return of the Heraclids. The founder of
Corinth was Aletes; of Sicyon, Phalces; of Achaea, Tisamenus;
of Elis, Oxylus; of Messene, Cresphontes; of Lacedaemon,
Eurysthenes and Procles; of Argos, Temenus and Cissus; of
those in the Acta region, Agaeus and Deiphontes. |
[ 1 ] 388 C, 13–389 C, 24.

[ 2 ] Artemidorus replaces Polybius’s figure of 6,500 stades (for the leg from
Thessalonicia northward to the Ister) with the lesser figure of 3,000 + stades
(measured in a straight line through Idomena, Stobi, and the Dardanians).
459
3.3. Greece
First Band: Megaris + Attica (s. cen. Greece) 1
390 C, 1-7 Having circuited the Peloponnese,2 which I said was the first 9.1.1
(and smallest) of the peninsulas comprising Greece,3 it fol-

lows that I should tackle those that come next. The second
peninsula was 4 the one that adds Megaris to the Peloponnese
(and the third peninsula was the one that additionally incor-
porates Attica, Boeotia, part of Phocis, and the Epicnemid-
ian Locrians),5 with the consequence that Crommyon belongs to
the Megarians and not to the Corinthians!6 Consequently, t hese
must be described.
390 C, 8-21 Eudoxus says that, if one imagines a straight line drawn from
Eudoxus (4th c. BCE) the Ceraunian mountains eastward to the end of Attica at Sunium, Sunium, Kolonnes (Gr.)
on the right-hand side it will leave the entire Peloponnese to the south,
while on the left-hand side and to the north it will leave the coast that
is continuous from the Ceraunian mountains as far as the Crisaean Crisaean gulf = e. end of Gulf
of Corinth
gulf7 and Megaris, and the entire Attic coast. One would not conceive
of the smooth coastline from Sunium to the isthmus as forming a gulf,
because it would have only a slight concavity, were not the places in
the Peloponnese adjacent to the isthmus—namely the region of the
Hermionic gulf and Acta—added to it. Nor, similarly, would one
conceive of the coastline from the Ceraunians to the Corinthian gulf
as having so g reat a concavity as to form a hollowed-out gulf in its own
right. The narrow convergence of Rhium and Antirrhium to form Rhium, Rion (Gr.)
a strait gives this impression, as likewise the region of the Crisaean Antirrhium, Antirion (Gr.)
recess, where it happens that the Crisaean sea comes to an end. |

390 C, 21–391 C, 3 Since this is what was said by Eudoxus—who was a mathe- 9.1.2
matician, an expert in two-dimensional shapes and in climata, climata, geographical

coordinates
1st side of Attica and who was familiar with this area—we should conceive of
this side of Attica with Megaris (the side from Sunium to the
isthmus) as concave but only slightly so.
391 C, 3-8 Here, at around the midpoint of the said line,8 is Pi-
raeus, the Athenian seaport: it is around three hundred and
fifty stades from Schoenus on the isthmus, and three hun- Schoenus, Kalamaki (Gr.)
dred and thirty stades from Sunium. The distance to Pagae Pagae, Alepochori (Gr.)
from Piraeus is approximately the same as the distance to

Schoenus—nevertheless, p eople say that it is ten stades more.
391 C, 8-13 As you round Sunium, the voyage is northward with a Sunium, Kolonnes (Gr.)
westerly inclination. | It is an amphithalassus (with-seas-on-two 9.1.3
[1] Megaris + Attica as the “first band” of Greece: 400 C, 15-23. [ 6 ] Strabo alludes playfully to the inscription on an ancient boundary marker, which
[2] 335 C, 1–389 C, 42. put Crommyonia in Attica/Ionia (392 C, 10-20; 392 C, 38–393 C, 11). In Strabo’s
[3] Greece as a series of 5 nested peninsulas: 334 C, 17-34. own day, Crommyon belongs to Corinth (380 C, 19-22). There is some manu-
[4] Strabo uses the past tense b ecause his initial 5-peninsula model of Greece script damage: it is possible that Strabo wrote, or dictated, Crommyonia (rather
(previous note) is now superseded by a 5-band model (next note). than Crommyon) and Ionians (rather than Megarians).
[ 5 ] Strabo now transitions to a model in which Greece comprises 5 bands. 1st band [ 7 ] Crisaean gulf: 336 C, 5-13n.
(Attica + Megaris): 390 C, 8–400 C, 10. 2nd band (Boeotia): 400 C, 11–416 C, [ 8 ] I.e., the “side” from Sunium to the isthmus, specified in the preceding
10. 3rd band (Phocis): 417 C, 27–425 C, 5. 4th band (Locris): 425 C, 6–429 C, 15. paragraph.
5th band (Thessaly, Euboea, Acarnania, Aetolia): 429 C, 15–466 C, 7.
460
First Band: Megaris + Attica
2nd side of Attica sides)1 promontory—narrow to start with, then broadening

out toward the interior but nevertheless menoid, with its curve menoid, crescent-moon shaped
reaching as far as Boeotian Oropus, the convex edge to sea- Oropus, nr. Skala Oropou (Gr.)
ward. This edge is the second, eastern, side of Attica.

391 C, 13-22 The remaining side, finally, is the northern one (the At-
3rd side of Attica tican mountain region, known by many names, separating
Boeotia from Attica), which stretches westward from Oropia
to Megaris with the result mentioned e arlier 2 that Boeotia,
since it has the sea on either side, acts as an isthmus for the
aforementioned “third peninsula,” an isthmus that includes
on the inside both Megaris and Attica, along with the Pelo-
ponnese. People say that this is the reason why what is now,
with a slight name change, called “Attica” was known in an-
tiquity as “Acta” (Promontory) or “Actica” (Having-a-promontory):
because most of it sits at the foot of these mountains, narrow
and lying at sea level, and with its significant length, pro-
trudes as far as Sunium. Sunium, Kolonnes (Gr.)
391 C, 22-23 These are the regions I will cover, picking up from the
stretch of coast where I left off.3 |
391 C, 24-31 After Crommyon, the Scironian cliffs rise above the shore- Crommyon, Ag. Theodori (Gr.) 9.1.4
line, leaving no space for passage on the seaward side. Above

MEGARIS the cliffs is the road to Megara and Attica from the isthmus. Megara, Megara (Gr.)
s. cen. Greece
The road is so close to the cliffs that, in many places, it fol-
lows along the edge, a result of the mountain ridge above it
being impassable and steep. This is the setting for the myth
On Sciron and Pityocamptes, bandits who frequented the said
mountainous region and w ere killed by Theseus. The Athe-
nians have given the name “Sciron” to the Argestes, which Argestes, northwest wind
rushes with violent recklessness down from these mountain

peaks.
391 C, 31–392 C, 2 After the Scironian cliffs, the headland Minoa projects Minoa [?island], Pachakion (Gr.)
out, creating the harbor in Nisaea. Nisaea is the Megarian Nisaea, nr. Pachi (Gr.)
seaport, e ighteen stades from the city and connected to her

by side walls in both directions. The seaport, too, used to be
called “Minoa.” |
392 C, 3-10 In antiquity, this territory was held by the Ionians (who this territory = Megaris 9.1.5
also held Attica), as Megara had not yet been founded. That
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) is why the poet makes no specific mention of these places. In-
stead, calling all the p eople in Attica “Athenians,” he includes
these p eople too u
nder the generic name, considering them to these people = Megarians
[ 1 ] Cf. the description of Boeotia as three-sea’d: 400 C, 27-37.

[ 2 ] Strabo corrects, or recasts, his earlier definition of the isthmus of Greece’s
3rd peninsula (334 C, 25-28, where the isthmus is defined as a line from the
Crisaean gulf to Thermopylae; cf. 390 C, 1-7).
[ 3 ] 380 C, 19-22.
461
3.3. Greece
be “Athenians.” Consequently, when in the Catalogue 1 he says,

those who held Athens, well-built city, one should understand it
to include the current-day Megarians, inasmuch as that they
too had a share in the expedition.
392 C, 10-13 The following is the evidence.2 Attica was in antiquity
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) called “Ionia” and “Ias,” and the poet, when he says, there are
the Boeotians and the tunic-trailing Iaones, means the Athenians.
Megaris, too, was a part of this. | this = Ionia
392 C, 13-20 It furthermore happened that the Peloponnesians and the 9.1.6
Ionians (among whom was included Crommyonia) w ere in

frequent boundary disputes. They came together and erected,
in a mutually agreed place at the isthmus itself, a stone monu-
ment, which was inscribed, on the side facing the Pelopon-
nese, this is the Peloponnese, not Ionia, and on the side facing
Megara, this is not the Peloponnese, but Ionia!
392 C, 21-27 The compilers of the Atthis, though they disagree on many
Atthis, chronicles of Athenian things, are nevertheless in agreement (at least, t hose of them
history
worthy of consideration) on these points: the Pandionids w ere
four in number—Aegeus, Lycus, Pallas, and fourth, Nisus; when At-
tica was divided into four parts, Nisus received Megaris as his portion
Philochorus, Andron (4th c. BCE) and founded Nisaea. Philochorus says that his kingdom stretched Nisaea, nr. Pachi (Gr.)
from the isthmus right up to the Pythium. Andron says that it

stretched as far as Eleusis and the Thriasian plain.
392 C, 27-35 Since diff erent people make diff erent statements about the
Sophocles (5th c. BCE) fourfold division, it suffices to take from Sophocles the follow-
ing. Aegeus says that, my father specified for me . . . * to the shores
of this country, allotting the eldest’s share . . . *, and to Lycus 3 / the
garden of Euboea lying alongside, / and for Nisus he reserves the land
that borders on / the shore of Sciron, and as for the land to the south, /
it has fallen to this hard man, this breeder of giants, / Pallas.
392 C, 36-37 So, then, these are the proofs 4 used to show that Megaris
was once part of Attica. |
392 C, 38–393 C, 11 After the return of the Heraclids and the division of the 9.1.7
territory undertaken by them and the Dorians who accompa-

nied them, it happened that many people were banished from
their own country into Attica, among them the Messenian
king, Melanthus. He became king of the Athenians, with
their support, when he defeated the Boeotian king, Xanthus,
in hand-to-hand combat. With the population of Attica in-
creasing as a result of the refugees, the Heraclids grew fearful
15-27n.
[ 2 ] 392 C, 10-35.
[ 3 ] The play Strabo cites is no longer available, but the metrical conventions of
Greek poetry show that, up to this point, Strabo has rearranged the word order
to suit his own purposes.
[ 4 ] 392 C, 10-35.
462
(their fears worked on by the Corinthians and Messenians in

particular, the former because of their proximity, the latter
because Attica was at that point ruled by Codrus, the son of
Melanthus), and they sent an army against Attica. When the
Heraclids w ere defeated in b
attle, they withdrew from the rest
of the country but kept hold of the Megarian part, established
the city of Megara, and made the population Dorian rather Megara, Megara (Gr.)
than Ionian. And they destroyed the stone tablet separating

the Ionians and the Peloponnesians!1 |
393 C, 12-17 The Megarians’ city has seen many changes but has nev- 9.1.8
ertheless endured to the current day. She once was home to

philosophers known as “Megarians,” the heirs of Euclides the
Socratic, who was of Megarian origin, just as the “Elians,”
whose ranks included Pyrrho, w ere the heirs of Phaedo the
Elian (also a Socratic), and just as the “Eretrians” w ere the
heirs of Menedemus the Eretrian.
393 C, 17-21 The territory of the Megarians is quite poor (as is the Attic
territory), and the larger part of it is taken up by what are
called the “Onian” mountains, a ridge running lengthways
from the Scironian cliffs to Boeotia and Cithaeron, and sepa-
rating the sea off Nisaea from the sea off . . . * (known as the
“Alcyonian sea”). |
393 C, 22-28 As you sail from Nisaea toward Attica, there are five little 9.1.9
SALAMIS islands off the coast, then Salamis, some seventy stades (some
Salamis (Gk. island)
say eighty) long. It has a city of the same name. The ancient Salamis (city), Ambelaki (Gr.)
city, deserted, is oriented toward Aegina and Notus: as has Notus, south wind
Aeschylus (5th c. BCE) been said by Aeschylus, this is Aegina, facing the blasts of Notus.
The current-day city is situated in a bay on a cherronesoid site cherronesoid, peninsula-like
that reaches t oward Attica.

393 C, 28-34 In antiquity, she was known by the diff erent names of “Sci-
ras” and “Cychria,” after certain heroes. Athena is known as
“Sciras” a fter one of the heroes, and t here’s “Scira,” a place
in Attica, and a certain festival for “Scirus,” and the month
“Scirophorion.” The “Cychridian” serpent is named a fter the
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) other hero. Hesiod tells us that the serpent, a fter being raised
by Cychreus, was driven away by Eurylochus for ruining the
island; that Demeter received the serpent in Eleusis, and he
became her attendant.
394 C, 1 She was also given the name “Pityussa” (Pine island), after the
tree.
[ 1 ] 380 C, 19-22; 392 C, 13-20.
463
3.3. Greece
394 C, 1-6 The island was famous, both because of the Aeacids who
ruled there (particularly Ajax the Telamonian) and because
it was off this island that Xerxes was defeated at sea by the Persian fleet under Xerxes
defeated, 480 BCE
Greeks and fled home. The Aeginetans, being neighbors and
supplying a considerable fleet, shared in the glory associated
with this b attle.
394 C, 6-7 Bocarus is a river, now called “Bocalia,” on Salamis. |
394 C, 8-14 The island is now held by the Athenians but, in antiquity, 9.1.10
was the subject of much competition between them and the

Solon (late 7th–6th c. BCE) Megarians. Pisistratus, according to some people (Solon, ac-
cording to o thers) inserted into the Catalogue of Ships,1 after
the line Ajax brought his twelve ships from Salamis, the following
line: and, bringing them, placed them where the Athenian ranks
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) were stationed. He then adduced the poet as witness to the
fact that the island had belonged to the Athenians from the
beginning!
394 C, 15-28 Literary critics reject this claim, on the grounds that many
lines disprove it. Why, for example, does Ajax appear to be
lying in wait the farthest away, not with the Athenians but
with Protesilaus’s Thessalians (there stood the ships of Ajax and
Protesilaus)? And, in the Inspection,2 Agamemnon found Pete-
us’s son, Menestheus the horse driver, / standing t here, and about him
the Athenians, experts in the battle cry. / Stationed nearby was wily
Odysseus / and around him, row upon row of Cephallenians. And
in other passages, he came to the Aeantids (to Ajax and the Sa-
laminians) and Idomeneus (not Menestheus!) alongside them.
394 C, 28-33 While the Athenians appear, by means of the forego-
ing Homeric evidence,3 to have buttressed their claim, the
Megarians make fun of them by citing in retaliation the
following: Ajax led forth his ships from Salamis and Polichna, /
from Aegirussa, Nisaea, and Tripodes. These are all Megarian
places! (“Tripodes” means “Tripodiscium,” which is where
the current-day Megarian marketplace is.) |
394 C, 34–395 C, 5 Some claim that Salamis is foreign to Attica, on the basis 9.1.11
that the priestess of “Polian” Athena does not touch fresh

cheese made locally, and only foreign cheese is given to her—
yet she eats cheese from Salamis! This argument is not valid.
Cheese from other islands that are agreed to belong to Attica
is given to her. By “foreign,” the originators of this custom
meant anything “from over the sea.”

cf. 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 2 ] The “title” Inspection refers to a part of Homer’s Iliad.
[ 3 ] 394 C, 8-14.
464
395 C, 5-6 It is likely, then, that current-day Salamis was independent

in antiquity, and that Megara was part of Attica.1
395 C, 7-12 On the Salamis stretch of shoreline, forming the bound- 9.1.12
ATTICA ary between Megarian and Attic territory, are two mountains
s. cen. Greece
called “Cerata” (Horns). | Then t here’s the city of Eleusis, with Eleusis, Lefsina (Gr.)
the temple to “Eleusinian” Demeter and the precinct for the

mysteries, built to be large enough to house a theater audience
by Ictinus, who also constructed the Parthenon to Athena on
the acropolis, one of the projects carried out u nder Pericles’s
watch. The city is reckoned as one of the demes. | deme, administrative district
395 C, 12-18 Then there’s the Thriasian plain, and shoreline and deme 9.1.13
of the same name. Then t here’s the promontory Amphiala, Amphiala, W Korydallos (Gr.)
and the inland quarry, and the approximately two-stade strait

across to Salamis, which Xerxes attempted to fill in, although
the intervening naval battle and Persian rout prevented him
from finishing. H ere, too, are the Pharmacussae, two little is- Pharmacussae, ?Kyrades
(Gk. island)
lands, on the larger of which Circe’s tomb is identified. | Inland 9.1.14
from this promontory is the mountain called “Corydallus”

and the Corydallans’ deme.
395 C, 18-21 Then t here’s Phoron, a harbor; and the small and deserted
rocky island of Psyttalia, which some people called the “eye- Psyttalia, Lipsokoutali
(Gk. island)
sore of Piraeus.” Nearby is Atalanta, homonymous with the
island in the region of Euboea and Locris; and another little
island, similar to Psyttalia, . . . * this too. Then t here’s Pi- Piraeus, Pireëfs/Pireas (Gr.)
raeus, also listed among the demes, and Munychia. | deme, administrative district
395 C, 22-30 Munychia is a hill forming a peninsula with an enclosed 9.1.15
space, hollowed out to a large extent—through natural pro

cesses and also on purpose—so as to allow habitation. It is
entered through a tiny opening. At its base are three harbors.
In antiquity, Munychia had been walled and unified in a way
similar to the Rhodian city, and had incorporated within its
encircling wall Piraeus and the harbors, packed with shipyards,
among them the Arsenal, built by Philon; and the dock was fit
for four hundred ships (no fewer than t hese w ere supplied by
the Athenians).
395 C, 30–396 C, 3 Side walls, having been extended down from the city, city = Athens
were once connected with this wall. (These w ere the “Long
Walls,” forty stades in length, joining the city with Piraeus.)
The many wars caused the ruin of the wall and the Muny-
chian defenses, and reduced Piraeus to a meager settlement
[ 1 ] Salamis independent of Athens: 394 C, 8–395 C, 5. Megara as part of Attica:

392 C, 3–393 C, 11.
465
3.3. Greece
around the harbors and the temple to Zeus the Savior. There
are wonderful paintings—works by renowned artists—in the
temple’s small colonnades and statues in its open courtyard.
396 C, 3-5 The Long Walls have also been ruined, pulled down first
by the Lacedaemonians and then by the Romans, when Sulla
took by siege both Piraeus and the city. | Piraeus, Pireëfs/Pireas (Gr.)
396 C, 6-9 The city consists of a rock in a plain, encircled by habitation. city = Athens 9.1.16
On the rock is the sanctuary of Athena, both the ancient temple

to “Polian” Athena, with its everlasting lamp, and the Parthe-
non (built by Ictinus), with its ivory Athena, the work of Phidias.
396 C, 10-18 But, encountering the . . . * number of praises widely lav-
ished on this city, I hesitate to expand upon them, lest it re-
sults in my writing exceeding its planned purpose. The words
Hegesias (late 4th–early 3rd c. of Hegesias w ill come to my mind: I see the acropolis—and the
BCE)
story of the Trident has its proof. I see Eleusis—and I’m an initi-
ate in her sacred rites. H ere’s the Leocorium, there’s the Thesium. I
can’t show each t hing separately: Attica is the seat of the gods, who for
them . . . * seized, and of the heroes from whom they are descended.
This fellow, then, mentions only one of the proofs in the This fellow = Hegesias
Polemo (2nd c. BCE) acropolis. Polemo (the travel writer) wrote four books about
the acropolis dedications!
396 C, 18-30 It is the same for other parts of the city and its territory.
Calling Eleusis one of the hundred and seventy demes (there are deme, administrative district
he = Hegesias a further four, according to report), he does not name any
of the others. | Many, if not all, of them have been the set- 9.1.17
ting for much mythology and history. In the case of Aphidna:

Theseus’s abduction of Helen, the sacking of the territory by
the Dioscuri, and the retrieval of their s ister. In the case of
Marathon: the battle with the Persians. In the case of Rham-
nus: the cult statue of Nemesis—the work of Diodotus ac-
cording to some; according to others the work of Agoracritus
the Parian—perfect in its proportions and loveliness, rival-
ing the works of Phidias. In the case of Decelia: the base of
Peloponnesian operations in the “Decelian” war. Phyla was
the place from which Thrasybulus brought the democrats to
Piraeus and thence to the city.
396 C, 30-35 In this fashion, in the case of other . . . * it is possible to
recount much history, and into the Leocorium and the The-
sium has . . . * and the Lycium, the Olympic stadium, and the
Olympium itself, left half-finished at the death of the king
466
who dedicated it. Likewise, the Academy, the Philosophers’

Gardens, the Odium, the Colored Colonnade, and the temples
in the city . . . * with the works of skilled artisans. |
397 C, 1-8 It would be a much longer account if one were to include 9.1.18
the founding fathers, starting with Cecrops. Not everyone

says the same thing. This is clear even from the nomenclature.
People say that “Actica” is named after Actaeon; “Atthis” and
“Attica” after Atthis (daughter of that Cranaus after whom
the inhabitants are also called “Cranaans”); “Mopsopia” a fter
Mopsopus; “Ionia” a fter Ion (son of Xuthus),”Posidonia” and
“Athens” a fter their eponymous deities. It has been said that
the Pelasgian nation appears to have spent time here, and that
they w ere named “Pelargi (Storks)” by the Atticans b ecause of
their wanderings.1 |
397 C, 9-18 The greater the thirst for learning of famous deeds and 9.1.19
the greater the number of people who have said anything

about them, the greater the disgrace if one fails to master the
Callimachus (3rd c. BCE) historical research. For example, Callimachus says in his Col-
lection of Rivers that it is laughable that anyone should be bold
enough to write that Athenian maidens “draw the pure, bright w ater
Strabo argues that Callimachus of the Eridanus”—from which even farm animals hold back! Even
is unnecessarily dismissive, as
he does not take into account now, according to report, its sources—outside what are called
change over time the “Gates of Diochares” near the Lycium—contain pure and
drinkable water. In earlier days a well had been constructed
nearby with ample amounts of good w ater: even if this is no
longer the case, would it be so remarkable if, in olden days,
the water was ample and pure, and l ater underwent a change?
397 C, 19-27 While it is unacceptable to spend time on the details when
they are so numerous, it is also unacceptable to pass them
by in silence so as not even to mention them in summary
Philochorus (4th c. BCE) fashion. | It suffices to add as much as what Philochorus says: 9.1.20
when the Carians w ere ravaging the territory from the sea, and the
Boeotians (called “Aonians”) were ravaging it by land, Cecrops first
settled the population in twelve cities, the names of which w
ere Cecro-
pia, Tetrapolis, Epacria, Decelia, Eleusis, Aphidna (people also
use the plural form, “Aphidnae”), Thoricus, Brauron, Cytherus,
Sphettus, Cephisia, . . . *. Theseus is said to have later amalgam-
ated the twelve cities into the single city of the present day.
397 C, 27–398 C, 3 The Athenians w ere at first subject to kings, then they
changed to a democracy. A fter the imposition over them of
[ 1 ] 220 C, 31–221 C, 38 (esp. 221 C, 33-38).
467
3.3. Greece
the tyrants (Pisistratus and his sons) and the subsequent ex-
istence of an oligarchy—that of the Four Hundred and that of
the Thirty Tyrants whom the Lacedaemonians set up—they
easily rid themselves of these tyrants and preserved their de-
mocracy u ntil the Roman conquest. Although they were a l ittle
troubled by the Macedonian kings and forced to obey them,
they kept the overall form of their government the same.
398 C, 3-14 Some p eople say that they were best governed during the
ten-year period when Cassander ruled the Macedonians! This
fellow, who seems to have been rather tyrannical in other
ways, was well disposed t oward the Athenians once he had
the city under his control. He put the citizens u nder the con-
Demetrius (4th–early 3rd c. BCE) trol of Demetrius of Phalerum (a follower of the philosopher
Theophrastus (4th–3rd c. BCE) Theophrastus), who not only did not put an end to the democratic
constitution but even improved it,1 as shown in the volumes he
compiled on the topic of the constitution. Feelings of ill
will were so strong, however, and so great was the hatred of
oligarchs that, a fter the death of Cassander, Demetrius was
forced to flee to Egypt. The rebels pulled down more than
three hundred statues of him and melted them down (some
add, to make chamber pots!).
398 C, 14-20 The Romans, who took over the Athenians while they
were democratically ruled, preserved their autonomy and
freedom. The onset of the war against Mithridates resulted
in the appointment over them of whichever tyrants the king
wanted. Aristion, who was extremely powerful and . . . * ter-
rorized the city, was taken by siege and punished by Sulla,
the Roman commander; he pardoned the city, and she has
her freedom and is held in respect by the Romans even now. |
398 C, 21-33 After Piraeus, on the next stretch of coastline is the 9.1.21
Phalerian deme, then the Halimusian, the Aexonian, the deme, administrative district
Aexonian Halaean, the Anagyrasian, then the Thoraean,

Lamptrian, Aegilian, Anaphlystian, and Atenian. These are
the demes as far as the Sunium headland. Between the said
demes . . . * after the Aexonians, Zoster, then another after Zoster [promontory], Kavouri
the Thoraeans, Astypalaea; off the coast of the former is the Astypalaea [promontory],
island of Phabra, off the coast of the latter, Elaeussa. Facing Ag. Nikolaos
the Aexonians, t here’s also Hydrussa. In the Anaphlystus re- Phabra, Phleves (Gk. island)
gion is the Panium and the temple to “Colian” Aphrodite. Elaeussa, Asida (Gk. island)
This is the place where, p eople say, the last remains of the Hydrussa, Prasonisi (Gk. island)
[ 1 ] Strabo is probably citing or paraphrasing the words used by Demetrius. As

Demetrius’s works have not survived, it is impossible to know how accurately
Strabo presents Demetrius’s words.
468
ships from the Persian sea b attle near Salamis washed ashore.
This was foretold by Apollo: Coliadian w omen w
ill use oars to
do their roasting. Also off the coast, not far from these places,
is Belbina island, and the Palisade of Patroclus. Most of the Belbina, Ag. Georgios
(Gk. island)
islands are uninhabited. |
398 C, 34–399 C, 7 As you round the Sunium headland, you come to the sig- Sunium headland, Kolonnes 9.1.22
(Gr.)
nificant deme of Sunium, then to Thoricus, then to the deme
of “Potamus” (River), as it is called—after which its population
is called “Potamians” (Riverine people)—then to Prasiae, to Stiria,
to Brauron (where there’s the temple to “Brauronian” Arte-
mis), Araphenian Halae (where there’s the temple to “[Arte-
mis] Tauropolus”), Myrrhinus, Probalinthus, and Marathon
(where Miltiades, not waiting for the Lacedaemonians, whose

arrival was delayed because of the full moon, completely an-
nihilated the forces of Datis the Persian; and p eople set t here
the myth of the Bull of Marathon, killed by Theseus).
399 C, 7-14 After Marathon comes Tricorynthus, then Rhamnus
(where there’s the temple to Nemesis), then Psaphis, which
belongs to the Oropians. Somewhere around here is the Am-
phiaraeium, once revered as a prophetic shrine, where the
Sophocles (5th c. BCE) fleeing Amphiareos was, according to Sophocles, engulfed by
the sundering of Thebaean earth, / along with his weapons and his
four-horse chariot. Oropus has often been disputed territory, Oropus, nr. Skala Oropou (Gr.)
as it sits on the border of Attica and Boeotia.

399 C, 14-22 Lying lengthwise off this stretch of coastline—off Thori-
cus and Sunium—is the island of Helena, rugged and de- Helena, Makronisi (Gk. island)
serted, its length being some sixty stades. This is the island,
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) people say, that the poet had in mind in the lines that Alexan-
der addresses to Helen: not even when, abducting you from lovely
Lacedaemon, / I first sailed away in my sea-faring ships, / and had
sex with you on the island of Cranaa. (He uses the name “Cranaa”
for current-day Helena b ecause that is where they had sex!)1
399 C, 22-26 After Helena, Euboea lies out to sea off the next stretch Euboea, Euboia/Evia
(Gk. island)
of coastline: it is similarly narrow and elongated, and lies
lengthways to the mainland, just as Helena does. It is a voy-
age of three hundred stades from Sunium to the southern
point of Euboea, which is called “Leuca Acta.” Concerning
Euboea 2 . . . *.
399 C, 26-27 The inland demes of Attica, because of their number, deme, administrative district
would take a long time to enumerate. |
[ 1 ] Cra-is the root of a Greek word meaning “to engage in sexual relations.” Strabo
is being humorous, since cranaa is a word in its own right, meaning “rugged.”
[ 2 ] Euboea: 444 C, 8–449 C, 30.
469
3.3. Greece
399 C, 28-31 In regard to mountains, the most renowned are Hymet- 9.1.23
tus, Brilessus, and Lycabettus; also, Parnes and Corydallus.

Near the city are very fine mines of marble, Hymettian and
Pentelian. Hymettus also produces excellent honey.
399 C, 31-35 The silver mines in Attica were significant in the begin-
ning but are now depleted. The miners, when the ore was
giving out, discovered that if they re-smelted the old leav-
ings and dross, pure silver could still be obtained from it,
the workmen of old having been unskilled in getting the
furnaces hot.
399 C, 35–400 C, 2 People say that Attic honey is the best of all, but the honey
from among the silver mines—called acapnistum (unsmoked)
from its mode of preparation—is superlative. |
400 C, 3-9 As for the rivers, there’s the Cephissus, which, from its Cephissus, Kephisos r. 9.1.24
beginnings among the Trinemians, flows across the plain (the

Strabo refers to a bridge across site of the bridge and those who hurl abuse from it); through
the Cephissus that was part of
the route followed in a religious the side walls, which extend from the city to Piraeus, it runs
procession out into the Phalerian gulf, most of the time in the form of
a torrent (although, in the summer, it dries up completely).
This is even more the case with the Ilissus. It flows from a Ilissus, Ilissos r.
different side of the city toward the same shore—from the

region above Agra and the Lycium, and the spring lauded by
Plato (late 5th–4th c. BCE) Plato in Phaedrus.
400 C, 9-10 That was my account of Attica.1 |
Second Band: Boeotia (s. cen. Greece)
400 C, 11-15 Next comes Boeotia. In discussing this and the sequential na- 9.2.1
tions, I must refer back to what I stated earlier, in order to

clarify it.2 I said that the stretch of coastline from Sunium to Sunium, Kolonnes (Gr.)
Thessalonicia heads northward, with a slightly westerly dec-

lination, having the sea to the east.
400 C, 15-23 Inland . . . * westward, sort of like bands 3 through . . . *
stretching parallel. The first of these is Attica with Megaris,4
Post-view of 1st band a sort of band having as its eastern side the stretch of coast
from Sunium to Oropus and Boeotia; and, as its western side, Oropus, nr. Skala Oropou (Gr.)
Pagae, Alepochori (Gr.) the isthmus and the Alcyonian sea at Pagae as far as . . . * in Alcyonian sea, Alkyonidon
Kolpos
Creusa, Livadostro (Gr.) the Creusa region. Its remaining sides are the stretch of coast
[ 1 ] Attica: 395 C, 7–400 C, 10.

[ 2 ] 391 C, 8-13.
[ 3 ] These “bands” w ere probably mentioned in the “eastern E
uropean gap” (329 C,
15–332 C, 1): 417 C, 6-10, 18-27.
[ 4 ] 1st band (= Attica + Megaris, s. cen. Greece): 390 C, 1–400 C, 10.
470
Second Band: Boeotia
from Sunium to the isthmus and the sort of . . . * mountain-

ous region separating Attica from Boeotia.
400 C, 23-26 The second is Boeotia . . . *, a sort of band stretching from
2nd BAND: BOEOTIA east to west, from the sea at Euboea to the sea at the Crisaean Crisaean gulf = n. part of Gulf
s. cen. Greece of Corinth
gulf, approximately equal in length to Attica, or even slightly
less long, although far superior in terms of the territory’s
qualities. |
400 C, 27-37 Ephorus declares that Boeotia is, because of this, greater 9.2.2
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) than the neighboring nations, and also b ecause it alone is it = Boeotia
“trithalassus” (three-sea’d)1 and well provided with numerous harbors.

On the one side, it receives goods from Italy, Sicily, and Libya in the Libya = Africa
Crisaean and Corinthian gulfs, while on the Euboean side the coast-
line is split into two sections on either side of the Euripus, one section
toward Aulis and Tanagria, the other section t oward Salganeus and
Anthedon. Connecting with the former section is the sea off Egypt,
Cyprus, and the islands; connecting with the latter section is the sea
off the Macedonians, the Propontis, and the Hellespont. He states
in addition that Euboea has in a way been rendered part of it by
the Euripus—so narrow and providing a connection to it by means
of a two-plethra bridge. 1 plethrum = 100 ft.
400 C, 37–401 C, 7 He praises the territory for the reasons given, and says that He = Ephorus
it is naturally suited to hegemony, but the p eople did not indulge in

education and training—indeed, not even its succession of leaders
did. If they did manage to improve matters, the improvement lasted
only a short while, as the example of Epaminondas showed—when
he died, the Thebans forthwith lost hegemony, after only a taste of
it. The reason was, they had little regard for rational argument and
human conversation, and focused solely on military excellence.
401 C, 7-12 He should have added that this is particularly useful in re- He = Ephorus
gard to Greeks, since in regard to the natives, force is stronger

than reason. When the Romans in early times did b attle with
rather uncivilized nations, they had no need of instruction in
such subjects, but from the time they began to have dealings
with more civilized nations and tribes, they applied them-
selves to this type of education and established themselves
as lords of all. |
401 C, 13-19 Boeotia was formerly inhabited by natives—Aonians, 9.2.3
Temmicans (migrants from Sunium), Lelegians, and Hy-

antes. Then it was held by the Phoenicians accompanying
Cadmus: he fortified Cadmia and passed rule on to his
[ 1 ] The word trithalassus is unusual, presumably used by Ephorus himself; confir-

mation is impossible, as we no longer have Ephorus’s work. Cf. the description
of Attica as amphithalassus (391 C, 8-13).
471
3.3. Greece
escendants. T
d hose descendants founded Thebes as an ad-
dition to Cadmia, and they maintained sovereignty—ruling
over most of the Boeotians—until the campaign of the Epi-
goni (Descendants). A fter abandoning Thebes for a short time
under the latter, they came back again. they = descendants of Cadmus
401 C, 19-28 When they were likewise expelled by the Thracians and
Pelasgians, they established a long-lasting sovereignty in
Thessaly in conjunction with the Arnaeans, with the con-
sequence that they w ere all called “Boeotians.” Finally,
they returned to their homeland at the time when the Ae-
olian expedition had been fitted out in the Aulis region of
Boeotia—the expedition that the sons of Orestes w ere send-
ing to Asia. They added Orchomenia to Boeotia: the two
were not previously one entity, nor did Homer catalogue the
Orchomenians as Boeotians but labeled them separately as
Minyans. In conjunction with the Orchomenians, they ex-
pelled the Pelasgians to Athens (it is after them that a part
of the city is called “Pelasgicum”—they settled at the foot of
Hymettus) and the Thracians to Parnassus.
401 C, 28 The Hyantes established the colony of “Hyampolis” in Hyampolis, Exarkhos (Gr.)
Phocis. |
401 C, 29–402 C, 3 Ephorus says that the Thracians, despite having come to terms 9.2.4
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) with the Boeotians, attacked them by night in their camp, which was
somewhat makeshift b ecause peace had been concluded. When they they = Boeotians
fended them off and reproached them for breaking the terms of the
treaty, those fellows claimed that they had not broken the terms, since those fellows = Thracians
the agreement concerned the days, whereas the attack was made by
night. This is the origin of the proverbial expression “a Thracian
excuse”!
402 C, 3-12 The Pelasgians, during the course of the war, made the journey oracle, center for divine
prophecy
to Dodona to ask questions of the oracle, and the Boeotians made the
same journey. He noted that he could not say what response He = Ephorus
the Pelasgians received but that the Boeotians w ere told by the
prophetess that “impiety would bring success.” The envoys, suspecting
that kinship had caused the prophetess to f avor the Pelasgians in her
reply (for the temple was originally Pelasgian), grabbed the woman
and threw her on a burning pyre. They considered that they were jus-
tified whether or not she was guilty—it was her punishment if she had
given a false answer, and if her answer was true, they had committed
the impiety she had ordered!
472
402 C, 12-19 It did not seem right to the t emple associates to execute without
trial—in the temple, no less—those who had committed the deed,
but rather they called them to face trial before the priestesses (i.e.,
those prophetesses who remained out of the original three). When
the accused said that it was nowhere customary for women to try
cases, they appointed in addition the same number of men as women.
The men voted for acquittal but the women for conviction. Since
the votes were equal, the votes for acquittal won the day. This is
the reason that, at Dodona, Boeotians alone are given oracular
responses by men.
402 C, 19-24 The prophetesses claim, in explanation of the oracular response,
that the god’s instruction to the Boeotians was that they should steal
the tripods from their own territory and send them to Dodona on a tripods, 3-legged caldrons used
as temple offerings
yearly basis. They do in fact do this—they routinely take down under
cover of night one of the tripods they have offered up in dedication and,
covering it with cloaks, make a sort of secret tripod-carrying-off 1 to
Dodona. |
402 C, 25-26 After this, they collaborated in the Aeolian colonization, 9.2.5
contributing so many of their own p eople to t hose associ-

ated with Penthilus 2 that it was also called the “Boeotian”
colonization.
402 C, 27 The foregoing was what happened in ancient times.3
402 C, 27–403 C, 7 In much later times, the Persian war in the Plataeae region
resulted in total devastation of the territory. The subsequent
recovery was such that the Thebans laid claim to the Greek
empire, having worsted the Lacedaemonians in two b attles.
When Epaminondas fell in battle, they were cheated of this they = Thebans
dream, but they nevertheless fought on behalf of the Greeks

against the Phocians who had plundered the confederate
temple. Decimated by this war, and by the Macedonians who
attacked the Greeks, through the agency of these same people these same people =
Macedonians
their city = Thebes they lost their city when it was ruined and received it back
after it had been restored! From that time onward, getting
poorer and poorer up to our own times, they have not even
preserved the character of a significant village. Ditto for the
rest of the cities, the exceptions being Tanagra and Thespiae: Tanagra, SE Kerykeion (Gr.)
these two cities are well preserved in comparison with the Thespiae, Erimokastro (Gr.)
others. |
403 C, 8-20 I should next undertake a descriptive journey through 9.2.6
the territory, beginning with the stretch of coast opposite territory = Boeotia
[ 1 ] This unusual word is probably a quotation from Ephorus’s work; verification is

impossible as Ephorus’s work has not survived.
[ 2 ] “Those associated with Penthilus” is an idiomatic expression meaning predomi-
nantly Penthilus but in this context including his followers.
[ 3 ] 401 C, 13–402 C, 26.
473
3.3. Greece
uboea, continuous with Attica, from where I switched over

E
to my account of Boeotia.1 It starts with Oropus and the sacred Oropus, nr. Skala Oropou (Gr.)
harbor that people call “Delphinium,” facing which is “Old Delphinium, Kamaraki (Gr.)
Eretria” in Euboea, sixty stades across the sea. Twenty stades

after Delphinium is Oropus, facing which is current-day Er-
etria, forty stades across the sea. | Then comes Delium (whose Delium, Delesi (Gr.) 9.2.7
temple to Apollo is modeled on Delos), a town belonging to

the Tanagraeans, thirty stades from Aulis. This is where the
Athenians, defeated in b attle, w
ere routed in headlong flight. Athenians defeated by
Boeotians, 424 BCE
Socrates (5th c. BCE) In the midst of the flight, Socrates the philosopher, who was
Xenophon (late 5th–early 4th c. a foot soldier, spotted Xenophon (son of Gryllus) lying on
BCE)
the ground after a fall from his horse, hoisted him onto his
shoulders, since the h orse had bolted, and carried him many
stades to safety u ntil the rout was ended. |
403 C, 21-23 Then there’s a large harbor, called “Bathys Limen” (Deep 9.2.8
harbor), then Aulis 2—a rocky place and village belonging to the Aulis, Mikro Vathy/Ag. Nikolaos
(Gr.)
Tanagraeans. Its harbor holds fifty vessels, so that it is reason-
ships station of the Greeks = for able to suppose that the ships station of the Greeks was in the
the expedition against Troy
large harbor.
403 C, 23-29 Nearby is the Chalcidian Euripus, the distance to which
from Sunium is . . . * stades. T here’s a two-plethra bridge 1 plethrum = 100 ft.
there, as I said.3 A tower stands on either side, one in Chalcis Chalcis, Khalkis/Negroponte
(Gr.)
and one in Boeotia, and built into them is a gallery. Concern-
ing the reversal of current in the Euripus, it is sufficient to
state simply that people claim it changes seven times per day-
and-night: the cause must be investigated elsewhere. |
403 C, 30-36 Nearby, t here’s a place situated up high, Salganeus, Salganeus, Lithosoros (Gr.) 9.2.9
named after the “Salganeus” buried there, a Boeotian man

who guided the Persians as they sailed into this channel from
the Malian gulf. P eople say that he was killed before reach-
ing the Euripus by the naval captain, Megabates, in the belief
that he was a traitor who had deceitfully taken the fleet into
a sea strait that was a dead end; when the barbarian realized
he was mistaken about the man, he repented and deemed
worthy of burial the man who had been killed without good
cause. |
404 C, 1-7 Graea 4 is a place near Oropus, as likewise the t emple to Graea, Dramesi (Gr.) 9.2.10
Amphiaraus and the memorial to Narcissus the Eretrian, also

called the “memorial to Sigelus (Silence),” since people pass it by
Aristotle (4th c. BCE) in silence. Some say that Graea is the same as Tanagraea; Aris-
[ 1 ] 399 C, 7-14.
[ 2 ] For the lines of Homer in which the name Aulis appears: 376 C, 7-19; cf. 9 C,
35–10 C, 5.
[ 3 ] 400 C, 27-37.
[ 4 ] For the lines of Homer in which the name Graea appears: 376 C, 7-19; cf. 410 C,
16-21.
474
totle says it is the same as Oropus itself. It is a deserted site on

the coast. Poemandris is the same as Tanagria. The Tanagrae-
ans are also called “Gephyraeans.” The Amphiaraeium (temple Amphiaraeium, Mavrodilesi
(Gr.)
to Amphiaraus) was transferred hither from Thebaean Cnopia in
accordance with an oracular pronouncement. |

404 C, 8-11 Mycalessus, too, is a village in Tanagraea. It is situated along Mycalessus, Rhitsona (Gr.) 9.2.11
the road from Thebes to Chalcis (in the Boeotian dialect, it is

called “Mycalettus”), as is Harma (Chariot)—a deserted Tana- Harma, Lykovouni (Gr.)
graean village in the Mycalettus region—which gets its name

from the chariot of Amphiaraus.1
404 C, 11-19 This village is diff erent from the “Harma” in Attica, in the
region of Phyla, an Attic deme bordering on Tanagra, which is deme, administrative district
the source of the proverbial saying whenever t here is lightning in

Harma. The Pythaestae, as they are called, interpret a certain
type of lightning according to an oracle: they keep watch in oracle, instruction from the
gods
the direction of Harma and then send a sacrificial offering to
Delphi whenever they see the lightning flash. They used to
make their observations over a three-month period, for three
days-and-nights every month,2 from the sacrificial hearth of
“Astrapaean” (Lightning) Zeus, which lies within the city wall, city wall = of Athens
between the Pythium and the Olympium.

404 C, 19-25 As for Boeotian Harma, some p eople say that Amphi- Boeotian Harma, Lykovouni (Gr.)
araus fell whilst fighting from his chariot in the spot where his
temple now stands; and that his vacated chariot ended up in
the place of the same name. Others say that it was the chariot place of the same
name = Harma (= Chariot)
of the fleeing Adrastus that was broken into pieces here and
Philochorus (4th c. BCE) that he was saved by Arion. Philochorus says he was saved
by the villagers who, as a result of this act, received rights of
citizenship from the Argives. |
404 C, 26-30 As you go from Thebes to . . . *, Tanagra is on your left, Thebes, Thivai (Gr.) 9.2.12
while . . . * lies to your right. Hyria, formerly part of Thebaïs, Tanagra, SE Kerykeion (Gr.)
is nowadays part of Tanagraea. It is the setting for the myth Hyria, Tseloneri (Gr.)
Pindar (5th c. BCE) of Hyrieus and the birth of Orion, recounted by Pindar in his
Dithyrambs. It is situated near Aulis.
404 C, 30-35 Some p eople say that Hysiae is called Hyrie.3 A part of Hysiae, Kriekouki (Gr.)
Parasopia, at the foot of Cithaeron, near Erythrae 4 in the in- is called = by Homer
terior, it is a colony sent out by the Hyrians, founded by Nyc-

teus, father of Antiope. (There’s a village, “Hysiae,” in Argive
territory; and the people from there are called “Hysiates.”)
The “Erythrae” in Ionia is a colony originating from this
[ 1 ] For the lines of Homer in which the names Mycalessus and Harma appear: 410 C,
16-21.
[ 2 ] “Day-and-night” = period of 24 hours.
[ 3 ] For the lines of Homer in which the name Hyrie appears: 9 C, 35–10 C, 5; 376 C,
7-19.
[ 4 ] For the lines of Homer in which the name Erythrae appears: 410 C, 16-21.
475
3.3. Greece
Erythrae. Heleon (Of-the-marshes) is a Tanagrian village, named Heleon, Dritsa (Gr.)
after its marshes.1 |

404 C, 36–405 C, 9 After Salganeus is the city and harbor of Anthedon, the Salganeus, Lithosoros (Gr.) 9.2.13
farthermost city on the Euboea-facing coast of Boeotia ac- Anthedon, Loukisia (Gr.)
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) cording to the poet (farthermost Anthedon). If, however, you
proceed only a l ittle farther, there are two Boeotian towns:
Larymna, where the Cephissus flows out to sea; and beyond
deme, administrative district that, Halae, homonymous with the Attic demes. People say Halae, Theologos (Gr.)
that opposite this stretch of shoreline is Euboean Aegae, with Euboean Aegae, Politika Kafkala
(Gr.)
its temple to “Aegaean” Posidon. I mentioned it earlier.2 The
crossing from Anthedon to Aegae is one hundred and twenty
stades, but much less from other places. The t emple is situ-
ated on a high mountain, and there was once a city. Near
Aegae is Orobiae. Orobiae Rovies/Ag. Ilias (Gr.)
405 C, 9-12 In Anthedonia is Messapium, a mountain named after

Messapus, who, when he arrived in Iapygia, called the terri-
tory “Messapia.” This is the setting for the myth of Glaucus the
Anthedonian, who, it is said, was changed into a sea monster. |
405 C, 13-30 Near Anthedon is a sacred Boeotian site, preserving the 9.2.14
traces of a town, called “Isus” (with a shortened first syl-

Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) lable). Some p eople think that one should write sacred Isus
and farthermost Anthedon (poetically lengthening the first syl-
lable to fit the meter) rather than sacred Nisa . . . , since, as
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) Apollodorus says in his volumes About the Ships,3 there is no
“Nisa” anywhere in Boeotia. It would be . . . * if he did not
say Nisa in this way: for there was . . . * in Megaria founded
from t here, . . . * Cithaeron, but it has now disappeared.
Some p eople write sacred Creysa . . . , by which they under-
stand current-day Creusa, the Thespian harbor located on the Creusa, Livadostro (Gr.)
Crisaean gulf = n. side of Gulf Crisaean gulf. Others write sacred Pharae . . . , which belongs Pharae, ?Ag. Pandelleimon (Gr.)
of Corinth
to the tetracomia (four-village unit), in the region of Tanagra, con-
sisting of Heleon, Harma, Mycalessus, and Pharae. This too
is written: sacred Nysa . . . , Nysa being a village on Helicon.
405 C, 30-31 Such is the coastline facing Euboea.4 |
405 C, 32–406 C, 1 What comes next are the plains of the interior, enclosed 9.2.15
all around. They are hemmed in the other directions by

mountains—by the Attican mountains to the south, and to
the north by the Phocian mountains. To the west, Cithaeron
extends at an oblique angle, a little above the Crisaean sea, Crisaean sea = n. part of Gulf of
Corinth
starting as a continuation of the Megarian/Attican moun-
[ 1 ] For the lines of Homer in which the name Eleon (for “Heleon”) appears: 410 C,
16-21.
[ 2 ] Strabo refines his earlier statement (386 C, 16-23, where he does not explicitly
mention a temple).
Ships: 4 C, 14-20n.
[ 4 ] Boeotian coastline facing Euboea: 403 C, 8–405 C, 9.
476
tains, then making a turn t oward the plains, ending up in the

Thebaea region. |
406 C, 2-13 With regard to t hese plains, some of them are flooded, 9.2.16
with rivers overflowing into them, although some rivers flow

into them but also flow out. Some of the plains have dried
up, and are used for all sorts of agriculture because of their
fertility. The land has caves and hollows deep underground:
frequent and extraordinarily strong earthquakes close some
tunnels but open o thers (some at the surface, some under
ground). Correspondingly, some of the water flows in under
ground streams, whereas some of it is surface w ater in the
form of lakes or rivers. When the underground tunnels get
choked up, the lakes rise to reach the residential areas. The
consequence is that both city and countryside are swallowed
up but reappear when these same tunnels, or other ones, open
up again. The same places that are, at one time, reached by
boat are, at another time, reached by foot; cities that are, at
one time, situated on the lake are, at another time, situated
far away from it! |
406 C, 14-26 This happens for two reasons. Where the cities remain in 9.2.17
the same place, in cases where the rise in water level is less
than would result in inundation, the cause is the high ground
on which the buildings sit. The alternative cause is removal
and rebuilding, when people face repeated danger by being
so near and assuage their fear by moving to places that are
far away or on high ground. A consequence of this rebuild-
ing, if the people preserve the same name that was previously
etymologically derived from the circumstances of the loca-
tion, is that the name is no longer appropriate. It is credible
that “Plataeae” (Blade-ish) is called a fter the flat part of oars; Plataeae, Kokkla (Gr.)
and that those who made their living by rowing were called
“Plataeans,” even though, now that they live far away from
the lake, their name is no longer etymologically appropriate.
Helos (Marsh), Heleon (Of-the-marshes), and Heilisium (Marshy)1 got Heleon, Dritsa (Gr.)
their names from their situation on marshes, but now every Heilisium = Eilesium,
Khlembotsari (Gr.)
thing is different, the places having been rebuilt or (what is
also possible) the w
ater level having been lowered as a result
of subsequent outflows. |
406 C, 27–407 C, 3 This is exemplified most clearly by the Cephissus, which 9.2.18
feeds lake Copaïs. The level of the lake rose to such an extent
[ 1 ] For the lines of Homer in which the names Heleon and Heilisium appear (as
Eleon and Eilisium): 410 C, 16-21.
477
3.3. Greece
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) that Copae (Oars)—which the poet mentions by name1 and Copae, Topolia (Gr.)
from which the lake takes its name—was in danger of being

swallowed up; a chasm appeared by the lake near Copae and
opened up an underground channel of some thirty stades into
which the river flowed, breaking through to the surface at
upper Larymna in Locris (she is diff erent from the Boeotian
Larymna on the coast, which I mentioned 2 and to which the
Romans added upper [Larymna]). The place is called “An- Anchoa, Bazaraki (Gr.)
choa” (Outpouring), and there’s a homonymous lake. From there,

the Cephissus at last flows toward the sea.
407 C, 3-11 At that stage, the rise in water level having been halted, the
risk to the nearby inhabitants also ended, except in the case of
the cities that had already been swallowed up. When the under
ground tunnels got silted up again, Crates (the engineer), a
Chalcidian man, . . . * to clear out the blockages, he desisted
because of infighting among the Boeotians, although as he him-
self says in his Letter to Alexander, many areas had already been
dried out. Some people assumed that ancient Orchomenus, and
others assumed that Eleusis and Athens-on-the-Triton-river,
were situated within t hese areas. It is said that . . . * Cecrops,
when he ruled over Boeotia, which was then called “Ogygia”;
and that the cities disappeared when subsequently submerged.
407 C, 11-18 People say that a chasm also appeared at Orchomenus and Orchomenus, Skripou (Gr.)
swallowed the Melas river, which flowed through Haliartia

and formed the marsh there, where the reed is grown that
is used in flutes—but this river has utterly vanished, e ither
because the chasm disperses it through hidden channels, or
because the marshes and lakes in the Haliartus region use it Haliartus, Kastri Maziou (Gr.)
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) all up in advance, as a result of which the poet calls it grassy,
saying and grassy Haliartus. |
407 C, 19-26 These rivers, on the one hand, flow down from the Pho- 9.2.19
cian mountains. They include the Cephissus, which starts Lilaea, Kato Agoriani/Pyrgos
(Gr.)
from the Phocian city of Lilaea, just as Homer says (those who
Elatia, Drakhmani/Piperis (Gr.)
held Lilaea, at Cephissus’s source); flowing through Elatia, the
Parapotamii, Belesi/Levendi
largest of the Phocian cities, and through Parapotamii and (Gr.)
past the Phanotians, towns that are likewise Phocian, it enters Phanotians = inhabitants of
Boeotian Chaeronia; then passing through Orchomenia and Phanoteus, Ag. Vlasios (Gr.)
Coronia, it enters lake Copaïs. Chaeronia, Kapraina (Gr.)
407 C, 26-31 Both the Permessus and the Olmius, on the other hand,
are from Helicon, joining up with each other and flowing into
[ 1 ] For the lines of Homer in which Copae appears: 410 C, 29–411 C, 7.

[ 2 ] 404 C, 36–405 C, 9.
478
the same lake, Copaïs, near Haliartus . . . * streams flow into Haliartus, Kastri Maziou (Gr.)
the lake. The lake is consequently large, three hundred and

eighty stades in circumference. T here are no apparent outlets
other than the chasm into which the Cephissus flows and the
marshes. |
407 C, 32-35 The surrounding lakes include Trephia and Cephissis, the 9.2.20
latter mentioned by Homer: he who dwelt in Hyla, intently fo-

cused on wealth, / facing lake Cephissis.1
407 C, 36–408 C, 4 He does not, as some suppose, mean lake Copaïs but
rather lake Hylica (pronounced like lyrica), named after the lake Hylica, Paralimni l. (Gr.)
nearby village called “Hylae” (like lyrae and thyrae). Nor does
he mean “Hyda,” as per t hose who write, he who dwelt in Hyda.
“Hyda” is in Lydia (at the foot of snowy Tmolus, in the rich land
of Hyda), whereas Hyla is in Boeotia—at any rate, a fter fac-
ing lake Cephissis, he gives, and near him, other / Boeotians lived.
408 C, 5-6 The one lake is large, and it is not located in the Thebaïs. the one = Copaïs
The other lake is small, fed from the former through under the other = Hylica
ground channels, and it is situated between Thebes and

Anthedon.
408 C, 6-15 Homer uses the singular form. Sometimes, as in the Cata singular form = “Hyla” rather
than “Hylae”
logue,2 he poetically lengthens the first syllable: . . . Hyla, and
Peteon . . . 3 Sometimes, he shortens it: he who dwelt in Hyla . . . , 4
and Tychius, the excellent leatherworker, who had his home in Hyla.
Here, too, some people mistakenly write in Hyda—but Ajax
would not have sent for his shield to Lydia! |
408 C, 16-19 . . . * lakes the order of the following places . . . * to be 9.2.21
clearly included in the account that . . . * by the names of the

places, both significant . . . *, difficult, in the case of so many
places, mostly insignificant and in the interior, never to get
out of sequence.
408 C, 19-24 The coastline has some advantage in this respect. Places
are better known, and the sea better determines what comes
next, for which reasons I try . . . * Putting aside this policy in
this instance, I will make my reckoning in accordance with the
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) poet, adding whatever might in my opinion be useful, even if
overlooked by him.
408 C, 25-29 He begins with Hyrie and Aulis, which I have already de-
scribed.5 | Schoenus is a territory in Thebaea, on the road to Schoenus, Mouriki (Gr.) 9.2.22
Anthedon, some fifty stades from Thebes. A river, the Scho-

enous, runs through it.6 |
[ 1 ] The interpretation of these Homeric lines occupies Strabo from 407 C, 36 to

408 C, 15.
15-27n.
[ 3 ] Strabo’s citation of the relevant Homeric lines: 410 C, 16-21.
[ 4 ] Strabo’s citation of the relevant Homeric lines: 407 C, 32-35.
[ 5 ] Hyrie: 404 C, 30-35. Aulis: 403 C, 21-23.
[ 6 ] For the Homeric lines in which the names Hyrie, Aulis, and Schoenus appear:
376 C, 7-19.
479
3.3. Greece
408 C, 30-34 Scolus is a village in Parasopia at the foot of Cithaeron, a Scolus, Neokhorakion/ 9.2.23
Moustaphades (Gr.)
barely habitable, rocky place, whence the proverb, do not go
to Scolus alone—nor with anyone e lse. People say that Pentheus
was brought from h ere a fter being torn to pieces. Among the
cities in the Olynthus region was a “Scolus,” homonymous
with this village.
408 C, 34-37 It has been noted that there is a village called “Parasopii”
in Trachinian Heraclia,1 past which runs a river “Asopus”; and
that in Sicyon there is another river “Asopus” and a place,
“Asopia,” through which it runs. There are other rivers, too,
homonymous with this river. |
408 C, 38–409 C, 3 Eteonus had a name change, to “Scaphlae.” It, too, is in 9.2.24
Parasopia: the Asopus and the Ismenus flow across the plain
in front of Thebes. T here’s also the spring Dirce, and Potniae, Potniae, Takhi (Gr.)
the setting for the myth of Potnian Glaucus, who was torn to
pieces near the city by Potnian mares.
409 C, 3-6 Cithaeron terminates not far from Thebes: the Asopus Thebes, Thivai (Gr.)
runs along it, watering its lower slopes and making it so that
the Parasopians have been split up into several settlements,
all, however, subject to Thebes.
409 C, 6-8 Others claim that Scolus, Eteonus, and Erythrae are in Pla-
taean territory: for the river runs past Plataeae and flows out Plataeae, Kokkla (Gr.)
to sea in the Tanagra region.

409 C, 8-12 Also in Theban territory are Therapnae and Teumessus, Teumessus, Mesovouni (Gr.)
Antimachus (late 5th–early glorified in many verses by Antimachus, who includes in his
4th c. BCE)
reckoning inappropriate examples of excellence: there is a small
and wind-blown hill . . . (the verses are well known). |
409 C, 13-17 He calls current-day Thespiae Thespeia. (Of the multiplic- Thespiae, Erimokastro (Gr.) 9.2.25
He = Homer ity of names, some are expressed in both singular and plural,
as also in both masculine and feminine, whilst o thers are ei-
ther/or). She is a city toward, but south of, Helicon—both the Crisaean gulf = n. part of Gulf
city and Helicon lie above the Crisaean gulf. The Thespians of Corinth
have a seaport, Creusa, which p eople also call “Creysis.” Creusa/Creysis, Livadostro (Gr.)
409 C, 18-24 Hesiod’s homeland, Ascra, is in the part of Thespian ter- Ascra, Pyrgaki-Episkopi (Gr.)
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) ritory toward Helicon: it is on the right-hand side of Heli-
con, lying on a high and rocky site, some forty stades from
Thespiae. He himself joked about it, mentioning that his
father moved t here a fter Aeolian Cyme. He says: he dwelt near
Helicon, in a miserable village, / Ascra—wretched in winter, hard
in summer, and never pleasant!
[ 1 ] 382 C, 16-25.
480
409 C, 25-34 Helicon borders on Phocis to the north, and also slightly
to the west, at the last Phocian harbor, which people call
“Mychus” (Inmost-recess) after the facts of the m
atter: for, lying
above the Crisaean gulf at precisely this harbor are Heli- Crisaean gulf = e. part of Gulf
of Corinth
con and Ascra and, furthermore, Thespiae and her seaport,
Thespiae, Erimokastro (Gr.)
Creusa. This section is supposed to be the inmost part of
Creusa, Livadostro (Gr.)
the Crisaean gulf, and of the Corinthian gulf as a whole. It is
ninety stades along the stretch of coast from Mychus harbor
to Creusa. (From t here, it is one hundred and twenty stades to Olmiae, Schinas
the headland called “Olmiae”; Pegae and Oenoa, which I have Pegae, Alepochori (Gr.)
described,1 are situated on the inmost section of this bay.) Oenoa, Viokastro (Gr.)
409 C, 34–410 C, 9 Helicon is not far from Parnassus and rivals it in height
and area: both mountain ranges are snowy and rocky and do
not take up much territory. This is the location of the temple
to the Muses and the Hippucrene (Horse-spring) and the cave of
the Libethrid nymphs. From this latter, one would deduce
that Helicon was consecrated to the Muses by Thracians, who
dedicated Pieris, Libethrum, and Pimplia to t hese very same
goddesses. The Thracians used to be called “Pieres”; now that
they have disappeared, these places are held by Macedonians.2
It has been noted that this territory was at one stage colonized
by Thracians (who forced out the Boeotians) and by Pelas-
gians and other natives.3
410 C, 10-14 Thespiae was formerly famous for its Eros by Praxiteles— Thespiae, Erimokastro (Gr.)
it was sculpted by the latter, but it was dedicated by Glycera,

the courtesan, at Thespiae (whence her family originated),
she having received it as a gift from the sculptor. Formerly,
then, p eople went up to . . . *—otherwise not worth s eeing—
to have a look at the Eros. Now, however, she alone of the
Boeotian cities—and Tanagra—have any substance. Tanagra, SE Kerykeion (Gr.)
410 C, 15 Of the other places,4 only their ruins and famous names
remain. |
410 C, 16-21 After Thespiae, he catalogues Graea and Mycalessus, which he = Homer 9.2.26
I have described, as likewise the places next in sequence: those

who dwelt around Harma, Eilisium, Erythrae, / who held Eleon,
Hyla, and Peteon.5 (Peteon is a village in the Thebaïs, near the Peteon, Platanaki (Gr.)
road to Anthedon.)
410 C, 22-28 Ocalee lies midway between Haliartus and Alalcomenium, Ocalee/Ocalea, ?Evangelistria
(Gr.)
thirty stades from each: a small river of the same name runs
Crisaean gulf = n. part of Gulf Phocian Medeon, Ag. Theodori
of Corinth past her. The Phocian Medeon is in the Crisaean gulf, one (Gr.)
[1] Pegae (under spelling “Pagae”), Oenoa, and bay formed by Olmiae: 380 C, 7-15.
[2] I.e., the Roman province of Macedonia. Cf. 471 C, 11-18n.
[3] 401 C, 19–402 C, 24.
[4] I.e., other Boeotian cities mentioned by Homer, e.g., Haliartus (411 C, 15-16,
30-34).
[ 5 ] Graea, Mycalessus, Harma: 404 C, 1-11. Eilisium, Eleon (as “Heilisium” and “He-
leon”): 406 C, 14-26; cf. 404 C, 30-35. Erythrae: 404 C, 30-35; 409 C, 6-8. Hyla:
407 C, 36–408 C, 15.
481
3.3. Greece
hundred and sixty stades from Boeotia. The Boeotian Medeon Boeotian Medeon, ?Davlosis
(Gr.)
has been named a fter it . . . *; she is near Onchestus at the
foot of mount Phoenicium, a fter which her name has been
changed to “Phoenicis.” This mountain is said to be part of
Thebaea (though by some, part of Haliartia), as are Medeon
and Ocalea. |
410 C, 29–411 C, 7 He continues: Copae, and Eutresis, and dove-rich Thisbe. Copae, Topolia (Gr.) 9.2.27
I have dealt with Copae.1 She lies on the northern shore of

lake Copaïs. Other cities lie around the lake. T hese are:
Acraephiae, Phoenicis, Onchestus, Haliartus, Ocalea, Alal- Acraephiae, Karditsa (Gr.)
comenae, Tilphusium, and Coronia.2 There was no universal Phoenicis, ?Davlosis (Gr.)
name for the lake in antiquity. Rather, in each of the nearby Onchestus, Kazarma (Gr.)
settlements, it was called a fter the settlement: “Copaïs” a fter Haliartus, Kastri Maziou (Gr.)
Copae, “Haliartis” after Haliartus, and so on in the case of Ocalea, ?Evangelistria (Gr.)
the others. Later, the w hole lake was called “Copaïs” because Alalcomenae, Solinarion (Gr.)
this place = Copae the name predominated: this place was at its farthest point. Tilphusium, ?Palaiothiva (Gr.)
Pindar (5th c. BCE) Pindar calls the lake “Cephissis.” At any rate, he mentions Coronia, Palaia Koroneia/Pyrgos
(Gr.)
it alongside Tilphossa spring, which emerges at the foot of
mount Tilphossium, near Haliartus and Alalcomenae, on
which is situated the Tiresias memorial. H ere, too, is the
temple to “Tilphossian” Apollo. |
411 C, 8-9 Following on from Copae, the poet places Eutresis, a Thes- Eutresis, Arkopodi (Gr.) 9.2.28
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) pian hamlet. P eople say that Zethus and Amphion lived h ere
before ruling Thebes.
411 C, 10-14 Thisbe is now called “Thisbae.” The place is situated just a Thisbae, Kakosi (Gr.)
little inland from the sea, sharing a border with the Thespians
and with Coronia, lying at the foot of the southern side of
Helicon. It has a seaport that is full of doves: hence the poet
says dove-rich Thisbe. The voyage to Sicyon from here is one
hundred and sixty stades. |
411 C, 15-16 He catalogues next in order Coronia, Haliartus, Plataeae, 9.2.29
and Glissas.3
411 C, 16-26 Coronia lies high up, near Helicon. She was seized by the Coronia, Palaia Koroneia/Pyrgos
(Gr.)
Boeotians on their return from Thessalian Arna after the
Trojan period, at which stage they also took Orchomenus. Trojan period, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
They conquered Coronia and built, on the plain before her,
a temple to “Itonian” Athena (homonymous with the Thes-
salian t emple) and named the river running past it “Cuarius”
Alcaeus (late 7th–early 6th c. (sounding like the river in Thessaly). Alcaeus calls the river
BCE)
“Coralius” when he says: Our lady Athena, goddess of war, /
[ 1 ] Copae: 406 C, 27–407 C, 3. Eutresis, Thisbe: 411 C, 8-14.

[ 2 ] Acraephiae (= “Acraephium”): 413 C, 9-10. Phoenicis (= Medeon), Ocalea (= Oc-
alee): 410 C, 22-28. Onchestus: 412 C, 24-35. Haliartus: 411 C, 30-34. Alalcomenae,
Tilphusium (= “Tilphossium”): 413 C, 21-36. Coronia: 411 C, 16-29.
[ 3 ] Coronia: 411 C, 16-29. Haliartus: 411 C, 30-34. Plataeae (= Plataea): 411 C, 35–412 C,
10. Glissas: 412 C, 11-14.
482
who . . . * Coronia / in front of the temple, around . . . * / on the

banks of the Coralius river.
411 C, 27-29 This is where p eople used to celebrate the Pamboeotia (All- This = Coronia
Boeotia festival). There is a joint dedication to Hades along with
Athena, for a “mystical” (as they say) reason. P eople from Co-
ronia are called “Coronians,” whereas those from Messenian
Coronia are called “Coronaeans.” |
411 C, 30-34 Haliartus1 no longer exists, having been razed in the war Haliartus, Kastri Maziou (Gr.) 9.2.30
against Perseus, but its territory is held by Athenians as a

grant from the Romans. It lay in a narrow place, between the
mountain above it and lake Copaïs; it was near the Permessus
and the Olmius, and the marsh where flute reeds are grown. |
411 C, 35–412 C, 10 Plataeae (which the poet gives in the singular form)2 is at Plataeae, Kokkla (Gr.) 9.2.31
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) the foot of Cithaeron, between it and Thebes, on the road to
Athens and Megara, on the borders of Attica and Megaris.
Eleutherae is nearby, said by some to be part of Attica and Eleutherae, Gyphtokastro (Gr.)
by others to be part of Boeotia. (It has been noted that the

Asopus flows past Plataeae.)3 This is where Mardonius and
the three hundred thousand Persians w ere utterly vanquished
by the Greek forces, who built the temple to “Eleutherian”
(Free) Zeus and founded games in which athletes compete for
a crown, calling them “Eleutherian.” The publicly funded

Citation of an epitaph by graves of those who died in the b attle are visible. T
here’s also
Theodoridas (late 3rd c. BCE) for
Mnasalces (mid-3rd c. BCE) a “Plataeae,” a deme in Sicyon, the home of Mnasalces the deme, administrative district
poet (the memorial to Mnasalces, a son of Plataeae).

412 C, 11-14 He uses the name Glissas 4 for a settlement on mount He = Homer
Hypatum, which mountain is in Thebaïca near Teumessus Glissas, Syrtzi (Gr.)
and Cadmia . . . * at its foot lies the “Aonian” plain, as it is Teumessus, Mesovouni (Gr.)
called, which extends to Thebes from mount Hypatum. |
412 C, 15-23 The statement those who held u nder Thebes, is understood by 9.2.32
some to refer to some small town called “Under Thebes” or,

by others, as a reference to Potniae. Their reasoning is that
Thebes had been abandoned b ecause of the campaign of the
Epigoni, and she took no part in the Trojan war. Others say
that she did take part but was, at that time, situated at the
foot of Cadmia on the plains, her inhabitants being unable
to rebuild Cadmia after the departure of the Epigoni; that,
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) since Cadmia was called “Thebes,” the poet describes the
Thebans of that time as under Thebes instead of living at the
foot of Cadmia! |
[1] Homer’s use of the name Haliartus: 411 C, 15-16.

[2] Homer’s use of the name: 411 C, 15-16.
[3] 382 C, 16-25; 409 C, 3-8.
[4] Homer’s use of the name Glissas: 411 C, 15-16.
483
3.3. Greece
412 C, 24-31 Onchestus is where the Amphictyonic league used to con- Onchestus, Kazarma (Gr.) 9.2.33
vene in Haliartia, by lake Copaïs and the Tenerian plain. It

is situated on a high spot and is treeless; and it has a place,
also treeless, sacred to Posidon. The poets embellish m atters,
when they call all sacred sites “groves,” even when treeless.
Pindar (5th c. BCE) Such is the case with the statement by Pindar describing
Apollo: . . . * he went forth / across land and sea, and stood over
the . . . * peaks of mountains, / and roamed through their deepest
recesses, laying the foundations for sacred groves.
412 C, 32-35 Alcaeus, just as he incorrectly changed the name of the
Alcaeus (late 7th–early 6th c. “Cuarius” river, has similarly misrepresented Onchestus, lo-
BCE)
cating it on the most distant extremities of Helicon. In reality,
it is quite a distance from this mountain range. |
412 C, 35–413 C, 8 The “Tenerian” plain is named a fter Tenerus. In myth, 9.2.34
this man is Apollo’s son by Melia, and a prophet at the oracle oracle, center for divine
prophecy
same poet = Alcaeus on mount Ptoeum. The same poet describes the mountain
as having three peaks (and once he reached the redoubt of three-
peaked Ptoeum), and he calls Tenerus temple-dwelling seer, with
the same name as the plains. Ptoeum rises over the Tenerian plain
and lake Copaïs, by Acraephium. Both oracle and mountain
belong to the Thebaeans.
413 C, 9-10 Acraephium, too, is on a high spot. People say that this Acraephium, Karditsa (Gr.)
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) place is called by the poet Arna, homonymous with the Thes-
salian “Arna.” |
413 C, 10-16 Some claim that Arna, together with Midia, was swallowed 9.2.35
Zenodotus (3rd c. BCE) emends up by the lake. When Zenodotus writes those who held vine-rich
Homer (8th c. BCE)
Ascra,1 he seems like someone who has not come across what
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) was said by Hesiod about his fatherland, nor the even worse
Eudoxus (4th c. BCE) things said about Ascra by Eudoxus. How could anyone be-
lieve that such a place would be called vine-rich by the poet?
413 C, 16-20 Nor are t hose people correct who write “Tarna” instead
of Arna. Not one “Tarna” can be identified among the Boeo-
tians. T
here is a “Tarna” among the Lydians, mentioned also
by Homer: Idomeneus slew Phaestus, son of the carpenter / Borus,
who hailed from earth-rich Tarna.
413 C, 21-23 The remaining cities 2 of those around the lake that are
worth mentioning are Alalcomenae and Tilphossium, and of Tilphossium, ?Palaiothiva (Gr.)
the o
thers, Chaeronia, Lebadia, and Leuctra. |
413 C, 24-36 The poet mentions Alalcomenae (albeit not in the Cata Alalcomenae, Solinarion (Gr.) 9.2.36
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) logue): 3 Argive Hera and Alalcomenian Athena. Alalcomenae has
[ 1 ] I.e., when Zenodotus represents Homer as referring to Ascra rather than Arna.
[ 2 ] I.e., “remaining” as per the list given at 410 C, 29–411 C, 7.
15-27n.
484
an ancient t emple to Athena that is highly revered. P eople

say that the goddess was born here, just as Hera was born in
Argos; that this is the reason the poet names them the way he
does, each a fter their birthplace. This is perhaps also the rea-
son he does not mention the men from there in the Catalogue
(being sacred, the men were excused from serving in the ex-
pedition): for the city continued to escape being sacked, even
though it was neither large nor situated in an easily defended
place but, rather, in a plain. Out of reverence for the goddess,
everyone refrained from all violent acts. As a consequence,
the Thebans, when they deserted their city at the time of the
campaign of the Epigoni, are said to have fled to this place and
to the natural defenses of mount Tilphossium above it, at the
foot of which t here’s Tilphossa spring and the memorial to
Tiresias who died t here at the time of the flight. |
414 C, 1-7 Chaeronia is near Orchomenus. Chaeronia is where Philip Chaeronia, Kapraina (Gr.) 9.2.37
(son of Amyntas) established his overlordship of Greece by

defeating the Athenians, Boeotians, and Corinthians in a
great battle. The publicly funded tombs of those who fell in
the battle can be seen h ere. In this same area, the Romans ut-
terly routed the many myriads of Mithridates’s forces, so that
only a few survived to flee over the sea in their ships. The rest
were e ither killed or captured. |
414 C, 8-10 Lebadia is where the prophetic shrine of “Trophonian” Lebadia, Levadeia (Gr.) 9.2.38
Zeus is situated, with its passage down into a subterranean

chasm—the person seeking an oracular response himself
makes the descent. It lies between Helicon and Chaeronia,
near Coronia. |
414 C, 11-18 Leuctra is where Epaminondas, defeating the Lacedaemo- Leuctra, Parapoungia (Gr.) 9.2.39
nians in a g reat b
attle, started the p rocess of their destruction.
(From that time onward, they were no longer strong enough
to revive the hegemony over the Greeks that they previously
held, particularly after faring badly in the second engagement
in the Mantinia region, but their independence was main-
tained despite this blunder, u ntil the Roman conquest—they
are still respected by the latter for the excellence of their in-
stitutions.) The site is identified along the road from Plataeae Plataeae, Kokkla (Gr.)
to Thespiae. | Thespiae, Erimokastro (Gr.)
414 C, 19-29 Next, the poet catalogues the Orchomenians, distinguish- 9.2.40
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) ing them from the Boeotian nation. He calls Orchomenus Orchomenus, Skripou (Gr.)
485
3.3. Greece
Minyian after the Minyan nation. People say that it is from

there that colonists went to Iolcus, and that this is why the
Argonauts are called “Minyans.” In antiquity, she was appar-
ently a wealthy city and very powerful. Homer is a witness to
her wealth. When enumerating places that w ere super rich,
he says: not as much as comes to Orchomenus, nor to Thebes / in
Egypt. Evidence of her power is the fact that the Thebaeans
paid tribute to the Orchomenians and to their tyrant, Erginus
(who, p eople say, was destroyed by Heracles).
414 C, 30–415 C, 10 Eteocles, one of those who ruled in Orchomenus, in estab-
lishing a t emple to the Charites (Favors), was the first to specify
both “wealth” and “power.” He honored the goddesses if he
was successful, whether in receiving favors or bestowing them
or both. It was necessarily the case that he began honoring
these goddesses when he had arrived at a position from which
to dispense benefits, meaning that he had already acquired
power. But he needed assets as well: if someone does not have
much, he cannot give much, and if someone does not take
much, he cannot have much. If both conditions pertain, they
balance each other out: what is simultaneously emptied and
filled is always full enough to be used. He who gives but does
not receive is not successful in either sense: he ceases giving
when his funds run out, while his benefactors cease giving to
him if he accepts f avors but does not dispense them, with the
consequence that he would not be successful in either respect.
415 C, 10-22 Similar t hings could be said about power. Apart from the
Citation of Euripides (5th c. BCE) general statement that wealth is highly revered by man / and
brings the most power available to man, we should look at the spe-
cifics. We say that kings have the most power, which is why we
also call them dynastae (powerful men). They can lead the people
whither they choose, using persuasion or force. Persuasion is
achieved mostly through the dispensation of benefits. Kings
do not persuade by words—that is the domain of trained ora-
tors. We talk about kings’ persuasion when they dispense ben-
efits and lead where they choose by means of these benefits.
They achieve persuasion, then, through dispensation of ben-
efits, but they apply force through arms. Both of these cost
money. The man who has the largest army is the man who is
able to fund it. The man who is able to dispense the greatest
benefits is the man who has received the most.
486
415 C, 22-24 People say that the place now covered by lake Copaïs was
dry in former times and was used for all sorts of farming,
being subject to the Orchomenians, who lived close by. People
use this as evidence of their wealth. |
415 C, 25-31 Some p eople used the name “Aspledon” without the first Aspledon/Spledon/Eudielus, 9.2.41
Avrokastro/Polyyria (Gr.)
syllable. Then the name was changed to “Eudielus” (Good-in-the-
evening), as also the name of the territory, perhaps because of
the special characteristic—attributed to its facing the evening

sun—that is peculiar to its residents, and most specifically its
mild winters. The coldest parts of the day are its beginning
and end. Of these, the e vening is colder than the morning:
the cold intensifies with the approach of night, while it is
mitigated as night departs. The sun is a remedy for the cold:
the place that is sunniest at the coldest time has the mildest
winter.
415 C, 31–416 C, 2 Eudielus is twenty stades from Orchomenus. In between,
there’s the Melas river. | Above Orchomenia are Panopeus, a Panopeus, Ag. Vlasios (Gr.) 9.2.42
Hyampolis, Exarkhos (Gr.) Phocian city, and Hyampolis. Bordering on these is Opus, the Opus, Atalandi (Gr.)
metropolis of the Epicnemidian Locrians.1

416 C, 2-10 People say that Orchomenus was formerly established on
the plain but that, as the water level rose, the city was moved
to the Acontium mountain range, which stretches for sixty
stades as far as Phocian Parapotamii. History tells us that the Parapotamii, Belesi/Levendi
(Gr.)
people called “Achaeans” on the Pontus w ere colonists con-
Pontus, Black Sea
sisting of the Orchomenians who accompanied Ialmenus in
his journey t here a fter the capture of Troy. T
here was also an
“Orchomenus” in the Carystus region. (Those who have writ-
ten2 on the subject of the Ships 3 have done well in supplying
us with such fundamental material: I follow them whenever
they say anything germane to my undertaking.) |
416 C, 11-21 After Boeotia and Orchomenus comes Phocis,4 lying to 9.3.1
Strabo segues to his description the north, parallel with Boeotia and similarly stretching from
of the remaining bands of
Greece sea to sea—at least, it did in antiquity. Daphnus was at that Daphnus, Ag. Konstantinos (Gr.)
time part of Phocis, splitting Locris into two parts, placed

midway between the Opuntian gulf and the stretch of shore
belonging to the Epicnemidians. Nowadays, the territory be-
longs to the Locrians, and the town is in ruins. Consequently,
Preview of 3rd band: Phocis Phocis is no longer considered to stretch as far as the Euboean Crisaean gulf = n. side of Gulf
(cen. Greece)
sea. It does, however, reach the Crisaean gulf. Crisa, situated of Corinth
on this same sea, is itself part of Phocis; similarly, Cirrha, Crisa, Ag. Varvara (Gr.)
[ 1 ] Strabo (or his scribe) perhaps meant to write “Opuntian Locrians,” who were
named after their metropolis (425 C, 6-13). Strabo does sometimes err: 434 C,
6-15.
[ 2 ] Strabo often pluralizes individuals. He probably refers h ere to Apollodorus
(2nd c. BCE); see next note.
Ships: 4 C, 14-20n.
[ 4 ] 3rd band, Phocis (cen. Greece): 417 C, 27–425 C, 5.
487
3.3. Greece
Anticyra, and the places lying next above them on Parnas-

sus, namely Delphi, Cirphis, and Daulis; and Parnassus itself,
which is part of Phocis and defines its western side.
416 C, 22-30 Just as Phocis lies parallel to Boeotia, so Locris—both
Preview of 4th band: Locris (cen. parts—lies parallel to Phocis.1 Locris is a double entity, being
Greece)
split into two parts by Parnassus. The western part lies along-
side Parnassus, some of which it occupies, and reaches as far as
the Crisaean gulf. The eastern part ends at the Euboean sea.
The Western Locrians are also called “Ozolian” (and have, as
an engraving on their public seal, the star Hesperus).2 The
other Locrians are themselves, in a way, split into two sets:
the “Opuntians” (named a fter their metropolis), who share
a border with the Phocians and Boeotians; and the “Epic-
nemidians” (named after mount Cnemis), who are next to
the Oetaeans and Malians.
416 C, 30–417 C, 6 In between the two sets—the Western Locrians and the
others—is Parnassus, stretching lengthways in a northerly others = Opuntian
+ Epicnemidian Locrians
direction, from the Delphi region to the conjunction of the
Oetaean mountains with the Aetolian mountains, and to the
central Dorians. Again, just as Locris . . . * lies parallel to
the Phocians, so too Oetaean territory together with Aetolia
and some intervening parts . . . * of the Dorian Tetrapolis
lie parallel to both parts of Locris and Parnassus and the
Dorians.
417 C, 6-10 Above these are, finally, the Thessalians, the northernmost
Preview of 5th band: Thessaly, Aetolians, the Acarnanians, and some Epirote and Macedo-
Acarnania, Aetolia (e. + sw.
Greece) nian nations.3 . . . * what I said e arlier,4 to conceive of the said
territories as parallel, stretching like bands from west to east.
417 C, 11-17 All of Parnassus is considered sacred, with its caves and
other places that are revered and treated as holy. The best
known and most beautiful is the Corycium, a nymphs’ cave
with the same name as the cave in Cilicia. With regard to the
flanks of Parnassus, the western side is held by the Ozolian
Locrians, by some of the Dorians, and by the Aetolians of the
Aetolian mountain called “Corax”; the other side is held by
the Phocians and by the greater part of the Dorians, occupy-
ing the Tetrapolis, which is roughly centered on Parnassus
but spills over to the east.
417 C, 18-27 The long sides—that is, the northern side and the southern
side—of each of the said territories and bands are all parallel.
[ 1 ] 4th band, Locris (cen. Greece): 425 C, 6–429 C, 15.

[ 2 ] “Hesperus” is the “evening star”—i.e., Venus—but the word also simply means
“western,” which makes it appropriate for the “Western” Locrians.
[ 3 ] Thessaly, Acarnania, Aetolia (e. + sw. Greece): 429 C, 15–466 C, 7. Epirote/Mace-
donian nations (Albania, North Macedonia, nw. + n. Greece): 322 C, 28–329 C,
15n.
[ 4 ] Strabo’s reference is probably to a passage within the “eastern European gap”:
329 C, 15–332 C, 1. Cf. 400 C, 15-26; 417 C, 18-27.
488
Third Band: Phocis
The remaining sides are not parallel—that is, the western sides
with the eastern sides. This is because each coastline—the
coastline from the Crisaean gulf to Actium and the coastline Crisaean gulf = n. part of Gulf
of Corinth
facing Euboea and going as far as Macedonia—is not paral-
lel with the other; and these coastlines mark the end point of
these nations. Rather, the shape of these places must be un-
derstood as if several lines . . . * in a triangle parallel to its base.
The . . . * thus contained will be parallel with each other and
will have the . . . * sides parallel, but not the . . . *.
Third Band: Phocis (cen. Greece)
417 C, 27–418 C, 1 That was the general outline1 of the remaining part of my
descriptive journey that comes next.2 I will now deal with
the details,3 starting with Phocis. | The two most famous cit- 9.3.2
ies belonging to this territory are Delphi and Elatia. Delphi this territory = Phocis
is famous on account of its temple to “Pythian” Apollo and Delphi, Delphi (Gr.)
oracle, center for divine its oracle dating back to antiquity—if, at least, it is from this Elatia, Drakhmani/Piperis (Gr.)
prophecy
oracle that Agamemnon is said by the poet to have received
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) a prophecy. The lyre player is represented as singing about
the quarrel of Odysseus and lord Peleid, / how once they strove; and Peleid = Achilles
Agamemnon, lord of men, / rejoiced . . . / for this is the prophecy that
Phoebus Apollo had given him / at Pytho.
418 C, 2-8 While Delphi is famous for t hese reasons, Elatia is famous
because she is the largest of the cities in the region and the
most dominant on account of her commanding position over
the narrow passes, and b ecause whoever controls the city,
controls the entry points into Phocis and Boeotia. For first
come the Oetaean mountains, then the mountains belong-
ing to the Locrians and Phocians, which are not everywhere
passable for armies making inroads from Thessaly. Rather,
they feature narrow but defined passes, guarded by the cit-
ies alongside them: when the cities fall, control of the passes
goes with them.
418 C, 8-11 Since the fame of the t emple at Delphi has the privilege Delphi, Delphi (Gr.)
of age, and since the location of the place also marks a physi-
cal point of departure (this being the most westerly part of
Phocis), I must start from there. |
[ 1 ] 416 C, 11–417 C, 27.

[ 2 ] I.e., “remaining” as per Strabo’s summary of mainland Greece: 332 C, 17–333 C, 3.
[ 3 ] Strabo’s ensuing description of mainland Greece: 417 C, 27–462 C, 27.
489
3.3. Greece
418 C, 12-20 It has been noted that Parnassus is situated on the western 9.3.3
borders of Phocis.1 While the west-facing side of the range is

occupied by the Ozolian Locrians, the southern side is oc-
cupied by the Delphians—a rocky theatroid place with the theatroid, shaped like a Greek
amphitheater
oracle, center for divine oracle at the summit and the city filling out a circumference
prophecy
of sixteen stades. Above her is Lycoria, on which site Del-
phi was formerly located, overlooking the temple; now, the
people live at the t emple, by the Castalian spring. In front
of the city to the south is Cirphis, a sheer-sided mountain,
which leaves in the intervening space a vale, through which
runs the Plistus river.
418 C, 20-28 At the foot of Cirphis is Cirrha, an ancient city situated Cirrha, Magoula Xeropigadas
(Gr.)
on the coast (from which the ascent to Delphi is some eighty
stades); she is situated opposite Sicyon. Stretching out from
Cirrha is the blessedly fertile “Crisaean” plain: again, what
comes next is another city, Crisa (from which the “Crisaean Crisa, Ag. Varvara (Gr.)
gulf takes its name).”2 Then t here’s Anticyra, homonymous Anticyra, Kastro tou Stenou (Gr.)
with the city in Oeta and on the Malian gulf.3 People say that
fine hellebore is produced t here but that it is better prepared
here, and for this reason many p eople repair hither to be
purged and cured, for a sesame-like herb is found in Phocian
territory, with which “Oetaean” hellebore is prepared. |
418 C, 29–419 C, 2 This city still exists, but Cirrha and Crisa were leveled, this city = Anticyra 9.3.4
the former more recently, the latter by Eurylochus during Cirrha, Magoula Xeropigadas
(Gr.)
the Crisaean war. The Crisaeans, who w ere d oing well on
Crisa, Ag. Varvara (Gr.)
account of the tariffs on goods from Sicily and Italy, taxed
visitors to the temple harshly—and in contravention of the
Amphictyons, representatives
of federation of cities Amphictyons’ instructions.
419 C, 2-7 The same t hing happened to the Amphissans (these people Amphissans = inhabitants of
Amphissa, Salona (Gr.)
are part of the Ozolian Locrians). They arrived, revitalized
Crisa, restored to agricultural use the plain, which the Am-
phictyons had rededicated—and w ere worse in their treatment
of visitors than the ancient Crisaeans! The Amphictyons took
vengeance on them and restored the territory to the god.
419 C, 8-11 The temple is also much diminished, although formerly it temple = at Delphi (Gr.)
was exceedingly . . . *. Evidence is provided by the treasuries,

built both by states and by rulers, in which were stored valu-
ables that had been dedicated to the t emple and also works by
the very best artisans; by the Pythian games; and by the g reat
oracles, prophecies or
number of storied oracles. instructions from the gods
[ 1 ] 416 C, 11-21.
[ 2 ] While Strabo sometimes uses the term “Crisaean gulf” in a local sense (Iteas
Gulf), as could be the case h
ere, he also uses it more generally to mean the
entire e. end of the Gulf of Corinth, with particular reference to its n. shore:
336 C, 5-13n.
[ 3 ] 434 C, 6-15.
490
Third Band: Phocis
419 C, 12-18 The same impulse lies b ehind both the founding of cities
and respect for shared sanctuaries. P eople came together in
cities and nations because they were inherently sociable and
because it was mutually beneficial. They met up at shared
sanctuaries for the same reasons, to celebrate festivals and
holidays. Friendship was engendered by all such activity,
starting with sharing a table, a drink, a roof. The more visi-
tors there w ere, from the more places, the greater the benefit
was considered to be. |
419 C, 19-26 It is said that the oracle is a hollow cave, deep underground, oracle, center for divine 9.3.5
prophecy
with a mouth of no great width; that a frenzy-inducing vapor
rises out of it; that over the mouth is a high tripod, which the
Pythia ascends and, u nder the influence of the vapor, utters
prophecies in forms both metrical and unmetrical; that the
latter are put into metrical form by poets serving the t emple.
It is said that Phemonoe was the first Pythia; that both proph- Pythia = priestess
etess and city have got their name from pythesthai (inquire); that
the first syllable has been lengthened as in the case of athana-
tos, akamatos, and diakonos. |
419 C, 27–420 C, 3 For the most part, the honor accorded to this temple re- 9.3.6
sulted from its oracle, which seemed to be the least fallacious

of all oracles. The position of the site, however, made a contri-
bution. It lies at the approximate center of Greece as a whole
(both inside and outside the isthmus); it was considered to inside the isthmus =
Peloponnese
be at the approximate center of the lived-in world, too; and
outside the isthmus = mainland
people called it the “omphalus (navel) of the world,” attaching a Greece
Pindar (5th c. BCE) myth to it. Pindar recounts the myth: the two e agles sent out
by Zeus from west and east respectively (some say that they
were crows) met at this point. A banded 1 omphalus (navel stone)
is pointed out in the t emple, with the two figures from the
myth perched on it. |
420 C, 4-14 Such being the advantages of Delphi, it was easy for p eople Delphi, Delphi (Gr.) 9.3.7
to assemble there, especially those in the immediate vicinity,

and indeed these people joined together to form the Amphic- Amphictyonic
confederation = federation of
tyonic confederation. Its purpose was to deliberate about neighboring cities
communal m atters and take a more shared approach to the
maintenance of the t emple, in which a g reat deal of money
and many offerings w ere stored, requiring a huge amount of
vigilance and ritual care. Its early history is unknown but, of
the names mentioned, Acrisius seems to have been the first
[ 1 ] The word translated as “banded” is the same word as is used for the “bands”
into which Greece is divided: 400 C, 15-26; 417 C, 6-10, 18-27.
491
3.3. Greece
to organize m atters concerning the Amphictyons, to deter- Amphictyons, federal

representatives
mine which cities w ere part of the federation, and to allow
each city a vote—some individually, some in conjunction
with another city or with several cities; and he drew up all
the Amphictyonic rights, which concerned the relationships
of cities with other cities. Later on, the regulations grew in
number, u ntil this confederation was dissolved, as was the
Achaean federation.
420 C, 14-19 The first cities to join up are said to have been twelve in
number; and each city sent a pylagoras, the assembly happen- pylagoras, convener at the
assembly
ing twice a year, in the spring and autumn. Later on, several
more cities joined up. (People called the spring and autumn
assembly “Pylaean” since it was held at Pylae, also called Pylae/Thermopylae,
Thermopiles (Gr.)
“Thermopylae.”) The pylagorae sacrificed to Demeter.
420 C, 19-23 These matters and the oracle were originally the preserve
of those living nearby. Later on, people from far away—such
as Croesus, his f ather Alyattes, some Italiotes and Siciliotes—
visited, consulted the oracle, sent gifts, and built treasuries. |
420 C, 24-32 Wealth, since it inspires envy, is difficult to guard, even 9.3.8
when it is sacred. Nowadays, the temple at Delphi is extremely Delphi, Delphi (Gr.)
poor, as least as concerns money. As concerns offerings, some

have been taken, but more remain. The temple was formerly
very wealthy, as Homer says (not so many as are enclosed by the
stony “oudos” (threshold) of the “aphetor” (archer)1 / Phoebus Apollo, in
rocky Pytho), and as is shown by the treasuries and by the loot-
ing carried out at the hands the Phocians, which was the cause
of what is called the “Phocian” or “Sacred” war. This looting
was carried out at the time of Philip (son of Amyntas).
420 C, 32–421 C, 9 It is suspected, however, that t here was another e arlier
looting in ancient times, which resulted in the stealing of the
wealth that Homer mentions: not even a trace of it remained
in later times, when those associated with Onomarchus and
Phayllus2 plundered the temple. It is suspected that what was
stolen by t hese men was more recent than the former, on the
grounds that what was laid up in the treasuries were offerings
made from the spoils of war, preserving inscriptions in which
the dedicators were named—Gyges, Croesus, the Sybarites,
the Spinetes in the Adria region, and so on in other inscrip- Adria, Adriatic Sea
tions. Nor . . . * would the ancient wealth have been mixed up

with it, as is clear from other places ransacked by these men.
[ 1 ] Alternative interpretations of oudos and aphetor: 421 C, 9-14.

[ 2 ] The expression “those associated with Onomarchus and Phayllus” is idiomatic,
meaning simply Onomarchus and Phayllus.
492
Third Band: Phocis
421 C, 9-14 Some people, taking aphetor to mean “treasury” and “oudos
of the aphetor” to mean “underground treasury,” say that the
wealth was buried in the t emple; that t hose associated with
Onomarchus,1 trying to dig it up by night, fled the t emple
when great seismic tremors occurred and left off their digging;
and that fear of such an undertaking has afflicted all others. |
421 C, 15-21 As concerns the temples, the one made from feathers must 9.3.9
be categorized as myth. P eople say that the second one was

the work of Trophonius and Agamedes, and that the present
one was built by the Amphictyons. On display in the sacred Amphictyons, federal
representatives
precinct is the tomb of Neoptolemus, which was made in ac-
cordance with an oracle. According to myth, Machaereus, oracle, instruction from the
gods
a man from Delphi, killed him for (as the myth has it) de-
manding that the god compensate him for the murder of his
father—more likely, for attacking the temple! People say that
Branchus, who was in charge of the t emple in Didyma, was a
descendant of Machaereus. |
421 C, 22-28 There was in Delphi an ancient contest between citharodes, Delphi, Delphi (Gr.) 9.3.10
who sang paeans to the god. It was set up by the Delphians.

After the Crisaean war, in Eurylochus’s time, the Amphic-
tyons o rganized an equestrian and gymnastic contest with
garlands as prizes; and called them the “Pythian games.” To
the citharodes, they added flute players and cithara players,
who played a melody unaccompanied by singing; the melody
was called the “Pythian tune.” T here are five parts to it: the
“undertaking”; the “attempt”; the “goading”; the “iambi and
dactyli”; and the “pipes.”
421 C, 28–422 C, 3 It was composed by . . . * Timosthenes, naval commander
Timosthenes (3rd c. BCE) of the second Ptolemy, who compiled Harbors, taking up
ten book-rolls. He wanted to celebrate the contest between
Apollo and the serpent through the music, calling the prelude
the “undertaking”; the initial engagement in the contest, the
“attempt”; the contest itself, the “goading”; jubilation over the
victory, “iambi and dactyli,” using rhythms of which the latter
are appropriate to celebratory songs and the former are ap-
propriate to misfortune—as in iambizein (to mock). The “pipes”
imitate the demise of the beast as it whistles its last breath. |
422 C, 4-13 Ephorus—whom I follow very closely because of his careful- 9.3.11
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) ness (to which Polybius also bears witness) in these matters—is
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) a worthy individual. Yet he seems to me sometimes to do the
[ 1 ] The expression “those associated with Onomarchus” is idiomatic, meaning

predominantly Onomarchus but in this context perhaps including his followers.
493
3.3. Greece
opposite of what he promises in his initial statement. Castigat-

ing those who love to bring myth into their writing of history,
and praising truthfulness, he adds to the story of this oracle
a solemn undertaking to the effect that, while he everywhere
believes in the value of truth, he does so particularly in this
matter. It would be strange, he says, if I consistently follow the same
method in other cases but, in the case of an oracle more free from false-
hood than all others, make use of such unbelievable fictions.
422 C, 13-19 He says this, then immediately goes on to tell us that He = Ephorus
people suppose Apollo established the oracle, together with

Themis, b ecause he wanted to help our race. Then he de-
scribes this “help”: he encouraged p eople to be civilized and
kept them u nder control by giving to some of them oracles,
mandating this or forbidding that, while not even allowing
others entry. Some p eople suppose, he says, that the god manages
this by assuming bodily form; o thers suppose that he transmits to men
a mental conception of his w ill. |
422 C, 20-31 Further on, discussing the identity of the Delphians, he he = Ephorus 9.3.12
says that certain Parnassians called “Dytochthones” lived on Par-

nassus long ago, when Apollo roamed the earth and brought civiliza-
tion to mankind . . . * from cultivated crops and . . . *; leaving Athens
for Delphi (on the road along which the Athenians today send
the Pythaïs), when he came to the Panopeans, he destroyed Tityus,
who held the place, a man of violence and lawlessness; the Parnas-
sians mentioned, in conversation with him, another tough guy called
“Pytho,” surnamed “Draco” (Serpent); when he shot him with an arrow,
they shouted as encouragement, “Hïe Paean” (“Shoot, Apollo”), which is
the origin of the war cry customarily given by t hose about to engage in
pitched b attle; also, Pytho’s tent was burned down by the Delphians, as
even now . . . * in commemoration of the events of those times.
422 C, 31–423 C, 5 What could be more myth-ridden than to have Apollo
shooting and punishing “Tityuses” and “Pythos,” and traveling
along the road from Athens to Delphi, and roaming the w hole
world? If he did not consider this to be myth, why does he call
the mythical Themis a w oman and the mythical Draco a man
(unless he wanted to confuse the genre of history and of myth)?
423 C, 5-10 Similar to t hese t hings is what he says about the Aetolians. he = Ephorus
After claiming that they remained ever free from invasion, at one
point he says that the Aeolians settled the place a fter expelling the
natives who possessed it; at another point he says that Aetolus, in
494
Third Band: Phocis
the company of the Epians from Elis . . . * by their enemies, and these
by Alcmaeon and Diomedes.
423 C, 10 But I should get back to the Phocians. |
423 C, 11-15 Next on the coast a fter Anticyra1 is a town, Opisthomara- 9.3.13
thus; then a headland, Pharygium, with an anchorage; then

the harbor known as “Mychus” (Inmost recess) because of its loca-
oracle, center for divine tion, lying at the foot of Helicon and Ascra. Abae, the oracle, Abae, Palaiokhori Exarkhou (Gr.)
prophecy
is not far from t hese places, nor are Ambrysus and Medeon Ambrysus, Distomon (Gr.)
(homonymous with the Boeotian city). Medeon, Ag. Theodori (Gr.)

423 C, 16-23 Farther back in the interior than Delphi, to the east, is the
town of Daulis. People say that Tereus the Thracian held power Daulis, Davleia/Kastro (Gr.)
there; that it is the setting for the Philomela and Procne myth
Thucydides (5th c. BCE) (although Thucydides says it is set in Megara); and that the
place got its name from a copse (since their word for “copses”
is dauli). Homer talks of Daulis, later writers of Daulia. As
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) for who held Cyparissus, people understand it in two different
ways—some as having the same name as the tree, o thers as a
derived from a personal name—as a village below Lycoria. |
423 C, 24-29 Panopeus, the current-day Phanoteus, sharing a border Panopeus/Phanoteus, Ag. 9.3.14
Vlasios (Gr.)
with places in the Lebadia region, is the home city of Epius.
People say it is the setting for the Tityus myth. Homer, how-
ever, says that the Phaeeces led Rhadamanthys into Euboea to Phaeeces = Phaeacians (from
Homer’s Odyssey)
see Tityus, the son of the earth; and a cave, Elarium (named a fter
Elara, m other of Tityus), is identified, as are a shrine to the
hero Tityus and certain honors paid to him.
423 C, 29-31 Near to Lebadia is Trachin, a Phocian town with the same Trachin, ?Kyriaki/Palaiokastro
(Gr.)
name as the town in Oetaea. Her inhabitants are called “Tra-
chinians.” |
423 C, 32–424 C, 2 Anemoria (Windy) is so named from what is experienced 9.3.15
there. It is blasted with wind from the place called “Catop-

terius” (Lookout), a mountain ridge that follows on from Parnas-
sus. This place was once the boundary between the Delphians
and the Phocians, when the Lacedaemonians caused the Del-
phians to rebel against the Phocian confederation and granted
them self-rule. Some p eople use the name “Anemolia.”
424 C, 2-10 Then comes Hyampolis (afterward called “Hya” by some Hyampolis, Exarkhos (Gr.)
people) whither, as I said, the Hyantes fled from Boeotia.2

This city is deep in the interior (situated near Parapotamii) Parapotamii, Belesi/Levendi
(Gr.)
and is to be distinguished from “Hyampia” on Parnassus. So,
too, is Elatia, the largest of the Phocian cities. Homer did not Elatia, Drakhmani/Piperis (Gr.)
[ 1 ] Strabo picks up the thread of narrative from 418 C, 29–419 C, 2.

[ 2 ] 401 C, 28.
495
3.3. Greece
know the city (which was later than that time), but she is ad-
vantageously located with respect to inroads from Thessaly.
Demosthenes (4th c. BCE) Demosthenes gives an indication of her favorable position
when he describes the commotion that suddenly erupted in
Athens when a messenger came to the prytaneis with the an- prytaneis, state officials in
Athens
nouncement that Elatia had fallen. |
424 C, 11-22 Parapotamii is a settlement located on the Cephissus, near Parapotamii, Belesi/Levendi (Gr.) 9.3.16
Theopompus (4th c. BCE) the Phanotians and Chaeronians, and near Elatia. Theopom-
pus says that this place is some forty stades from Chaeronia and marks
the boundary between the Ambrysians, Panopeans, and Daulians; it
lies on the pass from Boeotia to Phocis, on quite a high hill, between
Parnassus and mount Hadylium, which leave almost a five-stade gap
between one other; running between them, leaving a narrow passage on
either side, is the Cephissus, which takes its start from the Phocian city
of Lilaea (as Homer says, “those who held Lilaea, at the source
of the Cephissus”) and ends in lake Copaïs; the Hadylium range ex-
tends for sixty stades as far as Hyphantium, on which lies Orchomenus.
424 C, 22-26 Hesiod, too, speaks at length about the river and its course, river = Cephissus
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) how it twists and turns, serpentlike, through all Phocis: . . . *
past Panopeus, and past steep Glechon, / and through Orchomenus,
it coils like a serpent.
424 C, 27-29 The pass in the region of Parapotamii (or “ Parapotamia”— Parapotamii, Belesi/Levendi (Gr.)
it is spelled both ways) was much fought over in the Phocian

war, since this was the sole inroad into Phocis.
424 C, 29-33 There is the Phocian “Cephissus”—and one in Athens and
one in Salamis, a fourth and a fifth in Sicyon and Scyros, and a
sixth in Argos (having its sources on Lyrcium). In Apollonia Lyrcium, Lyrkeion mt. (Gr.)
near Epidamnus, there is a spring at the gymnasium that is

called “Cephissus.” |
424 C, 34–425 C, 5 Daphnus is now in ruins but was once a Phocian city that, Daphnus, Ag. Konstantinos (Gr.) 9.3.17
being on the Euboean sea, split the Epicnemidian Locrians

into those in the direction of Boeotia and t hose in the di-
rection of Phocis (which at that time stretched from sea to
sea). Evidence is provided by the “Schedieium” t here, which
people say is the tomb of a “Schedius.” Daphnus . . . * once
split Locris on either side, with the consequence that the
Epicnemidians and the Opuntians nowhere bordered on each
other. In later times, the place was brought within the bound
aries of the Opuntians.
425 C, 5 That’s enough about Phocis. |
496
Fourth Band: Locris
Fourth Band: Locris (cen. Greece)
425 C, 6-13 What comes next is Locris, which I should now describe. It 9.4.1
has been divided into two parts. One part of it consists of the
Locrians near Euboea (whom, I noted, w ere at some stage
split on e ither side of Daphnus—one group was qualified as Daphnus, Ag. Konstantinos (Gr.)
“Opuntian,” a fter their metropolis, while the other group

was qualified as “Epicnemidian,” after a certain “Cnemis”
mountain).1 The remaining part consists of the “Western”
Locrians (the same people are also called “Ozolian”).2 The
latter are separated from the Opuntians and Epicnemidians
by the interposition of Parnassus and the Dorian Tetrapolis.
425 C, 13-22 I should start with the Opuntians. | It is the case that the 9.4.2
OPUNTIAN LOCRIANS Opuntian gulf comes next a fter Halae (which marked the Halae, Theologos (Gr.)
e. cen. Greece
termination of the Boeotian stretch of coastline that faces
Euboea).3 Opus is the metropolis, as indicated by the verse Opus, Atalandi (Gr.)
inscribed on the first of the five pillars beside the mass grave
near Thermopylae: those who laid down their lives for Greece in the
face of the Medes / are honored by Opus, metropolis of the righteous
Locrians. Opus is around fifteen stades from the coast but
sixty from the seaport.
425 C, 22-28 The seaport is Cynus, a headland marking the end of the Cynus, Pyrgos/Livanates (Gr.)
Opuntian gulf, which m easures some forty stades (in between

Opus and Cynus is a naturally blessed plain). It is opposite
Euboean Aedepsus—the site of the hot springs of Heracles— hot springs of Heracles, Loutra
Aidepsou (Gr.)
from which it is separated by a strait of one hundred and sixty
stades. People say that Deucalion lived in Cynus, and they
identify Pyrrha’s tomb t here (but Deucalion’s tomb is in Ath-
ens). Cynus is some fifty stades from Cnemis.
425 C, 28-29 The island “Atalanta” (with the same name as the island Atalanta, Talandonisi (Gk.
island)
off Attica) is located off Opus.
425 C, 29-31 It is said that some people in Elia are called “Opuntians,”
but it is not worth mentioning them except to say that they
are renewing their existing kinship with the Opuntians.
425 C, 31-38 Homer says that Patroclus came from Opus; that, hav- Opus, Atalandi (Gr.)
ing committed an unintended murder, he fled to Peleus. But

his f ather, Menoetius, stayed in his homeland: Achilles says
he promised Menoetius to return Patroclus there on his re-
turn from the expedition. However, it was not Menoetius
[ 1 ] 416 C, 11-30; 424 C, 34–425 C, 5.

[ 2 ] Opuntian Locrians (e. cen. Greece): 425 C, 13–426 C, 5; Epicnemidian Locrians
(e. cen. Greece): 426 C, 6-31. Western/Ozolian Locrians (w. cen. Greece): 426 C,
32–427 C, 19.
[ 3 ] Strabo ends his description of the Euboea-facing Boeotian coast at 404 C,
36–405 C, 9.
497
3.3. Greece
who was king of the Opuntians but rather Aias the Locrian,
whose homeland was, they say, Narycum. They name the
man who was killed by Patroclus “Aianes”; and they identify
Aianium, a sacred precinct, and a spring, Aianis, as named
after him. |
426 C, 1-5 Next after Cynus comes Alopa; and Daphnus, which as I Alopa, Melidoni/Ag. Aikaterini 9.4.3
(Gr.)
said, has been torn down.1 In the latter place there’s a har-
Daphnus, Ag. Konstantinos (Gr.)
bor, around ninety stades from Cynus and one hundred and
twenty stades from Elatia, if you go overland into the inte-
rior. (By this stage, t hese places are in the Malian gulf, which
comes next after the Opuntian.) |
426 C, 6-11 After Daphnus is Cnemides, a natural fortification some 9.4.4
twenty stades away by sea, opposite which, separated by a

strait of nearly twenty stades, is Cenaeum in Euboea, a head- Cenaeum, Cape Lichada
land facing west t oward the Malian gulf. (By this stage, t hese
EPICNEMIDIAN LOCRIANS places belong to the Epicnemidian Locrians.) Offshore at this
e. cen. Greece
point are three islands called the “Lichades,” named after Li-
chas. There are other islands, too, along the aforementioned
coast, which I have intentionally left aside.
426 C, 11-18 Twenty stades a fter Cnemides is a harbor, inland from
which—an equal number of stades into the interior—is Thro- Thronium, Palaiokastro eis ta
marmara (Gr.)
nium. Then there’s the outlet of the Boagrius river, which
flows past Thronium. P eople give it the additional name
“Manes.” It is fed by winter rains, with the consequence that
it is sometimes possible to walk into it without getting one’s
1 plethrum = 100 ft. feet wet, although at other times it has a two-plethra width!
Scarphia, ?Molos (Gr.)
After t hese places comes Scarphia, ten stades inland from the
Nicaea, Ag. Triada/Palaiokastro
coast and thirty stades from Thronium, a little less . . . *; then (Gr.)
Nicaea and Thermopylae. | Thermopylae, Thermopiles (Gr.)
426 C, 19-22 As for the remaining cities, they are not worth mention- 9.4.5
ing except for t hose mentioned by Homer, of which Calliarus

(Beautifully plowed) is no longer inhabited . . . * they call a plain by
this name from its being “well plowed”; Bessa (Wooded glen) no
longer exists—some sort of “wooded site”—nor Augiae, the
territory of which is held by the Scarphians.
426 C, 23-26 This Bessa (Wooded glen) is to be written with a double “s”; it
has been given the same name as its woods, like Napa (Wooded
Hellanicus (5th c. BCE) valley) in the plain of Methymna, which Hellanicus igno-
rantly . . . * calls “Lapa.” The deme in Attica, whose members deme, administrative district
are called “Besaeans,” should be written with one “s.” |
[ 1 ] 424 C, 34–425 C, 5.
498
Fourth Band: Locris
426 C, 26-31 Tarpha (Thicket) is situated up high, twenty stades from . . . *. Tarpha/Pharygae, Pharygae/ 9.4.6
Rhengini (Gr.)
She has territory that is fertile, with plenty of trees; she, too,
has been named after her woodlands. She is nowadays called
“Pharygae,” and a temple to “Pharygaean Hera” (named after
the Argive Hera in Pharygae)1 is located h ere. Indeed, it is
said that the p eople are Argive colonists. |
426 C, 32-35 With regard to the Western Locrians, Homer does not 9.4.7
WESTERN/OZOLIAN LOCRIANS mention them, at least not explicitly, only by seeming to dif-
w. cen. Greece
ferentiate them from those Locrians who dwell opposite sacred
Euboea (of whom I have spoken),2 as if there were others; nor
is t here much talk about them by many other authors.
426 C, 35–427 C, 3 They once held the cities of Amphissa and Naupactus. Of Amphissa, Salona (Gr.)
these, Naupactus (Shipbuilding-place) still exists, near Antirrhium. Naupactus, Lepanto/Navpaktos

(Gr.)
She got her name from the shipbuilding that went on t here,
either when the Heraclids constructed their fleet t here or
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) even earlier, as claimed by Ephorus, when the Locrians were
building ships.
427 C, 3-10 The city now belongs to the Aetolians, having been city = Naupactus
awarded to them by Philip. | H ere, too, is Chalcis,3 mentioned Chalcis, Kato Vasiliki (Gr.) 9.4.8
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) by the poet in the Aetolian Catalogue,4 down below Calydon.
Here, too, is Taphiassus, a hill on which is the memorial to
Nessus and the other Centaurs. People say that the foul-
smelling and clotted w ater issuing from the base of the hill
starts from their putrefying bodies. On this account, the na-
tion is additionally called “Ozolian” (Smelly).” Also in the An-
tirrhian region is Molycria, an Aetolian town.5 Molycria, Velvina/Elliniko (Gr.)
427 C, 10-13 Amphissa is located at the end of the Crisaean plain: the Amphissa, Salona (Gr.)
Amphictyons, federal Amphictyons leveled her, as I said.6 . . . * and Eupalium be- Eupalium, Kastro Soule (Gr.)
representatives
long to the Locrians.
427 C, 13-14 The entire voyage along the Locrian coast is only a little
more than two hundred stades. |
427 C, 15-16 There is a place named “Alopa” h ere, as well as among the 9.4.9
Epicnemidians and in Phthiotis.

427 C, 16-17 These people7 are colonists from the Epicnemidians; and
the Epizephyrians8 are in turn colonists from them. |
427 C, 18-19 The Western Locrians are adjacent to the Aetolians; the 9.4.10
Epicnemidians are adjacent to the Aenianians, who occupy

Oeta; the Dorians are in between.9
427 C, 20-24 The last are the inhabitants of Tetrapolis, which is said last = Dorians
to be the metropolis of all the Dorians. They held the cities
[1] Argive Hera: 413 C, 24-36. [ 6 ] 419 C, 2-7.

[2] I.e., Opuntian and Epicnemidian Locrians (e. cen. Greece): 425 C, 13–426 C, 31. [ 7 ] These people = Western Locrians.
[3] For the lines of Homer in which the name Chalcis appears: 447 C, 26-30. [ 8 ] The Epizephyrian Locrians (in Italy) as colonists from the Western Locrians:
[4] The Catalogue is the part of the Iliad in which Homer lists the forces fighting 259 C, 10-19.
at Troy (see 4 C, 14-20n), within which the Aetolian Catalogue deals with the [ 9 ] Aetolians (described with Acarnanians): 449 C, 31–466 C, 7. Aenianians/Oetae-
Aetolian forces: 442 C, 35–443 C, 9n. ans: 427 C, 33–428 C, 9. Dorians: 427 C, 20-32.
[ 5 ] Naupactus, Chalcis, mount Taphiassus, and Molycria (426 C, 35–427 C, 10) are
later revisited by Strabo as part of Aetolia Epictetus (Annexed): 450 C, 23–451 C,
25; 459 C, 31–460 C, 10.
499
3.3. Greece
DORIANS of Erineus, Boium, Pindus, and Cytinium. Pindus is above Erineus, Kastellia/Evangelistria
cen. Greece (Gr.)
Erineus; and flowing past her is the river of the same name, Boium, Gravia (Gr.)
which joins the Cephissus not far from Lilaea. Some people Pindus/Acyphas, Pyrgos (Gr.)
call Pindus “Acyphas.” Cytinium, Palaiokhori/Ag.
Georgios (Gr.)
427 C, 24-29 The king of these people was Aegimius. Having been ex-
pelled from his kingdom, he was (history tells us) reinstated
by Heracles. He repaid the f avor a fter Heracles’s death in the
Oeta region: he adopted Hyllus, Heracles’s eldest son. Suc-
cession passed to Hyllus and his descendants. Starting from
here, the Heraclids made their return to the Peloponnese. |
427 C, 29-32 For a while, the cities were of some significance, although 9.4.11
small, and their territory of little worth; then their status was
diminished. With the Phocian war and the dominance of the
Macedonians, Aetolians, and Athamanians, it is a miracle that
any trace of them has been preserved into Roman times.
427 C, 33-37 The Aenianians have suffered the same fate. They w ere
AENIANIANS/OETAEANS eradicated by the Aetolians and Athamanians. The Aetolians
e. cen. Greece
achieved great power by waging war in alliance with the Acarna-
nians. The Athamanians—who were the last of the Epirotes to
achieve distinction when the rest had already been destroyed—
built up their resources u nder their king, Amynandrus. |
428 C, 1-9 These people occupied Oeta. The mountain range extends These people = 9.4.12
?Athamanians/?Aenianians
from Thermopylae and the east, reaching t oward the Ambra-
Thermopylae, Thermopiles (Gr.)
cian gulf and the west. In a way, this range intersects at right
angles the mountainous region r unning from Parnassus as far
as Pindus and the inland natives. The section of this range that
heads toward Thermopylae is called “Oeta”: it is two hundred
stades in length, rugged and high. It is at its highest at Ther-
mopylae: it reaches its peak t here, and ends in sharp, sheer
cliffs down to the sea, leaving only a narrow passage for those
accessing the Locrians from Thessaly alongside the shore. |
428 C, 10-14 The passage is called “Pylae” (Gates), “Stena” (Narrows),1 and 9.4.13
“Thermopylae” (Hot gates), since t here are hot springs nearby,

which are revered as sacred to Heracles. The mountain above
it is called “Callidromum.” (Some people apply the name “Cal-
lidromum” to the other part of the mountain range, stretching
through Aetolia and Acarnania to the Ambracian gulf.)
428 C, 14-18 Near Thermopylae, outside the Narrows, there are forts:
Nicaea-on-Sea, belonging to the Locrians; above her, Tichius Nicaea, Ag. Triada/Palaiokastro
(Gr.)
and Heraclia (formerly called “Trachin”), founded by the Lace-
[ 1 ] We tend to use “narrows” to mean a strait in a lake or sea; in Greek, the word
can mean a narrow stretch of land, as is the case here.
500
Fourth Band: Locris
daemonians. Heraclia is around six stades away from ancient

Trachin. Next, there’s a naturally fortified place, Rhoduntia. | Rhoduntia, Drakospilia (Gr.)
428 C, 19-28 These localities are rendered difficult to access by their 9.4.14
rugged terrain and by the numerous streams, creating ra-

vines through which they make their exit. In addition to the
Sperchius, which flows past Anticyra, there’s the Dyras,
which is said to have tried to quench Heracles’s pyre; and
another river, “Melas,” which is five stades from Trachin.
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) Herodotus says that south of Trachin is a deep gorge through
which the Asopus (homonymous with the various “Asopi”
which have been mentioned)1 flows into the sea outside the
Gates; it is joined from the south by the Phoenix, homonymous
with the hero, whose tomb is identified nearby; from the Asopus to
Thermopylae is fifteen stades. |
428 C, 29–429 C, 2 At one time, t hese localities were very famous, since they 9.4.15
held the “Keys to the Narrows” and since t hose on the far
side of the Narrows were engaged in battles for supremacy
with those on this side. Similarly, from the perspective of his
Macedonian base, Philip used to call Chalcis and Corinth the
“Fetters of Greece”; at a l ater date, men referred to t hese cities
as the “Shackles,” as also Demetrias, the city that was mistress Demetrias, Volos (Gr.)
of the Tempe pass, since she possessed both Pelium and Ossa.
At a later date, all these localities having been subjugated to
one power, everything . . . * has been opened up to all. |
429 C, 3-9 It was in this region of the Narrows that t hose associated 9.4.16
with Leonidas,2 together with a few of those people shar-

ing borders with these places, held out against such huge
Persian forces u ntil the barbarians, using shortcuts to circle
round the mountain, cut them down. Even now, their mass
grave is t here, and stone pillars, and the much quoted verse
inscribed on the Lacedaemonians’ pillar: O stranger, report
back to the Lacedaemonians that h ere / we lie, b ecause we obeyed
their laws. |
429 C, 10-14 There is a large harbor here and a temple to Demeter, 9.4.17
Amphictyons, federal where the Amphictyons used to make sacrifices at e very Py-
representatives
laean festival. From the harbor, it is forty stades overland to
Heraclia Trachin, and seventy by ship to Cenaeum. Imme- Cenaeum, Cape Lichada (in
Euboia)
diately outside the Gates, the Sperchius flows out to sea. To
the Gates from the Euripus is five hundred and thirty stades.
429 C, 15 That is the end of Locris.3
[ 1 ] 382 C, 16-25; 408 C, 34-37.

[ 2 ] The expression “those associated with Leonidas” is idiomatic, meaning primar-
ily Leonidas but in this context including his soldiers.
[ 3 ] 425 C, 6–429 C, 14.
501
3.3. Greece
Fifth Band: Thessaly, Acarnania, Aetolia (e. + sw. Greece)

+ Islands1
429 C, 15-20 As for the section outside,2 the portion toward the east and
Preview of 5th band of Greece the Malian gulf belongs to the Thessalians, while the portion
toward the west belongs to the Aetolians and Acarnanians.3
(The Athamanians are extinct.) | The Thessalian federation is 9.4.18
the largest and oldest one: some of the nations are mentioned
by Homer, some by various other writers. As for the Aetolians,
Homer always uses just the one name (cataloguing, as subject
to them, cities rather than nations), except in the case of the
Curetes,4 who must be categorized as part of the Aetolica.5
429 C, 20-23 I must start then with Thessalians, passing over (as I have
THESSALY done in other contexts) the mass of ancient, mythical, and
e. Greece
inconsistent data, but presenting what appears to me to be
relevant. |
429 C, 24-28 The seaward side of the territory is formed by the coastline 9.5.1
from Thermopylae to the outlet of the Peneius and the end Thermopylae, Thermopiles (Gr.)
of Pelium, facing toward the east and toward the northern Peneius, Peneios r.
end of Euboea. Malians and the Phthiotan Achaeans occupy

the stretch at Euboea and Thermopylae, while Magnesians
occupy the Pelian stretch. Let this side, then, be called the
“eastern” (maritime) side of Thessaly.
429 C, 28-33 Starting from each end—starting from Pelium and the
Peneius, going toward the interior as far as Paeonia and the
Epirote nations, there are Macedonians lying alongside; start-
ing from Thermopylae, the Oetaean and Aetolian mountain Thermopylae, Thermopiles (Gr.)
ranges lie alongside, being parallel with the Macedonians and

reaching the Dorians (from Erineus) and Parnassus. Let the Erineus, Kastellia/Evangelistria
(Gr.)
Macedonian side be called the “northern” and the opposite
side be called the “southern.”
429 C, 33–430 C, 2 What remains is the western side, delimited by Aetolians,
Acarnanians, Amphilochians, and (of the Epirote nations)
Athamanians, Aenianians, and Molossians; by what was once
called “Aethician” country; by the Tymphaeans and t hose in
the Pindus region in general.
430 C, 3 Such are the surroundings.6
430 C, 3-9 As for Thessaly itself, most of it is flat and . . . * defining
the southern side, and the western . . . * the northern, ex-
[ 1 ] Strabo includes within the 5th band the island of Euboea to the east (444 C,
8–449 C, 30) and the islands of Ithaca, Cephallenia, Zacynthus, Taphos, and the
Echinades to the west (453 C, 16–459 C, 16).
[ 2 ] I.e., outside (= north of) Thermopylae (Thermopiles, Gr.): 334 C, 14-17.
[ 3 ] Thessaly (e. Greece): 429 C, 20–444 C, 7. Aetolia, Acarnania (sw. Greece): 449 C,
31–466 C, 7.
[ 4 ] For the Homeric lines in which the names Aetolians and Curetes appear: 463 C,
7-16.
[ 5 ] Aetolica (lit., “Stuff about Aetolia”) is the section of Strabo’s narrative (462 C,
31–466 C, 7) in which he discusses the Aetolian origin of the Curetes; cf. 444 C,
8-11n; 462 C, 28-30n. Strabo’s use of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 6 ] 429 C, 24–430 C, 2.
502
Fifth Band: Thessaly, Acarnania, Aetolia
cept for Pelium and Ossa. These are quite high. They do not
encompass much territory but come to an end in the plains.
| The latter form the center of Thessaly, a territory that is 9.5.2
highly blessed by nature, except to the extent that it suffers

from rivers being flooded. The Peneius runs right across the Peneius, Peneios r.
middle and is joined by many rivers, and it often overflows

its banks.
430 C, 9-15 The story is that, in antiquity, the entire plain was covered
by w ater. It was hemmed in by mountains in other directions,
and the coastline consisted of land that was higher than the
plains. When seismic activity caused a fissure in the region of
what is now called “Tempe” and divided Ossa from Olympus,
the Peneius ran through the fissure to the sea and caused the
territory to dry up. The large lake Nessonis and Boebeïs lake
(smaller than the former and closer to the sea) were neverthe-
less left b
ehind. |
430 C, 16-24 Such being its character, it had been divided into four 9.5.3
parts. One part was called “Phthiotis,” one part “Hestiaeotis,”

one part “Thessaliotis,” and one part “Pelasgiotis.” Phthiotis
consists of the southern parts—the parts extending along-
side Oeta, from the Malian (and Pylaean) gulf as far as Do-
lopia and Pindus, and widthways as far as Pharsalus and the
Thessalian plains. Hestiaeotis consists of the western parts
and those between Pindus and upper Macedonia. As for the
remaining parts, they are held by those who dwell in the plains
below Hestiaeotis, called “Thessaliotes” (who at this point
reach the lower Macedonians); and by t hose who come next,
filling in the space as far as the Magnesian coast.
430 C, 24-32 Here, too, t here w
ill be a listing of names that are for
Homer (8th c. BCE) various reasons well known, most particularly through the
poetry of Homer. (Few of the cities maintain their ancient
fame, Larisa most of all.) | The poet, dividing the entire Larisa, Larisa (Gr.) 9.5.4
country that we now call “Thessaly” (in which he included

some of Oetaea and Locrian territory as well as some of what
is now catalogued as subject to Macedonians) into ten parts
and dynasties,1 highlights a phenomenon that is common to
every territory—both the whole and its parts undergo change
in accordance with the power of those who rule. |
430 C, 33-38 The first men he catalogues are those subject to Achil- he = Homer 9.5.5
Those subject to Achilles les’s command, occupying the southern side and stretching
[ 1 ] Parts/dynasties: 430 C, 33–444 C, 7.
503
3.3. Greece
a longside Oeta and the Epicnemidian Locrians: those who dwelt

in Pelasgian Argos, / those who lived in Alus, Alopa, and Trechis, /
those who held Phthia and Hellas with her fair women—/ these people
were known as “Myrmidons” and “Hellenes” and “Achaeans.” 1
431 C, 1-8 He links in with these p eople those who were subject
to Phoenix and has them both sharing in the expedition.
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) It is true that the poet nowhere mentions the Dolopian
army in the b attles for Ilium—he does not even represent
their leader himself, Phoenix, . . . * going forth into danger, their leader = Dolopian leader
as similarly Nestor. Phoenix has, however, been noted by

Pindar (5th c. BCE) others, such as Pindar, who says of him, he led the Dolopian
band, bold with their slings, / who reinforced the missiles of the
horse-taming Danaans.
431 C, 9-16 This must be understood as the poet “keeping quiet,” as
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) the literary critics are wont to say: it would be ridiculous for
their king to be taking part in the expedition (I dwelt in the their king = Dolopian king,
Phoenix
remotest part of Phthia, reigning over the Dolopians) but for his
subjects to be absent. In that case, he would not be “taking
part in the expedition” with Achilles but only tagging along as
an adjudicator of speeches, a public speaker, even a counselor.
The poem indicates the latter with some such phrase as, to be
a speaker of words and a doer of deeds.
431 C, 17-18 I include in the “parts,”2 then, both the part subject
to Achilles’s command and the part subject to Phoenix’s
command.
431 C, 18-22 There is, however, disagreement over the very areas stated
Identity of Homer’s “Pelasgian as being subject to Achilles. Some people understand Pelas-
Argos”
gian Argos to be a Thessalian city, once situated in the Larisa
region but no longer in existence.3 Others understand it not
as a city but as the Thessalian plain, known by this name
because this was the name given to it by Abas when he settled
a colony h ere from Argos. |
431 C, 22-32 Some people understand Phthia to be identical with Hellas 9.5.6
and Achaea,4 and one of the southern parts according to the

Strabo argues that Homer’s division of all Thessaly.5 Others distinguish between them.
“Phthia” is different from
Homer’s “Hellas” It seems that the poet makes Phthia and Hellas separate, as
when he says, those who held Phthia and Hellas (i.e., as two
places), and when he says, then I fled far away, through spa-
cious Hellas, / and I came to Phthia, and there are many Achaean
women throughout Hellas and Phthia. So the poet does make
[ 1 ] Strabo frames the ensuing section of his narrative (431 C, 18–433 C, 32) around
this passage from Homer. Pelasgian Argos, 431 C, 18-22. Alus (Halus) and Alopa,
432 C, 31–433 C, 15. Trechis (Trachin), 433 C, 19-30; cf. 428 C, 14-28. Phthia and
Hellas, 431 C, 22–432 C, 30. Myrmidons, 433 C, 30-31. Achaeans, 433 C, 31-32.
[ 2 ] I.e., the 10 dynastic “parts” into which, Strabo claims (430 C, 24-32n), Homer
divides Thessaly.
[ 3 ] Strabo explains the name Pelasgian Argos as used in the Homeric passage cited
at 430 C, 33-38.
[ 4 ] Strabo explains the name Phthia as used in the Homeric passage cited at 430 C,
33-38.
[ 5 ] I.e., Phthiotis, the southern part of Thessaly, according to the 4-fold division of
Thessaly at 430 C, 16-24.
504
them separate, but he does not make it clear whether they

were cities or territories.
431 C, 32-37 As for l ater writers, t hose claiming that Hellas was a terri-
Palaepharsalus, Xylades (Gr.)
Identity of Homer’s “Hellas” tory say that it stretched from Palaepharsalus (Old Pharsalus) to
Phthiotan Thebes, Akitsi/
Phthiotan Thebes.1 Also within this territory is Thetidium, Mikrothivai (Gr.)
near both the old Pharsalus and the new one . . . * would not Thetidium, Ag. Athanassion/
judge on the basis of “Thetidium” that this was part of the Kato Dasolophos (Gr.)
territory subject to Achilles? new Pharsalus, Pharsala (Gr.)
431 C, 37–432 C, 7 As for those claiming that Hellas was a city, the Pharsalians
identify a ruined city (sixty stades from their own city), which
they believe was Hellas, and two nearby springs, Messeïs and
Hyperia. The Melitaeans say that Hellas was established not
far—some ten stades—from their own city, on the other side
of the Enipeus, at the time when their own city was known their own city = Melitia/Pyrrha,
Avaritsa (Gr.)
as “Pyrrha”; and that the Hellenes relocated to their city from
Hellas, which was in a low-lying area. They present as evi-
dence the tomb, in their marketplace, of Hellen, son of Deu-
calion and Pyrrha (history tells us that Deucalion ruled over
Phthiotis, and over Thessaly in general).
432 C, 8-9 The Enipeus flows from Othrys past Pharsalus and joins
the Apidanus, which then joins the Peneius. Apidanus, Pharsalitis r.
432 C, 9 That was my account of the Hellenes.2 |

432 C, 10-22 Both the people subject to Achilles and t hose subject to 9.5.7
Protesilaus and Philoctetes are called “Phthians.” The poet

bears witness to this. He includes, when cataloguing t hose
Identity of Homer’s “Phthia” subject to Achilles, those who held Phthia.3 In the Battle at the
Ships,4 while he represents some of them as staying behind them = Phthians
with Achilles and keeping out of the action, he represents

those subject to Philoctetes as taking part in the b attle (hav-
ing Medon . . . *) and t hose subject to Protesilaus (. . . * Po-
darces). He speaks of them in general terms when he says,
there are Boeotians and tunic-trailing Iaones, / Locrians and Phthi- Iaones = Ionians
ans and glorious Epians. He speaks of them individually when

he says, leading the Phthians are Medon and battle-fast Podarces. /
They, in their armor, leading the greathearted Phthians, / did b attle
alongside the Boeotians and defended the ships.
432 C, 23 Possibly, Eurypylus’s men were also called Phthians, since
they shared a border with the latter.
432 C, 23-26 People today consider as belonging to Magnesia both the
Ormenian part of the territory, which was subject to Eurypylus,
[ 1 ] Strabo explains the name Hellas as used in the Homeric passage cited at 430 C,
33-38.
[ 2 ] 431 C, 22–432 C, 9.
[ 3 ] Strabo explains the name Phthia as used in the Homeric passage cited at 430 C,
33-38.
[ 4 ] The “title” Battle at the Ships refers to a part of Homer’s Iliad. Strabo often uses
“titles” for parts of Homer’s poems (4 C, 14-20n), as well as for parts of his work
and the works of others (639 C, 15-27n).
505
3.3. Greece
and all the territory that was subject to Philoctetes; and they
consider as belonging to Phthia the territory that was subject to
Protesilaus, from Dolopia and Pindus to the Magnesian coast.
432 C, 26-30 The distance to the city subject to Protesilaus, namely An- Antron, Glypha/Akhilleion (Gr.)
tron1 (the name of which is now pluralized), is assigned as the

width of the territory subject to Peleus and Achilles, starting
from Trachinia and Oetaea. (It is virtually equivalent to the
length of the Malian gulf.) |
432 C, 31-37 As for Halus and Alopa, people suspect that he does not [Phthiotan] Halus, Alos (Gr.) 9.5.8
Identity of Homer’s “Alus” and mean those places that are now considered to be in the Phthi- [Phthiotan] Alopa, ?Rakhes/
“Alopa” Phourni (Gr.)
otan domain, but rather t hose among the Locrians, since
Achilles’s rule extended thither, just as it extended to Trachin
and Oetaea.2 There’s a “Halus” and “Halius” on the Locrian
coast and likewise an “Alopa.”3 Some p eople replace Alopa
with Halius and write, who dwelt in Halus, in Halius and Trechis.
433 C, 1-7 Phthiotan Halus lies at the foot of one end of Othrys, a Phthiotan Halus, Alos (Gr.)
mountain range in northern Phthiotis, which shares a border

with Typhrestus and the Dolopians and from t here stretches
into the vicinity of the Malian gulf. Halus (the name of which
can be treated as e ither feminine or masculine) is around sixty
stades from Itonus. Athamas founded Halus; following her
destruction, she was . . . * in later times. She is situated above
the Crocian plain; the Amphrysus river runs by her city wall. Phthiotan Thebes, Akitsi/
At the base of the Crocian plain is Phthiotan Thebes. Mikrothivai (Gr.)
433 C, 8-19 Halus is called both “Phthiotan” and “Achaean.” Like the
foothills of Othrys, she has a border with the Malians. Just as
Phylaca (which was subject to Protesilaus) belongs to the part Phylaca, Persouphli/Dervesi
(Gr.)
of Phthiotis next to the Malians, such is the case with Halus.
Halus, Alos (Gr.)
She is around one hundred stades from Thebes and is midway
between Pharsalus and the Phthiotans. Philip, having taken
her away from the Phthiotans, allocated her to the Phar-
salians. So it happens that boundaries and compositions of
nations and places undergo constant change, as I said.4 Thus,
Sophocles (5th c. BCE) too, Sophocles calls Trachin “Phthiotan.” Artemidorus puts
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early Halus on the coast outside the Malian gulf but considers her
1st c. BCE)
Phthiotan. (Going from t here in the direction of the Peneius, from there = from the Malian
gulf
he puts Pteleum a fter Antron, and then puts Halus one hun-
Pteleum, Gritsa (Gr.)
dred and ten stades from Pteleum.)
433 C, 19-30 The nature of Trachin has already been described, and the
Identity of Homer’s “Trechis” poet mentions it by name.5 | In his frequent references to the 9.5.9
[ 1 ] For the line of Homer in which Antron features: 349 C, 37–350 C, 2.

[ 2 ] Strabo explains the names Halus (= Alus) and Alopa as used in the Homeric
passage cited at 430 C, 33-38.
[ 3 ] Locrian “Alopa”: 426 C, 1-5.
[ 4 ] 430 C, 24-32. The sentiment is frequently expressed, e.g., 166 C, 1-6; 176 C, 177 C,
16-24.
[ 5 ] 428 C, 14-28. Strabo explains the name Trachin (= Trechis) as used in the Homeric
passage cited at 430 C, 33-38.
506
Sperchius as a local river (which rises on Typhrestus, a Dryo-

pian mountain formerly called . . . *, and flows out to sea near
Thermopylae, between the latter and Lamia), he shows that Pylae = Thermopylae,
both this side of Pylae (as much as is part of the Malian gulf ) Thermopiles (Gr.)
and the far side w ere subject to him. The Sperchius is around him = Achilles
thirty stades from Lamia, which lies above a plain that ex- Lamia, Lamia (Gr.)
He = Homer tends to the Malian gulf. He shows that the Sperchius is local
with the statement that it caused his hair to grow and with the his hair = Achilles’s hair
statement that one of his company commanders, Menesthius,

was the son of Sperchius and of Achilles’s sister.
433 C, 30-31 It is reasonable to suppose that Myrmidons was the name
given to all t hose subject to the command of Achilles and Pa-
troclus, who w ere with Peleus in his flight from Aegina.1
433 C, 31-32 All the Phthiotans w ere called Achaeans.2 |
433 C, 33–434 C, 6 People include several settlements in their reckoning of 9.5.10
those in the Phthiotan domain, which was subject to Achilles,

starting with the Malians. Included among these settlements
are Phthiotan Thebes, Echinus, Lamia (where the Macedonians Phthiotan Thebes, Akitsi/
Mikrothivai (Gr.)
and Antipater fought the “Lamian” war against the Athenians,
in which the Athenian general Leosthenes fell and Leonnatus,
the friend of king Alexander) . . . *, Erineus, Coronia (hom-
onymous with the Boeotian city), Melitia, Thaumaci, Proerna,
Pharsalus, Eretria (homonymous with the Euboean city), the
Paracheloïtae (homonymous with the Aetolian p eople)—for
here, too, t here is an “Achelous” river (near Lamia), along Achelous, Xerias r.
whose banks live the “Paracheloïtae” (Alongside-the-Achelous).

434 C, 6-15 To the north, this territory stretched alongside that of
the most westerly Asclepiads and of Eurypylus and . . . * of
Protesilaus in the east. To the south, it stretched alongside
Oetaea, which was divided into fourteen demes, both Hera- deme, administrative district
clia and Dryopis, which was once a tetrapolis (four-city state) like
Doris and considered to be the metropolis of the Pelopon-
nesian Dryopians. Also belonging to Oetaea are Acyphas,
Parasopias, Oeniadae, Anticyra (homonymous with the city
among the Western Locrians).3 I give these arrangements not
as having remained the same over time but rather as having
undergone various changes. T hose that are absolutely most
famous are worth mentioning. |
434 C, 16-24 The poet quite clearly shows that the Dolopians are on the 9.5.11
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) fringes of Phthia, and that both they and the Phthiotans were
[ 1 ] Strabo explains the name Myrmidons as used in the Homeric passage cited at
430 C, 33-38.
[ 2 ] Strabo explains the name Achaeans as used in the Homeric passage cited at
430 C, 33-38.
[ 3 ] Perhaps a slip by Strabo, who elsewhere allocates Anticyra to the Phocians:
416 C, 11-21; 418 C, 20-28; 423 C, 10-15. Strabo does sometimes err, e.g., 415 C,
31–416 C, 2n.
507
3.3. Greece
nder the command of the same leader, Peleus. I lived, he says,

u
in farthest Phthia, ruling the Dolopians by grant of Peleus. It bor-
ders on Pindus and the places around Pindus, most of which
are Thessalian. On account of the prestige and power of the
Thessalians and the Macedonians, those of the Epirotes liv-
ing immediately next to them became (some willingly, o thers
unwillingly) part of the Thessalians or Macedonians: for ex-
ample, Athamanians, Aethicians, and Talarians, part of the
Thessalians; Orestians, Pelagonians, and Elimiotians, part of
the Macedonians. |
434 C, 25–435 C, 4 Pindus is a huge mountain, with Macedonian territory to 9.5.12
the north, Perrhaebian migrants to the west, Dolopians to the

south, . . . *; and this is part of Thessaly. On Pindus itself
there once resided Talarians (a Molossian tribe, a branch of
those in the Tomarus region) and Aethicians, to whom, the
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) poet says, the Centaurs w ere exiled by Perithous. Research
shows that they have died out. “Dying out” can be understood
in two ways. E ither the population has disappeared and their
territory is deserted, or their ethnic name no longer exists
and their p olitical system does not survive as such. When
the p olitical system that now remains is totally insignificant,
I consider neither it nor its new name worth mentioning.
When there is just cause to mention it, then I must describe
the change. |
435 C, 5-14 It remains for me to describe the ordering of the stretch 9.5.13
of coast subject to Achilles,1 beginning from Thermopylae Thermopylae, Thermopiles (Gr.)
(since I have described the Locrian and . . . *).2 Thermopylae

is separated from Cenaeum by a seventy-stade strait, and as Cenaeum, Cape Lichada (in
Euboia)
you sail along the coast beyond the Gates, is around ten stades
from the Sperchius. Thence, it’s twenty [stades] to Phalara. The Phalara, Paralos/Stylis (Gr.)
Lamians’ city lies inland from Phalara, fifty stades from the Lamians’ city = Lamia, Lamia
(Gr.)
coast. A fter you sail the next one hundred stades along the
coast, Echinus lies inland. In the interior b ehind the next Echinus, Akhinos (Gr.)
stretch of coast, t here’s Larisa Cremasta, twenty stades back Larisa Cremasta, Pelasgia (Gr.)
from the coast (she’s also called “Larisa Pelasgia”). | Then 9.5.14
there’s the small island of Myonnesus, then Antron (which Myonnesus, Ag. Nikolaos (Gr.)
was subject to Protesilaus).

435 C, 14-20 The foregoing was my description of the part subject to
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) Achilles.3 The poet o rganized and divided the entire ambit
of Thessaly into a large number of recognizable parts, based
[ 1 ] I.e., “remains” in order to complete the description of Achilles’s territory, as

introduced at 430 C, 33-38.
[ 2 ] Strabo e arlier describes the Locrian coastline (425 C, 13–426 C, 18) and notes
(432 C, 31-37) the school of thought according to which the Locrian coast from
Halae to Thermopylae was subject to Achilles.
[ 3 ] 430 C, 33–435 C, 14.
508
on the names of their leaders and the cities subject to them.

Following this methodology again, as above, let me complete
the remaining description of the territory.1
435 C, 21-32 After cataloguing those subject to Achilles, he next cata
Those subject to Protesilaus logues t hose subject to Protesilaus, who also come next a fter
the stretch of coastline subject to Achilles, which terminates
at Antron. So then, what comes next is the stretch subject to Antron, Glypha/Akhilleion (Gr.)
Protesilaus, outside the Malian gulf but still within Phthio-

tis, not indeed . . . *. Phylaca is near Phthiotan Thebes, Phylaca, Persouphli/Dervesi (Gr.)
which was subject to Protesilaus. Also subject to him were Phthiotan Thebes, Akitsi/
Mikrothivai (Gr.)
Halus, Larisa Cremasta, and Demetrium, all of them east of
Halus, Alos (Gr.)
He = Homer Othrys. He referred to Demetrium as Demeter’s precinct and
Larisa Cremasta, Pelasgia (Gr.)
called her Pyrasus. Pyrasus was a city supplied with a good
Pyrasus, Nea Ankhialos (Gr.)
harbor (with Demeter’s grove and revered t emple two stades
away), being twenty stades from Thebes. Thebes lies inland
from Pyrasus; in the interior behind Thebes, at the point
where Othrys ends, is the Crocian plain, across which flows
the Amphrysus.
435 C, 32-39 Inland from this, there’s Itonus, where there’s a temple Itonus, Philia Karditsis (Gr.)
to the “Itonian” [Athena] (after which the t emple in Boeotia is

named) and the Cuarius river. It has been said . . . * of Arna
in the Boeotiaca.2 These are constituents of Thessaliotis (one
of the four parts of Thessaly as a whole),3 to which also belong
the areas that w ere subject to Eurypylus, and Phyllus . . . * Phyllus, Magoulia Paliambela
(Gr.)
temple to “Phyllian” Apollo, and Ichnae, where “Ichnian”
Themis is worshipped. Cierus is classed within it, and . . . * Cierus, Pyrgos Kieriou (Gr.)
of Athamania.
435 C, 39-43 Off Antron, in the strait with Euboea, is an underwater
reef called “Onos Antronos” (Ass-of-Antron); then Pteleum and Pteleum, Gritsa (Gr.)
Halus; then Demeter’s temple, and ruined Pyrasus, above Halus, Alos (Gr.)
which is Thebes; then a headland, Pyrrha, and two nearby Pyrasus, Nea Ankhialos (Gr.)
islets, one of them called “Pyrrha” and one “Deucalion.” This

is about where Phthiotis ends. |
436 C, 1-5 Next, he catalogues Eumelus’s subjects, along the follow- he = Homer 9.5.15
Those subject to Eumelus ing stretch of coastline, which by this stage belongs to the
Magnesians . . . * and is a component of the Pelasgiotis coun-
try. Pherae marks the termination on the Magnesian side of Pherae, Velestino (Gr.)
the Pelasgian plains, which stretch one hundred and sixty

stades, as far as Pelium. Pherae’s seaport, Pagasae, is ninety
stades away from her and twenty stades from Iolcus.
[ 1 ] I.e., “remaining” as per Strabo’s overview of Thessaly (e. Greece) at 430 C, 3-32.
This remaining part is described at 435 C, 21–444 C, 7.
[ 2 ] Boeotiaca (lit., “Stuff about Boeotia”) refers to the section of Strabo’s narrative
(400 C, 11–416 C, 10) in which he describes Boeotia (s. cen. Greece), and within
which he mentions Arna, “Itonian” Athena, and the Cuarius river (411 C, 16-26).
For Strabo’s use of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 3 ] 4 parts of Thessaly: 430 C, 16-24.
509
3.3. Greece
436 C, 5-11 Iolcus has long been in ruins, but it was from h ere that Iolcus, Volos Kastro (Gr.)
Pelias dispatched Jason and the Argo. According to myth, it

was from the naupegia (shipbuilding) of the Argo that the place
got the name “Pagasae”; others believe, more credibly, that
the place was named a fter its many and copious pegae (springs);
nearby is Aphetae—as if it w ere an aphetrium (point of depar-
ture) for the Argonauts. Iolcus lies seven stades inland from
Demetrias.
436 C, 11-19 Demetrius Poliorcetes founded Demetrias (named a fter Demetrias, Volos (Gr.)
himself ) on the coast between Nelia and Pagasae, amalgamat-

ing the nearby towns of Nelia, Pagasae, Ormenium, and also
Rhizus . . . *, Sepias, Olizon, Boeba, and Iolcus (now villages Rhizus, Tarsanas (Gr.)
belonging to Demetrias). This place was the shipyard and,

for a long time, the royal residence of the Macedonian kings,
and it controlled Tempe and both of the mountains (Pelium
and Ossa), as has been noted.1 The city is now much reduced,
but she is nevertheless superior to all other Magnesian cities.
436 C, 19-22 Lake Boebeïs is near Pherae, on the one hand, but on the
other hand connects up with the end of Pelium and Magnesia.
Boeba is a place on the shore of the lake.
436 C, 22-24 Just as partisanship and tyrannies destroyed Iolcus after Iolcus, Volos Kastro (Gr.)
she had experienced great growth, so too they diminished

Pherae, which r ose and fell along with her tyrants. Pherae, Velestino (Gr.)
436 C, 24-26 Near Demetrias flows the Anaurus. The next stretch of Demetrias, Volos (Gr.)
shore is also called “Iolcus”: this is where people used to cel-

ebrate the Pylaean festival.
436 C, 26-29 Artemidorus places the Pagasitian gulf farther away from
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early Demetrias, within the area subject to Philoctetes; and says
1st c. BCE)
that the island of Cicynethus, and its homonymous town, are Cicynethus (island), Palaia
Trikeri (Gk.)
in the gulf. |
436 C, 30-34 Next, the cities subject to Philoctetes are catalogued. 9.5.16
Cities subject to Philoctetes Methone is different from the Thracian “Methone,” which Methone, Nevestiki (Gr.)
was leveled by Philip—I mentioned earlier the slight differ-

ence between these names and those in the Peloponnese.2
The rest that are listed—Thaumacia, Olizon, and Meliboea— Olizon, Ag. Andreas/
Palaiokastro (Gr.)
belong to the following stretch of the coastline.
436 C, 34-39 Lying off the Magnesian shore, t here are many islands. Sciathos, Skiathos (Gk. island)
The notable ones are Sciathos, Peparethos, Icos, Halonne- Peparethos, Skopelos
(Gk. island)
Scyros, Skyros (Gk. island) sos, and Scyros, all having homonymous cities. Scyros is the
Icos, Alonnesos (Gk. island)
most notable, b ecause of Lycomedes’s relationship to Achil-
[ 1 ] 428 C, 29–429 C, 2.
[ 2 ] 374 C, 32–375 C, 7.
510
les and because Neoptolemus (son of Achilles) was born and

raised there.
437 C, 1-8 At a later date, Philip, whose power had expanded and who
realized that the Athenians controlled the sea and ruled t hese
islands as well as o thers, caused the islands close to him to be-
come particularly well known. Battling it out for hegemony,
he always attacked the first of the islands next to him. Just as
he caused many parts of Magnetis—and Thrace and the rest
of the land in the vicinity—to become Macedonian, so too
he appropriated the islands off Magnesia; and he brought it
about that islands that w ere formerly known to nobody won
desirability and renown.
437 C, 8-14 While stories of long ago secure a place for Scyros, it is
also a topic of conversation for other reasons, in particular
such things as the excellence of Scyrian goats and its quarries
of veined Scyrian (like “Carystian,” “Leucollian,” and “Syn-
nadic”) marble.1 In Rome, it is possible to see monolithic col-
umns and huge slabs of the veined marble,2 with which the
city is embellished at both public and private expense—it has
made white marble worth not very much! |
437 C, 15-19 The poet, when he reaches this point on the Magnesian 9.5.17
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) coastline, returns to upper Thessaly. Starting from Dolo-
pia and Pindus, he proceeds through the regions stretching
alongside Phthiotis as far as lower Thessaly: those who held
Tricca and rocky Ithoma.
437 C, 20-26 These places are part of Histiaeotis but were formerly, so
they say, called “Doris.” (Doris came into the possession of the
Perrhaebians, who also subjugated Histiaeotis in Euboea and
drove its population onto the mainland; because of the large
number of Histiaeans who settled t here, they named the terri-
tory thus, after those settlers.) People call this territory and Do-
lopia “upper” Thessaly, since it is in a straight line with “upper”
Macedonia, just as “lower” Thessaly is with “lower” Macedonia.
437 C, 26-35 Tricca, the site of the most ancient and most splendid Tricca, Trikkala/Ag. Nikolaos
(Gr.)
temple to Asclepius, shares a border with the Dolopians
and the Pindus region.3 As for Ithoma, homonymous with Ithoma/Thamae, Phanarion (Gr.)
the Messenian “Ithoma,” p eople say that one should not

spell it thus but that one should drop the first syllable, on
the grounds that it was previously so named but underwent
a name change to “Thamae,”4 which is a fortified place that
[ 1 ] “Carystian” marble (from Greece): 446 C, 16-21. “Synnadic” marble (from Tur-
key): 577 C, 11-19, with reference to its use in Rome.
[ 2 ] Strabo probably saw Scyrian marble himself, when in Rome (30s BCE and sub-
sequently: 273 C, 2-14nn).
[ 3 ] Strabo identifies the Tricca in the Homeric passage cited at 437 C, 15-19.
[ 4 ] Strabo identifies the Ithoma in the Homeric passage cited at 437 C, 15-19.
511
3.3. Greece
r eally is rocky, situated in the midst of four fortresses—namely

Tricca, Metropolis, Pelinnaeum, and Gomphi—positioned as Metropolis, Palaiokastro
Georgikon (Gr.)
if in a square. Ithoma is part of the Metropolitans’ territory:
Pelinnaeum, Palaiogardiki (Gr.)
Metropolis had earlier been amalgamated from three insig-
Gomphi, Mouzaki (Gr.)
nificant l ittle towns, but several o thers w ere l ater incorpo-
rated, including Ithoma.
437 C, 36–438 C, 8 Callimachus says, in the Iambi, that the “Castnietan”
Strabo paraphrases Callimachus [Aphrodite] exceeds all the Aphrodites (for the goddess is not uni-
(3rd c. BCE)
tary) in wisdom b ecause she alone accepts the sacrifice of pigs. He
is a polymath, if anyone is: for his w hole life, as he himself
says, he . . . * his ears to those wanting to tell willing mythical tales.
Later writers demonstrated that not just one Aphrodite but,
rather, several have been open to this practice, including
the one in Metropolis; that, in this place, one of the cities—
Onthyrium—from which Metropolis was amalgamated was
the source of the practice.
438 C, 9-15 Also in Histiaeotis is Pharcadon, through which run the Pharcadon, Klokoto (Gr.)
Peneius and Curalius. Of these, the Curalius flows past the

temple to Itonian Athena and joins the Peneius. The Peneius
itself rises on Pindus, as has been noted;1 leaving Tricca, Pe-
linnaeum, and Pharcadon on the left, it flows past Atrax and Atrax, Aliphaka/Koutsokhero
(Gr.)
Larisa; a fter being joined by the rivers in Thessaliotis, it pro-
Larisa, Larisa (Gr.)
ceeds through Tempe to its outlets.
438 C, 16-21 Researchers put the city called Oechalia, city of Eurytus, in
this region and also in Euboea and in Arcadia; 2 they also give
a diff erent name to the Arcadian city, as noted in the Pelopon-
nesiaca.3 They investigate these m atters, asking in particular,
which was the city conquered by Heracles? and which was
written about by the poet who composed the Fall of Oechalia? 4
438 C, 22 That was my account of the localities classified as subject
to the Asclepiads. |
438 C, 23-25 Next he catalogues the territory subject to Eurypylus: those he = Homer 9.5.18
Territory subject to Eurypylus who held Ormenium and the spring, Hyperia; / t hose who held Aste-
rium and the white peaks of Titanus.5
438 C, 26-33 Ormenium is now called “Orminium”; it is a village at the
base of Pelium on the Pagasitian gulf and was one of the cit-
ies amalgamated into Demetrias, as has been noted.6 Lake
Boebeïs must necessarily be close by, since Boeba—as well
as Ormenium—was one of the settlements surrounding De-
metrias. Ormenium is twenty-seven stades from Demetrias
[ 1 ] This information was given in the “eastern European gap”: 329 C, 15–332 C, 1.
[ 2 ] Strabo identifies the Oechalia in the Homeric passages cited at 339 C, 6-16.
[ 3 ] Peloponnesiaca (lit., “Stuff about the Peloponnese”) is the section of narrative
(335 C, 1–389 C, 42) in which Strabo deals with the Peloponnese (s. Greece),
within which he twice discusses the name Oechalia (339 C, 6-16; 350 C, 6-12).
Strabo’s use of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 4 ] Creophylus (?8th–7th c. BCE) as the author of the Fall of Oechalia: 638 C, 19–
639 C, 2.
[ 5 ] Strabo frames the ensuing section of narrative (438 C, 26–439 C, 25) around
this passage from Homer: Ormenium, 438 C, 26–439 C, 14; Hyperia, Asterium,
Titanus, 439 C, 22-25.
[ 6 ] 436 C, 11-19.
512
overland. The site of Iolcus lies on the route, seven stades from
Demetrias and the remaining twenty stades from Ormenium.
438 C, 35–439 C, 5 The Scepsian says that Phoenix came from Ormenium, fleeing
Scepsian = Demetrius (2nd c. thence from his “father, Amyntor the Ormenid,” to Phthia “to lord Ormenid = descendant of
BCE) Ormenus
Peleus.” He explains that the place had been founded by Ormenus
(son of Cerphius, who was the son of Aeolus); Ormenus’s sons w ere
Amyntor and Euaemon; the son of the former was Phoenix, the son
of the latter Eurypylus; their joint legacy was reserved for Eurypylus,
Demetrius of Scepsis emends given that Phoenix had departed from his homeland. He writes, as
the text of Homer
when I first left Ormenium with its many flocks, rather than . . .
I left Hellas with her fair w
omen.
439 C, 5-14 Crates represents Phoenix as a Phocian, using as evidence
Crates (2nd c. BCE) the helmet of Meges—used by Odysseus in the “Night Waking” 1—
concerning which the poet says, “from Eleon, from Amyntor the Or-
menid, / it was stolen by Autolycus, penetrating the well-defended
home”: “Eleon” is a small town on Parnassus; “Amyntor the Or-
menid” means none other than Phoenix’s f ather; and Autolycus,
a resident of Parnassus, must have burgled his neighbors’ property
(since this is the universal practice of e very burglar!) rather
than property far away.
439 C, 15-21 The Scepsian says that no site on Parnassus is identified as
Scepsian = Demetrius (2nd c. “Eleon”—although there is a “Neon,” which was founded after the
BCE)
Trojan period—nor are burglaries committed only by neighbors! Trojan period, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
One could say other things, too, but I hesitate to spend any
more time on this. Some people write from “Heleon” (which
is part of Tanagra). This is proved even more absurd by the
statement, then I fled far away, through . . . Hellas, / and I came statement = by Homer
to Phthia.
439 C, 22-25 Hyperia is a spring in the middle of the Pheraeans’ city,
which . . . *. It is absurd, therefore . . . *. Titanus (Chalk) is so
named a fter the facts of the m atter: the place has white soil,
being near Arna and . . . *. Nor is Asterium far from those
places.2 |
439 C, 26-28 Next to this part are listed the people subject to Polypo- 9.5.19
etes, who occupied Argisa and dwelt in Gyrtona, / in Ortha, Elona,

and white city of Oloosson.3
439 C, 29–440 C, 3 This territory was previously inhabited by Perrhaebians,
Men subject to Polypoetes who lived in the section on the sea and along the Peneius as
far as its outlet and as far as the city of Perrhaebian Gyrton.4 Gyrton, Mourlari (Gr.)
These p eople w ere then driven into the riverlands of the
[ 1 ] The “title” Night Waking refers to a part of Homer’s Iliad. “Titles” are often used
for parts of Homer’s poems: 4 C, 14-20n. Cf. Strabo’s use of “titles” for parts of
his own work: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 2 ] Strabo identifies the Hyperia, Titanus, and Asterium in the Homeric passage
cited at 438 C, 23-25.
[ 3 ] Strabo frames his ensuing section of narrative (439 C, 29–441 C, 8) around
this passage from Homer: Argisa, Ortha, 440 C, 4-8; Gyrtona/Gyrton, 439 C,
29–440 C, 3; Elona, Oloosson, 440 C, 33–441 C, 8.
[ 4 ] Strabo identifies the Gyrtona (Gyrton) in the Homeric passage cited at 439 C,
26-28.
513
3.3. Greece
interior, their place taken by the Lapithians—Ixion, and his

son, Perithous. The latter additionally acquired Pelium by
forcing out the Centaurs who w ere living there—a wild . . . *
tribe. These he drove from Pelium and toward the Aethicians; and
he handed over the plains to the Lapithians. The Perrhaebians
held some of the plains (the plains toward Olympus), and in
some places a small number of them lived intermingled with
the Lapithians.
440 C, 4-8 Argisa (current-day Argusa) is situated on the Peneius. Argusa, Gremnos Magoula (Gr.)
Atrax lies forty stades inland from her, also near the river. The Atrax, Aliphaka/Koutsokhero
(Gr.)
intervening riverlands were once held by the Perrhaebians.
Some say that Ortha was the acropolis of the Phalannaeans.1
Phalanna is a Perrhaebian city on the Peneius near Tempe. Phalanna, Damasi (Gr.)
440 C, 9-17 Many of the Perrhaebians, when they lost power to the
Lapithians, left for the mountainous territory in the region
of Pindus, the Athamanians, and the Dolopians. Their terri-
tory, and the Perrhaebians who stayed b ehind, fell under the
control of the Larisaeans. The latter lived near the Peneius Larisaeans = inhabitants of
Larisa, Larisa (Gr.)
and were the Perrhaebians’ neighbors but lived in the parts
of the plains blessed with the greatest fertility (except for a
deep concavity by lake Nessonis, into which the river, when in
flood, used to put a portion of the arable land taken from the
Larisaeans—but the Larisaeans later solved the problem by
means of embankments). These people held Perrhaebia and
exacted tribute until such time as Philip established himself
as lord of the region.
440 C, 17-32 There is also a “Larisa” that is a place in Ossa; a [Larisa]
Cremasta, called “[Larisa] Pelasgia” by some; a city in Crete, now
amalgamated with Hierapytna (to which belongs the plain
below, now called “Larisium”); in the Peloponnese, the Argive
citadel and a “Larisus” river that separates Elia from Dyma
Theopompus (4th c. BCE) (Theopompus says that t here’s also a city of “Larisa” situated
in the same border territory). In Asia, t here’s a “Phriconian
[Larisa]” in the Cyme region, and a city at Hamaxitus in the
Troad, and an Ephesian “Larisa” (and t here’s one in Syria).

Fifty stades from Mitylene are the “Larisaean” cliffs, along the
road to Methymna. There’s a “Larisa” in Attica. There’s also a
village outside Trallis—thirty stades above the city as you go
toward the Cayster plain through the Mesogis—which is the
location of the temple to the “Isodromian Mother” (its site
[ 1 ] Strabo explains the names Argisa and Ortha as used in the Homeric passage
cited at 439 C, 26-28.
514
and advantages being similar to Larisa Cremasta, for it is well

supplied with water and good for growing vines1—and “Lari-
saean” Zeus perhaps gets his name from here). On the Left-
Hand Side of the Pontus,2 there’s a village called “Larisa,”
between Naulochus . . . *, near the end of Haemus.
440 C, 33–441 C, 8 Oloosson—called white because of her white clay—and Oloosson, Elassona/Panayia
(Gr.)
Elona are Perrhaebian cities,3 as is Gonnus. Elona underwent
Gonnus, Dereli (Gr.)
a name change, taking the new name “Limona”—but she now
Limona, ?Argyropouli (Gr.)
lies in ruins. Both are situated at the foot of Olympus, not
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) far from the Europus river, which the poet calls Titaresius. |
The poet refers to this river and to the Perrhaebians in the 9.5.20
lines that follow when he says: Guneus brought two and twenty
ships from Cyphus. / His followers were the Enienians and the battle-
resolute Peraebians, / who built their homes around wintry Dodona /
and dwelt in the fields on either side of lovely Titaresius.
441 C, 9-20 He means that these sites, partly belonging to Hestiaeotis, He = Homer
were Perrhaebian. The territories subject to Polypoetes were

also partly Perrhaebian, but he included them with the Lapith-
ians on account of their intermingled living—the Lapithians
occupied the plains, with the Perrhaebian element t here gen-
erally classified under them, while the Perrhaebians occupied
the mountainous areas near Olympus and Tempe, such as
Cyphus, Dodona, and the region around the Titaresius, which
flows from mount Titarius (an offshoot of Olympus) to the
area belonging to Perrhaebia near Tempe and, somewhere
around t here, joins the Peneius. The w ater of the Peneius is
pure, while that of the Titaresius is made oily as a result of some
substance, so that it does not mix but runs over the top of it like oil.
441 C, 21-30 Because of their intermingled living, Simonides calls “Per-
Simonides (6th–5th c. BCE) rhaebians” and “Lapithians” all the inhabitants of Pelasgiotis
in the east: the Gyrton region, the Peneius’s outflow, Ossa, Gyrton, Mourlari (Gr.)
Pelium, the Demetrias region, the plains region—Larisa, Demetrias, Volos (Gr.)
Crannon, Scotussa, Mopsium, Atrax—and the region of lake Larisa, Larisa (Gr.)
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) Nessonis and lake Boebeïs. The poet mentions only a few of Crannon, Kastro/Douraki (Gr.)
these places, on account of their not yet being settled or only Scotussa, Ag. Triadi/Souphli (Gr.)
thinly settled, as a result of flooding in various parts at vari Mopsium, Stenon Rhodias (Gr.)
ous times. In truth, he does not mention even lake Nessonis, Atrax, Aliphaka/Koutsokhero
(Gr.)
only Boebeïs, which is much smaller but is the only perma-
nent lake, while the former (it is reasonable to suppose) was
sometimes unpredictably full, sometimes nonexistent.
[ 1 ] Perhaps observed by Strabo himself, who probably visited this village: 663 C,
19-33n.
[ 2 ] “Left-Hand Side of the Pontus (Black Sea coast of Eur. Tky., Bul., Rom., Ukr., Crim.,
Russ.)”: 289 C, 1-7n.
[ 3 ] Strabo identifies the Oloosson and Elona in the Homeric passage cited at 439 C,
26-28.
515
3.3. Greece
441 C, 30-35 In my description of Dodona, I mentioned Scotussa and

the fact that the Thessalian oracle was in this region.1 There is oracle, center for divine
prophecy
a place in Scotussa called “Cynoscephalae,” near which Titus
Quinctius and the Romans with the Aetolians defeated Philip
(son of Demetrius), the king of the Macedonians, in a g reat
battle. |
441 C, 36–442 C, 8 Magnetis gets a similar treatment. Although many of its 9.5.21
sites are catalogued, Homer labels none of the people “Mag-

nesian,” with the lone exception of those whom he indicates
in an opaque and unrecognizable fashion, who around the
Peneius and Pelium with its quivering leaves / had their dwelling.
Yet the region around Peneius and Pelium is inhabited by the
residents of Gyrton (whom he has already catalogued) and by
the residents of Ormenium and by various o thers; on the other
hand, there were Magnesians still farther away from Pelium,
starting with t hose subject to Eumelus, according to men of
subsequent times.
442 C, 9-17 Repeated migration, constitutional change, and hybrid-
ization seem to have caused them to conflate names and na-
tions, presenting men of today with occasional problems as
a result. As a prime example, this has happened in the case of
Crannon and Gyrton. P eople formerly called the Gyrtonians Crannon, Kastro/Douraki (Gr.)
“Phlegyans” (after Phlegyas, the brother of Ixion) and called Gyrton, Mourlari (Gr.)
the Crannonians “Ephyrians.” A question therefore arises,

poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) when the poet says, these two, leaving Thrace, put on their corslets
to pursue the Ephyrians / or the greathearted Phlegyans: Which
people does he mean to refer to? |
442 C, 17-26 Then again, the same t hing has happened in the case of 9.5.22
the Perrhaebians and the Aenianians. Homer linked them

together as living close to each other; and it is said by men of
later times that for a long period the Aenianians resided in the
Dotian plain. This plain is near the recently described Per-
rhaebia, Ossa, and lake Boebeïs—in the approximate m iddle
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) of Thessaly, shut in by its own mountains. Hesiod describes
it as follows: or like she who, dwelling in the sacred Didyman hills, /
on the Dotian plain facing vine-rich Amyrus, / in the Boebian lake,
as a young virgin, bathed her feet.
442 C, 27-34 With regard to the Aenianians, most were driven out to
Oeta by the Lapithians; and there they held sway, having ap-
propriated certain parts from the Dorians and Malians, as far
[ 1 ] 327 C, 29–329 C, 15 (esp. 329 C, 10-15).
516
as Heraclia and Echinus. Some of them, however, remained in Echinus, Akhinos (Gr.)
the region of Cyphus, a Perrhaebian mountain with a settle-

ment of the same name. With regard to the Perrhaebians,
some of them huddled around the western parts of Olympus
and stayed there as neighbors of the Macedonians. A great
number of them, however, w ere driven out to the mountains
in the region of Athamania and Pindus. Nowadays, little or
no trace of them remains.
442 C, 35–443 C, 9 The Magnesians, whom the poet lists last in the Thes-
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) salian Catalogue,1 must be considered to be those this side
of Tempe, from the Peneius and Ossa as far as Pelium,
bordering on the Macedonian Pieriotes, who occupied
the far side of the Peneius as far as the coast. Homolium Homolium, Lapsokhorion (Gr.)
(or “Homola”—the name is spelled both ways) should be

granted to them. It has been noted in the Macedonica 2 that
this is near Ossa, at the beginning of the Peneius’s passage
through Tempe. If one should proceed to the stretch of
coast nearest to Homolium, then it follows that one should
also include Rhizus and Erymnae, which are situated on the Rhizus, Tarsanas (Gr.)
stretch of coast subject to Philoctetes and Eumelus. This will Erymnae, Kokkino Nero (Gr.)
have to remain unclear.
443 C, 10-18 Likewise, the order of the succeeding places as far as
Pelium is not clearly expressed; nor, since they are without
repute, w ill I spend much time on them. The Sepias headland Sepias headland, Ag. Georgios
(Gr.)
has featured in tragedies . . . * and, a fter this, is celebrated on
account of the destruction there of the Persian fleet. The
headland itself is rocky but, between the headland and the
village of Casthanaea at the foot of Pelium, there is a beach Casthanaea, Keramidi (Gr.)
where Xerxes’s fleet was lying in wait when Apeliotes started Apeliotes, east wind
blowing with great force. Some ships were blown onto dry
land right there and immediately wrecked; the rest w ere car- Persian fleet under Xerxes
shipwrecked, 480 BCE
ried to Ipni (a rocky place in the Pelium region), to Meliboea,
or to Casthanaea, and foundered.
443 C, 18-23 The entire shoreline of Pelium is rugged, for some . . . *
eighty stades. The shoreline of Ossa is of a similar nature and
for a similar distance. In between is a bay of more than two
hundred stades, in which Meliboea is situated. The entire
voyage as far as the Peneius, if you follow the coastal in-
dentations, is more than a thousand [stades] if you start from
Demetrias; a further eight hundred if you start from the
[ 1 ] Strabo uses the “title” Catalogue for the part of the Iliad in which Homer lists
the forces fighting at Troy: 4 C, 14-20n. Within it, the Thessalian Catalogue
deals specifically with the Thessalian forces. Cf. Laconian Catalogue (359 C, 2-14);
Aetolian Catalogue (427 C, 3-10; 460 C, 12-18; 462 C, 15-19; 462 C, 31–463 C, 7);
Paphlagonian Catalogue (544 C, 26–545 C, 2); Trojan Catalogue (603 C, 24-28;
609 C, 23–610 C, 7).
[ 2 ] Macedonica (lit., “Stuff about Macedonia”) is the section of Strabo’s narrative in
which he describes Macedonia (North Macedonia, ne. Greece, E uropean Tur-
key). Unfortunately, the section falls within the “eastern European gap”: 329 C,
15–332 C, 1. Strabo’s use of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
517
3.3. Greece
Sperchius; two thousand three hundred and fifty starting

from the Euripus.
443 C, 23-31 Hieronymus declares that the circumference of the plain in
Hieronymus (4th–3rd c. BCE) Thessaly and Magnetis is three thousand stades; it was settled by
Pelasgians, who were expelled into Italy by the Lapithians; it is what
is now called the “Pelasgian plain,” on which are Larisa, Gyrtona, Larisa, Larisa (Gr.)
Pherae, Mopsium, Boebeïas, Ossa, Homola, Pelium, and Magnetis. Gyrtona = Gyrton, Mourlari (Gr.)
“Mopsium” is named not a fter Mopsus (son of Manto, who Pherae, Velestino (Gr.)
was the daughter of Tiresias) but after the Lapithian who Mopsium, Stenon Rhodias (Gr.)
sailed with the Argonauts; and there’s another “Mopsus”
after whom Attican “Mopsopia” is named. |
443 C, 32 That was my detailed account of Thessaly.1 9.5.23
443 C, 32–444 C, 7 In terms of the overall picture, it was previously called “Pyr-
rhaea” a fter Pyrrha (wife of Deucalion), “Haemonia” a fter Hae-
mon, and “Thessaly” after Thessalus (son of Haemon). Some
people, dividing it into two, say that the southern half fell to
Deucalion, and he called it “Pandora” a fter his m
other; and that
the other half fell to Haemon, after whom it was called “Haemo-
nia.” The former had its name changed to “Hellas” a fter Hellen
(son of Deucalion); and the latter to “Thessaly” a fter the son of
Haemon. Some people say that the descendants of Antiphus
and Phidippus, the sons of Thessalus (son of Heracles), arriving
from Thesprotian Ephyra, named the territory a fter Thessalus,
their own ancestor. It is also said that it was once, like the lake,
called “Nessonis” after Nesson (son of Thessalus). |
444 C, 8-11 Since Euboea lies lengthways facing this whole stretch of 10.1.1
EUBOEA coastline from Sunium to Thessaly (excluding its end points

Euboia/Evia (Gk. island)
in each direction), it would be appropriate to talk about the
island in relation to places that have been described, and only
then to proceed with the Aetolica and Acarnanica,2 which is
what remains of the constituent parts of E urope.3 |
444 C, 12-18 The island is elongated, stretching for nearly one thou- 10.1.2
sand two hundred stades from Cenaeum to Geraestus, but its Cenaeum, Cape Lichada
width is variable, some one hundred and fifty stades for the Geraestus, Cape Mandelo
most part. Cenaeum is opposite Thermopylae and the area a
little beyond Thermopylae; Geraestus and Petalia are at the Petalia, Megalonisi Petalion (Gk.
island)
Sunium end. The island thus f aces Attica, Boeotia, Locris,
and the Malians, across the strait. Because of its narrowness
and its aforementioned length, it was called “Macris” (Long [is-
land]) by people of long ago.
[ 1 ] 429 C, 20–443 C, 31.

[ 2 ] Aetolica (lit., “Stuff about Aetolia”) and Acarnanica (lit., “Stuff about Acarnania”)
are the overlapping sections of Strabo’s narrative (449 C, 31–466 C, 8) in which
he describes Aetolia and Acarnania (sw. Greece). Strabo’s use of such “titles”:
639 C, 15-27n.
[ 3 ] I.e., “what remains” as per Strabo’s description of Europe at 126 C, 30–129 C, 9.
518
444 C, 18–445 C, 9 Its closest point of convergence with the mainland is at

Chalcis, bulging toward the Aulis region of Boeotia and form- Chalcis, Khalkis/Negroponte
(Gr.)
ing the Euripus. I have spoken in detail about the Euripus1
Aulis, Mikro Vathy/Ag. Nikolaos
and briefly about those places that, located on the mainland (Gr.)
or the island, face each other across the water (on both sides of
the Euripus, both this side and the far side).2 If anything has
been omitted, I s hall now proceed to add it to my description,
starting with the fact that the parts between Aulis and the
Geraestus region are called the “Coela” (Recesses) of Euboea: the Geraestus, Cape Mandelo
coastline recedes to form a bay and, as it approaches Chalcis,

curves back t oward the mainland. |
445 C, 9-18 The island was called not only “Macris” but also “Aban- 10.1.3
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) tis.” The poet, although he mentions Euboea, never refers to
the people from t here as “Euboeans” but always as “Abantes”
(as in, the Abantes, breathing courage, who held Euboea, and in,
Aristotle (4th c. BCE) the Abantes followed him). Aristotle says that Thracians, setting
forth from Phocian Aba, colonized the island and gave the name Aba, Palaiokhori Exarkhou (Gr.)
“Abantes” to t hose taking up residence on the island. Others say the

name comes from a hero, just as the name “Euboea” comes
from a female hero. A possibility is that, just as a cave on the
Aegaean-facing shore, where Io is said to have given birth to
Epaphus, was known as “Boos Aula” (Cow-stall), the name of the
island has the same origin.
445 C, 19-25 The island was also called “Ocha,” and the largest of the
mountains on the island goes by the same name. It was also
given the name “Hellopia” after Hellops (son of Ion—some
say he was the b rother of Aeclus and Cothus). Hellops is also
Hellopia (place), ?Kastaniotissa
said to have founded Hellopia, a place in the part of Histi- (Gr.)
aeotis called “Oria,” near mount Telethrium; and addition- Histiaea, Kastro/Oreoi (Gr.)
ally to have acquired Histiaea, Perias, Cerinthus, Aedepsus,
Cerinthus, Kria Vrisi/Ag. Ilias
and Orobiae, where there was once an oracle that provided (Gr.)
extremely reliable prophecies (it belonged to “Selinuntian” Aedepsus, Lipso (Gr.)
Apollo). Orobiae, Rovies/Ag. Ilias (Gr.)
445 C, 25-29 The Hellopians relocated to Histiaea and enlarged the city,
after they were forced out by the ruler Philistides following the
Demosthenes (4th c. BCE) battle of Leuctra. Demosthenes says that Philistides was also set
up as ruler of the Oritians by Philip; this is the name the Histiaeans
later took, and their city was named “Oreus” instead of Histiaea.
445 C, 29-33 Some people say that Histiaea was colonized by Athe-
nians from the “Histiaean” deme (as Eretria was colonized deme, administrative district
[ 1 ] 403 C, 23-29. Cf. 400 C, 27-37.

[ 2 ] E.g., 399 C, 22-26; 403 C, 8-20; 425 C, 22-28.
519
3.3. Greece
Theopompus (4th c. BCE) by those from the “Eretrian” deme). Theopompus says that,
when Pericles subdued Euboea, the Histiaeans relocated, under the
terms of an agreement, to Macedonia; two thousand Athenians, who
had previously belonged to the Histiaean deme, came and took up
Oreus/Histiaea, Kastro/Oreoi
residence in Oreus. | (Gr.)
445 C, 33–446 C, 8 The city lies at the foot of mount Telethrium in what is 10.1.4
known as “Drymus,” high on a cliff above the Callas river—so

that it is possible that the city got her name because the Hel-
lopians who formerly lived there w ere oreioi (mountain-dwellers).
It is also supposed that Orion was so named b ecause he was
raised t here. Some p eople claim that the Oritians had their
own city but that they moved when attacked by the Hellopi-
ans and that they amalgamated with the Histiaeans; the single
city that resulted used two names (just as “Lacedaemon” and
“Sparta” are the same city). It has been noted that Histiaeotis
in Thessaly got its name from the p eople driven thither by
the Perrhaebians.1 |
446 C, 9-15 Since “Hellopia” caused me to lead off with Histiaea and 10.1.5
Oreus, let me speak of the parts next to t hese places. In this

“Oreus,” there’s Cenaeum, on which are Dium and “Diadic” Cenaeum, Cape Lichada
Athens, an Athenian establishment overlooking the strait at Dium, ?Likhas Kastri (Gr.)
Cynus. (Canae in the Aeolid was sent as a colony from Dium.) Diadic Athens, Yialtra Kastelli/
Loutra (Gr.)
These places are in the Histiaea region, as is Cerinthus, a small
Cerinthus, Kria Vrisi/Ag. Ilias
city on the coast. Nearby is “Budorus” river (having the same (Gr.)
name as the mountain in Attica at Salamis). |
446 C, 16-21 Carystus is at the foot of mount Ocha. Nearby is Styra, and Styra, Nea Styra (Gr.) 10.1.6
Marmarium (where t here’s a quarry for “Carystian” pillars),2

with its t emple to “Marmarian” Apollo. From here, there’s a
sea crossing to Araphenian Halae. Also in Carystus is found
a sort of stone that is combed and woven, so that the woven stone = asbestos
product is made into hand towels, which, when dirtied, are

thrown into the fire and cleaned of their filth as if by washing!
446 C, 21-25 It is said that these places were settled by people from
Tetrapolis in the Marathon region and by Stirians. Styra was
devastated by Phaedrus (an Athenian general) in the Lamian
war; the territory is held by Eretrians. There’s also a “Carys-
tus” that is a place in Laconia, on the Arcadian side of Aegys,
Alcman (7th c. BCE) the “Carystian” wine from which is mentioned by Alcman. |
446 C, 26-32 Geraestus is not listed in the Catalogue of Ships 3 but is nev- Geraestus, Porto Kastri (Gr.) 10.1.7
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) ertheless mentioned by the poet (they put in at Geraestus / under
[ 1 ] 437 C, 20-26.
[ 2 ] Strabo may have seen the finished pillars in Rome: 437 C, 8-14nn.
cf. 639 C, 15-27n.
520
cover of night). He also indicates that the place, being near

Sunium, is conveniently located for those people making
the crossing from Asia to Attica. It has a temple to Posidon,
the most splendid of those in the region, and a settlement of
some significance. |
446 C, 33–447 C, 4 After Geraestus, there’s Eretria (the largest Euboean city Eretria, Eretria (Gr.) 10.1.8
after Chalcis) and then Chalcis, which is in some sense the Chalcis, Khalkis/Negroponte
(Gr.)
island’s metropolis, situated right on the Euripus. Both cit-
ies are said to have been founded by the Athenians before the
Trojan period. After the Trojan period, Aeclus and Cothus set Trojan period, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
out from Athens, the former colonizing Eretria, Cothus colo-
nizing Chalcis. Some Aeolians from Penthilus’s army stayed
behind on the island, as also, in antiquity, some Arabs who
had crossed the sea with Cadmus.
447 C, 4-13 These cities did exceptionally well and sent colonies of
significant size to Macedonia. Eretria colonized the cities in Eretria, Eretria (Gr.)
the region of Pallene and Athos; Chalcis colonized the cit- Chalcis, Khalkis/Negroponte
(Gr.)
ies subject to Olynthus, which w ere thoroughly ravaged by
Philip. Many places in Italy and Sicily, too, are Chalcidian.
Aristotle (4th c. BCE) These colonies were sent out, according to Aristotle, when
what was called the “Hippobatian” government was in power;
men headed the government on the basis of their assets, rul-
ing in an aristocratic fashion. They also, at the time of Alex-
ander’s sea crossing, increased the circumference of the city,
taking within the walls Canethus and the Euripus, and put-
ting towers, gates, and a wall on the bridge. |
447 C, 14-25 Inland from the Chalcidian city is what is called the “Lelan- 10.1.9
tum” plain. On this plain, there are springs of hot water useful
for curing diseases (which were even used by Cornelius Sulla,
the Roman general); and t here was once an amazing mine of
copper and iron together, a phenomenon not documented
elsewhere (nowadays both metals have been exhausted). All
of Euboea is prone to seismic activity, particularly in the re-
gion of the strait, and it is subject to volcanic blasts, as is the
case also with Boeotia and other places, as I described earlier
at length.1 The city homonymous with the island is said to
have been swallowed up by some such tragedy. The city is also
Aeschylus (5th c. BCE) mentioned in the Glaucus Pontius by Aeschylus: Euboea’s turn-
ing point, around the headland of “Cenaean” Zeus, / right by the
grave of poor Lichas.
[ 1 ] 57 C, 19–61 C, 4. Cf. 54 C, 4-15; 273 C, 26–274 C, 25; 406 C, 2-13.
521
3.3. Greece
447 C, 26-30 There is said to be a homonymous “Chalcis” in Aetolia

Citations of Homer (8th c. BCE) (Chalcis by the sea, and rocky Calydon); and in current-day Elia
(those associated with Telemachus,1 on the journey home
from Nestor, went past Cruni and the fair-streamed Chalcis). |
447 C, 31-36 Some p eople say that Eretria was colonized from Triphy- Eretria, Eretria (Gr.) 10.1.10
lian Macistum by “Eretrieus,” o thers that it was colonized

from Athenian Eretria, which is now a marketplace. (There’s
also an “Eretria” in the Pharsalus region.) In Eretrian terri-
tory, there was a city, Tamynae, sacred to Apollo. The t emple
is said to have been founded by Admetus (to whom, people
say, the god himself acted as a servant) near the strait. Eretria
was e arlier called “Melaneïs” and “Arotria.”
448 C, 1-11 Belonging to this city is the village of Amarynthus, seven this city = Eretria, Eretria (Gr.)
stades from the city wall. The Persians destroyed the ancient Amarynthus, Palaiokhoria/Kato
Vathia (Gr.)
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) city after netting (as Herodotus says) its population, with the
barbarians en masse surrounding the walls. People point out the
foundations even now and call it “Old Eretria” (the city of today
has been founded anew). Bearing witness to the power that the
Eretrians once held is a stone tablet, which they once dedicated
as an offering in the t emple to “Amarynthian” Artemis. It is
written on the tablet that they made the ceremonial procession with
three thousand hoplites, six hundred h orsemen, and sixty chariots. They
held sway over Andrians, Tenians, Ceians, as well as other is-
lands. They received additional settlers from Elis, as a result of
which they have been represented in comedy as frequently using
the letter “r,” not only at the end of words but also in the middle.
448 C, 12-14 Also in Eretrian territory is a village, “Oechalia,” the rem- Oechalia, ?Kastri/Ano Potamia
(Gr.)
nants of the city destroyed by Heracles. It shares its name
with the Trachinian city, the city in the Tricca region, the Ar-
cadian city that people of later times called “Andania,” and the
Aetolian city in the region of the Eurytanians. |
448 C, 15-21 Chalcis is nowadays unanimously considered to be Chalcis, Khalkis/Negroponte 10.1.11
(Gr.)
the number-one city—and she is said to be the Euboean
metropolis—with Eretria ranking second. Even in former Eretria, Eretria (Gr.)
times, these cities garnered great acclaim in war and in peace,

so as to provide men studying philosophy a pleasant and un-
disturbed sojourn. Bearing witness to this is the school of
Menedemus (4th–3rd c. BCE) Eretrian philosophers associated with Menedemus, which
arose in Eretria; and even earlier, the time spent in Chalcis
Aristotle (4th c. BCE) by Aristotle, who ended his days there. |
[ 1 ] “Those associated with Telemachus” is an idiomatic expression, meaning pri-

marily Telemachus but in this context including his companions.
522
448 C, 22-25 In general, these two cities acted in concert with each 10.1.12
other. When they had differences over Lelantum, they did

not, however, completely cease . . . * in war to do all things in
their own self-interest, but they drew up conditions on the
basis of which they would carry out the conflict. This, too, is
shown by a certain stone tablet in the Amarynthium, which Amarynthium, temple to
“Amarynthian” Artemis
specifies that long-range missiles should not be used.
448 C, 25-31 In the case of military practice and weaponry, there is not
nor ever was one single custom. Rather, long-range missiles
are used by some (e.g., archers, slingers, javelin throwers);
close combat weapons are used by others (e.g., those who use
the sword and the long spear). The spear has a twofold use (it
is used for hand-to-hand fighting and in the fashion of pro-
jectiles), just as the javelin serves two purposes (it is used for
fighting at close quarters, and it is hurled), something that is
also a feature of the sarissa and the hyssus. |
448 C, 32–449 C, 11 The Euboeans were skilled in standing combat, also 10.1.13
known as “fighting at close quarters” and “hand-to-hand

fighting,” and they used the long spear. This is stated by the
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) poet (spearmen eager, with their long spears, / to shatter corslets),
although there w ere also throwing spears of a different type
such as, probably, the Pelian spear (which the poet says, Achil-
les alone knew how to brandish). The man who claims, I hurl the
spear over a distance such as nobody else can even shoot an arrow,
refers to a spear for throwing. Even those engaged in single
combat are represented as at first using thrown spears, then
progressing to swords. T hose who fight in close combat are
not only those who use the sword but also those who use the
spear for hand-to-hand fighting, as he says (pierced him with he = Homer
his bronze-tipped shaft and loosened his limbs).

449 C, 12-16 So, then, he represents the Euboeans as using this method. he = Homer
He describes the Locrians in the opposite way: the hard work of

standing combat was not their concern . . . / but with bows and finely
spun sheep’s wool / they joined the expedition to Ilium.
449 C, 17-24 There is, too, the story of the oracle given to the Aegians— oracle, divine prophecy
a Thessalian horse, a Lacedaemonian woman, / and men who drink

the water of sacred Arethusa—the meaning of which is that men
from Chalcis (the location of Arethusa) are the best. | The 10.1.14
current-day rivers of Euboea are the Cereus and the Neleus:

animals that drink from the one turn white, and animals that
523
3.3. Greece
drink from the other turn black. A similar phenomenon has

been mentioned in connection with the Crathis.1 |
449 C, 25-30 When the Euboeans w ere returning from Troy, some 10.1.15
of them were cast ashore in Illyria and, while making their

way homeward through Macedonia, tarried in the Edessa
region, made an alliance with the p eople who took them in,
and founded a city, “Euboea.” T here was also a “Euboea” in
Sicily (founded by the Chalcidians there), whose inhabitants
were driven out by Gelon; it became a Syracusian stronghold.
There was also a place “Euboea” in Corcyra and in Lemnos,
and a hill in Argia. |
449 C, 31-35 The Aetolians, Acarnanians, and Athamanians (if one can 10.1.16
AETOLIA, ACARNANIA call the latter “Greek”) are to the west of the Thessalians and
sw. Greece
Oetaeans. What remains, so that we will have described the
complete circuit of all Greece,2 is to talk about t hese p
eople
and to add an account of those islands lying near Greece, and
inhabited by Greeks, which I have not yet traversed.3 |
449 C, 36–450 C, 13 The Aetolians and Acarnanians share a border, with the 10.2.1
Achelous river between them, flowing from the north and Achelous, Akheloos r.
Pindus southward past the Aetolian nation of the Agrae-

ans and past the Amphilochians. The Acarnanians possess
the section west of the river, as far as the Ambracian gulf in
the region of the Amphilochians and the temple to “Actian”
Apollo. The Aetolians possess the section to the east, as far as
the Ozolian Locrians, Parnassus, and the Oetaeans. Situated
above the Acarnanians in the interior, to the north, are the
Amphilochians; above these are the Dolopians and Pindus.
Situated above the Aetolians are the Perrhaebians, Athama-
nians, and those Aenianians who possess Oeta. The southern
flank of Acarnania, just as the southern flank of Aetolia, is
washed by the sea that forms the Corinthian gulf. The Ache-
lous river flows out into this gulf, separating the Aetolian
stretch of coastline from the Acarnanian. The Achelous was
formerly called the “Thoas.” There is a river of the same name
alongside Dyma, as has been stated,4 and one near Lamia.5
It has also been stated that the mouth of this river is said to
mark the start of the Corinthian gulf.6 |
450 C, 14-22 The cities among the Acarnanians are Anactorium, which Anactorium, Ag. Petros, nr. Nea 10.2.2
Kamarina (Gr.)
is situated on a peninsula, near Actium, and is the entrepôt
for the current-day city of “Nicopolis,” founded in our times; Nicopolis, Palaio-Preveza (Gr.)
[ 1 ] 263 C, 25-28.
[ 2 ] I.e., what “remains” of Strabo’s account of Greece, as defined at 332 C, 1–333 C,
3; 416 C, 11–417 C, 27.
[ 3 ] Acarnania, Aetolia: 449 C, 36–466 C, 8. Islands: Ithaca, Cephallenia, Zacynthus,
Echinades, Taphos: 452 C, 34–459 C, 16. Crete, Cyclades, Sporades: 474 C, 21–
489 C, 27.
[ 4 ] “Achelous” river in Peloponnese: 342 C, 10-18.
[ 5 ] “Achelous” river in Thessaly: 433 C, 33–434 C, 6.
[ 6 ] Strabo somewhat refines his earlier statement (335 C, 29–336 C, 5, where the
Euenus is said to mark the start of the Corinthian gulf, with the Achelous as an
alternative marker).
524
Stratus, which is reached by voyaging up the Achelous for Stratus, Sourovigli (Gr.)
more than two hundred stades; Oeniadae, which is also Oeniadae, Trikardo (Gr.)
situated on the river—old “Oeniadae” (uninhabited) being

equidistant from the coast and from Stratus, and current-day
“Oeniadae” being some seventy stades from the river’s outlet. Leucas, Kalligoni (Gr.)
Palaerus, Kekhropoula (Gr.) There are other cities too: Palaerus, Alyzia, Leucas, Amphi- Amphilochian Argos, ?Ag.
Ioannes, nr. Neokhori (Gr.)
Alyzia, Kandila (Gr.) lochian Argos, and Ambracia. Most, if not all, of these cities
Ambracia, Arta (Gr.)
have become satellites of Nicopolis. Stratus is at the midpoint
of the road from Alyzia to Anactorium. |
450 C, 23-31 Belonging to the Aetolians are Calydon and Pleuron, cit- Calydon, N Evinokhorion (Gr.) 10.2.3
ies much reduced at the current time, although in antiquity

these cities were a credit to Greece. Indeed, it came about
that Aetolia was split into two parts and that one part was
called “Old” and the other “Epictetus” (Annexed). “Old [Aetolia]”
is the stretch of coastline from the Achelous to Calydon; and
it extends quite a distance up into the fertile and flat hinter-
land, where Stratus and Trichonium (which has the best land) Trichonium, Gavalou (Gr.)
are located. “Epictetus” is the stretch that joins up with the

Locrians in the direction of Naupactus and Eupalium, and is Naupactus, Lepanto/Navpaktos
(Gr.)
rockier and less fertile, extending to Oetaea, the Athamani-
Eupalium, Kastro Soule (Gr.)
ans, and ultimately, the surrounding mountains and nations
that come next to the north. |
450 C, 32–451 C, 7 Aetolia has mountains, the largest being Corax, next to 10.2.4
Corax, Ghiona mt. (Gr.) Oeta. Of the other mountains, Aracynthus is somewhat
Aracynthus, Zygos mt. (Gr.) more central. Newer Pleuron was built near this mountain Newer Pleuron, Kato Retsina
(Gr.)
by her founders, who left Old Pleuron (near Calydon), even
Old Pleuron, Gyphtokastro/
though it was fertile and level, when the territory was sacked Petrovouni (Gr.)
by the man known as “Aetolian Demetrius.” Taphiassus and
Chalcis, Barasovon mt. (Gr.) Chalcis are above Molycria. T hese are mountains of quite a Molycria, Velvina/Elliniko (Gr.)
height, and on them are situated the little towns of Macynia Macynia, Kato Mammakou (Gr.)
and Chalcis, which has the same name as the mountain and Chalcis/Hypochalcis, Kato
Vasiliki (Gr.)
which people also call “Hypochalcis” (Under-Chalcis). Curium is
near Old Pleuron: some have supposed that the Pleuronian
Curetes take their name from this mountain.1 |
451 C, 8-16 The Euenus river starts at the Bomians 2 (among the Euenus, Phidaris r. 10.2.5
Ophians, who are an Aetolian nation, just like the Eurytani-

ans, Agraeans, Curetes, and o thers). At its start, it does not
flow through “Curetian” country (which is the same as Pleu-
ronian country) but through the country rather more to the
east, past Chalcis and Calydon; then, a fter curving around in Calydon, N Evinokhorion (Gr.)
[ 1 ] Strabo explains the Homeric name Curetes, whose identity is discussed at

462 C, 31–466 C, 8.
[ 2 ] Strabo perhaps corrects his e arlier statement (327 C, 6-12, where he has the
Euenus river starting much farther north).
525
3.3. Greece
the direction of the plains of Old Pleuron and deviating to the

west, it turns southward toward its outlets. It was formerly
called the “Lycormas” and is said to be where Nessus, who had
been given the job of ferryman, was killed by Heracles when
Nessus attempted to rape Deianira as he ferried her across. |
451 C, 17-25 The poet calls Olenus and Pylene “Aetolian” cities. Of Pylene/Proschium, ?Magoula/ 10.2.6
Aiolikon (Gr.)
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) these, Olenus (called by the same name as the Achaean city),1
near Newer Pleuron, was razed by the Aeolians, its territory
claimed by the Acarnanians. Pylene was moved to higher
Hellanicus (5th c. BCE) ground, and the name changed to “Proschium.” Hellanicus
knows nothing of the history of these cities but talks of them
as if they w ere still in their old location. He lists, among the
ancient cities, Macynia and Molycria (which w ere founded Macynia, Kato Mammakou (Gr.)
after the return of the Heraclids!), illustrating his extreme Molycria, Velvina/Elliniko (Gr.)
disregard for accuracy in virtually all his writing. |

451 C, 26-28 That was my general account of Acarnanian and Aetolian 10.2.7
territory.2 Concerning its coastline and its offshore islands,

the following has yet to be added.3
451 C, 29-33 If you start from the mouth of the Ambracian gulf, the
first Acarnanian place to which one comes is Actium. The Actium, Aktion/Punta (Gr.)
same name is used, both for the temple to “Actian” Apollo

and for the headland, which forms the mouth of the gulf and
has a harbor on its outer side. Anactorium, situated within Anactorium, Ag. Petros, nr. Nea
Kamarina (Gr.)
the gulf, is forty stades away from the t emple; Leucas is two
Leucas, Kalligoni (Gr.)
hundred and forty [stades] away. |
451 C, 34–452 C, 7 This was, in antiquity, a peninsula belonging to the coun- 10.2.8
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) try of the Acarnanians. The poet calls it a promontory of the
mainland, calling the shore opposite Ithaca and Cephallenia Ithaca, Ithake (Gk. island)
the mainland, by which he means Acarnania, with the conse- Cephallenia, Kephallenia (Gk.
island)
quence that, whenever he says promontory of the mainland, one
should understand promontory of Acarnania. Nericus,4 which
Laertes says he took (since I took the well-built city of Nericus, / a
promontory of the mainland, when I was lord of the Cephallenians),
and the cities referred to in the Catalogue 5 (they dwelt in Cro-
cylia and steep Aegilips), were part of Leucas.
452 C, 8-15 The Corinthians, dispatched by Cypselus, and . . . *,
took possession of the promontory and proceeded as far as
the Ambracian gulf (both Ambracia and Anactorium w ere
settled). Digging across the isthmus of the peninsula, they
Leucas (island), Lefkada Nericus/Leucas (city), Kalligoni
(Gk. island) made Leucas into an island. Transferring Nericus over what (Gr.)
[1] Strabo identifies the Olenus in the Homeric passage cited at 386 C, 9-15.
[2] 449 C, 31–451 C, 25.
[3] 451 C, 29–460 C, 11.
[4] Strabo possibly corrects his earlier citation of the name: 59 C, 1-10n. Cf. 454 C,
4-24n.
526
was once an isthmus but is now a strait spanned by a bridge,

they changed its name to “Leucas,” derived, I suppose, from
“Leucatas” (White-place), which is a white-colored rock project- Leucatas, Akra Doukato
ing out from Leucas into the sea toward Cephallenia. So, this
is where the name comes from. |
452 C, 15-24 It has the temple to “Leucatas” Apollo, and also the Leap 10.2.9
that has been believed to put an end to love affairs, where Sap-
Menander (late 4th–early 3rd c. pho is said to have been the first, according to Menander, chasing
BCE)
proud Phaon, / passion spurring her on, to hurl herself from the rock
/ seen from far away. But, according to your prayer, / O lord and
master. Although Menander says that Sappho was the first
to make the jump, those looking further back in history say
that it was Cephalus (son of Deioneus), who was in love with
Pterelas.
452 C, 24-29 It used to be a tradition among the Leucadians that, at the
yearly sacrifices to Apollo, an accused man was hurled from
the rock, in order to ward off evil (all sorts of feathers were
fastened to him, as well as birds, who were able to alleviate his
fall by their flight); a group of men, gathering at the bottom
in their little fishing boats, picked him up and saved his life,
if they could, by taking him beyond the borders.
452 C, 30-33 The author of the Alcmaeonis says that Icarius (father of
Penelope) had two sons—Alyzeus and Leucadius—who ruled
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) in Acarnania with their father. Ephorus seems to say that the
cities w ere named a fter t hese p
eople. |
452 C, 34–453 C, 6 By “Cephallenians,” people nowadays mean “those from 10.2.10
the island of Cephallenia,” whereas Homer means “all t hose Cephallenia, Kephallenia (Gk.
island)
under the command of Odysseus,” including the Acarna-
nians. He says, but Odysseus led the Cephallenians, / who held
Ithaca and Neritum (Ithaca’s conspicuous mountain) of the
quivering leaves, just as he says, those from Dulichium and the sa-
cred Echinades, when Dulichium is itself one of the Echinades,
and those who held Buprasium and Elis, when Buprasium is in
Elis, and those who held Euboea and Chalcis and Eiretria, when
the latter are in Euboea, and Trojans, Lycians, and Dardanians,
when the latter are Trojans.
453 C, 6-15 However, after Neritum, he continues, who dwelt in Crocylia he = Homer
and steep Aegilips, / who held Zacynthus and were spread through
Samos, / and who held the mainland and dwelt on the shore across
the water. By mainland, he means the part opposite the islands,
527
3.3. Greece
intending to include, along with Leucas, the rest of Acarna-

nia, concerning which he speaks thus—twelve herds on the
mainland, and as many flocks of sheep—perhaps because Epirotis
stretched this far in antiquity and was called by the common
noun “Epirus” (Mainland).
453 C, 16-25 By Samos, he means current-day Cephallenia, as when he
says, in the strait between Ithaca and rugged Samos. He has used the
Strabo argues that Homer used epithet to identify the homonym as applying not to the city but
the names “Samos/Same” to
designate the island known in rather to the island. The island being a tetrapolis (four-city state), of
Strabo’s day as “Cephallenia” the four cities one was called Samos or Same, either name being
identical to that of the island. When he says, the nobles who hold
sway over the islands, / Dulichium and Same and wooded Zacynthus,
he is clearly enumerating the islands and using the name Same
for the very island to which he e arlier referred as Samos.
453 C, 25-34 Since Apollodorus at one point says that he uses the epithet he = Homer
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) for disambiguation (saying “rugged Samos” to mean the island), and
at another point that what should be written is “Dulichium and
Samos,” rather than “Same,” he clearly works on the assumption
that, whereas the city is called synonymously “Samos” and
“Same,” the island is called only “Samos”; for it is clear that the
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) city is called “Same” when the poet enumerates the suitors and says,
“there are four and twenty men from Same” and tells the story of
Ctimene, “whom they sent to Same.”
454 C, 1-3 There is some logic to this. The poet does not express him-
self clearly in regard to Cephallenia nor in regard to Ithaca and Cephallenia, Kephallenia (Gk.
island)
other places in the area, which leads to disagreement between
Ithaca, Ithake (Gk. island)
both commentators and historical researchers. |
454 C, 4-9 For example, in the case of Ithaca, when he refers to those he = Homer 10.2.11
ITHACA who held Ithaca and Neritum of the quivering leaves, he makes
Ithake (Gk. island)
it clear by his use of the epithet that he means Neritum the
mountain. In other passages, he explicitly uses the word
“mountain”: I dwell in bright Ithaca. On it is a mountain, / Neri-
tum of the quivering leaves, conspicuous from afar.
454 C, 10-15 However, in the line who held Ithaca and Neritum, it is
not clear whether he means Ithaca the city or Ithaca the is-
land. From a grammatical point of view, someone hearing
this would take it as meaning the city, just as if one were to
say, “Athens and Lycabettus,” or “Rhodes and Atabyris,” or
“Lacedaemon and Taygetus.” From the point of view of poetic
usage, the opposite would be the case.
528
454 C, 15-22 In the case of I dwell in bright Ithaca. On it is a mountain, /

Neritum, the meaning is clear, given that the mountain is on
the island, not in the city! When he says, we have come from
Ithaca, beneath Neium, it is unclear whether, by Neium, he
means the same as Neritum or a diff erent mountain or locality.
454 C, 22-24 Whoever writes Nericus instead of Neritum,1 or vice versa, Strabo identifies “Nericus” with
Leucas (a city) (Kalligoni, Gr.)
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) completely misses the point. The poet describes one as having and “Neritum” with a mountain
quivering leaves and the other as a well-built city; one as on Ithaca, on Ithaca (Ithake, Gk. island)
the other as a promontory of the mainland. |

454 C, 25-31 The line it, low-lying (lit., “at land level”), lies highest up in the sea it = Ithaca (island) 10.2.12
seems also self-contradictory, given that low-lying means

“down low” and “at ground level,” whereas highest up means
“lofty.” He indicates this quality in several ways, saying that
the island is rugged; the road up from the harbor is a rough path,
up through woods; and that none of the islands are sunny or meadow-
blessed / that lie out to sea—and Ithaca least of all.
454 C, 32-36 The expression does contain a contradiction, but com-
mentators have an explanation that is not bad. They under-
stand low-lying (lit., “at land level”) to mean here not that the island
is “flat” but that it is “close to the mainland,” to which indeed
it is very close; and they understand highest up to mean not that
the island is very “lofty” but rather that it is highest up toward
the gloom—that is, that it lies “farthest north of all,” given that
this is the meaning of toward the gloom.
454 C, 36–455 C, 10 The converse expression—the o thers are far away t oward the
daylight and the sun—means “to the south.” (Far away means
distant and apart, since the other islands lie to the south and
farther from the mainland, whereas Ithaca lies near the main-
land and to the north.) That he thus means “south” is clear
from the following: whether they go to the right, toward the day-
light and the sun, / or to the left, toward the misty gloom. And also
from this: my friends, we know not where is the misty gloom, nor
where is the daylight, / nor where the light-bringing sun sinks below
the earth, / nor where it returns anew.
455 C, 11-13 It is possible to understand this as meaning the four quar-
ters, understanding daylight as “the southern quarter,” which
at first sight has merit, but the better conceptualization is of
the movement of the sun relative to the celestial north.
455 C, 13-23 The expression is intended to indicate a g reat change in
the celestial phenomena rather than a mere loss of direction,
[ 1 ] Perhaps a self-reference by Strabo who, at 59 C, 1-10, cites Homer as saying,

I took the well-built city of Neritum, and at 451 C, 34–452 C, 7 as saying, I took
the well-built city of Nericus. However, variations in the manuscripts obscure
the point.
529
3.3. Greece
which necessarily happens whenever the skies cloud over, by

day or by night. The celestial phenomena change a g reat deal
when we are displaced more or less southward, or in the op-
posite direction. This results in the obscuring not of sunset
and sunrise (given that t hese continue to happen as long as
the sky is clear) but of celestial south and north. The celestial
pole is the ultimate northern point, but it moves, being at
one stage overhead us and at another stage beneath the earth.
The arctic circles change in accordance with it and, at some
point, disappear, depending on our displacement, so that you
would not know where celestial north is nor w hether it even
exists. In this case, you would not know the opposite direc-
tion either.
455 C, 24-25 Ithaca has a perimeter of approximately eighty stades. Ithaca, Ithake (Gk. island)
That was my account of Ithaca.1 |

455 C, 26-34 Cephallenia being a tetrapolis (four-city state), he does not 10.2.13
CEPHALLENIA use current-day nomenclature either for the island or for
Kephallenia (Gk. island)
any of its cities but one: Same or Samos no longer exists, but Same, Same (Gr.)
her remains are identified at the midpoint of the strait facing

Ithaca (and the people from there are called “Samaeans”).
The other cities are still in existence but are somewhat small:
Paleis, Pronesus, and Cranii. In our times, Gaius Antonius Paleis, Lixouri (Gr.)
(uncle of Marc Antony) founded another city when, being in Pronesus, Poros (Gr.)
exile following the consulship that he shared with Cicero the Cranii, Argostolion (Gr.)
orator, he spent his time on Cephallenia and held the whole

island subject to him as a private possession. He did not, how-
ever, finish building the city, but a fter going home and while
working on more important m atters, he died. |
455 C, 35–456 C, 9 Some people unhesitatingly identified Cephallenia with Cephallenia, Kephallenia 10.2.14
(Gk. island)
Dulichium. O thers, identifying it with Taphos, claimed that
the Cephallenians are the Taphians (i.e., the Teleboans); that
Amphitryon campaigned thither with Cephalus (son of De-
ioneus), an exile from Athens whom he brought along with
him; that Amphitryon, a fter taking possession of the island,
handed it over to Cephalus, after whom the island was named,
Strabo rejects theory that while the cities were named after his sons. This is not Ho-
“Taphos” was the name used
by Homer to refer to the meric: the Cephallenians were subject to Odysseus and Laertes,
island known in Strabo’s day as while Taphos was subject to Mentes—I declare that I am Mentes,
Cephallenia
the son of wise Anchialus, / and that I lord it over the oar-loving
Taphians. (Taphos is now called “Taphius.”)
[ 1 ] 454 C, 4–455 C, 25.
530
456 C, 9-18 Nor is Hellanicus Homeric in saying that Cephallenia is Cephallenia, Kephallenia
(Gk. island)
Hellanicus (5th c. BCE) Dulichium. The latter is said to be subject to Meges, as are
also the other Echinades, and their inhabitants to be Epians
who came from Elis, which is why he calls Otus the Cyllenian
Strabo rejects theory that
“Dulichium” was the name comrade of the Phyleid and ruler of the greathearted Epians . . . but
used by Homer to refer to the
island known in Strabo’s day as
Odysseus led the greathearted Cephallenians. Therefore, on the
Cephallenia basis of what Homer says, Cephallenia is not Dulichium. Nor,
Andron (4th c. BCE) as Andron claims, is Dulichium part of Cephallenia: the Epi-
ans were in possession of it, while all of Cephallenia was in it = Dulichium
the possession of the Cephallenians and subject to Odysseus,

whereas the former were subject to Meges. Nor is Paleis called
Pherecydes (early 5th c. BCE) Dulichium by Homer, as claimed by Pherecydes.
456 C, 18-24 He who claims that Cephallenia is to be identified with
Dulichium stands in greatest opposition to Homer, if the
number of suitors was fifty-two from Dulichium and twenty-four
from Same. Would this not be to say that the former number
came from the island in its entirety, and that half (less two)
came from a single one of its four cities? If one were to accept
this, I w ill pose the question—what is Same when he says, Du-
lichium and Same and wooded Zacynthus? |
456 C, 25-31 Cephallenia lies across from Acarnania, being around fifty 10.2.15
(some say forty) stades from Leucatas, around eighty stades Leucatas, Akra Doukato
from Chelonatas. The island is roughly three hundred [stades] Chelonatas, Akra Kyllinis
in circumference. It stretches lengthwise t oward the south-

east; and it is mountainous, the highest mountain on it being
Aenus, with its t emple to “Aenesian” Zeus. The island, at its
narrowest point, makes a low-lying isthmus, so that it is often
inundated from sea to sea. Cranii and Paleis are in a bay near Cranii, Argostolion (Gr.)
this narrow point. | Paleis, Lixouri (Gr.)

456 C, 32–457 C, 3 Between Ithaca and Cephallenia is the l ittle island of Aste- Asteria, Daskaleio (Gk. island) 10.2.16
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) ria: it is called Asteris by the poet. The Scepsian claims that the
Scepsian = Demetrius (2nd c. island does not remain as described by the poet (“on e ither side of the
BCE)
island are harbors offering refuge to ships”); Apollodorus claims
that it does so remain at present, and refers to the small town of
Alalcomenae on the island, lying right on the isthmus. |
457 C, 4-5 The poet also uses Samos for the Thracian island that we Samos/Samothrace, 10.2.17
Samothrake (Gk. island)
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) now call “Samothrace.”
457 C, 5-14 It is reasonable to suppose that, on the one hand, he knows
of the Ionian island (he appears to know of the Ionian colo- Ionian island = Samos, Samos
(Gk.)
nization) . . . * 1 did not differentiate the homonyms when
[ 1 ] For difficulties with the text, see Radt, vol. 3, critical apparatus on 457 C, line 6.
531
3.3. Greece
r eferring to Samothrace, at one time by means of an epithet

(up on the highest peak of wooded Samos, / Thracian island), at an-
other time by mentioning her in connection with the neigh-
boring islands (to Samos and Imbros and inhospitable Lemnos or
again between Samos and rugged Imbros).1
457 C, 14-16 While he knew of the island, then, he did not refer to it by he = Homer
name. Nor, formerly, did it even have the same name: it was
called “Melamphyllos,” then “Anthemis,” then “Parthenia” (after
the Parthenius river, whose name was changed to “Imbrasus”).
457 C, 16-23 Since both Cephallenia and Samothrace w ere called Samos Cephallenia, Kephallenia
(Gk. island)
in Trojan times (otherwise he would not have represented Hec-
Samothrace, Samothrake
abe as saying in respect of her sons that he would take whichever (Gk. island)
one he captured . . . to Samos and Imbros as merchandise), and since
the Ionian island had not yet been colonized, it is clear that the Ionian island = Samos, Samos
(Gk.)
latter took the homonym from one of the two former islands.
Strabo rejects theory that island From this, it is also clear that ancient history does not support
known to Homer as “Samos”
and to Strabo as “Samothrace” the claim that, after the Ionian colonization and the arrival
was colonized from Ionian of Tembrion, colonists from Samos went to Samothrace and
Samos
named it “Samos.” The Samians made this up for the sake of
their greater glory.
457 C, 23-33 Those p eople are more credible who claim that the island
acquired its name from the fact that lofty places w ere called
samoi—thence all Ida could be seen, / and Priam’s city, and the
ships of the Achaeans. Some say that she was called “Samos”
from the “Saians,” the Thracians who formerly lived t here and
who also held the neighboring mainland—whether they are
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) identified with the Sapaeans or Sintans (called by the poet
Archilochus (7th c. BCE) Sintians) or whether they were different. (Archilochus men-
tions the “Saians”: one of the Saians rejoices in my shield, which by
a bush, / a blameless weapon, I left behind, not willingly. |
457 C, 34–458 C, 5 Of the islands allocated to Odysseus’s control, the one 10.2.18
ZACYNTHUS that remains to be described is Zacynthus, located a little to
Zakynthos (Gk. island)
the west of the Peloponnese, more so than Cephallenia, and
largely adjacent to it. The circumference of Zacynthus is one
hundred and sixty stades. It is some sixty stades from Ceph-
allenia, wooded but lush; and has a sizable city of the same
name. The distance from t here to the Libyan Hesperides is
three thousand three hundred stades. |
458 C, 6-14 East of this island and of Cephallenia are the Echinades. 10.2.19
They include Dulichium (now called “Dolicha”) and the is-
[ 1 ] Strabo seems to be arguing against Apollodorus’s claims that Homer describes

Samos (= Samothrace) as Thracian and wooded and that he mentions the island
in conjunction with Imbros and Lemnos in order to differentiate it from Samos
(= Cephallenia) (453 C, 25-34) and from Samos (= Ionian island) (338 C, 33–339 C,
5). Strabo sees Homer as differentiating Samos (= Samothrace) only from Samos
(= Cephallenia).
532
ECHINADES lands called “Oxians,” which the poet called Thoae. Dolicha Oxians, Oxia (Gk. island) and
Echinades (Gk. islands) Koutsilaris (Gr.)
faces Oeniadae and the outflow of the Achelous, and is one
Oeniadae, Trikardo (Gr.)
hundred stades from Araxus, the Elian headland. The rest
Achelous, Akheloos r.
of the Echinades (there are several, all of them miserable and
Araxus, Cape Araxos (Gr.)
rocky) lie in front of the Achelous’s outlet, the farthest island
being fifteen stades from it, the nearest five. Previously they
lay out to sea, but the large amount of sediment carried down
by the river has already caused some to become part of the
mainland and w ill cause o thers to become so.
458 C, 14-27 The sedimentation made the territory called “Parache-
loïtis” (which the river floods) a m atter of contention, b ecause
it was always obliterating the boundaries proclaimed by the
Acarnanians and the Aetolians. T hese people, since they had
no arbiters, used to decide the matter by resorting to arms,
with the strongest side generally winning. This was the origin,
too, of a myth in which Heracles fought a long and hard b attle
against Achelous and won, as a prize for his victory, marriage
Sophocles (5th c. BCE) to Deianira (daughter of Oeneus), whom Sophocles has rep-
resented as saying the following: the river was my suitor, I mean
Achelous, / who in three different guises asked my f ather for my hand
in marriage, / showing up in the shape of a bull, then as a shimmering
/ serpent with twisted coils, then with the body of a man but the face of
an ox. Some p eople add the statement that Achelous’s horn,
broken off by Heracles and given to Oeneus as a gift for his
daughter’s hand, is the “Horn of Amalthia.”
458 C, 27–459 C, 2 Some people, rationalizing these things, claim that the
Achelous (as also other rivers) is said to be “like a bull” Achelous, Akheloos r.
because of the sound it makes and because of the bends in its

course, which people call “horns”; that it is said to be “like a
serpent” b ecause it is long and twisting; that it is said to have
the “face of an ox” for the same reasons as it is said to have
the appearance of a bull; that Heracles, who did many other
good deeds and also made a marriage alliance with Oeneus,
constrained the river when in full flood by means of embank-
ments and channels, and allowed much of the Paracheloïtis to
dry out, for the gratification of Oeneus; that this is the “Horn
of Amalthia.”
459 C, 3-8 Homer says that, in the Trojan period, the Echinades and Trojan period, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
the Oxians were ruled by Meges, son of the horseman Phyleus,
beloved by Zeus—/ Phyleus, who went to live in Dulichium when
533
3.3. Greece
he quarreled with his father. The father was Augeas, who ruled
over Elia and the Epians, so that the Epians who held these
islands were t hose who accompanied Phyleus on his expedi-
tion to Dulichium. |
459 C, 8-15 The islands belonging to the Taphians (earlier, “Telebo- 10.2.20
TAPHOS ans”), which included Taphos (now called “Taphius”), were
Meganisi (Gk. island)
separate from the aforementioned, not in terms of distance
(given that they lie close by) but in terms of being treated as
subject to other (Taphian and Teleboan) leaders. In e arlier
times, Amphitryon campaigned against them with Cepha-
lus (son of Deioneus), a fugitive from Athens, to whom he
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) granted sovereignty over them. The poet says they w ere sub-
ject to Mentes, calling them “pirates,” which is what everyone
calls the Teleboans.
459 C, 16 The foregoing concerns the islands off Acarnania.1 |
459 C, 17-18 Between Leucas and the Ambracian gulf is a lagoon, 10.2.21
Myrtuntium, Limni Voulkaria
known as “Myrtuntium.” (Gr.)
459 C, 18-25 Next after Leucas are the Acarnanian cities of Palaerus Palaerus, Kekhropoula (Gr.)
and Alyzia. Of these, Alyzia is fifteen stades from the coast, Alyzia, Kandila (Gr.)
where there’s a harbor sacred to Heracles and a precinct,

from which the Trials of Heracles (works of Lysippus) w ere
carried off to Rome by one of the commanders, b ecause
they w ere “out of place amid such desolation.” Then there’s
a headland (Crithota), the Echinades, and a city (Astacus), Crithota, Akra Tourkovigla
which has the same name, albeit singular as well as plural, as Astacus, Astakos (Gr.)
the city in the region of Nicomedia and the Astacenian bay.
(Crithota has the same name as one of those small towns on
the Thracian Cherronesus.) All the intervening stretch has
good harbors.
459 C, 25-31 Then there’s Oeniadae and the Achelous, then Oenidae’s Oeniadae, Trikardo (Gr.)
lake, called “Melita,” thirty stades long and twenty wide; an- Achelous, Akheloos r.
other lake, Cynia, twice as long and twice as wide; and a third
lake, Uria, much smaller than them. Cynia flows out into the
sea; the other two lie a half stade or so inland. Then there’s
the Euenus, the distance to which from Actium is six hundred Euenus, Phidaris r.
and seventy stades.

459 C, 31–460 C, 3 After the Euenus is mount Chalcis, called “Chalcia” by mount Chalcis/Chalcia,
Barasovon mt. (Gr.)
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early Artemidorus; then Pleuron; then the village of Halicyrna,
1st c. BCE) Halicyrna, Khilia Spitia/Ag.
thirty stades back from which lies Calydon in the interior. In Symeon (Gr.)
the Calydon region, there’s the t emple to “Laphrian” Apollo. Calydon, N Evinokhorion (Gr.)
[ 1 ] 452 C, 34–459 C, 15.
534
Then there’s Taphiassus, the mountain; then the city of Mac- Macynia, Kato Mammakou (Gr.)
ynia; then Molycria and, nearby, Antirrhium (the boundary Molycria, Velvina/Elliniko (Gr.)
between Aetolia and Locris, the distance to which from the Antirrhium, Antirion (Gr.)
Euenus is around one hundred and twenty stades).

460 C, 3-10 The foregoing is what Artemidorus says concerning the
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early mountain (whether “Chalcis” or “Chalcia”), placing it be-
1st c. BCE)
tween the Achelous and Pleuron. Apollodorus, however, as I said
earlier, says that Chalcis and Taphiassus are inland from Moly-
cria and that Calydon is situated between Pleuron and Chalcis.1
Perhaps a distinction should be made, one mountain (toward
Pleuron) being called “Chalcia,” and a different mountain
(toward Molycria) called “Chalcis.” |
460 C, 10-11 Also, t oward Calydon, t here’s a large lake, good for fish- 10.2.22
ing, which is owned by the Romans in Patrae.

460 C, 12-18 With regard to the Acarnanian part of the interior, Apol-
lodorus says that there are some people called “Erysichaeans,”
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) cites mentioned by Alcman—“no Erysichaean . . . * no shepherd, / but
Alcman (7th c. BCE)
from the mountaintop of Sardis . . .” In the Aetolian part, t here
was once Olenus (mentioned by Homer in the Aetolian Cata
logue),2 but only traces of her are left, near Pleuron, at the foot
of Aracynthus.
460 C, 18-22 Lysimachia was once nearby (although she, too, has dis Lysimachia, Mourstianou (Gr.)
appeared), situated on the lake now known as “Lysimachia”

(formerly “Hydra”), between Pleuron and the city of Ar- Arsinoe, Angelokastron (Gr.)
sinoe. The latter was formerly a village called “Canopa” but

was founded as a city by Arsinoe—both the wife and the s ister
of the second Ptolemy—on a beautiful site at the Achelous Achelous, Akheloos r.
crossing.
460 C, 22-23 Pylene has suffered a fate similar to Olenus.3 Pylene, ?Magoula/Aiolikon (Gr.)
460 C, 23-26 When he describes Calydon as steep and rocky, his state- he = Homer
ment must be taken as applying to the territory. As has been

noted, they divided the territory in two, allocating the an-
nexed and mountainous part to Calydon, and the level part
to Pleuron.4 |
460 C, 27-31 At the current time, Acarnania and the Aetolians have 10.2.23
been worn down and ruined by continual wars, as is the case

for many other nations. For the longest time, the Aetolians
together with the Acarnanians held out against the Macedo-
nians and other Greeks, and ultimately against the Romans,
as they fought for their i ndependence.
[ 1 ] Strabo adds to his e arlier statement (450 C, 32–451 C, 7, where the information
about Chalcis and Taphiassus is not attributed specifically to Apollodorus, and
the location of Calydon between Pleuron and Chalcis is not specified).
[ 2 ] 427 C, 3-10n; 442 C, 35–443 C, 9n.
[ 3 ] For the Homeric names Olenus and Pylene: 386 C, 9-15; 451 C, 17-25.
[ 4 ] Strabo adds to his e
arlier statement (450 C, 23-31, where the division of Aetolia
is noted, but the allocation to Calydon and Pleuron is not explicitly stated).
535
3.3. Greece
460 C, 31-35 Since Homer, as well as other poets and writers, men-
tions them at length, in some places clearly and consistently,
in other places less recognizably, just as this has been pointed
out in what has already been said about them,1 I must provide
in addition some of those more ancient accounts, both those
that are authoritative and those that are dubious. |
461 C, 1-4 First off, the case of Acarnania: I have already noted that 10.2.24
Laertes and the Cephallenians took possession of it.2 As to

who held it formerly, many have given accounts, but t hese
accounts do not agree. Given their influence, it is left to me
to provide a critical assessment of them.
461 C, 5-13 It is said that the people known as “Taphians” and “Tele-
boans” were the former inhabitants of Acarnania; and that
their leader, Cephalus, established by Amphitryon as over-
lord of the islands associated with Taphos,3 was also overlord
of this territory. Hence, myth additionally makes him the first this territory = Acarnania
to make the traditional leap from Leucatas, as I said earlier.4

poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) The poet does not say that the Taphians ruled the Acarna-
nians before the advent of the Cephallenians and Laertes, but
he does say that they were friends of the Ithacans. According
to him, therefore, either they did not rule over these places
at all, or they voluntarily surrendered or even become fellow
residents.
461 C, 13-23 Also, Acarnania was apparently colonized by certain
people from Lacedaemon—namely, those who came with
Icarius, the f ather of Penelope. In the Odyssey, the poet has
him (and Penelope’s b rothers) living t here: [the suitors] shrink
from going to the house of her father, / Icarius, who would himself
negotiate the bride-price of his daughter. And (concerning the
brothers): already, her father and brothers bid her / marry Eu-
rymachus. It is not credible that they lived in Lacedaemon
(otherwise Telemachus would not have put in at Menelaus’s
house when he got t here), nor has any other place of residence
been passed down to us.
461 C, 23-29 They say that Tyndareus and his brother Icarius, when
they were expelled from their homeland by Hippocoon, came
to Thestius (who ruled over the Pleuronians) and helped him
take over much of the territory beyond the Achelous, in re- Achelous, Akheloos r.
turn for a share; that Tyndareus returned home a fter marry-

ing Leda (daughter of Thestius), but Icarius stayed, holding
[ 1 ] 451 C, 29–459 C, 16.

[ 2 ] 451 C, 34–452 C, 7.
[ 3 ] “The islands associated with Taphos” is an idiomatic expression, meaning pre-
dominantly Taphos but allowing for other minor islands.
[ 4 ] 452 C, 15-24.
536
a portion of Acarnania, and with Polycastes (daughter of

Lygaeus) begat Penelope and her brothers.
461 C, 30-34 I have shown that the Acarnanians were reckoned in the
Catalogue of Ships and took part in the expedition against
Ilium,1 in passages where they are referred to as those who
inhabit the promontory and again as t hose who held the main-
land and the parts across the w ater. The mainland was not yet
called “Acarnania” nor was the promontory yet called “Leu-
cas.” |
461 C, 34–462 C, 15 Ephorus denies that they w ere part of the expedition, on 10.2.25
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) the grounds that Alcmaeon (son of Amphiareos)—after joining
Diomedes and the other Epigoni on campaign and bringing the war
against the Thebans to a successful conclusion—joined with Dio-
medes in taking vengeance on the enemies of Oeneus, handed Aetolia
over to those men, and himself proceeded into Acarnania, which he t hose men = Diomedes and
Oeneus
brought under his control. Agamemnon, meanwhile, attacked and
easily subdued the Argives, most of whom had followed t hose associ-
ated with Diomedes,2 but grew fearful—when he embarked, a l ittle
later, on his trip to Ilium—lest in his absence on campaign, those as-
sociated with Diomedes 3 (around whom, it was rumored, a mighty
force had coalesced) might come home and seize the sovereignty that
was specifically their due (the one being due to inherit through Adras- the one = Diomedes
tus, the other through his f ather). With this in mind, he invited them the other = Alcmaeon
to take back Argos and to join the war. Diomedes was persuaded and
took part in the expedition, but Alcmaeon was annoyed and refused,
which is why the Acarnanians alone of the Greeks took no part in the
expedition.
462 C, 15-19 It is reasonable to suppose that this is the account the
Acarnanians used when, it is said, they finagled the Romans
and achieved i ndependence from them by arguing that they
alone had no share in the expedition against the Romans’ an-
cestors, on the grounds that they do not feature e ither in the
Aetolian Catalogue4 or individually, for their name is not used
in the poems at all. |
462 C, 20-27 So Ephorus, representing Acarnania as already subject 10.2.26
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) to Alcmaeon before the Trojan period, declares that Amphi- Trojan period, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
lochian Argos was founded by him and says that Acarnania was
him = Alcmaeon
named a fter his son, Acarnan, and the Amphilochians a fter his
brother, Amphilochus. So, he is shipwrecked on statements at he = Ephorus
Thucydides (5th c. BCE) odds with Homeric history. Thucydides and others claim that
[ 1 ] 451 C, 34–453 C, 15.

[ 2 ] The expression “those associated with Diomedes” is idiomatic, meaning pri-
marily Diomedes but probably including in this context his companions (see
next note).
[ 3 ] “Those associated with Diomedes” in this context includes Alcmaeon.
[ 4 ] 427 C, 3-10n; 442 C, 35–443 C, 9.
537
3.3. Greece
Amphilochus, when he returned from the Trojan expedition,

being unhappy with affairs in Argos, settled in this territory, this territory = Acarnania
some claiming that he came as successor to his brother’s dy- brother’s = Alcmaeon’s
nasty, o
thers making diff erent claims.
462 C, 28-30 The foregoing might be a specific description of the
Acarnanians.1 I s hall now discuss jointly what is interwoven
with the Aetolica,2 meaning the ensuing account of Aetolian
matters that I have decided to add to what I have already said. |
462 C, 31–463 C, 7 Some people assign the Curetes to the Acarnanians; some 10.3.1
Strabo classifies the “Curetes” assign them to the Aetolians. Some claim that their stock
as Aetolians
originated in Crete; some claim that it originated in Eu-
boea. Since Homer mentions them, I should first investigate
what he says. People assume that he means they are Aetolian
(rather than Acarnanian), on the basis that Agrius and Melas,
and the third was the h orseman Oeneus were the sons of Porthaon,
and they dwelt in Pleuron and steep Calydon. Both of the latter are
Aetolian cities and are listed in the Aetolian Catalogue.3 Since,
Homer (8th c. BCE) according to Homer, the Curetes apparently dwelt in Pleuron,
they would be Aetolians.
463 C, 7-16 Opponents of this view are led astray by his manner of
Strabo discredits the grounds expression when he says, the Curetes and the staunch Aetolians he = Homer
for denying that the Curetes are
Aetolian did battle / around the city of Calydon, their reasoning being
that one could not properly say “the Boeotians and Thebans
fought against each other” nor “the Argives and the Pelo-
ponnesians.” However, it has been shown earlier in this work
that this type of expression is Homeric and also much used by
other poets.4 This, then, is easily explicable. Let them, how- them = those who deny that
Curetes are Aetolian
ever, explain how come he catalogued the Pleuronians among
the Aetolians if they were not of the same nationality and
were not Aetolian! |
463 C, 17-25 Ephorus, although he says that the Aetolians are a nation 10.3.2
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) that has never been subjected to o thers but has, throughout recorded
time, remained unravaged, because of their difficult topography and
Strabo points out that Ephorus their military skill, nevertheless claims that the Curetes originally
contradicts himself
held the whole territory, but when Aetolus (son of Endymion) arrived
from Elis and overcame them in battle, the Curetes withdrew into
what is now called Acarnania, while the Epians, who had accom-
panied Aetolus, laid the foundations of the first Aetolian cities. In
the tenth subsequent generation, Elis was founded by Oxylus (son of
Haemon), who crossed over the water from Aetolia.
[ 1 ] 451 C, 29–462 C, 27.

[ 2 ] Aetolica (lit., “Stuff about Aetolia”) is the ensuing section of Strabo’s narrative
(462 C, 31–466 C, 8), in which he discusses the Aetolian origin of the Curetes.
[ 3 ] 442 C, 35–443 C, 9n.
[ 4 ] 40 C, 23-34; 340 C, 27–341 C, 3; 452 C, 34–453 C, 6.
538
463 C, 25–464 C, 2 He cites epigrams as evidence of these events. One epi- He = Ephorus
gram—in Aetolian Therma, where they traditionally hold

their elections—is inscribed on the base of the statue of Ae-
olus: The founder of the territory, who by Alphius’s stream / grew
up, next to the Olympic stadia, / this “Aetolus, son of Endymion”
was donated by the Aetolians, / a visible memorial of his virtue. The
other epigram is in the Elians’ marketplace, on the statue of
Oxylus: Aetolus once left this indigenous p eople / and conquered
the Curetian land, striving mightily with his spear. / Afterward, in
the tenth generation of the same f amily, / Oxylus, son of Haemon,
founded this ancient city. |
464 C, 3-7 He correctly notes the kinship of the Elians and the Aetolians He = Ephorus 10.3.3
with each other on the basis of the epigrams, both epigrams being
in agreement, not only concerning their kinship but also in saying that
each founded the other; he thereby quite rightly proves those
people to be liars who claim that the Elians w ere colonizers
of the Aetolians but that the Aetolians were not colonizers
of the Elians.
464 C, 7-14 However, he clearly shows the same self-contradiction in he = Ephorus
what he writes and professes as the self-contradiction that

I highlighted in the case of the oracle at Delphi.1 Describ-
ing Aetolia as unravaged throughout recorded time and saying
that originally the Curetes held this territory, he surely ought to
have added, in continuation of his account, that the Curetes
remained in possession of the Aetolian land right up to his
own day—for only thus could the land correctly be said to be
unravaged and never subjected to others!
464 C, 14-20 Completely forgetting his premise, he does not add this he = Ephorus
Strabo points out that the but rather the opposite, that when Aetolus arrived from Elis and
“Curetes” were worsted in
battle and forced to leave overcame them in b attle, the Curetes withdrew to Acarnania. What
Aetolia constitutes being ravaged, if it is not being overcome in battle and
having to leave the territory? The Elians’ epigram testifies to
this: Aetolus, it reads, conquered the Curetian land, striving might-
ily with his spear! |
464 C, 21-32 One might perhaps say that he means Aetolia was unrav- he = Ephorus 10.3.4
aged from the time when, after Aetolus’s arrival, it was thus
Strabo points out that, even named. However, he precludes this interpretation of his
after Aetolia was so named, it
was subjected to an influx of words by g oing on to say that the greatest part of the people who
Aeolians and Boeotians remained among the Aetolians was this one (meaning the Epians)
but that when later the Aeolians (who migrated from Thessaly at
[ 1 ] 422 C, 4–423 C, 10.
539
3.3. Greece
the same time as the Boeotians) w ere mixed in with them, they held
the territory in common with these people. Is it plausible that these t hese people = Aeolians +
Boeotians
people arrived and, without battle, took a portion of a for-
eign land from those who possessed it and had no wish to
share it? Or is it the case that it is not this that is plausible but
rather that those who were subdued by force of arms came to
terms with them on the basis of equality? What does ravaged
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) mean if not “subdued by force of arms”? Also, Apollodorus
says, it is recorded that the Hyantes left Boeotia and settled among
the Aetolians.
464 C, 32-34 He finishes, as if having settled the matter: it is my custom to He = Ephorus
correct these and other such matters, whenever anything is question-

able or wrongly interpreted! |
465 C, 1-9 Such is Ephorus, but he is nevertheless better than the 10.3.5
rest. Polybius, such a fan of Ephorus, claims that while Eu-

doxus’s description of Greek m atters is good, Ephorus’s de-
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) mentions scription is superlative when it comes to the founding of cit-
Eudoxus (4th c. BCE) but
reserves his praise for Ephorus ies, and kinships, migration, and ancestors. Polybius himself
(4th c. BCE) says: I will show things as they now are, as concerns topographical
location and distances: this is the proper function of chorography.1
Strabo accuses Polybius of But, my dear Polybius, you are the person who introduces
doing what Polybius criticizes
others for doing. laodogmatic (reflecting laymen’s beliefs) statements concerning dis-
tances, not only in your description of areas beyond Greece
Posidonius and Artemidorus
(late 2nd–1st c. BCE) criticize
but in your description of Greece itself, and you are held to
Polybius account by Posidonius, Artemidorus, and several others.
465 C, 9-12 I, too, deriving much of my material from such men, de-
serve p ardon, not complaint, if I occasionally stumble. One
should rather be glad if I improve on most of what others say
or add what was left out through ignorance. |
465 C, 13-14 The following is also said about the Curetes, some of it 10.3.6
more relevant to the study of the Aetolians and Acarnanians,

some of it less relevant.2
465 C, 14-19 The “more relevant” is such as I have said before,3 that
the Curetes used to inhabit the territory that is now called
“Aetolia” but that the Aetolians, arriving with Aetolus, drove
them into Acarnania; and also that when the Aeolians ar-
rived, they seized Pleuronia—inhabited by Curetes and called
“Curetis”—and expelled those who possessed it.
465 C, 19-26 Archemachus of Euboea says that the Curetes lived in Chalcis
Archemachus (?3rd c. BCE) and were continually at war over the Lelantum Plain; the Curetes,
[ 1 ] The term “chorography”: 266 C, 6-19n.

[ 2 ] “More relevant” (= relevant): 465 C, 14–466 C, 8. “Less relevant” (= irrelevant):
466 C, 9–473 C, 34.
[ 3 ] 462 C, 31–464 C, 34.
540
since their enemies used to grab hold of them by their forelocks and pull
them to the ground, allowed their hair to grow long at the back but cut
off their forelocks; they were called “Curetes” (Shorn-ones) because of
their hairstyle; when they migrated into Aetolia and took possession
of the Pleuron region, they called those who lived on the far side of the
Achelous “Acarnanians” (Unshorn-ones) because they did not cut their Achelous, Akheloos r.
hair!
465 C, 26–466 C, 7 Some p eople say that each tribe was named a fter a hero.
Others say that the “Curetes” got their name from mount
“Curium,” which looms over Pleuron, and that they are an
Aetolian tribe, like the Ophians, the Agraeans, Eurytanians,
and several o thers. People say, as noted,1 that when Aetolia
had been split into two parts, Oeneus possessed one part
(the Calydon region), but that the Porthaonids associated
with Agrius2 held a part of Pleuronia, too (since they dwelt
in Pleuron and steep Calydon); Pleuronia was, however, ruled
by Thestius, Oeneus’s father-in-law (Althaea’s father), who
was the Curetes’ leader; since war was declared by the Thes- Thestiads = descendants of
Thestius
tiads against Oeneus and Meleager (over the head and skin of a
pig, says the poet in accordance with the myth About the Wild
Boar—but probably over a portion of territory), this is the
meaning of the Curetes and the staunch Aetolians did battle.
466 C, 8 The foregoing is the “more relevant” material.3 |
466 C, 9-18 There is also material “less relevant” to this discussion, 10.3.7
Strabo disambiguates the but which historians have treated equally b ecause of the
nation of “Curetes” from the
“curetes” in the sense of mystics shared name. Their treatments are called Curetica 4 and
from Crete and Phrygia About the Curetes—as if they were About the Inhabitants of
Aetolia and Acarnania! The former treatments differ from former treatments = Curetica
and About the Curetes
the latter, and are more like the stories about satyrs, si-
leni, bacchi, and tityri. The curetes are said to be just such
demonic spirits or divine spokesmen by t hose writers who
have transmitted to us Cretica5 and Phrygian Matters, into
which are woven certain sacred rituals (mystic or otherwise)
associated with Zeus’s Cretan upbringing or with the orgi-
astic rites of the Mother of the Gods in Phrygia and in the
region of Trojan Ida.
466 C, 18-27 Such is the variety in their stories. Some declare that the
corybantes, the cabiri, the Idaean dactyli, and the telchinians
are the same as the curetes, others (identifying small differ-
ences between them) that they are related to each other. But
[ 1 ] 450 C, 23-31; 460 C, 22-26.

[ 2 ] The expression “Porthaonids associated with Agrius” is idiomatic, meaning
predominantly “the Porthaonid Agrius” but including in this context other
members of Agrius’s family.
[ 3 ] 465 C, 14–466 C, 7.
[ 4 ] Curetica (lit., “Stuff about the Curetes”) are individual works, or parts thereof.
[ 5 ] Cretica (lit., “Stuff about Crete”) sounds much like Curetica (“Stuff about the
Curetes”). Strabo is perhaps playing with his audience.
541
3.3. Greece
to speak in general and overall terms, all of them describe

these people as experiencing ecstasy and bacchic frenzy, and
(by means of war dances accompanied by a clamor and din,
by cymbals and drums and weaponry, as well as by flutes and
hollering) inspiring terror during the rituals in the guise of
being sacred officials. The consequence is that these rites have
something in common with rites among the Samothracians
and in Lemnos, and several other rites, on account of the
gods’ spokesmen being described as the same.
466 C, 28-32 This whole field of investigation is theological and is not
alien to the philosopher’s mission.1 | Since even historians 10.3.8
have treated what is not the same as if it w ere the same, on

account of the sameness of the name curetes, I should not hesi-
tate to speak about them at greater length in a digression,
adding a physical explanation that conforms with history.2
466 C, 32–467 C, 2 Indeed, some p eople want to connect t hese m atters with
the former as well, and they perhaps have a point. It is said former = Aetolian Curetes
that those in Aetolia got their name from their wearing of fe-
male dress—that is, as if they were corae (girls)—on the grounds
that there was such a fad among the Greeks, and the Iaones are
described as tunic-trailing.3
467 C, 2-10 It is also said that, when those associated with Leonidas 4
appeared for battle with their hair carefully dressed, the
Persians sneered at them—but were awestruck when battle
was joined! To put it simply, the art of dressing hair involves
tending it and cura (cutting the hair), both of which are a concern
to corae (girls) and cori (boys), so that various etymologies for cu-
retes are easily found. It is reasonable to suppose that the war
dance, being first introduced by t hose who were thus decked
out with regard to their hair and clothing (these p eople being
called curetes), provided a rationale for t hose men who w ere
more warlike than others and who followed a military life to
be called by the same name, “Curetes” (I mean those in Eu-
boea, Aetolia, and Acarnania).
467 C, 10-16 Homer, too, used the name for young soldiers: choosing the
best “curetes” from among all the Achaeans, / bring from the swift
ship all the gifts / which yesterday we promised to Achilles; and again,
the Achaean “curetes” brought the gifts.
467 C, 17-19 The foregoing was my account of the etymology of cu-
retes. That the war dance originated with soldiers is shown
[1] Strabo sees himself primarily as a philosopher: 1 C, 1–2 C, 10.

[2] The etymology of curetes: 467 C, 2-19.
[3] The relevant passage from Homer is cited by Strabo at 392 C, 10-13.
[4] “Those associated with Leonidas” is an idiomatic expression meaning simply
Leonidas, although in this context it may include his army; in the Greek, the
plural verbs and participles that follow are grammatically required, whether
they refer to Leonidas alone or to Leonidas with his soldiers.
542
by the “Pyrrhic [dance]” and by Pyrrhichus, who is said to have

invented such a practice for young men in connection with
war. |
467 C, 20-29 We should now investigate the attribution of many names 10.3.9
to the same thing and religious considerations inherent in

their history. Something that is shared by Greeks and non-
Greeks is the performance during festive holidays of sacred
rituals, some marked by religious frenzy and some not, some
accompanied by m usic and some unaccompanied, some per-
formed mystically and some openly. This is what nature dic-
tates. Relaxation, which draws the mind away from h uman
preoccupations, necessarily turns it toward the divine. Reli-
gious frenzy seems to be divinely inspired and is close to the
prophetic type. Mystic concealment of sacred rites magni-
fies the divine element by emulating the nature of the divine,
which eludes our sensory perception.
467 C, 29–468 C, 3 Music, which has to do with dancing, beat, and song,
brings us close to the divine through both p leasure and aes-
thetic beauty, for the following reason. While it is well said
that man most closely mimics the divine when he is doing
good deeds, one might say in an even better way “when he is
happy,” such as when rejoicing, celebrating festivals, and par-
taking in philosophy and m usic. (If there has been some de-
generation, with musicians turning their skills to the sensory
pleasures of drinking parties, stage p erformances, theaters,
and other such t hings, let not the discipline itself be discred-
ited, but rather let the nature of the educational system from
which it starts be critically reexamined.) |
468 C, 3-9 This is the reason that Plato, and even earlier the Pythago- 10.3.10
Plato (late 5th–4th c. BCE) reans, called philosophy “music,” and the reason it is said by
those who assume that all m usic is the work of the gods, that
the cosmos is held together by harmony. Thus, too, the Muses
are goddesses, and Apollo is the leader of the Muses, and all
poetic art, if it is good, is a hymn of praise. In the same way
people attribute to music the building of moral character,
inasmuch as everything that corrects the mind is close to the
gods.
468 C, 10-20 Most Greeks attributed to Dionysus, Apollo, Hecate,
the Muses, and—by Zeus!—Demeter all that was orgiastic,
bacchic, dance-related, and ritually mystic. They give the
543
3.3. Greece
name “Iacchus” to both Dionysus and the divinity that is the

founder of Demeter’s mysteries. The carrying of branches,
together with dancing and ritual, are shared features of
these gods. As for the Muses and Apollo, the former preside
over dances, the latter over both dancing and prophecy. All
educated men, but specifically those trained in music, are
celebrants of the Muses. T hese men, plus t hose trained in
prophecy, are celebrants of Apollo. Mystics, torchbearers,
and hierophants are celebrants of Demeter. The sileni, satyrs,
and bacchae (called “lenae,” “thuiae,” “mimallones,” “naiads,”
and “nymphs”) are celebrants of Dionysus. |
468 C, 21-34 In Crete, these sacred rites, and specifically those of 10.3.11
Zeus, were performed with orgiastic worship and with cel-

ebrants like the satyrs, who are associated with Dionysus.
Strabo describes the Cretan People called them curetes—young men who gave war-dance
“curetes”
performances—and set forth the myth About the Birth of Zeus,
in which they bring on Cronus (who is in the habit of swallow-
ing his c hildren immediately after their birth) and Rhea. She
is trying as hard as she can to conceal her l abor pains and to
spirit away her newborn baby and save its life, and to this end
she takes on as accomplices the curetes. They, protecting the
goddess with drums and other noisy instruments and with
war dances and uproar, w ere intent on distracting Cronus and
snatching the child away without him noticing. Tradition has
it that the child was also reared by them with the same zeal.
Thus the curetes—either b ecause as youths and cori (boys) they
provided assistance or because they reared Zeus when he was
a curos (boy)—were deemed worthy of the name (both versions
of the story are given), as if they w ere satyrs of Zeus.
469 C, 1 Such are the Greeks when it comes to orgiastic rites.1 |
469 C, 1-9 The Phrygian tribe of the Berecyntians (in fact, the Phry- 10.3.12
Strabo describes the Phrygian gians generally) and t hose of the Trojans living on Ida—these
“curetes”
people worship Rhea and celebrate her with orgiastic rites,
calling her “Mother of the Gods,” “Angdistis,” “Phrygian,”
and “Great Deity,” or naming her after a place, as in the case of
“Idaea” (from Ida), “Dindymene” (from Dindymum), “Sipylene” (from
Sipylus), “Pessinuntis” (from Pessinus), and “Cybele” (from Cybela).2
The Greeks use the same name—curetes—for the celebrants

of this goddess, not b ecause t here is the same myth about
her but rather in a diff erent sense, as if they w ere “assistants,”
[ 1 ] 468 C, 10-34.
[ 2 ] Pessinus, Dindymum, Cybela: 567 C, 24–568 C, 7; 470 C, 25-30. Sipylus: 571 C,
26–572 C, 1.
544
analogous to the satyrs. They also call them corybantes, ab-

breviated to cyrbantes. |
469 C, 10-20 The poets bear witness to the foregoing assumptions. Pin- 10.3.13
Pindar (5th c. BCE) dar (in the dithyramb that begins, Dithyrambic songs formerly
moved in a straight line) mentions both the ancient and the
more recent Dionysian hymns, and then goes on to say, lead-
ing the way for the revered / G reat M
other is the whirling of cymbals /
and, amongst them, castanets clatter, and there blazes / a torch made
of flaming pine, the common features of the rituals prescribed
among the Greeks for Dionysus and among Phrygians for the
Mother of the Gods . . . * related to each other.
469 C, 20–470 C, 13 Euripides, in the Bacchae, does much the same t hing,
Euripides (5th c. BCE) merging Lydian with Phrygian m atters, b ecause they are next
to each other: O you women, leaving Tmolus, Lydia’s defense, / my
band of revelers . . . / raise high the cymbals that are native to the
Phrygian city, / invention of mine and of the Mother of the Gods.
Again, Fortunate is he who, blessed man, / lives a life of purity . . .
/ and, taking part in the orgies of Cybele, the Great M other, / shakes
his thyrsus, / wears an ivy wreath, / and worships Dionysus. / Come,
Bacchae . . . / bring home Bromius, divine son of a divine f ather,
/ Dionysus, / from the Phrygian mountains to the broad streets of
Greece. Later again, he weaves Cretan m atters in with t hese:
O home of the “curetes” / and sacred haunts of Crete, / where Zeus
was born, / and, tri-helmeted in their caves, / the “corybantes” inven
ted for me / this circle of stretched hide. / In a Bacchic frenzy, / they
blended it with the breath of sweet-sounding / Phrygian flutes, and
into Mother Rhea’s / hand they put its plangent sound, to the cries of
the Bacchae. / The manic satyrs / borrowed it from M other Rhea /
and used it for the choral dances / of the triennial festivals / in which
Dionysus rejoices. And in the Palamedes, the chorus says: . . . *
of Dionysus . . . * who, on Ida, / enjoys himself with his dear m other,
/ to the song of the drums. |
470 C, 14-24 Merging Silenus, Marsyas, and Olympus into one, record- 10.3.14
ing them as inventors of the flute, they again conflate Diony-

sian and Phrygian rituals. They often bang on in a confused
manner about Ida and Olympus as if they were the same
mountain. T here are four peaks on Antandrian Ida called
“Olympus”; and then there’s Mysian Olympus, which bor-
Sophocles (5th c. BCE) ders on but is not the same as Ida. Sophocles, in the Polyxena,
represents Menelaus as in a hurry to set sail from Troy, but
545
3.3. Greece
Agamemnon as wanting to tarry a short while in order to pro-

pitiate Athena. He brings Menelaus onstage saying: you can
stay here in the Idaean land, / round up the sheep on Olympus, and
sacrifice them. |
470 C, 25-30 People invented—as suitable to the playing of the flute, 10.3.15
to the din of castanets, cymbals, and drums, to the shouts,

the cries, and the foot-stamping—some of the names (cabiri,
corybantes, pans, satyrs, and tityri) that they gave to the cel-
ebrants, dancers, and ministers of the rites, as well as the
name (Bacchus) that they gave to the god; and they gave
names (Cybele, Cybebe, and Dindymene) to Rhea that were
derived from places.
470 C, 30–471 C, 6 Sabazios belongs to Phrygian ritual and is, in a way, the
child of the Mother, responsible for transmitting the rites
of Dionysus. | Also similar to the latter are the rituals (the 10.3.16
“Cotytian” and the “Bendidian”) among the Thracians, with

Aeschylus (5th c. BCE) whom the Orphic rituals also originated. Aeschylus, in the
Edonians, mentions the goddess “Cotyto” and the instru-
ments associated with her. Referring to those who practice the
sacred rites of Cotyto, he forthwith introduces those associated
with Dionysus: One person, in his hands, / holds the “bombyces” bombyces, bass flutes
(the products of the lathe’s hard work), / and fills them with the fin-
gered song / that inspires the onset of frenzy; another plays the brass-
bound “cotylae.” Again: The cithara cries; / bull-like voices bellow / cotylae, cymbals
from a place unseen, a terrifying mimicry, / and the sound of a drum,

like subterranean / thunder, rolls ominously.
471 C, 7-10 These are similar to Phrygian rites. It is not unreasonable
to suppose that, just as the Phrygians were colonists sent by
the Thracians, so their sacred rites originated from there.
Their conflation of “Dionysus” and the “Edonian Lycurgus”
provides a clue as to the similarity of their rites. |
471 C, 11-18 From its singing, its beat, and its instruments, all music 10.3.17
(Muse-inspiration) is considered to be Thracian and Asiatic. So
much is clear from the locations in which the Muses have

been worshipped. Pieria, Olympus, Pimpla, and Libethrum,
were, long ago, Thracian localities and mountains (although
now in the possession of the Macedonians);1 Helicon was
consecrated to the Muses by the Thracians who colonized
Boeotia (and who also consecrated the cave of the Libet-
hriad nymphs); t hose who concerned themselves with an-
[ 1 ] I.e., included in the Roman province of Macedonia. Cf. 409 C, 34–410 C, 9n.
546
cient m usic are said to be Thracians—Orpheus, Musaeus,

and Thamyris; Eumolpus (Sweetly-singing) got his name from
there.
471 C, 18-24 As for t hose who consecrate all Asia as far as India to Di-
onysus, they transfer the origin of much music there. One
person says, plucking the Asiatic cithara; another calls flutes
“Berecyntian” and “Phrygian.” Some instruments have been
given native names: nablas, sambyca, barbitus, magadis, and
various others. |
471 C, 25-31 Athenians, just as they continue to accommodate for- 10.3.18
eigners in other respects, do so in respect of gods as well.

They assimilated many foreign rites (and w ere consequently
Plato (late 5th–4th c. BCE) made fun of ), especially Thracian and Phrygian. Plato men-
Demosthenes (4th c. BCE) tions the “Bendidian” rites, and Demosthenes mentions
Phrygian rites when he slanders Aeschines’s m other and
Aeschines himself (because he was present with his mother
when she conducted her rituals, and he took part in her rev-
els, and he shouted aloud many a euhoi saboi and hyes attes
hyes). For such are the “Sabazian” rites and the rites of the
Mother. |
471 C, 32-38 One might further . . . * t hese things concerning de- 10.3.19
monic spirits and the variety of their names, that they w ere
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) called not only “celebrants of the gods” but also “gods.” He-
siod says . . . * and . . . * (daughter of Phoroneus) had five
daughters, who gave birth to the divine mountain-dwelling nymphs
/ and the race of the satyrs, worthless ne’er-do-wells, / and the curetes,
gods who like to play and dance.
472 C, 1-6 The author of the Phoronis describes the curetes as “Phry-
gian flute players”; others describe them as “earthborn”
and “of brazen shields.” Some say that it is not the curetes
but rather the corybantes who are Phrygian; that the curetes
are Cretan; that they were the first in Euboea to don bronze
armor,1 on which account they are also called “Chalcidians”
(Of-bronze). Some say that the corybantes came from Bactriana
(or, according to others, from among the Colchians) and w ere

given to Rhea as armed servants by the Titans.
472 C, 6-12 In the Cretica 2 accounts, the curetes are described as rear-
ing and protecting Zeus and as having been summoned to
Crete from Phrygia by Rhea. Others say that there were
nine Telchinians in Rhodes, and that those of them who
[ 1 ] The “Curetes” in Euboea: 467 C, 6-10.

[ 2 ] Cretica (lit., “Stuff about Crete”) is a “title” given to individual works, or parts
thereof; cf. 466 C, 9-18. Strabo’s use of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
547
3.3. Greece
a ccompanied Rhea to Crete and reared the young Zeus were

called curetes (child-rearers); that Cyrbas, who founded Hiera- Hierapytna, Ierapetra (Kriti/
Crete)
pytna, since he was one of their companions, provided the
Praesians with a pretext, at their hearing by the Rhodians,
whereby they could claim that the corybantes were demonic
spirits, the c hildren of Athena and Helius.
472 C, 13-20 Some say that the corybantes were the sons of Cronus,
others that they w ere the sons of Zeus and Calliope, and that
they w ere the same as the cabiri; that the latter left for Sa-
mothrace (formerly called “Melita”) and engaged in mystic
Scepsian = Demetrius (2nd c. activities. | This version is not accepted by the Scepsian, who 10.3.20
BCE)
compared and contrasted these myths, on the grounds that
in Samothrace, no mystic account of the “cabiri” is in circulation.
Demetrius rebuts argument of He nevertheless cites the opinion of Stesimbrotus the Tha-
Stesimbrotus (5th c. BCE)
sian that, in Samothrace, sacred rites are performed in honor of the
“cabiri.” That fellow claims that these people are named after That fellow = Demetrius of
Scepsis
mount “Cabirus” in Berecyntia.
472 C, 20-30 Some consider the curetes to be the servants of Hecate and
the same as the corybantes. Again, the Scepsian says (opposing
Euripides (5th c. BCE) the account given by Euripides) that the worship of Rhea is not
customary in Crete (nor indigenous to it) but only in Phrygia and
the Troad; those who claim otherwise are making myths rather than Cretan Ida, Idi/Pseiloritis mt.
serious inquiry; they are perchance influenced by the identical place- Cretan Dicta, Modi mt./Dikte
names. “Ida” is both a Cretan mountain and a Trojan one; “Dicta” is mt.
both a place in Scepsian territory and a mountain in Crete; “Pytna,” Hierapytna, Ierapetra (Kriti/
Crete)
after which the city of Hierapytna is named, is one of Ida’s peaks;
Cretan Hippocoronium,
there’s a “Hippocorona” in Adramyttene and a “Hippocoronium” in Drapano-Kephala mt.
Crete; “Samonium” is both the eastern promontory of the island and Cretan Samonium, Cape Sideros
a plain in the Neandrid and Alexandrian territory. |

472 C, 31–473 C, 5 Acusilaus the Argive says that Cabiro and Hephaestus begat 10.3.21
Acusilaus (6th–5th c. BCE) Camillus, and the latter begat the three “cabiri” to whom . . . * the
Pherecydes (early 5th c. BCE) “cabirid” nymphs. Pherecydes says that Apollo and Rhetia begat
the nine “cyrbantes” who lived in Samothrace; Cabiro (daughter
of Proteus) and Hephaestus begat the three “cabiri” and the three
“cabirid” nymphs; sacred rites were held for both the former and the
latter. It has come about that the cabiri are revered particularly
on Imbros and Lemnos, but also in several cities in Trojan
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) territory. Their names are mystic secrets. Herodotus says that
there was also a temple to the “cabiri” in Memphis, just as to Hepha-
estus, but the t emples w
ere destroyed by Cambyses.
548
473 C, 5-9 There are places where these demonic spirits w ere wor-
shipped that are now uninhabited. T here is the “Coryban-
tium” in Hamaxitia (belonging to what is now the territory
of the Alexandrians, near the Sminthium); and “Corybissa”
(in Scepsia, near the Eureeis river and the village of the same
name, and also near the Aethaloeis, a winter stream).
473 C, 9-16 The Scepsian says that it is credible that the “curetes” and
Scepsian = Demetrius (2nd c. BCE) the “corybantes” are the same . . . * who happen to be chosen as the
young men and “cori” (boys) for the war dance in connection with the
holy rituals of the M other of the Gods; and “corybantes” from the
fact that they “coryptontes bainein” (walk butting their heads) in their
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) dance moves. In just the same way, the poet refers to betarmones
(rhythm-movers): come hither, you who are the best of the Phaeecian
“betarmones.” Because the corybantes are prone to dance in a

religious frenzy, we say that those who are whipped up into a
manic frenzy “corybantise.” |
473 C, 17-23 Some p eople say that the first settlers on the lower slopes 10.3.22
of Ida w ere called Idaean dactyli (toes), because the lower parts
of mountains are called “feet” and the peaks “heads.” At any
rate, each and every one of Ida’s flanks is sacred to the Mother
Sophocles (5th c. BCE) of the Gods. Sophocles supposes that the first settlers con-
sisted of five males—who were the first to discover and work
iron as well as many other t hings that are useful in life—and
their five s isters, and because of this number they w ere called
dactyli (fingers).
473 C, 23-30 Different p eople tell different myths, piling difficulty on
difficulty, using a variety of names and numbers, calling a
certain person “Celmis” or “Damnamenes” or “Heracles” or
“Acmon.” Some say the dactyli are indigenous to Ida, other say
they are settlers. All say that iron was first worked by t hese
men on Ida, and all have assumed that they were wonder-
workers, connected with the Mother of the Gods, who had
lived in Phrygia around Ida. They called the Troad “Phrygia”
because the Phrygians, who lived nearby, conquered it after
the sack of Troy.
473 C, 30-34 People suppose that the curetes and corybantes are the off-
spring of the Idaean dactyli; at any rate, that the first hundred
men born on Crete w ere called “Idaean dactyli.” They say that
nine offspring, curetes, were born to them; each of these sired
ten sons, called . . . * |
549
3.3. Greece
474 C, 1-8 I have made this ample digression, although I am by no 10.3.23
means fond of myth, because these matters impinge on the

study of religion. All religious study examines ancient beliefs
and myths, since men of olden times obscured in riddles their
concepts about the nature of things and always added an ele
ment of myth to their stories. It is not easy to provide an accu-
rate solution to all the riddles. If, however, the myths—some
consistent with each other and some self-contradictory—are
analyzed en masse, one should be able more easily to discern
the truth behind them.
474 C, 8-15 For example, p eople tell myths about zealots and gods
themselves wandering about on mountains, and myths about
religious ecstasy, for the same reason that they consider the
gods as dwelling in heaven and as making provision for auspi-
cious signs, among other things. The mining of metals and
hunting of animals—the search for what is useful in life—
appeared to be related to mountain-wandering, and wiz-
ardry and wonder-working appear closely connected with
religious ecstasy, rituals, and prophecy. Such is the love of
artistry, particularly as associated with Dionysian and Or-
phic rites.
474 C, 15 That’s enough about these m atters.1 |
474 C, 16-21 I began by g oing through the Peloponnesian islands, in- 10.4.1
cluding those islands in the Corinthian gulf and at its mouth.2

Strabo segues from his I must next speak of Crete—given that it, too, belongs to the
description of 5th band of
Greece to his description of Peloponnese—and of the islands in its vicinity, amongst
Crete and the Greek islands which are the Cyclades and the Sporades, some of which are
notable, o thers insignificant.3 | But for now, let me begin with 10.4.2
Crete.
Crete + Greek Islands (in Aegean and Cretan Seas)
474 C, 21-30 Eudoxus says that Crete is situated in the Aegaean. One should
CRETE not make such a statement. One should say, rather, that it
Kriti/Crete (Gk. island)
lies between Cyrenaea and the part of Greece stretching from Cyrenaea, e. present-day Libya
Eudoxus (4th c. BCE) Sunium to Laconia, being parallel lengthwise with t hese Sunium, Kolonnes (Gr.)
places from west to east; that it is washed on the north by

the Aegaean and Cretan seas, and on the south by the Libyan
[ 1 ] With t hese words, Strabo signs off from his account not only of the Cretan
curetes but also his account of Acarnania and Aetolia (449 C, 31–474 C, 15).
[ 2 ] 452 C, 34–459 C, 16.
[ 3 ] Crete and Greek islands: 474 C, 21–489 C, 27.
550
Crete + Greek Islands
sea where it borders on the Egyptian sea. As for either end,

its western end is the one in the Phalasarna region, with a Phalasarna, S Cape Koutri (Kriti/
Crete)
width of some two hundred stades, splitting into two head-
lands, of which the southerly one is called “Criu Metopum” Criu Metopum, Cape Krios
(Ram’s-forehead), and the northern one “Cimarus.” The eastern Cimarus, Cape Vouxa
end is marked by Samonium, marginally farther east than Samonium, Cape Sideros
Sunium.1 |
474 C, 31–475 C, 5 As to its size, Sosicrates (whom Apollodorus says is cor- 10.4.3
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) rect in matters concerning the island) makes it more than
approves of Sosicrates (2nd c.
BCE) two thousand three hundred stades in length, and . . . * in
breadth, on which basis its perimeter would be more than five
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early thousand stades [stades]. Artemidorus gives the figure of four
1st c. BCE)
thousand one hundred [stades]. Hieronymus, claiming that
Hieronymus (4th–3rd c. BCE)
it has a length of two thousand [stades] and a varying width,
would imply a greater figure for its perimeter than Artemi-
dorus does.
475 C, 5-12 For a third of its length . . . *; then t here’s an isthmus of
approximately one hundred stades with settlements, Am- Amphimalla, ?Georgoupolis
(Kriti/Crete)
phimalla on the northern coast and Lampian Phoenix on
Lampian Phoenix, ?Sellia:
the southern coast. It is widest at its midpoint. From t here, Phoinikias (Kriti/Crete)
the shorelines converge to form an even narrower isthmus
Lyctian Minoa, Pakheia Ammos
(at around sixty stades) than the aforementioned, stretch- (Kriti/Crete)
ing from Lyctian Minoa to Hierapytna and the Libyan sea, Hierapytna, Ierapetra (Kriti/
with the city being in a bay; then they form a sharp promon- Crete)
tory, Samonium, pointing toward Egypt and the Rhodian Samonium, Cape Sideros
islands. |
475 C, 13-19 The island is mountainous and bushy, but it has some 10.4.4
fertile valleys. As for the mountain ranges, the one to the

west is called “Leuca” (no less high than Taygetus), stretch-
ing lengthways for some three hundred stades and forming a
ridge that terminates roughly at the isthmus. In the m iddle
part—the most expansive part of the island—is the Idaean
mountain, the highest of those in the region and circular, with
a perimeter of six hundred stades; around it are the best cities.
There are other ranges similar to Leuca, some terminating in
the south and o thers in the east. |
475 C, 20-26 The voyage from Cyrenaea to Criu Metopum takes two Cyrenaea, e. present-day Libya 10.4.5
days and nights. From Cimarus . . . * the number of stades is Criu Metopum, Cape Krios
seven hundred, with Cythera in between. From Samonium Cimarus, Cape Vouxa
to Egypt is a voyage of four days and nights (some say three). Samonium, Cape Sideros
[ 1 ] I.e., on a more easterly meridian than Sunium.
551
3.3. Greece
Some have said that the voyage is five thousand stades; o thers
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) that it is still less. Eratosthenes says that from Cyrenaea to Criu
Metopum is two thousand [stades] and from there to the Peloponnese
less . . . *. |
475 C, 27-35 Different languages exist side by side (says the poet); there are 10.4.6
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) Achaeans here, / and stouthearted Eteocretans, and Cydonians, /
and threefold Dorians, and noble Pelasgians. Of these, according
Staphylus (?3rd c. BCE) to Staphylus, the Dorians occupy the eastern part, the Cydonians
occupy the western part, the Eteocretans (who have the small town
of Praesus, with the temple to “Dictaean” Zeus) occupy the south-
ern part, and the remaining peoples, being stronger, are settled in the
plains.
475 C, 35–476 C, 5 It is reasonable to assume that the Eteocretans and the Cy-
donians are indigenous and that the o thers are immigrants.
Andron (4th c. BCE) The latter, according to Andron, came from Thessaly, from
what was once called “Doris” and is now called “Hestiaeotis.”
From here, as he says, those “Dorians” set out who settled in the Par-
nassus region and founded there the cities of Erineus, Boium, and Cy- Erineus, Kastellia/Evangelistria
(Gr.)
tinium, which is how they come to be called “trichaean” (threefold) by
Boium, Gravia (Gr.)
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) the poet. People do not accept Andron’s story at all, given that
Cytinium, Palaiokhori/Ag.
he represents the tetrapolis (four-city state) of Doris as a tripo- Georgios (Gr.)
lis (three-city state), and the Dorian metropolis as a Thessalian
colony! They understand trichaean as derived from trilophia
(three-crested [helmet]) or from the fact that the crests were trichi-
noi (made of hair). |

476 C, 6-12 While t here are several cities in Crete, the most impor 10.4.7
tant and splendid are three in number—Cnossus, Gortyna, Cnossus, Knossus/Makryteikhos

(Kriti/Crete)
and Cydonia. Cnossus is the subject of exceptional acclaim
Gortyna, Gortyna/Ag. Deka
by Homer (who calls her “great” and “the royal residence of (Kriti/Crete)
Minos”) and by those who came later. Indeed, she continued Cydonia, Khania (Kriti/Crete)
to receive the highest praise for a long time. Then she was
laid low, losing many of her customary rights, and attention
moved on to Gortyna and Lyttus. Subsequently, however, she Lyttus, Xidas (Kriti/Crete)
regained her ancient status of metropolis.

476 C, 12-20 Situated in a plain, the city has an ancient perimeter of city = Cnossus, Knossus/
Makryteikhos (Kriti/Crete)
thirty stades, between Lyttian and Gortynian territory . . . *
two hundred stades but, from Lyttus (called Lyctus by the Lyttus, Xidas (Kriti/Crete)
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) poet), one hundred and twenty. Cnossus lies twenty-five
[stades] from the northern sea; Gortyna lies ninety [stades] from
the Libyan sea; Lyttus lies eighty [stades], also from the Libyan
552
sea. Cnossus has Heraclium as her seaport. | Minos is said to Heraclium, Irakleion (Kriti/ 10.4.8
Crete)
have used Amnisus as his seaport, where t here’s a t emple to
Eileithyia. Cnossus was once called “Caeratus” after the river Caeratus (river), Sylamianos/
Katsampas r.
running nearby.
476 C, 20-32 History tells us that Minos was a zealous lawmaker and the
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) first person to establish dominion over the sea; that, dividing
the island into three parts, he founded a city in each. Cnos-
sus in the . . . * opposite the Peloponnese (which lies to the
north). According to Ephorus, Minos was a follower of a certain
man from long ago, Rhadamanthys, who was the most just of men
(with the same name as his brother) and who seems to have been the his brother = Minos’s brother,
Rhadamanthys
first to civilize the island, by establishing l egal systems, amalgamating
cities, and setting up governments; he claimed that the promulgations
that he made public were received from Zeus. In emulation of this
man, Minos apparently ascended to the cave of Zeus e very nine years,1
lingered there, and came away with a list of certain commandments,
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) which he said were the proclamations of Zeus. This is why the poet
says, “here it was that Minos / was king, conversing every nine years
with g reat Zeus.”
476 C, 33–477 C, 2 The foregoing is what he says, but the ancients give dif he = Ephorus
ferent accounts of him, which are contrary to what has been him = Minos
said (namely, that he was tyrannical, violent, and greedy for

tribute), composing the tragedies The Minotaur and The Lab-
yrinth and The Adventures of Theseus and Daedalus. |
477 C, 2-6 It is difficult to say which of the two views is correct. There 10.4.9
is another topic concerning which t here is no consensus: some

say that Minos was a visitor to the island, o thers that he was
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) indigenous. The poet seems rather to support the latter, when
he says, who first begat Minos, protector of Crete.
477 C, 7-15 There is consensus regarding Crete that, in antiquity, the
island was well served by its legal system and was emulated
by the best of the Greeks, primarily the Lacedaemonians, as
Plato (late 5th–4th c. BCE) demonstrated by Plato in his Laws and by Ephorus, who re-
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) corded its constitution in his Europe.2 It subsequently changed
much for the worse: a fter the Tyrrhenians, who thoroughly
depredated our sea, it was the turn of these people to take our sea = Med. Sea
over the mantle of piracy. Then the Cilicians ruined them.

The Romans put an end to the whole lot, conquering Crete
and the Cilician pirates’ strongholds. Nowadays, Cnossus
even has a colony of Romans. |
[ 1 ] The Greeks included in the span “every 9 years” both of the years in which
Minos made the ascent. We would say that Minos made the ascent “every
8 years.”
[ 2 ] The “title” Europe refers to a section of Ephorus’s work, just as the section of
Strabo’s work presented as chap. 3 in this translation might be considered
Strabo’s Europe: 639 C, 15-27n.
553
3.3. Greece
477 C, 16-28 The foregoing was my account of Cnossus, a city not alien 10.4.10
to me, although the connections that used to exist between

myself and the city have vanished as a result of h uman for-
tunes and their vicissitudes. Dorylaus was a tactician, one of
the friends of Mithridates Euergetes. B ecause of his military
experience, he was appointed as a recruiter of foreign troops,
frequently in Greece and Thrace but frequently, too, among
the Cretans: the Romans did not yet possess the island, and
there was a host of mercenary soldiers on it (who also filled
the ranks of the pirate bands). While Dorylaus was residing
there, it happened that war broke out between the Cnossians
and the Gortynians. He was appointed general, set m atters
straight with great speed, and was rewarded with the highest
honors. When he learned, only a little later, that Euergetes
had been the victim of a conspiracy, treacherously murdered
by his friends in Sinope, and that the succession had passed to
his wife and children, he despaired of the situation t here and
stayed put in Cnossus.
477 C, 28–478 C, 11 With a woman from Macedonia called Sterope, Dorylaus
had two sons—Lagetas and Stratarchas (of these two, I my-
self finally managed to see Stratarchas when he was extremely
old)1—and one daughter. Of Euergetes’s two sons, Mithri-
dates (surnamed “Eupator”) inherited the kingdom when he
was just eleven years old. His foster brother was Dorylaus,
son of Philetaerus (Philetaerus being the b rother of Dorylaus
the tactician). When the king reached manhood, he so . . . *
his foster brotherhood with Dorylaus that he not only ap-
pointed the latter to the highest honors but also took care
of his relatives and sent for t hose in Cnossus, namely t hose
associated with Lagetas 2 (the f ather now being dead): they 3
had grown to manhood and, leaving everything in Cnossus,
they came. (The d aughter of Lagetas was the m other of my
mother.) As long as that fellow prospered, so did they.4 When that fellow = Dorylaus
he was destroyed—he was caught in the act of betraying the

kingdom to the Romans in exchange for the promise that he
would hold power himself—their affairs suffered likewise,
and they were brought low. Business dealings with the Cnos-
sians, who themselves suffered multiple changes of fortune,
were diminished.
[ 1 ] Strabo probably crossed paths with Stratarchas (his great-great-uncle) in the

late 40s or early 30s BCE. The meeting may have taken place in Crete (assuming
Stratarchas never left his birthplace), or in Pontus or elsewhere (assuming that
Stratarchas left Crete with his brother, Lagetas): see notes below.
[ 2 ] The expression “those associated with Lagetas” is idiomatic and means primar-
ily Lagetas. Lagetas was Strabo’s great-grandfather.
[ 3 ] I.e., “those associated with Lagetas”: the plural is grammatically required.
[ 4 ] Lagetas probably took with him from Crete his daughter (who would become
Strabo’s grandmother). It is unclear whether he took his brother, Stratarchas,
or his unnamed sister with him.
554
478 C, 11 But that is it for my account of Cnossus.1 |

478 C, 12-20 After Cnossus, it seems that the Gortynians’ city ranked Gortynians’ city = Gortyna, 10.4.11
Gortyna/Ag. Deka (Kriti/Crete)
second in power. These two cities, when they were acting in
concert with each other, held everyone e lse in subjection;
but when they quarreled, they caused a rift in the whole is-
land. (Cydonia was the greatest asset to whichever side she
joined.) The Gortynians’ city lies in a plain, too. She was
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) perhaps walled in antiquity (and walled Gortyna, as Homer
says), but she l ater removed the walls with their foundations
and remained permanently thereafter unwalled. (Ptolemy
Philopator started to build a wall, but proceeded for only
about eight stades.) The settlement once filled out a sizable
circumference of some fifty stades.
478 C, 21-23 The city is ninety [stades] distant from the trading center of city = Gortyna, Gortyna/Ag.
Deka (Kriti/Crete)
Leben on the Libyan sea. She has another seaport, Matalum,
Leben, Lentas (Kriti/Crete)
from which she is one hundred and thirty [stades] distant. The
Matalum, Matala (Kriti/Crete)
city is dissected by the Lethaeus river. |
478 C, 24-28 From Leben came Leucocomas and his lover, Euxyn- 10.4.12
Theophrastus (4th–3rd c. BCE) thetus, whose story is told by Theophrastus in his work On
Love. He says that one of the many tasks enjoined on Euxynthetus
by Leucocomas was this: to retrieve for him the dog in Praesus. The
Praesians share a border with them, seventy [stades] from the
sea and one hundred and eighty [stades] from Gortyn.
478 C, 28–479 C, 2 It has been noted that Praesus belonged to the Eteo- Praesus, Praisos/Vaveloi (Kriti/
Crete)
cretans, and that she is the site of the temple to “Dictaean”
t emple to “Dictaean” Zeus,
Aratus (3rd c. BCE) Zeus:2 for Dicta is nearby. (She is not, as Aratus has it, near the Palaikastro: Roussolakkos (Kriti/
Crete)
Idaean mountain). Dicta is one thousand [stades] distant from
Dicta, Modi mt./Dikte mt.
Ida, lying to the east of Ida, and one hundred [stades] from Sa- Ida, Idi/Pseiloritis mt.
monium. Between Samonium and Cherronesus, Praesus is Samonium, Cape Sideros
situated sixty stades inland from the sea. She was leveled by Cherronesus, Limin Khersonisos
the Hierapytnians. (Kriti/Crete)
479 C, 2-8 People say that Callimachus is not correct when he states
Callimachus (3rd c. BCE) that Britomartis, in her flight from Minos’s violence, leapt from
Dicta into the fishermen’s “dictya” (nets); this is why she is called “Dic-
tynna” by the Cydoniates and why the mountain is called “Dicta.”
Cydonia is not in the vicinity of these places at all, but lies Cydonia, Khania (Kriti/Crete)
at the western end of the island. The Cydonian mountain is

“Tityrus,” and the t emple t here is not the “Dictaeum” but the
“Dictynnaeum.” |
[ 1 ] 476 C, 6–478 C, 11.

[ 2 ] 475 C, 27-35.
555
3.3. Greece
479 C, 9-16 Cydonia is situated on the sea oriented t oward Laconia. 10.4.13
She is an equal distance from both Cnossus and Gortyn, at

some eight hundred stades, and she is eighty [stades] from Ap- Aptera, Megala Khorafia (Kriti/
Crete)
tera and forty [stades] from the sea t here. Cisamus is Aptera’s
Cisamus, ?Kalami (Kriti/Crete)
seaport. Sharing the Cydoniates’ western boundary are the
Polyrrhenians (among whom is the temple to Dictynna). Polyrrhenia, Epano Palaiokastro
(Kriti/Crete)
They are approximately thirty stades from the sea and sixty
from Phalasarna. They once lived in villages. Then the Achae- Phalasarna, S Cape Koutri (Kriti/
Crete)
ans and Laconians united them and walled in an easily de-
fended place that looked to the south. |
479 C, 17-22 With regard to the cities amalgamated by Minos, the 10.4.14
Gortynians leveled the one that remains1—that is, Phaestus, Phaestus, Phaistos/Ag. Ioannis
(Kriti/Crete)
which is sixty [stades] from Gortyn, twenty from the sea, and
forty from the seaport of Matalum. The territory is held by
those who leveled it. The Gortynians also hold Rhytium to- Rhytium, Rotasi (Kriti/Crete)
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) gether with Phaestus (Phaestus and Rhytium). People say that
Epimenides, who created the epic poem Catharmi (Purifications),
is from Phaestus. Lissen, too, is part of Phaestia.
479 C, 23-26 What is called “Cherronesus,” with her temple to Brit- Cherronesus, Limin Khersonisos
(Kriti/Crete)
omartis, is a seaport belonging to Lyttus, which I mentioned
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) earlier.2 The cities catalogued alongside her—Miletus and
Lycastus—no longer exist. The Lyttians occupied the one
territory, the Cnossians the other after they had leveled the
city. |
479 C, 27-31 The poet at one time refers to Crete as of the hundred cit- 10.4.15
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) ies, at another time as of the ninety cities. Ephorus says that ten
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) cities were founded later, after the Trojan period, by the Dorians Trojan period, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
who were the followers of Althaemenes the Argive, noting that it is
Odysseus who calls it “Crete of the ninety cities.” This explanation
is plausible.
479 C, 31–480 C, 2 Others say that the ten cities w ere leveled by the enemies
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) of Idomeneus. However, the poet does not describe Crete as
of the hundred cities in Trojan times but rather in his own times:
for he speaks in the first person. If the words w ere spoken
by someone living contemporaneously—as is the case in the
Odyssey, when he says, of the ninety cities—it would be fine to
take it this way.
480 C, 2-14 Furthermore, even w ere we to allow the premise, the rest The speaker of these lines is
Nestor
of the explanation would not stand. Neither during Idome-
neus’s expedition nor after his homecoming is it likely that
[ 1 ] I.e., “remains” to be described, as per Strabo’s reference to “several cities” at

476 C, 6-12.
[ 2 ] 476 C, 6-20.
556
t hese cities w ere destroyed by his enemies. The poet says,

Idomeneus brought back to Crete all his men / who escaped the war;
the sea claimed none of them. . . . * would have mentioned this
misfortune. It is surely not the case that Odysseus, who did
not meet up with any Greeks either during his wanderings
or later, knew of the cities’ obliteration whereas the man man who accompanied
Idomeneus = Nestor
who accompanied Idomeneus on the campaign and shared
in his safe return knew nothing of what had happened in
his homeland during the expedition. And it surely did not his = Idomeneus’s
happen a fter his homecoming. If he was saved along with

all his men, he was strong enough at his return that his en-
emies would not have been strong enough to deprive him
of ten cities.
480 C, 15 The foregoing was a journey through Cretan territory.1 |
480 C, 15-23 As for the Cretan constitution, as recorded by Ephorus, it 10.4.16
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) should be enough to run through its most salient characteris-
lawgiver = Minos tics. He says2 that the lawgiver3 seems to have assumed that freedom
is the highest good for cities, because freedom alone makes goods the
personal belongings of those who acquire them (whereas what is ac-
quired in slavery belongs to the rulers, not to the ruled), and that t hose
who have freedom need to safeguard it; that this is achieved through
harmony, after the removal of discord, which comes about through
avarice and extravagance—if everyone lives modestly and simply,
there arises neither envy nor pride nor hatred t oward others who are
of a similar kind.
480 C, 23–481 C, 3 For this reason, he gave o rders that young boys should join what he = Minos
are called “agelae” (companies) and adult males should attend com-
munal dining halls called “andria” ([halls] for men), so that the poor
might partake of the same as the rich, being fed at public expense.
So that courage rather than cowardice dominates, their upbringing
should involve weapons and hardship from boyhood, to make them
scornful of heat and cold, of rough and uphill ascents, and of blows
received during athletic contests and pitched battles. They should
practice archery and the war dance, as demonstrated first by the
“curetes” and later by . . . * who arranged the “Pyrrhic” war dance
that was named a fter him, so that not even their boyish games might
be without utility in respect of war. In the same way, they should
make use, in their songs of the extremely intense Cretan rhythms in
vented by Thaletas, to whom they also ascribe their victory chants
and other native songs, as well as many of their customs. They should
[ 1 ] 474 C, 21–480 C, 14.

[ 2 ] Strabo cites or paraphrases Ephorus (along with Ephorus’s own citation of
Minos) from this point until the end of the description of Crete (480 C, 15–
484 C, 14). Such heavy borrowing is not unusual in Strabo, who perhaps consid-
ers himself to be increasing the likelihood of transmission to posterity of the
content of works whose f uture was otherwise uncertain. Ephorus’s work has not
survived to the present day, perhaps vindicating Strabo’s modus operandi.
[ 3 ] Minos as the “lawgiver”: 476 C, 20-32.
557
3.3. Greece
wear military garb and footwear, and the gifts most valued by them
should be weapons. |
481 C, 4-12 It is said by some that much of what is considered “Cretan” should 10.4.17
Strabo continues his citation/ be thought of as “Laconian”; and that, in truth, while these things Laconian = Spartan
paraphrase of Ephorus (4th c.
BCE) were invented by them, the details w ere worked out by the Spar- them = Cretans
tiates. The Cretans paid little heed to military matters, and their
cities were devastated, especially that of the Cnossians. Some of their
laws persisted among the Lyttians, Gortynians, and other small cities
for longer than they did among themselves. Indeed, Lyttian laws are
used as evidence by t hose who claim that Laconian laws are older, on
the grounds that colonists preserve the customs of the metropolis (since
it would, in general, be facile to claim that the better o rganized and
constituted were emulating the worse).
481 C, 12-20 This argument is not valid. The situation in antiquity should
not be assessed on the basis of things as they stand now: both parties
Strabo continues his citation/ have undergone reversals. For example, the Cretans once ruled the
BCE) sea—giving rise to the proverbial saying in respect of those who affect
not to know what they know, “the Cretan does not know the sea”—
but now their fleet is n onexistent. Although some of the cities in Crete
are colonies of Spartiates, they have not been forced to stick with the
customs of the latter: many colonies do not preserve the customs of
their fatherland, and many cities in Crete that are not colonies have
the same customs as the colonies. |
481 C, 20-24 The lawgiver of the Spartiates, Lycurgus, came five generations 10.4.18
Strabo continues his citation/ later than Althaemenes, who established the colony in Crete. History
BCE) tells us that the latter was the son of Cissus, who founded Argos at
around the same time as Procles established Sparta. Sources agree
that Lycurgus came six generations after Procles.
481 C, 24–482 C, 3 Replicas cannot precede their originals, nor can what is more
Strabo continues his citation/ recently established precede what is longer established. The dance
BCE) popular among Lacedaemonians, the rhythms, the victory songs
chanted to a melody, as well as many other customs—all are called
“Cretan” by them, as if derived from that place. As far as public
offices are concerned, some have the same responsibilities and the
same names, for example, the offices of the “gerontes” (elders) and the
“hippeis” (horsemen), except that the “hippeis” in Crete actually have
horses, which is used as evidence that the office of the “hippeis” in Crete
is the longer-established one, since they preserve the meaning of the
word, while the former do not keep h orses. former = Spartans
558
482 C, 3-10 As for the ephors, although they have undergone a name change,
Strabo continues his citation/ they have the same responsibilities as the “cosmi” (regulators) in Crete.
BCE)
The communal dining halls are even now called “andria” ([halls] for men)
by the Cretans but are no longer given that name by the Spartans, even
Alcman (7th c. BCE) though they once w ere (as in the passage from Alcman: at feasts and
festivals, / t hose who dine in the “andria” / should lead the victory
chants). |
482 C, 11-19 It is said by the Cretans that Lycurgus visited them, too, and for 10.4.19
Strabo continues his citation/ the following reason. Polydectes was Lycurgus’s older b rother. He
BCE) died, leaving his wife pregnant. For a while, Lycurgus ruled in his
brother’s place but, a fter the birth of the child, became the child’s
guardian, since power passed to the child. Someone slandered
him, claiming certain knowledge that he would become king. He him/he = Lycurgus
suspected on the basis of this statement that a conspiracy against

the child would be falsely alleged against him. Fearing that, if the
child by chance died, he would receive the blame on the part of his
enemies, he left Crete. The foregoing is said to be the cause of his
departure.
482 C, 19-27 On arrival, he got to know Thaletas, a man who was a composer
Strabo continues his citation/ of songs and a maker of laws. From Thaletas, he learned how first
BCE) Rhadamanthys and then Minos promulgated laws to the population
as if they were derived from Zeus. After also visiting Egypt, where he
similarly learned the local customs, and a fter meeting (according to
some) Homer, who was spending time on Chios, he sailed back to his
homeland. He found his brother’s son, Charilaus (son of Polydec-
tes), ruling as king. He then set out to establish a thorough system
of laws, visiting the god at Delphi and bringing the commandments
back from there, just as those associated with Minos1 brought them
back from Zeus’s cave, most of the commandments being similar to
the latter. |
482 C, 28–483 C, 5 He describes the following individual Cretan customs as He = Ephorus 10.4.20
Strabo continues his citation/ the most salient. All those who share the date of graduation from
BCE) their boyhood “agela” (company) are obliged to marry at the same time.
However, they do not immediately take home the girls that have been
married to them, but do so only once the girls are ready to manage the
household. The dowry, if there are b rothers, is one-half of a brother’s
share. Boys learn literacy, traditional songs, and certain types of
music. The younger boys are taken into the communal dining halls.
Sitting on the floor, they spend time with each other, in their thread-
[ 1 ] “Those associated with Minos” is idiomatic, meaning simply Minos.
559
3.3. Greece
bare cloaks (dressed in the same way in both winter and summer);
and they act as servers, both to themselves and the men. Fights are
held, either between those belonging to the same hall or against other those = younger boys
halls. Each hall has a supervisor of boys.

483 C, 5-13 The older boys are taken to the “agelae” (companies). The most
Strabo continues his citation/ outstanding of them, and the strongest, organize the “agelae,” each
BCE) of them mustering as many boys as he is able. The governor of each
“agela”—the person who has the authority to organize hunts and
races, and to punish anyone who disobeys him—is generally the
father of the boy who musters it. They are maintained at public
expense. On specified days, one “agela” meets another in battle, to
the rhythmic accompaniment of flute and lyre (as is their custom in
times of war); and they inflict blows with fists and weapons, albeit
not metal ones. |
483 C, 14-24 They have a peculiar custom concerning sexual desire. 10.4.21
Strabo continues his citation/ They win the boys that are the objects of their desire not by persua-
BCE) sion but by abduction. The admirer tells the friends, three days or
more beforehand, that he intends to make the abduction. It is consid-
ered exceedingly shameful for these friends to hide the boy or prevent
him from going along the specified route, as it would be an acknowl
edgment that the boy is unworthy of such an admirer. When they
meet, if the abductor is one of those who equals or exceeds the boy
in rank and other respects, they give chase and lay hold of him—
half-heartedly but in compliance with custom—but thereafter they
happily allow the abduction. (If the abductor is unworthy, they take
the boy away from him.) The pursuit ends when the boy is taken to
the “andrium” ([hall] for men) to which the abductor belongs. A boy is
considered desirable not if he is exceptionally beautiful but rather if
he is exceptionally manly and self-disciplined.
483 C, 24–484 C, 2 The admirer, having provided the boy with a warm welcome and
Strabo continues his citation/ with gifts, takes him off to whatever place he wishes in the country-
BCE) side. Those who were present at the abduction accompany them. After
reveling and hunting for two months (it is not permissible to keep the
boy for longer), they return to the city. On his release, the boy is pre-
sented with warrior garb, an ox, and a drinking cup—these are the
traditional gifts—and many other things that are so costly that the
friends have to make contributions because of their massive expense.
The boy sacrifices the ox to Zeus and holds a feast for t hose who have
come back with him. Then he declares whether or not he is satisfied
with the relationship he had with his admirer. This is prescribed by
560
custom, so that if any force was used against him during the abduc-
tion, he can avenge himself and distance himself from the relationship.
484 C, 2-9 It is considered shameful in the extreme for good-looking boys from
Strabo continues his citation/ illustrious families to have no admirers, as if this outcome w ere a re-
BCE) sult of their character. The “parastathentes” (surrenderers)—for this is
what the abducted are called—receive honors: in dance performances
and at the races, they get the best places; they are allowed to wear
better clothes—as given to them by their admirers—than the o thers
are, and it is not only at that time but even when grown men that they
wear splendid clothing, as a result of which, each is recognized as being
“famous” (for the one who is loved is called “famous,” while the one
who does the loving is called “dear heart”).
484 C, 9-10 The foregoing concerns their customs regarding sexual
desire.1 |
484 C, 11-14 Ten “archontes” (rulers) are chosen . . . * On important matters, 10.4.22
Strabo ends his citation/ they use as advisers those men called the “gerontes” (elders). Appointed
BCE) to this body are those who are deemed worthy of the office of “cosmos”
(regulator) and who are judged worthy in other respects, too.
484 C, 15-18 I thought that the Cretan constitution was worth record-
ing on account of its peculiarity and its repute. Not many of
these customs persist. Most t hings are arranged according to
Roman dictate, as is the case in other provinces. |
484 C, 19-28 Associated with Crete are the islands of Thera—the Cyre- Thera, Santorini (Gk. island) 10.5.1
ISLANDS IN AEGEAN SEA naeans’ mother city and a Lacedaemonian colony—and the
Callimachus (3rd c. BCE) nearby Anaphe, with its temple to “Aegletan” Apollo. Cal- Anaphe, Anaphe (Gk. island)
limachus says at one point, Aeglete and Anaphe, next to Laco-

nian Thera, and at another point refers to Thera as mother of
my horse-rich fatherland. Thera is a long island, two hundred
stades in circumference. It corresponds to the island of Dia,2 Dia, Dia (Gk. island)
which is near Cnossian Heraclium, but it is seven hundred Cnossian Heraclium, Irakleion
(Kriti/Crete)
this island = Thera stades distant from Crete. (Near this island are Anaphe, Th-
Therasia, Therasia (Gk. island)
erasia, and a small island that was thrust upward by an erup-
tion and is held sacred, as I said.)3
484 C, 29-32 At a distance of one hundred stades from this is the l ittle this = Thera
ISLANDS IN CRETAN SEA island of Ios, where some say the poet Homer is buried. If Ios, Ios (Gk. island)
Sicinos, Sikinos (Gk. island)
you go west from Ios, you come to Sicinos, Lagussa, and
Lagussa, Kardiotissa
Aratus (3rd c. BCE) Pholegandros, called iron-hard by Aratus b ecause of its
Pholegandros, Pholegandros
rockiness. (Gk. island)
484 C, 32-37 Near these is Cimolos, the source of “Cimolian earth.” Cimolos, Kimolos (Gk. island)
From t here, it is possible to see Siphnos, which has given rise Siphnos, Siphnos (Gk. island)
[ 1 ] 483 C, 14–484 C, 9.
[ 2 ] The sense is that Thera is on the same meridian as Dia: 496 C, 26–497 C, 4n.
[ 3 ] 57 C, 30-36. The words “and a small island . . . as I said” are missing from the
medieval manuscripts of Strabo’s work. Scholars learned of them only in the
19th century, when a dismantled pre-medieval (5th c. CE) codex was discovered
in which the words are present. One wonders how many other clauses are miss-
ing from our version of Strabo’s narrative.
561
3.3. Greece
to the expression “Siphnian astragalos” because of its worth-

lessness. Still nearer to Cimolos and to Crete, and more sig-
nificant than these, is Melos (lying seven hundred stades from Melos, Melos (Gk. island)
the Hermionic promontory of Scyllaeum, and somewhat the Scyllaeum, Cape Spathi
(Peloponnese)
same distance from the Dictynnaeum).1 The Athenians once
Dictynnaeum, in Menies bay
sent an army there and killed the majority of its men, adoles- (Kriti/Crete)
cents and older.
485 C, 1-3 These islands 2 are in the Cretan sea. Delos itself, the Cy-
clades around it, and the nearby Sporades (including those is-
lands already mentioned in association with Crete)3 lie rather
more in the Aegaean. |
485 C, 3-20 Delos has a city lying in a plain and a temple to Apollo and Delos, Delos (Gk. island) 10.5.2
ISLANDS IN AEGEAN SEA the Letoium (temple to Leto). Looming over the city is a moun-
tain, Cynthus, which is treeless and rocky. Running across the
island is the Inopus river, not very large—for the island itself
is small. It has been revered since ancient times, starting with
the heroic period, because of its gods. This is the mythical
setting for Leto’s birthing of Apollo and Artemis. The island
Pindar (5th c. BCE) was in former times carried along, says Pindar, on the waves, and
buffeted by winds from all directions. / But when Coeus’s d aughter, /
racked with the pains of labor, landed / there, four pillars rose straight
up / from their subterranean bases / and held as if on their capitals /
the rock, with adamantine footings; / and there she gave birth and /
gazed at her blessed offspring.
485 C, 21-23 The surrounding islands, called the “Cyclades” (Encircling is-
CYCLADES lands), made this island famous, sending in her honor, at public this island = Delos
expense, envoys and sacrifices and troupes of dancing girls,

and celebrating important festivals there. |
485 C, 23-30 At first, there were said to be twelve islands, but more 10.5.3
were added. Artemidorus enumerates them when he says of

Helena that the island stretches lengthways from Thoricus
to Sunium, some sixty stades long. From this point onward,
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early he says, are what are called the “Cyclades.” He gives the names
1st c. BCE) categorizes 15 islands
as “Cyclades” of Ceos (the island nearest to Helena); after that, Cythnos,
Seriphos, Melos, Siphnos, Cimolos, Presepinthos, Oliaros;
in addition, Paros, Naxos, Syros, Myconos, Tenos, Andros,
and Gyaros.
485 C, 30–486 C, 3 While I reckon some of these among the twelve, this is not Prepesinthos, Despotiko (Gk.
case for Prepesinthos, Oliaros, and Gyaros.4 Of these, putting island)
[ 1 ] A temple in Crete: 479 C, 2-8.

[ 2 ] I.e., Ios, Sicinos, Lagussa, and Pholegandros (484 C, 29-32), together with
Cimolos, Siphnos, and Melos (484 C, 32-37). The latter three are categorized
as among the Cyclades: 485 C, 23-30.
[ 3 ] Strabo clarifies his earlier statement (484 C, 19-28, where the location of Thera,
Anaphe, and Therasia in the Aegaean sea was not specified).
[ 4 ] The list of islands (485 C, 23-30), adjusted for Strabo’s exclusion of Prepesinthos,
Oliaros, and Gyaros, acts as a partial index for Strabo’s ensuing account of the
Cyclades. Ceos: 486 C, 19–487 C, 4. Paros, Naxos, Andros: 487 C, 5-9. Syros: 487 C,
10-14. Myconos: 487 C, 15-19. 487 C, 5-19. Seriphos: 487 C, 20-27. Tenos: 487 C,
28-31. Melos, Siphnos, and Cimolos (in the Cretan sea) are described earlier:
484 C, 32-37. Cythnos is not mentioned again by Strabo.
562
in at Gyaros, I saw a small village populated by fishermen.1 Oliaros, Antiparos (Gk. island)
When we set sail, we took on board one of the fishermen, Gyaros, Gyaros/Yiura (Gk.
island)
who had been chosen as an ambassador to Caesar. Caesar was
at Corinth, en route to the celebration of his Actian triumph. Caesar (= Augustus), having
My fellow voyager told questioners that his mission con- defeated Marc Antony at
Actium in Greece in 31 BCE,
cerned a reduction in tax. They paid one hundred and fifty headed via Corinth to Rome,
where he celebrated his
drachmas in tax, whereas they could scarcely afford to pay one triumph, 29 BCE
Aratus (3rd c. BCE) hundred drachmas. Aratus demonstrates their poverty in his
Catalepton (Trifles): O Leto, since I am like iron-hard Phologendros /
or wretched Gyaros, will you soon pass me by? |
486 C, 4-14 Delos, already so famous,2 flourished even more a fter 10.5.4
Corinth was razed by the Romans. Merchants transferred

their business thither, enticed by the immunity from taxation
enjoyed by the t emple and by the fortunate situation of the
harbor, which is well placed for those voyaging from Italy and
Greece to Asia. The festival is a commercial affair, frequented
by Romans above all other people, even when Corinth still
existed. When the Athenians took over the island, they took
quite good care of both sacred m atters and the merchants.
Mithridates’s generals, together with the tyrant who incited
the island to revolt, when they arrived, thoroughly ruined
everything. The Romans got the island back in a desolate
condition when the king had returned to his home. Its im-
poverished circumstances have continued to this day, when
it is in Athenian hands. |
486 C, 15-18 Rhenaea is a deserted little island at a distance of four Rhenaea, Rheneia (Gk. island) 10.5.5
stades from Delos, used by the Delians for their graves. It is

not permitted to bury or burn the dead on Delos itself. (On
Delos, it is not permitted even to keep a dog!) The island was
previously named “Ortygia.” |
486 C, 19-24 Ceos was once a tetrapolis (four-city state), but only two cities Ceos, Kea (Gk. island) 10.5.6
(Iulis and Carthaea) are left. The other two were amalgam- Iulis, Khora (Ceos)
ated with these, Poiëessa with Carthaea, and Coresia with Carthaea, Poles (Ceos)
Simonides, Bacchylides, Iulis. Simonides (the lyricist), his nephew Bacchylides, and Poiëessa, Poiesses/Pisses (Ceos)
6th–5th c. BCE
later Erasistratus (the physician) and Ariston (of the Peri- Coresia, Livadi (Ceos)
Erasistratus, Ariston, Bion,
3rd c. BCE patetic school of philosophy, a follower of Bion the Borys-
thenite) all came from Iulis.
486 C, 24-31 It seems that t here was once a law among t hese p eople,
Menander (late 4th–early 3rd c. mentioned by Menander: O Phanias, admirable is the Ceian cus-
BCE)
[ 1 ] Strabo’s experience is dated (late 30 BCE–early 29 BCE) by his reference to a

fisherman boarding at Gyaros, intending to see Augustus in Corinth.
[ 2 ] Delos’s fame: 485 C, 3-23.
563
3.3. Greece
tom: / may he who is unable to live well not live badly. Apparently,
the law enjoined that those over sixty years of age should dose
themselves with hemlock, so as to make sure that t here was
enough food for everyone e lse.1 It is said that once, when the
place was u nder siege by the Athenians, it was voted that an
age limit be set and that the oldest of them should die—but
then the Athenians ceased the siege.
486 C, 31–487 C, 4 The city is situated on a mountain, some twenty-five stades city = Iulis, Khora (Ceos)
back from the sea. Her seaport is the place where Coresia was Coresia, Livadi (Ceos)
established (lacking the population even of a village). Near

to both Coresia and Poiëessa is the t emple to “Sminthian”
Apollo. Between the t emple and the ruins of Poiëessa is the Poiëessa, Poiesses/Pisses (Ceos)
temple to “Nedusian” Athena, its founder being Nestor, at

the time of his return from Troy. There is also a river, Elixus,
in the vicinity of Coresia. |
487 C, 5-9 After this island are Naxos and Andros, significant islands, Naxos, Naxos (Gk. island) 10.5.7
Archilochus (7th c. BCE) and Paros, whence came Archilochus the poet. Thasos was Andros, Andros (Gk. island)
founded by the Parians, as also the city of Parium in the Pro- Paros, Paros (Gk. island)
pontis. In this city, it is said, the altar with its stade-long sides
is worth seeing, and in Paros what is called “Parian stone,”
excellent for making marble sculptures. |
487 C, 10-14 Then Syros—the first syllable is long—whence came Syros, Syros (Gk. island) 10.5.8
Pherecydes (son of Babys). The Athenian Pherecydes is more

poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) recent than he. It seems likely that the poet mentions this Pherecydes, son of Babys,
6th c. BCE
island, although he calls it Syria (as in, an island called Syria,
/ above Ortygia). |
487 C, 15-19 Myconos is the island beneath which, according to myth, Myconos, Mykonos (Gk. island) 10.5.9
lie the last of the giants slain by Heracles—whence the prov-

erb all beneath one Myconos, applied in the case of those who
bring u nder one rubric t hings that are disparate by nature.
Also, some p eople call bald men “Myconians” b ecause this
condition is prevalent on the island. |
487 C, 20-27 Seriphos is the setting for the myth about Dictys, who Seriphos, Seriphos (Gk. island) 10.5.10
caught in his dictya (fishing nets) the chest holding Perseus and
his m other, Danaë, which had been cast into the sea by Acri-
sius, the father of Danaë. It is said that Perseus grew up h ere
and, when he got the Gorgon’s head and showed it to the
Seriphians, turned them all to stone; that he did so to avenge
his m other, b ecause king Polydectes intended to make her
marry him against her wishes with the help of the Seriphians.
[ 1 ] Strabo’s advanced age at the time of writing—he was probably turning 80 years
old—gives this statement extra resonance.
564
The island is so rocky that p eople joke it attained this condi-

tion b ecause of the Gorgon! |
487 C, 28-31 Tenos has a city that is not very large, but its temple to Tenos, Tenos (Gk. island) 10.5.11
Posidon, in a grove outside the city, is large and a sight worth

seeing. Large banqueting halls have been built within it, a
sign that quite a crowd of neighboring communities comes
together and joins the inhabitants in celebrating the sacrificial
festival in honor of Posidon. |
487 C, 32–488 C, 1 Also included among the Sporades1 are Amorgos (home Amorgos, Amorgos (Gk. island) 10.5.12
of Simonides, the composer of iambic verse), Lebinthos, and Simonides, 7th c. BCE
Probably the verse is by Leros . . . * this, too, Phocylides said: “the Lerians are evil, not just Lebinthos, Lebintha (Gk. island)
Demodocus (?6th c. BCE) rather
than Phocylides (?6th c. BCE) one but not one who is not, / all of them, except Procles—Procles, Leros, Leros (Gk. island)
too, is a Lerian.” Men from here are denigrated as having an
evil disposition. |
488 C, 2-8 Nearby are Patmos and the Corassian islands, lying west Patmos, Patmos (Gk. island) 10.5.13
ISLANDS IN ICARIAN SEA of Icaria, which is itself west of Samos. Icaria is deserted but Corassians, Phournoi (Gk.
islands)
has pastures that are utilized by the Samians. Despite its
Icaria, Ikaria (Gk. island)
condition, it is famous, and the sea lying off it is called “Icar-
ian” after the island. In this sea lie the island itself, Samos,
Cos, and the islands just mentioned—the Corassians, Pat-
mos, and Leros. The mountain on the island, Cerceteus, is
also famous, more famous than Ampelus, which rises over
the Samian city.
488 C, 8-10 Merging with the Icarian sea to the south is the Carpathian
sea (with which the Egyptian sea merges), and to the west, the
Cretan and Libyan seas. |
488 C, 11-15 Many of the Sporades lie in the Carpathian sea—those in 10.5.14
ISLANDS IN CARPATHIAN SEA particular between Cos, Rhodes, and Crete, which include
Astypalaea, Astypalaia (Gk.
Astypalaea, Telos, Chalcia, and those named in the Cata island)
logue 2 by Homer—those who held Nisyros, Crapathos, Casos, / Telos, Telos (Gk. island)
Cos (Eurypylus’s city), and the Calydnae islands.3 Chalcia, Khalki (Gk. island)
488 C, 16-23 Except for Cos and Rhodes, which I shall describe later,4
I categorize the rest of the islands as belonging to the Spo-
rades. I mention them h ere (although they are next to Asia
rather than Europe) b ecause the order of my narrative some-
how persuades me to include the Sporades with Crete and
the Cyclades. In my geographical description of Asia, I will
additionally cover the most significant islands right next to
Asia: Cyprus, Rhodes, Cos, and those lying off the succeed-
ing coastline (Samos, Chios, Lesbos, Tenedos).5 For now,
[ 1 ] I.e., the islands categorized as among the Sporades but considered by Strabo
to lie in the Cretan sea: 484 C, 19-28; 485 C, 1-3n.
[ 2 ] The “title” Catalogue refers to a part of Homer’s Iliad: 4 C, 14-20n; cf. 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 3 ] This citation of Homer acts as a partial index for Strabo’s ensuing description of
the Sporades, which in turn doubles as a commentary on Homer’s lines: Nisyros,
Crapathos (as “Carpathos”), Casos, Calydnae: 488 C, 30–489 C, 27.
[ 4 ] As part of the 4th section of n. Asia: Cos (657 C, 15–658 C, 4); Rhodes (652 C,
10–655 C, 28).
[ 5 ] Strabo looks ahead to his description of the Aegean and Med. coast of the
4th section of n. Asia (592 C, 1–685 C, 5), which includes Cyprus (681 C, 25–685 C,
5), Samos (636 C, 33–639 C, 2), Chios (645 C, 10-31), Lesbos (616 C, 23–618 C, 27),
and Tenedos (603 C, 30–604 C, 12). Rhodes and Cos: see previous note.
565
3.3. Greece
I will go through those of the Sporades that remain worth

mentioning. |
488 C, 24-29 Astypalaea lies quite far out to sea and has a city. Telos Astypalaea, Astypalaia 10.5.15
(Gk. island)
extends lengthways along the Cnidian shore. It is long, high,
Telos, Telos (Gk. island)
and narrow, with a perimeter of some one hundred and forty
stades; and it has an anchorage. Chalcia is eighty stades from Chalcia, Khalki (Gk. island)
Telos, four hundred from Carpathos, around twice that from Carpathos, Karpathos
(Gk. island)
Astypalaea. It has a settlement of the same name, a temple to
Apollo, and a harbor. |
488 C, 30–489 C, 5 Nisyros1 is north of Telos and some sixty stades distant Nisyros, Nisyros (Gk. island) 10.5.16
from it, which is about the same distance as Nisyros is from

Cos. It is round, high, and has lots of millstone rock: at least,
it is a plentiful source of millstones for the neighboring com-
munities. It has a city of the same name, a harbor, hot springs,
and a temple to Posidon. The circumference of the island is
eighty stades. There are little islands near it called “[the islets of]
the Nisyrians.” People say that Nisyros is a piece broken off
from Cos. According to myth, Posidon, when he was pursuing
Polybotes (one of the Giants), broke off a piece of Cos with
his trident and hurled it at him; and the piece that was hurled
became the island of Nisyros, with the Giant lying beneath it.
Others say that he lies beneath Cos. |
489 C, 6-11 Carpathos, called by the poet Crapathos,2 is a lofty island, Carpathos, Karpathos (Gk. 10.5.17
island)
with a circumference of two hundred stades. It was once a
tetrapolis (four-city state) with a famous name, which is why the
sea was named after it. One of the cities was called “Nisyros,”
like the island belonging to the Nisyrians. It corresponds to
Leuca Acta3 in Libya,4 which is around one thousand stades
from Alexandria and around four thousand stades from
Carpathos. |
489 C, 12-15 Casos 5 is seventy stades from this island, and two hundred Casos, Kasos (Gk. island) 10.5.18
and fifty from Samonium, the end point of Crete. It has a cir- Samonium, Cape Sideros
cumference of eighty stades. On it, there’s a city of the same

name. The various islands around it are called the “[the islands
of] the Casians.” |
489 C, 16-20 People say that the poet, by the Calydnae, means the Spo- 10.5.19
rades, one of which is Calymna.6 It is reasonable to suppose Calymna, Kalymna (Gk. island)
that, just as the islands that are nearby and subject to the Ni-
syrians and Casians are called after them, such was the case,
too, with the islands around Calymna (perhaps at that time
[ 1 ] The name Nisyros is used by Homer in the lines cited by Strabo at 488 C, 11-15.
[ 2 ] The name Crapathos is used by Homer in the lines cited by Strabo at 488 C,
11-15.
[ 3 ] The sense is that Carpathos lies due north of Leuca Acta: 496 C, 26–497 C, 4n.
[ 4 ] Strabo generally uses the name “Libya” to refer to the part of the African con-
tinent east of Egypt; sometimes, as h ere, he uses it to mean the part east of
the Nile. Leuca Acta (Ras el-Abiad, Egy.): 799 C, 6-12.
[ 5 ] The name Casos is used by Homer in the lines cited by Strabo at 488 C, 11-15.
[ 6 ] Strabo explains the ambiguity of the name Calydnae in the lines of Homer cited
at 488 C, 11-15.
566
called “Calydna”). Some say t here are only two Calydnae—

Leros and Calymna—and it is to these that the poet refers. Leros, Leros (Gk. island)
489 C, 20-24 The Scepsian says that the island’s name, “Calymnae,” is
Scepsian = Demetrius (2nd c. pluralized like “Athenae” (Athens) and “Thebae” (Thebes); and that
BCE)
we should understand the poet as using hyperbaton, meaning not
the “Calydnae islands” but, rather, referring to those who held “the
islands—Nisyros, Crapathos, Casos, Cos (Eurypylus’s city), and
Calydnae.”
489 C, 25-27 All honey from the islands is very good, equal in quality
to Attic honey, but the honey in t hese islands—particularly
Calymnian honey—is exceptionally delicious. |
567
Kazakhstan
Russia
Ca
1st Section
sp
Black Sea
ian
Bulgaria
Uzb Kyrgyzstan
S
Georgia eki
sta
n
ea
Armenia Azerbaijan
Turkmenistan China
Greece 4th Turkey 3rd Section Tajikistan
Section
Cyprus
2nd Section
Syria
Crete Afghanistan
Lebanon Iraq
Mediterranean Sea Iran
Israel
Jordan
Pakistan
Nepal
Bhutan
Egypt Persian Gulf
India Bangladesh
Saudi Arabia Arabian
Sea
M A P 5. Strabo’s “Northern Asia”

CH APT E R FOU R Northern Asia
PART 1
Strabo imagines the continent of Asia as being divided into two parts by a chain of moun-
tains running from west to east, from what we now call southern Turkey to Bangladesh.
In reality, although the relevant area is indeed mountainous, the mountains do not form
a line as straight nor as uniform as Strabo believes; nor is the mountain system oriented
due east. Nonetheless, it is a cardinal part of Strabo’s belief system that t hese mountains,
which he knows as the “Taurus mountain range,” form a band that cuts latitudinally
across Asia. This band is i magined to be a continuation of the line drawn from the strait
of Gibraltar through the Mediterranean sea and along the southern coastline of Turkey.
Just as the line through the Mediterranean is considered to separate the continent of
Europe from Libya (= Africa), so the Taurus mountain range separates northern Asia
from southern Asia.
Strabo has no knowledge of the true eastern extent of Asia. Much of what we now
know as Russia is beyond his ken, as are Mongolia, most of China, the Korean peninsula,
Japan, and all parts east of India. In the absence of certain knowledge about these areas,
Strabo’s supposition is that India lies at the eastern edge of the lived-in world, and that
the eastern coastline of the lived-in world roughly mirrors the Atlantic coast in the west.
The eastern end of the Taurus mountains is considered to be the easternmost point of
the lived-in world and is supposed coincidentally to lie on the same parallel as the Sacred
Promontory in Iberia, as noted in the introduction to chapter 3.1. This coincidence makes
the lived-in world a neatly symmetrical figure.
Having established to his own satisfaction that the Taurus mountain range cuts lati-
tudinally across Asia, creating a northern part and a southern part, Strabo begins his
account of Asia with the northern part. He justifies his decision by pointing out that the
northern part of Asia borders on Europe; and since he has already described Europe,
northern Asia is the logical next step. Just as we have seen Strabo do in the case of Europe,
he divides northern Asia into sections, which he then proceeds to work through in se-
quence, as shown on the accompanying map.
The first section of northern Asia (southern Russia, Georgia, northern Azerbaijan) lies
between the Pontus (Black Sea) and the Caspian sea. It is envisaged as projecting t oward
the northern sea, which is in turn envisaged as part of the sea encircling the lived-in world
as a whole. This cannot be accurately replicated on the accompanying map, as the sea
569
4.1. Northern Asia
surrounding the Eurasian landmass lies much farther north than Strabo realizes. The
second section (southwestern and southern Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, northern Iran, Uzbeki-
stan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, northern Afghanistan, northern India) lies east of the Caspian sea
and extends to what Strabo considers to be the easternmost point of the lived-in world.
Strabo famously says that this section looks like a “cook’s knife.” The sort of shape that
Strabo may have had in mind is shown on the map. However, this representation is mis-
leading. Strabo considers that the southern edge of the “knife” runs due east–west; and
several areas included within the “blade” as depicted on the map—such as Pakistan—are
actually described later by Strabo as part of southern Asia. The third section (northern
Iraq, northern Iran, southern Azerbaijan, southern Georgia, Armenia, eastern and central Tur-
key) is more or less south of the first section. The fourth section is the Asian peninsula
(Turkey and associated islands).

Within the descriptions of the individual sections of northern Asia, there is a sense of
direction to Strabo’s narrative. Just as we have seen in earlier chapters, his gaze appears to
sweep over a map or globe in a fluid linear motion, with occasional leaps from one place
to another. Sometimes this virtual itinerary is relatively s imple. In describing the second
section of northern Asia, Strabo moves eastward from the Caspian sea, listing the nations
on the “right-hand side”; he then starts back at the Caspian and repeats the process,
this time listing nations on the “left-hand side.” Sometimes, the itinerary is much more
complex and difficult to follow. This is particularly so in the fourth section. Strabo first
proceeds along the northern coast of the Asian peninsula (Black Sea coast of Turkey). For
his description of the interior, he starts in the east and adopts a sort of stitching motion,
moving from north to south, then taking a step westward and repeating the process.
Then, Strabo m etaphorically journeys down the western coast of the Asian peninsula
(Aegean coast of Turkey), starting from the north and moving southward—except for cer-
tain stretches where he reverses direction and moves northward, a technique that can only
be described as disorientating. With a final flourish, he describes the southern coast of
the Asian peninsula (Mediterranean coast of Turkey) as if sailing along it from west to east,
ending with the island of Cyprus.
Scale
The question of scale, which we have seen in relation to Strabo’s description of Italy and
Greece, also arises in connection with the fourth section of northern Asia. Strabo devotes
nearly three times as many words to the fourth section as he does to the other sections
of northern Asia combined. His description of it occupies far more narrative space than
Italy does and almost as much as Greece. This is not coincidental. By treating the fourth
section at such length, Strabo emphasizes the cultural heft of Asia Minor. He may also
be influenced by his own f amily ties, since Asia Minor is where his relatives had lived
570
for generations. Despite the fact that Strabo had traveled quite extensively within the
fourth section of Asia, his personal journeys do not shape his narrative. As we have seen
in previous chapters, Strabo’s journey is an intellectual one, through the literature of the
past. This approach f rees him to go beyond his own experience. The result is a curious
but compelling blend of the observed and the learned, the real and the imagined, the past
and the present, which makes Strabo’s description of this part of the world at once both
deeply challenging and deeply rewarding.
Remember

Italics are used when Strabo is writing in the voice of earlier scholars.
Passages in italics should not be understood as verbatim quotations, as
they are frequently adapted to Strabo’s grammatical structure and filtered
through Strabo’s own ideas. Italics are also used where Strabo riffs on indi-
vidual phrases or words used by an earlier scholar or poet.
reader.
571
CH APT E R FOU R Northern Asia
PART 1
Distinction between Northern Asia and Southern Asia
490 C, 1-3 Asia comes next a fter E urope and is contiguous with it at 11.1.1
Strabo segues from Europe to the Tanaïs, so it is Asia that I must describe next, dividing it Tanaïs, Don r.
his description of Asia
into parts by means of certain natural boundaries, in order to
make t hings clearer.
490 C, 3-9 What Eratosthenes did for the lived-in world as a w hole, Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE)
TAURUS then, I must do for Asia. | The Taurus as it stretches from 11.1.2
mt. system from sw. Turkey to
ne. India west to east forms a sort of belt across the m
iddle of the con-
tinent, leaving one part to the north and one part to the south.
The Greeks call the first part “inside the Taurus,” the second inside Taurus = northern Asia
“outside the Taurus.” I mentioned t hese things earlier,1 but I outside Taurus = southern Asia
restate them now as a reminder. |

490 C, 9-13 The mountain range has a width of as much as three thou- 11.1.3
sand stades in many places, while its length is the length of

Asia, some forty-five thousand [stades] from the Rhodian Per- Rhodian Peraea, sw. Turkey
aea to the extreme end of India and Scythia in the east. | It has extreme end . . . Scythia, ne. 11.1.4
India
been divided into many parts and into many names, assigned
to areas that are both large and small.
490 C, 13–491 C, 5 Since the mountain range, with so great a width, cuts
off certain nations within it (some insignificant, others ex-
tremely well known, e.g., Parthia, Media, Armenia, some
Cappadocians, and Cilicians and Pisidians), nations spilling
over into the northern part must be classified as “northern,”
and nations spilling over into the southern part must be clas-
sified as “southern”; nations contained within the mountain
range should really be treated as “northern” on the basis that
they have similar climatic conditions (the conditions are cold,
while conditions in the south are warm).
491 C, 5-12 Nearly all the rivers running from the Taurus flow in one
of two directions, toward either the north or the south (at
least initially, even if some subsequently curve to east or
west), making it c onvenient to use the mountain range as the
[ 1 ] 67 C, 7–68 C, 5; 129 C, 10-15.
573
4.1. Northern Asia
ividing line that splits Asia into two parts—in just the same
d
way as the sea inside the Pillars (which largely lies in more or sea inside the Pillars = Med. Sea
less a straight line with the mountain range) has been utilized
to make two continents out of E urope and Libya, being a sig- Libya = Africa (chap. 5)
nificant boundary for both. |

491 C, 12-23 As one crosses from E urope to Asia in describing the 11.1.5
Overview of northern Asia, world, the northern of the two parts comes first, so this is
1st section (s. Russia, Georgia, n.
Azerbaijan) where one should begin. The first section within this part
is the one associated with the Tanaïs (which I have a dopted Tanaïs, Don r.
as the boundary between Europe and Asia).1 This section is

somewhat peninsulating.2 It is bounded to the west by the
Tanaïs river, by the Maeotis as far as the Bosporus, and by the Maeotis, Sea of Azov
Euxine coastline as far as Colchis; to the north, by the ocean as Bosporus = Straits of Kerch'
latter sea = Caspian far as the inlet to the Caspian sea; 3 to the east, by this latter sea Euxine, Black Sea
up to the borderlands of Albania and Armenia, where the
latter = Araxes river Cyrus and the river Araxes join the sea (the latter after Araxes, Aras r.
running through Armenia, the Cyrus a fter r unning through

Iberia and Albania).
491 C, 23-32 The south side is the stretch running from the outlet of the Cyrus, Kura/Mtkvari r.
Cyrus as far as Colchis, which m easures some three thousand Colchis, w. Georgia
stades from sea to sea (via the Albanian and Iberian p eoples) sea to sea, Caspian to Black Sea
Strabo dismisses and thus acts as the isthmus. Those who minimize this
underestimates by earlier
writers of distance between isthmus—like Clitarchus, describing it as flooded on both sides
Caspian and Black Sea, citing by the sea—should not be treated seriously. Posidonius says the
in particular Clitarchus (late
4th–3rd c. BCE) and Posidonius isthmus is one thousand five hundred [stades], the same as the isthmus
(late 2nd–1st c. BCE)
from Pelusium to the Erythra. Nor do I think, says Posidonius, that Pelusium, on Med. coast of
Egypt
the distance from the Maeotis to the ocean is very diff erent.4 | I really 11.1.6
Erythra, Red Sea
do not know how anyone can trust Posidonius’s description
of the unexplored when he has nothing plausible to say about
it and tells such fibs concerning the well known!
491 C, 32–492 C, 9 He furthermore made these claims despite being a friend He = Posidonius
of Pompey, who campaigned against the Iberians and Al-

banians as far as the seas on either side (the Caspian and
Colchian). It is said, at any rate, that when Pompey visited Colchian, Black Sea
Rhodes, in the process of prosecuting his war on piracy, when Rhodes = Posidonius’s place of
residence
he was about to launch his attack against Mithridates and the
Pompey campaigned against
nations extending to the Caspian, he attended a lecture by piracy, 67 BCE; defeated
Posidonius and, as he took his leave, asked Posidonius if he Mithridates of Pontus (n. Tky.),
66 BCE; campaigned against
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) had any words of advice; and Posidonius said, always be the Iberians and Albanians (Geo.,
quotes Homer’s Iliad (8th c. BCE) Aze.), 66–64 BCE
best you can, be better than all o thers. Add to these points that
[ 1 ] 1st section: 492 C, 20–506 C, 32. [ 4 ] Posidonius’s work has not survived to the present day. From what Strabo says,
[ 2 ] Strabo is vague because he does not believe that the Tanaïs (Don r.) flows Posidonius calculates the distance between the Caspian Sea and Black Sea to be
from the supposed outer ocean—as would be required for the section to be the same as the distance between the Med. Sea and the Red Sea, and supposes
a true peninsula—but rather that the river has its source in the interior: 492 C, that each of these is the same as the distance from the Sea of Azov northward
29–493 C, 16; cf. 65 C, 13–66 C, 22. to the supposed outer ocean. For the width of the isthmus between the Med.
[ 3 ] Strabo imagines an outer ocean lying not far north of the Black Sea and the and Red Seas (Isthmus of Suez, Egy.): 803 C, 3-12. Cf. Posidonius’s interest in the
Caspian sea as an inlet from it. Celtic isthmus from the Med. Sea to the Atlantic: 188 C, 22-27.
574
First Section
he wrote up his research on it,1 and as a result one might have it = isthmus between Caspian
and Black Seas
expected greater adherence to the truth. |
492 C, 10-16 The second section would be the one beyond the Hyr- beyond Hyrcanian sea = east of 11.1.7
Caspian Sea
Preview of 2nd, 3rd, 4th sections canian (we say “Caspian”) sea, as far as the Scythians near
of northern Asia
India.2 The third section comprises the part next to the
isthmus just described, as well as the areas, successively con-
tiguous with this part and with the Caspian Gates, belong- Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
ing to what is inside the Taurus and nearest to Europe—that
inside Taurus = in n. Asia
is, Media, A rmenia, Cappadocia, and what lies between.3
The fourth section consists of the country inside the Halys, inside Halys = west of Kızıl Irmak
plus areas within the Taurus itself, plus areas that are out-
side the Taurus but nevertheless fall within the penin- Pontic sea, Black Sea
sula formed by the isthmus that separates the Pontic and
Cilician seas.4 Cilician sea, Med. Sea
492 C, 16-19 I include within the other part, the part outside the outside Taurus = in southern
Asia (chap. 4.2)
Preview of southern Asia Taurus: India and Ariana, as far as the nations that reach to
(chap. 4.2)
the Persian sea, to the Arabian gulf, to the Nile, and to the
Egyptian sea and the Issian sea.5 |
First Section (s. Russia, Georgia, n. Azerbaijan)
492 C, 20-28 Of the sections thus defined, the first section is inhabited 11.2.1
1st section of northern Asia in its northern and oceanic regions by some of the Scyth-
ians, who are nomadic and wagon dwelling; farther inland farther inland = from supposed
location of northern ocean
than these, by Sarmatians (who are Scythian), Aorsians, and
Siracians, stretching as far south as the Caucasian moun-
tains, some of them nomadic, others tent-dwelling farmers; lake = Maeotis, Sea of Azov
around the lake, by Maeotians. As for the parts on the sea, sea, Black Sea
there’s the Asian side of the Bosporus, and Sindica; after Sin- Bosporus = Straits of Kerch'
dica, there are Achaeans, Zygans, and Heniochans, as well
as Cercetians and Macropogones; inland from these are the
passes of the Phthirophagi (Lice-eaters); after the Heniochans,
Moschian mountains, ne.
lying at the foot of the Caucasian and Moschian mountains, Turkey, s. Georgia
is Colchis.6
492 C, 29–493 C, 8 Since the Tanaïs river is used as the boundary between Tanaïs, Don r.
Europe and Asia, I w ill start my detailed description from

there. | The Tanaïs flows from the north. Its course is not (as 11.2.2
many believe) a mirror image of the Nile, but it is farther east
[ 1 ] Some scholars translate as “him” rather than “it,” and assume that the person [3] 3rd section: 520 C, 22–540 C, 29.
in question is Pompey. It is more likely that Strabo refers h
ere to the isthmus [4] 4th section: 540 C, 30–685 C, 5
between the Caspian and the Black Sea, which has been the focus of discussion [5] . Southern Asia: 685 C, 6–824 C, 21.
(491 C, 23-32). In the following paragraph (492 C, 10-16), Strabo refers to “the [6] Scythians, Sarmatians (Russia): 507 C, 13-17. Aorsians, Siracians (Russia): 506 C,
isthmus just described.” Cf. 497 C, 11-18; 497 C, 34–498 C, 6; 499 C, 28-34. The 16-32; Maeotians, Asian Bosporus, Sindica (Russia): 493 C, 28–495 C, 27. Achae-
importance of this isthmus as a possible demarcation between E urope and Asia: ans, Zygans, Heniochans, Cercetians, Phthirophagi (Russia): 495 C, 28–497 C, 18.
65 C, 13-17. Colchis (w. Georgia): 497 C, 27–499 C, 13.
[ 2 ] 2nd section: 506 C, 33–520 C, 21.
575
4.1. Northern Asia
than the Nile,1 although similar to the Nile in that its sources
are unknown. However, the explored portion of the Nile is
sizable, as it passes through territory that is wholly accessible
and offers long upriver passages. As for the Tanaïs, we know
of its outlets (there are two, flowing into the extreme north
of the Maeotis, sixty stades apart), but the known part of it Maeotis, Sea of Azov
upstream from t hese outlets is l imited, b ecause of the cold

and because of the territory’s unyielding nature. The indig-
enous people can cope with this by living off meat and milk
in nomadic fashion, but other nationalities cannot tolerate it.
493 C, 8-16 These nomads are averse to visitors in various ways but in
particular have been able to block access by land into their ter-
ritory, and passage by river into the interior, b ecause of their
exceptional numbers and strength. For this reason, some as-
sumed that the Tanaïs has its sources in the Caucasian moun-
tains, that it runs northward for much of its length then re-
Theophanes (1st c. BCE) verses direction so as to flow into the Maeotis—Theophanes
of Mitylene shared their opinion. O thers assumed that it runs
from the upper reaches of the Ister. They provide no evidence Ister, Danube r.
at all for its starting so far away, in other climata, as if it were climata, bands of latitude
impossible for it to come from the nearby north! |
Maeotic Coast (Sea of Azov)

493 C, 17-24 Settled on the river—and the lake—is the city of the same 11.2.3
Asian coast of Maeotis name, Tanaïs, founded by the Greeks who held Bosporus. In Tanaïs (city), Nedvigovka (Russ.)
Russian coast of Sea of Azov
recent times, king Polemo sacked the city for failure to obey Bosporus = kingdom on e ither
Polemo, king of Pontus (n. Tky.), side of Straits of Kerch'
acquired Bosporus, 14 BCE him, but previously she was the mutual entrepôt for trade ex-
changes between the nomads (both Asian and European) and lake = Sea of Azov
those from Bosporus who plied the lake. The former supplied former = nomads
slaves, animal skins, and assorted nomadic wares; the latter ex- latter = traders from Bosporus
changed them for clothing, wine, and whatever other accoutre-
ments there are of civilized life. Lying offshore, one hundred
stades from the entrepôt, is the island of Alopecia (a multiracial Alopecia, ?Yelizavetovskoye
Gorodische (Russ.)
settlement); and t here are other small islands nearby in the lake.
493 C, 25-27 Tanaïs is two thousand two hundred stades from the Tanaïs (city), Nedvigovka (Russ.)
mouth of the Maeotis if you sail directly northward; if you mouth of Maeotis, Straits of
Kerch'
hug the coast, the distance is not much greater. |
493 C, 28–494 C, 4 As you follow the shore,2 first of all (if you start from Tanaïs), 11.2.4
after eight hundred stades, there’s what is called the “Great”

Rhombites, the best place for catching fish for preserving; then,
[ 1 ] I.e., on a more easterly meridian.

[ 2 ] I.e., the Asian shore of the Maeotis (Sea of Azov). For the European shore: 310 C,
20-29.
576
Maeotic Coast of First Section
a fter another eight hundred [stades], the “Lesser” Rhombites, a

headland that also has places for fishing. Those who work the
former base themselves on small islands; those who do their
work on the Lesser Rhombites are Maeotians. The shore is
wholly inhabited by Maeotians (farmers, but no less warlike
than the nomads): they are split into several nations, the more
savage of which are near the Tanaïs while the nations bordering
the Bosporus were more successfully mastered. Bosporus = Straits of Kerch'
494 C, 4-7 Starting from the Lesser Rhombites, it is six hundred

stades to Tyramba and the Anticites river, then one hundred Tyramba, Stanitsa Peresyp
(Russ.)
and twenty [stades] to the village of Cimmerica,1 which is the
Anticites, Kuban r.
starting point for t hose who ply the lake. Along this shore,
there are said to be some Clazomenian lookout posts. |
494 C, 8-14 “Cimmericum”2 was a city, formerly situated on the Cher- Cimmericum, Opuk (Crim.) 11.2.5
ronesus, which barred the isthmus by means of a trench and

Cimmerians r ose to power, earthworks. The Cimmerians had once possessed great power
8th c. BCE; overran parts of
Asian peninsula, 7th c. BCE on the Bosporus, which is why it was called the “Cimmerian” Cimmerian Bosporus, Straits
of Kerch'
Bosporus. It was they who overran the interior on the Right-
Panticapaeum, Kerch' (Crim.),
Hand Side of the Pontus, as far as Ionia.3 The Scythians ousted founded late 7th–6th c. BCE
them from the region, and the Greeks ousted the Scythians, Bosporus = kingdom on e ither
founding Panticapaeum and other cities in Bosporus. | side of Straits of Kerch'
494 C, 15-18 Then it is twenty [stades] to the village of Achillium, with its 11.2.6
temple to Achilles. H ere, the strait at the mouth of the Maeo- strait, Straits of Kerch'
tis is at its narrowest (some twenty stades or a little more),

Myrmecium, Karantinnaya with the village of Myrmecium on the other side . . . * also
(Crim.)
near Heraclium is Parthenium.4 | Parthenium, Sinyagino (Crim.)
494 C, 18-28 From there, it is ninety stades to the Satyrus memorial: there = Achillium 11.2.7
situated on a headland, this is the burial mound of one of the Satyrus, 5th–4th c. BCE
Bosporus = kingdom on either most famous dynasts of Bosporus. | Nearby is the village of 11.2.8
Patrasys, and from t here it is one hundred and thirty [stades] Patrasys, Garkushi (Russ.)
to the village of Corocondama, which marks the end of what Corocondama, Tuzla (Russ.)
is called the “Cimmerian” Bosporus.5 Such is the name of the

narrow channel at the mouth of the Maeotis, from the narrow
part between Achillium and Myrmecium, stretching down to Myrmecium, Karantinnaya
(Crim.)
Corocondama and the l ittle village named Acra6 lying across
from it in Panticapaean country, where the distance across
the intervening channel is seventy stades. The ice reaches this
far when the Maeotis freezes during cold spells, allowing the Maeotis, Sea of Azov
crossing to be made on foot. The whole of this narrow channel

is well supplied with harbors. |
[ 1 ] The site of the village of Cimmerica (as opposed to the city of Cimmericum; see sailing into the Black Sea from the Med. Sea; it is used h ere even though “as far
next note) is not certain, but it is presumably in the nw. of the Taman’ peninsula as Ionia” implies the reverse viewpoint, of a navigator sailing from the Black Sea.
(Russia). [ 4 ] Strabo mirrors comments made e arlier (310 C, 20-24, describing the “European”
[ 2 ] Strabo rectifies the omission of the city of Cimmericum (Opuk, Crim.) from his side of the strait).
description of the Cherronesus (Crimea) at 309 C, 21-26. Strabo distinguishes [ 5 ] The “Cimmerian” Bosporus (Straits of Kerch’, between Black Sea and Sea of
this city of Cimmericum on the Cherronesus from the village of Cimmerica on Azov) is to be distinguished from the “Thracian” Bosporus (Bogaziçi, between
the Asian side of the Cimmerian Bosporus: see previous note. Marmara Denizi and Black Sea): 125 C, 16-20; 566 C, 6-18.
[ 3 ] For the term “Right-Hand Side of the Pontus” (Black Sea coast of Tky., Geo., [ 6 ] Strabo rectifies the omission of Acra (Zavetnoya, Crim.) from his description of
Russ.): 126 C, 3-11n. The term is coined from the point of view of a navigator the European side of the strait (310 C, 11-24).
577
4.1. Northern Asia
494 C, 29–495 C, 5 Inland from Corocondama is a sizable lake, which is called 11.2.9
“Corocondamitis” a fter it, and which flows into the sea at Corocondamitis, Gulf of Taman'
(Russ.)
a distance of ten stades from the village. A branch of the
Anticites river flows into the lake and creates something of an Anticites/Hypanis, Kuban r.
island surrounded by the w aters of this lake, by the Maeotis,

and by the river. Some attach the name “Hypanis” to this river
(just as to the river near the Borysthenes). | As you sail into 11.2.10
Corocondamitis, you come to Phanagoria (a city of some im- Phanagoria, Sennaya (Russ.)
portance), Cepi, Hermonassa, and the Apaturum (a temple Cepi, Artyukhov/Sennaya

(Russ.)
to Aphrodite). Of these, Phanagoria and Cepi are located
on the aforementioned island, on the Left-Hand Side as you
sail in, while the remaining cities are located on the Right-
Hand Side,1 past the Hypanis, in Sindica.2 Also in Sindica are
Gorgippia—the Sindican maritime capital—and Aboraca. Gorgippia, Anapa (Russ.)
495 C, 6-15 All the people subject to the dynasts of Bosporus are called Bosporus = kingdom on e ither
“Bosporans.” The metropolis of the European Bosporans is Panticapaeum, Kerch' (Crim.)
Panticapaeum; the metropolis of the Asian Bosporans is Phanagoras [City]/Phanagoria,
“Phanagoras [City],” as the city is also called. The entrepôt for Sennaya (Russ.)
goods transported down from the Maeotis and from the bar- the city = Phanagoria
barian interior is apparently Phanagoria; for goods brought Maeotis, Sea of Azov
up from the sea, it is Panticapaeum. In Phanagoria is the fa- sea, Black Sea
mous t emple to Aphrodite “Apaturus” (Trickster). They explain

the origin of the epithet given to the goddess by conjuring up
a story that in this place the giants attacked the goddess; so
she called upon Heracles and hid him away in a secret place; Heracles, hero of Greek myth
she then used “trickery” to capture each of the g iants in turn,

and handed them over to Heracles for execution. |
495 C, 16-27 The Maeotians include the Sindians; also the Dandar- 11.2.11
ians, Toretans, Agrians, and Arrechans; furthermore, the

Tarpetians, Obidiacenans, Sittacenans, Doscians, and several
others. Also included among them are the Aspurgianans (liv-
ing between Phanagoria and Gorgippia, at a distance of . . . * Phanagoria, Sennaya (Russ.)
stades), whom king Polemo attacked under cover of a sham Gorgippia, Anapa (Russ.)
alliance. His tactics were used against him, and he was taken
alive and killed. In regard to all the Asian Maeotians, some
were subject to those in control of the entrepôt in Tanaïs, Tanaïs, Nedvigovka (Russ.)
while others were subject to the Bosporans. In this period,

there were various rebellions at various times. Many times,
the Bosporan rulers (especially, most recently, Pharnaces, Pharnaces ruled 63–ca. 47 BCE;
Asander, 47/46–17 BCE; Polemo,
Asander and Polemo) gained control as far as Tanaïs. Also, 14-8 BCE
[ 1 ] The terms “Left-Hand Side” and “Right-Hand Side” reflect the viewpoint of a
navigator sailing into lake Corocondamitis (Gulf of Taman’) from the Bosporus
(Straits of Kerch’): 126 C, 3-11n.
[ 2 ] “Past” is used from the viewpoint of a navigator sailing clockwise around lake
Corocondamitis.
578
Pontic Coast of First Section
it is said that Pharnaces once diverted the Hypanis toward Hypanis, Kuban r.
the Dandarian p eople by means of an ancient trench that he

cleared out—and flooded their territory. |
Pontic Coast (Black Sea)

495 C, 28–496 C, 3 fter Sindica and Gorgippia, following the coast, is the
A 11.2.12
ACHAEANS, ZYGANS, Achaean, Zygan, and Heniochan shoreline, for the most part
HENIOCHANS
e. seaboard of Black Sea harborless and rugged, being part of the Caucasus. These
people make their living from piracy at sea, using boats that sea, Black Sea
are lightweight, narrow, and buoyant, and that hold some

twenty-five men, although some have a thirty-man capacity,
all told. The Greeks call t hese boats camarae. It is said that
this “Achaea”1 was settled by Phthiotan Achaeans from Jason’s Jason, hero of mythical times,
voyaged in the Argo from
expedition; that “Heniochia” was settled by Laconians led by Greece to Colchis
the heniochi (charioteers)—namely Rhecas and Amphistratus—
of the Dioscuri; and that the “Heniochan” p eople are likely
to have been named after them.
496 C, 3-17 They have dominion over the sea, equipping fleets of ca-
marae and using them to attack sometimes cargo ships, some-
times a territory or even a city. (There are times when t hose
who hold Bosporus are their partners, arranging anchorages, Bosporus = kingdom on e ither
markets, and the distribution of their plunder.) When they
return to their home turf, unable to dock, they hoist the cama-
rae up onto their shoulders and take them up into the forests,
where they have their homes and work the meager soil; then
they take them back down to the sea whenever conditions
are right for sailing. They do the same t hing even away from
home: knowing of places in the woods in which they can hide
their camarae, they travel on foot by day and night, looking for
slaves. They easily get ransoms for t hose they catch by sailing
upriver and then making demands on t hose who have been
bereft. In places under dynastic control, some help is given to
the victims by the rulers, who often respond by attacking the
camarae and sinking them along with their crew. (Help is less
forthcoming in territory subject to the Romans, owing to the
weakness of their representatives.) | Such is their way of life. 11.2.13
496 C, 17-25 These p

eople are subject to the dynastic control of men
called “sceptuchs” (scepter-bearers), who are themselves subject
Mithridates fled to Bosporus
from Pontus after defeat by
to tyrants or kings. At any rate, the Heniochans had four
Romans, 66 BCE kings when Mithridates Eupator, in flight from his ancestral
[ 1 ] Strabo corrects information about Achaea given earlier (416 C, 2-10).
579
4.1. Northern Asia
kingdom toward Bosporus, was traversing their territory. Bosporus = kingdom on e ither
He found he could pass through theirs, but he despaired of
Zygan territory, with its harsh and inhospitable conditions,
and made his way with difficulty along the coast, taking to the
sea for much of the distance, until he reached the territory of
the Achaeans, with whose help he completed his journey from
Phasis (not far short of four thousand stades). |
496 C, 26–497 C, 4 Immediately after Corocondama, the voyage is east- Corocondama, Tuzla (Russ.) 11.2.14
ward. At a distance of one hundred and eighty stades are the

Sindican harbor and city; then, at a distance of four hundred Sindican harbor + city, Anapa
(Russ.)
[stades], what is called “Bata”—village and harbor. Apparently,
Bata, Novorossiysk (Russ.)
Sinope in the south corresponds precisely to this point on
the coast, just as it has been said that Carambis does with re- Carambis, Kerembe burnu (Tky.)
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early gard to Criu Metopum (Ram’s-forehead).1 Artemidorus says that, Criu Metopum, Cape Sarych
1st c. BCE) (Crim.)
starting from Bata, the Cercetian coastline with its anchorages and
villages lasts for some eight hundred and fifty stades; the Achaean
coastline for five hundred stades; then the Heniochan coastline for one
thousand stades; then Pityus, the great . . . * three hundred and sixty, Pityus, Bichvinta/Pitsunda (Geo.)
as far as Dioscurias. Writers of Mithridatica 2 have more cred- Dioscurias, Sukhumi (Geo.)
ibility: they put the Achaeans first, then the Zygans, then the
Heniochans, then the Cercetians, Moschians, and Colchians,
and inland from them, the Phthirophagi (Lice-eaters), Soanians,
and various micro-nations associated with the Caucasus.
497 C, 4-11 So then, the coastline starts off trending eastward, as I
said, and f aces south. At Bata, it begins to curve a l ittle, then Bata, Novorossiysk (Russ.)
becomes west-facing as far as Pityus and Dioscurias (these Dioscurias, Sukhumi (Geo.)
districts belong to Colchis but connect with the said stretch

of coastline). A fter Dioscurias, what remains 3 is the coast-
line of Colchis 4 and what comes next (Trapezus), making a Trapezus, Trabzon (Tky.)
significant bend, then more or less straightening out to form

the north-facing part of the Right-Hand Side of the Pontus.5
497 C, 11-18 This whole stretch of coastline (belonging to the Achae-
ans and to o thers as far as Dioscurias), with the places lying
inland directly to the south, falls at the foot of the Caucasus.
| The Caucasus is the mountain range that lies inland from 11.2.15
the Pontic and the Caspian seas and forms a wall along the
isthmus that separates them. It borders on Albania and Ibe- Albania, Iberia, n. Azerbaijan,
e. Georgia
ria to the south, and the Sarmatian plains in the north. It is
Sarmatian plains, s. Russia
densely forested and supplies a range of timber for various
uses, including shipbuilding.
[ 1 ] The sense is that Sinope (Sinop, n. Tky.) is supposed to lie due south of Bata [ 3 ] I.e., what “remains” of 1st section of n. Asia, as defined at 491 C, 12-23; 492 C,
(Novorossiysk, Russ.), just as Carambis (Kerembe burnu, n. Tky.) is supposed to 20-28. Cf. 498 C, 7-15.
lie due south of Criu Metopum (Cape Sarych, Crim.). Other examples of the [ 4 ] Strabo had a family connection with Colchis (w. Georgia) through his mother’s
expression: 34 C, 4-10n; 63 C, 14-18n; 199 C, 10-22n; 309 C, 12-21n; 511 C, 9-17n; uncle, Moaphernes, who had been the local representative of king Mithridates:
513 C, 30–514 C, 7n; cf. 545 C, 2-13n; 124 C, 32–125 C, 2. 498 C, 26–499 C, 9; 557 C, 21-29.
[ 2 ] Mithridatica are works (or sections of works) dealing with Mithridates, king of [ 5 ] For the term “Right-Hand Side of the Pontus” (Black Sea coast of Tky., Geo.,
Pontus + Bosporus (ruled 120–63 BCE). Strabo’s use of “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n. Russ.): 126 C, 3-11n. The “north-facing part” is the coast of Turkey.
580
497 C, 18-26 Eratosthenes says that the Caucasus is called the “Caspium” by
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) the locals, perhaps being named a fter a “Caspian” p eople. It has exten-
sions that project southward, containing Iberia within them-
selves, and that link up with the Armenian mountains and with Moschians, mts. in ne. Turkey,
s. Georgia
what are called the “Moschians,” also with the Scydises and the
Scydises, Paryadres, mt. ranges
Paryadres. (These are all parts of the Taurus, the range that of ne. Turkey
forms the southern side of Armenia, being in a way northern Taurus = mts. of se. Turkey
branches of it that reach as far as the Caucasus and the stretch Euxine, Black Sea
of Euxine coast r unning from Colchis to Themiscyra.) | Themiscyra, nr. Terme (Tky.)
497 C, 27-34 Dioscurias, lying in such a bay1 and occupying the eastern- Dioscurias, Sukhumi (Geo.) 11.2.16
COLCHIS most point of the entire sea, is said to be the innermost part of
w. Georgia
the Euxine and its farthest sailing destination. The proverbial Euxine, Black Sea
saying to faraway Phasis, where ships sail farthest, should not be

understood as if the composer of this iambic verse meant the
river, nor indeed the city of the same name situated on the Phasis (city), at mouth of Rioni
r. (Geo.)
river, but rather as if he meant, by a part of Colchis, the w hole
Phasis (river), Rioni r.
of it.2 From the river (and city) t here remains not less than
six hundred stades, sailing directly to the innermost point.
497 C, 34–498 C, 6 This same Dioscurias also marks the beginning of the isth- Dioscurias, Sukhumi (Geo.)
mus between the Caspian and the Pontus,3 and is an entrepôt Pontus, Black Sea
for the exchange of goods shared by the inland nations as well

as the nations close by. Some say that seventy nations come
together t here, while others (who don’t have a good grasp on
reality) say three hundred, all of them speaking various lan-
guages as a result of living their lives in scattered and isolated
groups, because of their self-sufficient and backward nature.
Most of them are Sarmatians; all are Caucasians. That was my
description of Dioscurias. |
498 C, 7-15 What remains is maritime Colchis for the most part.4 11.2.17
Through Colchis runs the Phasis, a huge river that starts in Phasis, Rioni r.
Armenia and takes in the waters of the Glaucus and Hippus as Glaucus, Tekhuri r.
they flow down from the nearby mountains. There is passage Hippus, ?Tskhenistsquali r.
upstream as far as Sarapana, a stronghold with the capacity Sarapana, Shorapani (Geo.)
to hold an entire citizen body. From Sarapana, people travel

overland to the Cyrus, a four-day wagon journey. On the Pha- Cyrus, Kura/Mtkvari r.
sis is a city with the same name, the Colchian entrepôt, which
has as her defense, on one side the river, on another side the
lake, and on another side the sea. It is a two-or three-day sail
from t here to Amisus and Sinope . . . * because of the soften- Amisus, Samsun (Tky.)
ing of the shoreline at river mouths.5 Sinope, Sinop (Tky.)
[ 1 ] 497 C, 4-11.
[ 2 ] The composer of the iambic verse was correct. Phasis (at mouth of Rioni r.) lies
on a more easterly meridian than Dioscurias (Sukhumi, Geo.).
[ 3 ] Strabo refines his e
arlier statement (491 C, 23-32, where Colchis in general is
said to mark the isthmus between the Caspian and Black Sea).
[ 4 ] I.e., what “remains” of 1st section of n. Asia: 497 C, 4-11n.
[ 5 ] A reference to the silting of the Black Sea coast: 52 C, 20-29.
581
4.1. Northern Asia
498 C, 15-25 The territory is excellent, in terms of its produce (ex- territory = Colchis (Geo.)
cept for the honey, which is generally b itter) and all t hings
related to shipbuilding. It produces (and provides trans-
port downstream on its rivers) a great deal of timber; and
it manufactures sailcloth, hemp rope, wax, and pitch. Their
cloth making has been much talked about, given that they
used to export the cloth to foreign parts. T hose who want to t emple to Leucothea, Atsquri
(Geo.)
show a kinship between the Colchian people and the Egyp-
Phrixus, a hero of mythical
tians base their belief on this. Situated in Moschia (above the times, is supposed to have
rivers just described)1 is the temple to Leucothea (founded traveled from Greece to Colchis
on a golden ram
by Phrixus) and also Phrixus’s oracle (at which no ram is sac-
oracle, center for divine
rificed), which once was wealthy but was plundered in our prophecy
times by Pharnaces and again a little later by Mithridates of Pharnaces ruled Bosporus,
Euripides (5th c. BCE) Pergamum. When a country is devastated, says Euripides, 63–ca. 47 BCE; Mithridates of
Pergamum attacked Bosporus,
religion suffers and cannot command respect. | ca. 47 BCE
498 C, 26–499 C, 9 The fame of this territory in antiquity is evident from territory = Colchis (Geo.) 11.2.18
myths that speak vaguely of the expedition of Jason (who Jason, Greek hero of mythical
times, retrieved fleece of
got as far as Media)2 and the expedition of Phrixus before golden ram from Colchis
him. Thereafter, kings took over, dividing the territory into
sceptuchies; and they achieved moderate success. Meanwhile,
however, the power of Mithridates Eupator had increased Mithridates, king of Pontus
(n. Tky.), acquired Colchis,
enormously, and the territory ended up with him. One or 104/3 BCE; Romans defeated
other of his friends (among them, Moaphernes, my mother’s Mithridates, 66 BCE
uncle on her father’s side) was always being dispatched as pre-

fect and procurator of the territory, which supplied the king
with most of the resources for his navy. When Mithridates
fell, so too did Mithridates’s kingdom. It was distributed
piecemeal, and in the end, Polemo got possession of Colchis. Polemo received Colchis, ?38
BCE; died, 8 BCE
Now that he has died, his wife Pythodoris rules as queen over
the Colchians, Trapezus, Pharnacia, and the natives of the Trapezus, Trabzon (Tky.)
interior (about whom I shall have more to say later).3 Pharnacia, Giresun (Tky.)
499 C, 10-13 Moschia (where the temple is)4 has three parts: the Col-
chian people hold one part, the Iberians hold one part, and
the Armenians hold one part. In Iberia is a town, Phrixus’s
City, the current “Ideëssa,” a well-fortified l ittle place on the Chares, Khobi r.
border with Colchis. The river Chares is in the Dioscurias Dioscurias, Sukhumi (Geo.)
region. |
499 C, 14-27 Among the nations who frequent Dioscurias are the Phthi- 11.2.19
SOANIANS rophagi (Lice-eaters), who get their name from their squalor and
Svaneti (Geo.)
filth. Nearby are the Soanians, no better than the former in
[ 1 ] 498 C, 7-15: Phasis (Rioni r.), Glaucus (Tekhuri r.) and Hippus (?Tskhenistsquali r.).
[ 2 ] For the variant of the Jason myth in which he continues onward from Colchis to
Media (n. Iran) and for its origin (late 4th c. BCE) as a retrospective precedent
for Alexander the Great: 530 C, 18–531 C, 26n.
[ 3 ] 548 C, 27–549 C, 10.
[ 4 ] I.e., the temple to Leucothea (498 C, 15-25).
582
terms of cleanliness but superior in terms of power—one

might say supreme in terms of defensive power—as from their
homes in the heights of the Caucasus, inland from Dioscurias,
they lord it over those on the periphery. They have a king and
a council of three hundred men; and they can assemble, so
it is said, an army of two hundred thousand men, since the
whole population, though undisciplined, is battle-ready. It
is said that, among these people, the mountain streams bring
down gold, which the natives collect by means of sieves and
sheepskins (the origin of the myth of the Golden Fleece) . . . *
unless they call them “Iberians” after the Iberians in the west Iberians in west, inhabitants of
Spain, Portugal
because gold is produced in both places. The Soanian p eople
use poison on their arrow tips in an amazing fashion . . . * and
it hurts t hose wounded by nonpoisonous arrows b ecause of
its smell.
499 C, 28-34 While other nearby Caucasian nations are poor, and their
IBERIA territories small, the Albanian and Iberian nations—who
e. Georgia, nw. Azerbaijan
pretty much complete the isthmus described above1—could
be termed “Caucasian,” yet possess territory that is produc-
tive and capable of supporting a very high standard of living
indeed. | In particular, Iberia is well developed for the most 11.3.1
part with cities and dwellings, with the consequence that the
roofs are tiled, the h
ouses are constructed by master builders,
and t here are marketplaces and other public spaces. |
499 C, 35–500 C, 11 As for the territory, the outer perimeter is contained territory = Iberia 11.3.2
within the Caucasian mountain range. There are extensions

of this to the south—which I mentioned above 2—providing
fertile land and embracing the whole of Iberia and reach-
ing Armenia and Colchis. In the center is a plain, crossed
by rivers, the largest of which is the Cyrus. The Cyrus starts Cyrus/Corus, Kura/Mtkvari r.
in Armenia and flows directly into the said plain; joined by

the Arago (flowing down from the Caucasus) and by other Arago, ?Aragvi r.
streams, it flows out through a narrow gorge t oward Alba-

nia. R
unning between Albania and Armenia for much of its
course, across plains exceedingly rich in pasture, it is joined by
several rivers (including the Alazonius, the Sandobanes, the Alazonius, Alazani r.
Rhoetaces, and the Chanes, all navigable), and it empties into

the Caspian sea. It was formerly called the “Corus.” |
500 C, 12-17 So then, the plain is inhabited by t hose of the Iberians who 11.3.3
are more inclined to farming and to peaceable activities, and
[ 1 ] The isthmus between the Caspian and the Black Sea is defined at 491 C, 23–
492 C, 9.
[ 2 ] 497 C, 18-26.
583
4.1. Northern Asia
who dress in the Armenian and Median style. The mountains

are in the possession of the majority, warriors who live in the
manner of the Scythians and Sarmatians, with whom they
share borders and kinship (although they do turn their hand
to farming). They muster many tens of thousands of men,
from amongst themselves and from among their neighbors,
when the alarm is raised. |
500 C, 18-27 There are four access points into the territory. The first territory = Iberia 11.3.4
Access into Iberia from west is via Sarapana, the Colchian fortress, and the accompany- Sarapana, Shorapani (Geo.)
ing pass through which the Phasis—crossed by one hundred Phasis = tributary of upper
Rioni r.
and twenty bridges b ecause of its winding course—flows
with wild turbulence down toward Colchis, the landscape
etched with ravines in full spate after heavy rains. It begins
high in the mountains, fed with the waters of many springs.
It is joined in the plains by other rivers, amongst them the
Glaucus and the Hippus. It expands and becomes navigable, Glaucus, Tekhuri r.
then flows into the Pontus, with a city of the same name on Hippus, ?Tskhenistsquali r.
its banks and a lake nearby. Such is the approach to Iberia Pontus, Black Sea
from C olchis, hemmed in by cliffs, natural fortifications, and Phasis (city), at mouth of Rioni r.,
now submerged
rivers in r avines. |
500 C, 27–501 C, 4 From the northern nomads there is a difficult three-day 11.3.5
Access from north ascent, and a fter that the narrow gorge of the Aragus river, Aragus, ?Aragvi r.
a four-day journey on a single-file road. The end of the road

Access from east is defended by an unassailable wall. On the Albanian side,
the approach road is initially cut through cliffs, then it goes
across a marsh formed by the river coming down from the river = ?Alazani r.
Access from south Caucasus. On the Armenian side, there are the narrow passes
along the Cyrus and the Aragus: before they join up with each
other, they have on their banks fortified cities up on cliffs,
some sixteen stades apart from each other—Harmozica on Harmozica, Bagineti (Geo.)
the Cyrus, Seusamora on the Aragus. Pompey initially, and Seusamora, Tsitsamuri (Geo.)
then Canidius, used these approaches when starting out from

Armenia.1 |
501 C, 5-12 Four hereditary classes live in the territory. First and fore- territory = Iberia 11.3.6
most is the class from which they appoint their kings, choos-
ing the most senior in terms of kinship and age (the next
most senior administers justice and commands the army).
Second is the class of the priests, who also look after claims
against neighboring peoples. Third is the class of soldiers and
farmers. Fourth is the class of the people, who are the king’s
[ 1 ] The Roman general Pompey campaigned in Caucasus region in 66–64 BCE;

Canidius campaigned in same region in late 30s BCE.
584
slaves and look a fter life’s necessities. They hold their posses-
sions in common within their family group, each of which is
ruled and controlled by the most senior. Such are the Iberian
people and their territory. |
501 C, 13-21 The Albanians are more likely to herd sheep and are closer 11.4.1
ALBANIA to the nomadic type, except they are not savage. The people
n. Azerbaijan
here are warriors to a degree. They live between the Iberians
and the Caspian sea (extending to the sea in the east and bor-
dering on the Iberians in the west). Of the remaining sides,
the northern one is protected by the Caucasian mountains
rising up from the plains, t hose closest to the sea being called
the “Ceraunians.” The southern side is formed by Armenia Ceraunians, Daghestan mts.
(Russ.)
as it stretches out with its many plains and mountains (e.g.,
Cambisene, where the Armenians have a border with the Ibe-
rians and Albanians). |
501 C, 22-34 The Cyrus (which runs across Albania), with the various Cyrus, Kura/Mtkvari r. 11.4.2
other rivers that join it, adds to the excellence of the land
but does quite the reverse to the sea. A g reat deal of sedi-
ment sinks down and silts up its channel—so that the l ittle
islands located in it become part of the mainland—forming
uneven and unpredictable shallows, whose uneven nature is
accentuated when the waters draw back after high tide. It is
said that its outflow is split among twelve mouths, some of
which are blind alleys while others have absolutely no depth
and no place to anchor; that, although the coast is washed on
all sides (by the sea and by the rivers) for a distance of more
than sixty stades, every part of it is inaccessible; that deposits
of silt stretch out for more than five hundred stades, creating
a sandy shoreline. The nearby Araxes, as it makes its way out Araxes, Aras r.
to sea, flows in turbulent spate from Armenia. However much

the Araxes shoves away the sediment and clears the channel,
the Cyrus makes up the deficit! |
501 C, 35–502 C, 12 People of this sort perhaps have no need of the sea, since people of this sort = Albanians 11.4.3
(n. Azerbaijan)
they do not use even the land in the way it deserves—land
that yields e very crop, even the most highly domesticated,
and every plant (it even produces evergreens). It meets with
Citations of Homer, Odyssey not the slightest attention, but, unsown and unplowed, every
(8th c. BCE)
thing grows. So at least say t hose who were on the campaign,1
describing a Cyclopian way of life: although the land is sown only
once, in many places it yields two or three harvests (the first harvest
[ 1 ] “Those who were on the campaign,” despite the plural, probably refers to
Theophanes, the Greek writer from Roman Asia, who accompanied Pompey
on his Caucasus campaign (66–64 BCE). Similar pluralization: 416 C, 2-10nn.
585
4.1. Northern Asia
being fiftyfold), despite never being left fallow nor plowed with an iron
blade (but only one made completely of wood). The w hole plain is
irrigated (more so than the Babylonian and Egyptian plains)
by rivers and other streams, thus always presenting to the eye
a grassy appearance, and as a result, it is good for grazing (an
added benefit is that it has a more temperate climate than
those plains). The vines, which survive their whole life with-
out having trenches dug around them, and which need prun-
ing only e very five years, nevertheless produce fruit already
at only two years old and, when mature, yield so much that a
great deal gets left on the plants.
502 C, 13-26 Domesticated and wild, their animals are well formed, |
as also the p eople, being of exceptional beauty and size. They 11.4.4
are s imple folk, who do not buy and sell (they do not have
much use for coinage, nor are they familiar with any number
beyond one hundred) but make payment in kind. In various
other ways, they lead an easygoing life, being unfamiliar with
precise weights and measures and unschooled in war, govern-
ment, and agriculture. Nevertheless, they go into b attle on
foot and on horseback, either lightly equipped or (like the
Armenians) heavily armed. | They field an army larger than 11.4.5
that of the Iberians, equipping sixty thousand foot soldiers

and twelve thousand horsemen (these are the numbers they
risked against Pompey). The nomads fight in alliance with The Roman general Pompey
campaigned in Caucasus, 66–64
them (as they do with the Iberians and for the same reasons) BCE
against outsiders—but conversely make frequent attacks
on the population, which is thereby prevented from farm-
ing. There are lancers and archers, with breastplates, shields,
and head-dresses made (as among the Iberians) from wild
animals.
502 C, 27–503 C, 6 Caspiana (named, like the sea, after the now-vanished
Caspian nation) is part of Albanian territory. Access to
Albania from Iberia is across waterless, rugged Cambisene
to the Alazonius river. Albanians (and their dogs) love to Alazonius, Alazani r.
hunt, with less skill than enthusiasm in this respect. | The 11.4.6
rulers are . . . * Nowadays, there is one ruler for all, but

previously . . . * they were ruled each according to their spe-
cific language (and there are twenty-six languages, a product
of lack of interaction with each other). The land features some
poisonous snakes, also scorpions and spiders. Some of the
586
s piders cause men to die from laughing, o thers from weep-

ing over the loss of their loved ones. |
503 C, 7-19 The divinities they worship are Helius (Sun), Zeus, and Se- 11.4.7
lene (Moon), but especially Selene. The temple to Selene is near

Iberia, and her rites are carried out by the man who is revered
most highly, ranking second only to the ruler. He presides
over the sacred territory (which is extensive and well popu-
lated) and over the temple slaves, many of whom experience
religious ecstasy and speak in prophetic voices. If anyone is
in the grip of possession for an extended period and wanders
off into the woods alone—that man is seized by the priest,
shackled with sacred chains, and sumptuously maintained for
the year, then brought forth for the sacrificial ceremony in
honor of the goddess, anointed, and sacrificed with the other
victims. The method of sacrifice is as follows. Someone steps
out from the crowd—holding the sacred spear traditionally
used for h uman sacrifice—and drives it through the rib cage
and into the heart. (The person is not inexperienced in this
undertaking.) As the victim falls, prophecies are made from
his manner of falling and publicly revealed. The corpse is
transferred to a specific place, and everyone treads on it and
experiences purification. |
503 C, 20-23 The Albanians have exceptional reverence for old p eople 11.4.8
in general (rather than merely their own parents). It is taboo

to think about, or to remember, the dead. Since they bury
possessions alongside the dead, they inherit nothing and live
in poverty. That was my description of the Albanians.1
503 C, 24-30 It is said that Jason and Armenus of Thessaly, on their voy- Jason and Armenus, Greek
heroes of mythical times,
age to the Colchians, pressed on to the Caspian sea, journey- voyaged in Argo to Colchis
ing across Iberia, Albania, and many parts of Armenia and
Media (as evidenced by the great number of Jasonia and other Jasonia = shrines to Jason
memorials); that Armenus came from the city of Armenium,

one of the cities between Pherae and Larisa on lake Boebeïs;
that the companions of Armenus settled Acilisene and
Syspiritis and as far away as Calachane and Adiabene; that
Armenia was named after him. |
503 C, 31–504 C, 13 It is said that the Amazon w omen live in the mountains 11.5.1
Theophanes (1st c. BCE) above Albania. Theophanes (who was part of Pompey’s cam- Pompey conducted Roman
campaign in Caucasus 66–64
paign and visited the Albanians) says that between the Amazon BCE
women and the Albanians live the Scythian Gelans and Legans; the
[ 1 ] 501 C, 13–503 C, 23.
587
4.1. Northern Asia
Mermadalis river flowing there splits the latter from the Amazons.
Metrodorus (2nd–1st c. BCE) Others (including Metrodorus of Scepsis and Hypsicrates,
Hypsicrates (1st c. BCE) neither of them unacquainted with the region) say that the
women share a border with the Gargarians and live in the northern
foothills of the Caucasian mountains called the “Ceraunians”; for Ceraunians, Daghestan mts.
(Russ.)
most of the time, they work at their own tasks, doing all that is neces-
sary for plowing, planting, and rearing livestock, particularly horses
(with the bravest w omen branching out into hunting and military
exercises); all the w omen have the right breast cauterized in infancy so
that they can use their arms freely—for any purpose but especially for
javelin throwing; they use the bow, the “sagaris,” and a small shield, sagaris, machete or battle-ax
and fashion animal hides into helmets, clothing, and b elts; they set
aside two months e very spring, during which they ascend a nearby
mountain that separates them from the Gargarian men.
504 C, 13-17 The men, too, ascend the mountain, according to ancient
custom, in order to make sacrifices and to sleep with the
women (anonymously and secretly, any man with any w oman)
for the purpose of reproduction. When they have impreg-
nated the women, the men send them away. The women keep
for themselves any female c hildren they bear but send male
children to be looked a fter by the men. E very man accepts
every boy into his f amily, assuming (since he cannot know)
that the boy is his son. |
504 C, 18-24 The Mermadalis crashes down from the mountains, flow- 11.5.2
ing through the land of the Amazons, through Siracene and

the intervening wilderness, and into the Maeotis. It is said Maeotis, Sea of Azov
that the Gargarian men came up from Themiscyra to t hese Themiscyra, nr. Terme (n. Tky.)
regions with the Amazon women, then rebelled and made

war against them in alliance with certain Thracians and Eu-
boeans who had migrated here. Then, ending the war against
the w omen on the terms stated, they came to an agreement
that they would share only their c hildren and that each party
would live by itself. |
504 C, 25–505 C, 4 A peculiar practice has arisen regarding the story of the 11.5.3
Amazons. Other stories keep the mythical separate from the

historical: what is called “myth” is set long ago, fictitious, and
fantastical, whereas history aims at actual deeds, whether an-
cient or more recent, and does not incorporate fantasy—or
only a l ittle! In the case, however, of the Amazons, the same
things are said now as of old, and t hese are fantasies beyond
588
belief. Who would believe that an army (or city or nation)

of women would have managed to assemble without men?
Would not only have assembled but would have made in-
roads into foreign territory? Would not only have conquered
neighboring lands (advancing as far as current-day Ionia) but
would have campaigned overseas as far as Attica? It is equiva-
lent to saying that the men of those times were women—and
the women, men. Yet even now these stories are told about
them.
505 C, 5-10 This oddity is made worse by the tendency to believe in
things past rather than in things present. | Stories are told 11.5.4
that they founded cities and named them a fter themselves

(e.g., Ephesus, Smyrna, Cyme, and Myrina)1 and left tombs
and other memorials. All people describe Themiscyra, the Themiscyra, nr. Terme (n. Tky.)
Thermodon plains, and the mountains above them, as “be- Thermodon [river], Terme Çay
(n. Tky.)
longing to the Amazon w omen”; and say that this is the
place from which the women w ere ousted. As to where they
are now—few venture an opinion, and those who do offer no
convincing proof !
505 C, 10-18 Another example is the story of Thalestria, with whom, Alexander the G
reat, late 4th c.
BCE
it is said, Alexander slept when he visited her in Hyrcania, so
that he might have children with her, the Amazonian chief-
tainess. This story is not told by everyone. Out of the whole
mass of historians, those most concerned with reality do not
say anything about it, nor do the most reliable among them
mention any such t hing; and, among t hose who do, the tale
Clitarchus (late 4th–3rd c. BCE) varies. (Clitarchus says that Thalestria came to Alexander from
the Caspian Gates and the Thermodon—yet it is more than six Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
thousand stades from the Caspian to the Thermodon!) |
505 C, 19-28 The oft-repeated stories that glorify his exploits, even if his = Alexander’s 11.5.5
recounted by all alike, were nevertheless fabricated by men

more concerned with flattery than fact. An example is the
transfer of the word “Caucasus” to the Indian mountains and
to the eastern sea abutting them, from the mountains inland eastern sea, Bay of Bengal
from Colchis and the Euxine, which are called by the Greeks Colchis, w. Georgia
“Caucasus” and are more than thirty thousand stades this side Euxine, Black Sea
of India! T hese latter are where the Greeks set the myth of
Prometheus and his chains, given that they w ere the eastern-
most mountains known to mankind at the time. (The expedi-
tion of Dionysus and Heracles to the Indian p eople belongs
[ 1 ] Cyme (Nemrut Limanı, Tky.), Myrina (nr. mouth of Koca Çay): 622 C, 28–623 C,
9. Ephesus (Selçuk, Tky.), Smyrna (Izmir, Tky.): 633 C, 20–634 C, 18.
589
4.1. Northern Asia
to a later stage of mythmaking, as evident from the story that

Heracles released Prometheus after a thousand years.)
505 C, 28–506 C, 3 It was, in fact, more glorious that Alexander conquered
Asia right up to the Indian mountains rather than only to
the farthest point of the Euxine and Caucasus. The reputa- Euxine, Black Sea
tion and the name of the mountain range, and the belief that
the expedition undertaken by those associated with Jason1 Jason, Greek hero of mythical
times, voyaged in Argo to
to the Caucasus region was the longest that had ever been Colchis
undertaken, and the tradition that Prometheus was bound
in chains at the ends of the earth in the Caucasus . . . * they
assumed they would somehow find royal favor by transferring
the name of the mountain range to India. |
506 C, 4-15 The loftiest parts of the true Caucasus are the most south- 11.5.6
erly, next to Albania and Iberia and to the Colchians and Albania, Iberia, n. Azerbaijan,
e. Georgia
Heniochans. Living h ere are the p
eoples whom I described as
frequenting the market at Dioscurias (they go primarily for
the salt).2 Some occupy the mountaintops, o thers make their
homes in the valleys; generally, they live off the flesh of un-
domesticated animals, forest fruits, and milk. The peaks are
impassable in winter. In the summer, they climb the peaks by
strapping under their feet (because of the snow and ice) spiked
rawhides stretched out like drum tops; and they make their
way down again by lying on animal skins and sliding down, to-
gether with their loads. (This is the practice, too, in Atropatian Atropatian Media, nw. Iran, s.
Azerbaijan
Media and the Masium mountain range in Armenia, and the
Masium, mt. range in s. Turkey,
men t here also attach round wooden frames, with spikes, to the Karaca Dağ to Tigris r.
bottoms of their shoes.) Such are the heights of the Caucasus. |
506 C, 16-23 As you descend into the foothills, the climata become climata, bands of latitude 11.5.7
more northerly but more temperate, ultimately ending with

the Siracian plains. T here are some troglodytae (dwellers-in-holes)3 Siracian plains, s. Russia
who live in caves because of the cold (at this point it is still
not possible to grow barley); a fter the troglodytae come the
chamaecoetae (ground-sleepers) and the polyphagi (omnivores), as they
are called; and the villages of the Isadicians, who are able to
engage in farming since they are not wholly “under the
Bears”; 4 | even farther on are the nomads between the Maeo- Maeotis, Sea of Azov 11.5.8
tis and the Caspian—Nabianians, Panzanians, and ultimately
Siracian and Aorsian tribes.
506 C, 23-32 The Aorsians and Siracians are apparently refugees Aorsians, Siracians, s. Russia
from the tribes higher up, with the Aorsians being the more
[ 1 ] “Those associated with Jason” is an idiomatic expression, meaning simply

Jason.
[ 2 ] 497 C, 34–498 C, 6.
[ 3 ] I depart h ere from Radt (vol. 3, critical apparatus on 506 C, line 19) in reading
troglodytae, as it is required by the context. See 42 C, 2-9 and n.
[ 4 ] “Under the Bears” is a reference to the constellations of the “Great Bear” (known
to us generally by its Latin name, Ursa Major) and the “Little Bear” (Ursa Minor),
which, for observers in northern latitudes of the northern h emisphere, occupy
a circle in the sky, the stars within which never dip below the horizon. This circle
was called by the Greeks the “arctic circle” (“arctic” meaning “of the Bear”). The
expression “under the Bears” perhaps means north of 45°: 134 C, 31-36.
590
Second Section
2 myriads = 20,000 ortherly. Abeacus, the Siracian king, was able to field two
n
myriads of h orsemen at the time when Pharnaces held Pharnaces ruled Bosporus
(= kingdom on e ither side of
20 [myriads] = 200,000 Bosporus; Spadines, the Aorsian king, as many as twenty Straits of Kerch'), 63–ca. 47 BCE
[myriads]; and the upper Aorsians even more. They used to
dominate the greater part of the country and controlled most

(or something approaching it) of the Caspian coastline. Thus
they were able to import, by means of camels, Indian and
Babylonian wares (relayed via Armenians and Medes) and to
wear gold jewelry as a sign of their wealth. The Aorsian people
live on the banks of the Tanaïs, and the Siracian p
eople on the Tanaïs, Don r.
banks of the Achardaeus, which flows from the Caucasus into Achardaeus, Manych r.
(tributary of Don r.)
the Maeotis. |
Second Section (sw. + s. Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, n. Iran,

Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, n. Afghanistan, n. India)
506 C, 33–507 C, 2 The second section begins where the former section ended, 11.6.1
2nd section of northern Asia at the Caspian sea (this same sea also being called the
“Hyrcanian”). I will start with a description of this sea and
the nations that border it.
Caspian Coast
507 C, 3-6 This gulf is a southerly intrusion of the ocean,1 narrow enough gulf = Caspian Sea
at the start but getting wider the farther in it goes and being being widest = having greatest
east–west dimension
widest—some five thousand stades—at its innermost recess.
innermost = southernmost
The voyage from its entrance (which borders approximately
only slightly longer = than its
on the unlivable zone) to its innermost part would be only east–west dimension of some
slightly longer. 5,000 stades
507 C, 6-13 Eratosthenes says that the sailing distance along the coastline of
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) this sea known to the Greeks is five thousand four hundred [stades] for the
Albanian and Cadusian coastlines and four thousand eight hundred Albanian, Cadusian coast,
Azerbaijani coast of Caspian sea
[stades] for the Anariacan, Mardian, and Hyrcanian coastlines to the
Anariacan . . . Hyrcanian
mouth of the Oxus river; 2 from there to the Iaxartes 3 is two thousand four coastlines, Iran + Turkmenistan
hundred [stades]. However, one should understand only in rather coast of Caspian Sea
general terms what is said about places in this section and in Iaxartes, Syr Darya
such remote parts, particularly where distances are concerned. |

507 C, 13-17 On the Right-Hand Side4 as you sail in dwell the Scythians, 11.6.2
who come next after the European parts, and the Sarmatians
[ 1 ] Strabo believes that just north of the Caspian sea lies the outer ocean and that
the Caspian has a mouth at its northern end through which the outer ocean
enters it to form a gulf.
[ 2 ] The mouth of the Oxus (Amu Darya) opens into the Aral Sea, not (as Eratos-
thenes erroneously believes) into the Caspian. There may be some conflation
of the Amu Darya with the Ural and/or Volga rivers.
[ 3 ] I omit Radt’s addition to the text (vol. 3, critical apparatus on 507 C, line 11).
[ 4 ] The names “Right-Hand Side” (Caspian coast of Russia, Azerbaijan, Iran) and
“Left-Hand Side” (Caspian coast of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Iran) are used
from the viewpoint of an imaginary navigator supposedly sailing into the Cas-
pian from the outer ocean; cf. the terms “Right-Hand Side” and “Left-Hand
Side” applied to the Pontic sea (Black Sea): 126 C, 3-11n.
591
4.1. Northern Asia
between the Tanaïs and this sea. They are largely nomadic, Tanaïs, Don r.
and I have already mentioned them.1 On the Left-Hand Side,

the eastern Scythians (also largely nomadic) extend as far as
the eastern sea and India. eastern sea, Bay of Bengal
507 C, 18-26 Greek writers of long ago used to call all northern people
indiscriminately “Scythians” and “Celto-Scythians.” Still
earlier, some made a distinction, using the names “Hyper-
boreans” and “Sauromatians” and “Arimaspians” for t hose
people who lived inland from the Euxine, from the Ister, and Euxine, Black Sea
from the Adria; and using “Sacans” for some, and “Massag- Ister, Danube r.
etans” for o thers of those beyond the Caspian sea—although Adria, Adriatic Sea
they w ere unable to say anything accurate about them, de- beyond Caspian sea = east of
Caspian Sea
spite telling the story of Cyrus’s war against the Massagetans.
Cyrus founded Persian empire,
Nothing accurate in terms of truthfulness was said about 6th c. BCE
these p eople, nor was the ancient history of the Persians, Persians held power, 6th–4th c.
nor of the Medes or Syrians, related with much credibility, BCE; Medes, 7th–6th c. BCE;
(As)syrians, 10th–7th c. BCE
because of the writers’ lack of detail and love of myth. |
507 C, 26–508 C, 9 Writers observed that those who w ere clearly mythogra- 11.6.3
phers were considered worthy of respect and thus decided

that they could produce a similarly popular narrative if, using
a historical format, they talked about what they had never
seen nor heard (at least not from informed sources), seek-
ing out only what sounded good and impressed the audience.
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) One could more easily put one’s trust in Hesiod and Homer,
Homer (8th c. BCE) with their tales of heroes, and in writers of tragic plays, than
Ctesias, Herodotus, Hellanicus in Ctesias, Herodotus, Hellanicus, and so on. | Nor is it easy to 11.6.4
(5th c. BCE)
put one’s trust in most of those who wrote about Alexander. Alexander the G reat, king of
Macedonia, campaigned in
They make free with the facts b ecause of Alexander’s celeb- Asia, late 4th c. BCE
rity and b ecause his expedition reached the most far-flung
regions of Asia, far away from us (and faraway t hings are
hard to v erify). Domination by the Romans and Parthians Romans and Parthians are the
two major regional powers in
brings with it an advance on previous practice: those who Strabo’s day
write about t hese p eople describe more credibly than their
predecessors the places in which, and the nations amongst
whom, the action occurs—being eyewitnesses. |
508 C, 10-18 So, then, men of today 2 call t hose nomads living on the 11.7.1
Left-Hand Side of the Caspian sea (as you sail in) 3 “Daans,” Left-Hand Side = sw.
Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Iran
with the additional qualification “Parnian”; then a desert
intervenes; next is Hyrcania, where the sea spreads out as far
as the mountains of Media and of the Armenians, the foothills
[ 1 ] 492 C, 20-28. Scythians/Sarmatians in Europe: 300 C, 10–303 C, 18; 305 C, 16–

312 C, 26.
[ 2 ] See “Note (508 C, 10-18).”
[ 3 ] “Left-Hand Side”: 507 C, 13-17n.
592
Second Section
Note (508 C, 10-18)
“Men of today” are Latin speakers; Strabo provides a transliteration into

Greek of the Latin ethnic name Dahae: 304 C, 16-27nn; 511 C, 9-27nn;
515 C, 4-23n. Other passages where Strabo draws attention (through the
expression “men of today call” or similar) to his transliteration of Latin eth-
nic names or place-names: 137 C, 15-20n; 195 C, 18-29n (Galatici, Gallicus,
Galaticus). 137 C, 20-26n; 153 C, 28-34n (Nerium). 137 C, 27-34n (Cuneus).
139 C, 16-24n (Baetica, Turdetania, Turdetani, Turduli). 139 C, 29–140 C,
7n; 156 C, 14-24n (Bastuli, Bastetani). 152 C, 18-35nn; 166 C, 24–167 C,
10nn (Lusitani, Callaici). 154 C, 1-3n (Arotrebae). 158 C, 7-21n (Celtiberes,
Verones). 159 C, 1-11n (Dianium). 160 C, 12-32nn (Campus Iuncarius, Cam-
pus Spartarius). 162 C, 11-18n (Vardulli). 166 C, 13-17n (Iberia, Hispania).
167 C, 15-18n (Balearides). 176 C, 13–177 C, 24n; 189 C, 21-24n (Aquitani,
Belgae, Celtae). 184 C, 11-18n (Forum Iulium). 186 C, 22-31n (Volcae Arec-
omici). 201 C, 31–202 C, 3n (Sabata Vada). 213 C, 5-16n (Novum Comum).
219 C, 15-22n (Etrusci, Tusci). 239 C, 21–240 C, 3n (Nemus). 252 C, 7-14n
(Velia). 255 C, 20–256 C, 2n (Tempsa). 275 C, 29-32n (Hiera). 277 C, 20-25n
(Clipea). 277 C, 26-33nn; 282 C, 26–283 C, 8n; cf. 242 C, 8-10 (Salentini,
Calabri, Apulia/Apuli, Poediculi). 281 C, 19-28n (Veretum). 295 C, 16-22n;
303 C, 19-31n; 541 C, 28–542 C, 4n (Moesi). 304 C, 16-27nn (Daci, Getae,
Dahae). 304 C, 30–305 C, 2 (Danuvius). 315 C, 27–316 C, 1 (Vardaei). 511 C,
9-17nn (Dahae, Massagetae, Sacae). 511 C, 28–512 C, 10n (Pontici). 736 C,
13–737 C, 8nn; cf. 544 C, 5-14; 542 C, 17-30 (Syri, Leucosyri). 825 C, 20-
25n (Mauri). 833 C, 17-29n (Numidae). Nongeographical names and words
include: 140 C, 25-33n (Lux Dubia); 196 C, 27-31n (laenae); 220 C, 6-10n
(Superbus); 230 C, 2-10n (Ambarvia/Ambarvalia).
Strabo sometimes draws attention to his translation of Latin names
into Greek: 39 C, 22-32n (“Blessed Arabia” for Arabia Felix). 160 C,
18-32nn (“Fennel Plain” for Campus Foenicularius, “Plain of Rushes” for Cam-
pus Spartarius). 166 C, 17-20n (“Outer” for Ulterior, “Inner” for Citerior).
169 C, 5-13n (“New” for Nova, “Twin” for Gemina). 178 C, 27-34n (“Sextian
hot springs” for Aquae Sextiae). 182 C, 14-21n (“Stony [Plain]” for Campi
Lapidei). 201 C, 31–202 C, 6n (“Shallows” for Vada). 220 C, 19-30n (“Caere-
tanian [hot springs]” for Aquae Caeretanae).
593
4.1. Northern Asia
of which make a crescent shape and end at the sea, forming

the innermost recess of the gulf. Living on the slopes of these
mountains, from the shore up to the peaks, are some Alba-
nians and Armenians to a small extent, and to a greater extent
Gelans, Cadusians, Amardians, Vitians, and Anariacans.1
508 C, 18-26 It is said that some Parrhasians (now called “Parsians”) Parrhasians, Aenianians, from
Greece
settled with the Anariacans; that the Aenianians built a walled
city (now called “Aeniana”) in Vitia; that Greek weapons,
bronzeware, and burial sites are identified there. It is said,
too, that t here is a city t here, Anariaca, in which is identified
an overnight oracle and various other . . . * nations of raiders overnight oracle, center for
divine prophecies given to
and warriors rather than farmers (the rugged terrain being people in their dreams
the cause). Cadusians inhabit the greater part of this mountainous
coastline, for a distance of almost five thousand stades according to
Patrocles (late 4th–early 3rd c.
BCE) Patrocles, who reckons that this sea is the same size as the Pontic. Pontic (sea), Black Sea
508 C, 27–509 C, 3 So, then, while the foregoing are miserable places, |
HYRCANIA/NESAEA Hyrcania is exceedingly blessed by nature, large in extent, 11.7.2
sw. Turkmenistan, n. Iran,
?w. Uzbekistan, ?s. Kazakhstan mostly flat, and divided into cities of some significance, such
as Talabroca, Samariana, Carta, and the royal residence of Carta, ?Sari (Iran)
Tapa (which is said to be set only a little back from the sea
and is one thousand four hundred stades from the Caspian Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
Gates). . . . * evidence of its natural blessings . . . * 2 The vine
yields one metretes of wine, and the fig tree, sixty medimni; metretes, largest fluid measure
in Greek metrical system
grain grows from seeds that dropped from the stalks; bees are
medimnus, largest volume
busy in the trees, honey dripping from the leaves. This also measure in Greek metrical
happens in Matiana in Media, and in Sacasene and Araxene system
in Armenia.
509 C, 4-11 Hyrcania has not been properly developed, nor has the
sea that shares its name, being unexplored and unexploited
(there are islands, some have said, which could be settled and
that have gold dust in their soil).3 The reason is that it has
been ruled by barbarians, both originally (the Medes and the Medes, 7th–6th c. BCE
Persians) and most recently (the Parthians, worse than the Persians, 6th–4th c. BCE
Medes and Persians). All the neighboring territory is full of Parthians, regional power,
from 3rd c. BCE, still current in
raiders, of nomads, and of desert. The Macedonians were in Strabo’s time
control for only a short time, being at war and unable to keep Macedonians, 4th–3rd c. BCE
an eye on t hese remote parts. |
509 C, 11-25 Aristobulus says that in densely forested Hyrcania, oak trees 11.7.3
Aristobulus (late 4th c. BCE) grow but not “peuca” pines nor fir trees nor “pitys” pines, although
India abounds in them. Nesaea is part of Hyrcania; some say it
[ 1 ] “Parnian” Daans (Turkmenistan) and desert (Karakum, Tkm.): 511 C, 17-27; 515 C,
4-23. Hyrcania (sw. Turkmenistan, n. Iran): 508 C, 27–510 C, 25. Gelans, etc. (Azer-
baijan, n. Iran): 507 C, 6-13; 508 C, 18-26; 513 C, 30–514 C, 7; 523 C, 26-34.
[ 2 ] Strabo repeats information given earlier at 73 C, 3-10.
[ 3 ] Strabo perhaps confuses the Hyrcanian (Caspian) sea and the Aral sea (“Aral”
means “islands”).
594
Second Section
is one and the same place. Hyrcania is crossed by the rivers

Ochus and Oxus1 as they flow t oward their outlet into the
sea; of these, the Ochus also crosses Nesaea; some say that the
Ochus flows into the Oxus. Aristobulus declares that the Oxus
is the largest of the rivers he saw in Asia, apart from the Indian rivers.
Both he and Eratosthenes (whose authority is Patrocles) say
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) cites that it is navigable; it carries many imports from India down to the
BCE) Hyrcanian sea, whence they are taken across to Albania and trans- Hyrcanian sea, Caspian Sea
ported by means of the Cyrus and successive places into the Euxine. Cyrus, Kura/Mtkvari r.
Apollodorus (1st c. BCE) The Ochus is not mentioned at all by the ancients, but Apol- Euxine, Black Sea
lodorus (author of the Parthica)2 repeatedly mentions it as
being very close to the Parthians. |
509 C, 26–510 C, 3 Many false beliefs about this sea arose through glorifica- sea = Caspian Sea 11.7.4
tion of Alexander. It had been agreed by all that the Tanaïs Alexander the G
reat, late 4th c.
BCE
river cuts Asia off from Europe and that the area between
Tanaïs, Don r.
this sea and the Tanaïs, despite being a sizable portion of
Asia, did not fall to the Macedonians; and it had been recog-
nized that the campaigns w ere such that Alexander seemed
(at least according to rumor) to control even t hese parts.
People consequently treated, as one and the same, lake lake Maeotis, Sea of Azov
Maeotis (into which the Tanaïs flows) and the Caspian sea,
calling this latter a lake, too, and claiming that the lakes w ere
connected with each other and that each was a part of the
Polyclitus (late 4th c. BCE) other. Polyclitus proffers evidence that this sea is a lake (it
contains water snakes, and its w ater is fresh) and concludes that
it is none other than the Maeotis, on the basis that the Tanaïs
flows into it.3
510 C, 3-14 The Iaxartes flows from the same Indian mountains as the
Ochus, the Oxus, and several o thers; like them, it opens into
the Caspian sea, but is the farthest north of them all.4 People
called this river the “Tanaïs” and took as additional proof of
it being the Tanaïs of which Polyclitus spoke the fact that fir
trees grow on the far bank of the river, that the local Scythians
use arrows made from them, and that this shows that the far
side is E
uropean territory rather than Asian, b ecause fir trees
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) do not grow in the upper and eastern parts of Asia. Eratos-
thenes, however, says that fir trees grow even in India; Alexander
built the ships for his fleet from them. Eratosthenes attempts to
tackle many such fallacies, but let that be enough for me to
have said on t hese m atters. |
[ 1 ] The names “Ochus” and “Oxus” are perhaps h ere used to denote the Amu Darya
and Syr Darya respectively (more commonly, “Oxus” is used for the Amu Darya
and “Iaxartes” for the Syr Darya). Cf. 518 C, 9-20n.
[ 2 ] See 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 3 ] The name “Tanaïs” is usually applied to the Don r. but is perhaps here conflated
with the Volga r. (or Ural r.).
[ 4 ] The name “Iaxartes” is usually applied to the Syr Darya but is perhaps here
conflated with the Volga r. (or Ural r.).
595
4.1. Northern Asia
510 C, 15-25 One of the wonders reported about Hyrcania by Eudoxus 11.7.5
Eudoxus (4th c. BCE) and others is this. Facing the sea are some cliffs with caves at their
base; between them and the sea, t here’s a low-lying shore. Rivers flow
with so great a force from the crags above that, when they reach the
cliffs, they shoot their waters out into the sea, leaving the shore so dry
that w hole armies could march along it and be screened by the falling
water. The locals often travel down to this spot to celebrate festivals
and hold sacrifices, sometimes reclining at the foot of the caves and
sometimes basking at the foot of the waterfall, diff erent p eople enjoy-
ing it in diff erent ways, with the sea being visible from both locations,
as also the shore, verdant with grass and flowers as a result of the
moist conditions. |
510 C, 26–511 C, 8 As you proceed from the Hyrcanian sea in an easterly di- Hyrcanian sea, Caspian Sea 11.8.1
TAURUS rection, on your right-hand side is the mountain range called right-hand = south
mts. from n. Iran to ne. India
by the Greeks the “Taurus.” It stretches lengthwise as far as the
Indian sea, reaching that point—from its start in Pamphylia
and Cilicia—in a continuous line from the west, various parts
of it being given diff erent names. Living in its northern parts
are, first, Gelans, Cadusians, and Amardians, as has been said,1
and some of the Hyrcanians; then the Parthian nation and the
Margianan and Arian nations.2 Also, there is a desert, which desert, Karakum (Tkm.)
the Sarnius river separates from Hyrcania, as you go east in the Sarnius, ?Atrek r.
direction of the Ochus.3 The stretch from Armenia up to this
point (or stopping a little short) is called the “Parachoathras”; Parachoathras, Alburz + Talish
mts.
it m easures around six thousand stades from the Hyrcanian
sea to the Arians. Then there are Bactriana and Sogdiana; and
finally the nomadic Scythians.4 The Macedonians called all
the mountains from the Arians onward the “Caucasus”; ac-
cording to the natives . . . * “Emoda,” “Imaum,” and other Emoda, Imaum, Himalayas
such names were applied to individual sections. |

511 C, 9-17 Corresponding 5 and parallel to t hese on the left are the on the left = to the north 11.8.2
Scythian and nomadic nations who fill out and complete the
northern side.6 The majority of the Scythians that start off
at the Caspian sea are labeled “Daans.”7 They give the names
“Massagetans” and “Sacans” to those farther east than these
people.8 They call the rest by the generic name “Scythians”
but also by specific names. In all cases, they are nomadic
most of the time. The best known of the nomads are t hose Bactria was overrun, 2nd c. BCE
who took Bactria from the Greeks—the Asians, Pasianians, far side of Iaxartes = ne. of Syr
Tocharians, and Sacaraucians—who hailed from the far side Darya (s. Kaz., Kyr., ?China)
[ 1 ] 507 C, 6-13; 508 C, 10-26. [ 6 ] Daans (Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan region): 511 C, 17-27. Massagetans
[ 2 ] Parthia (s. Turkmenistan, n. Iran): 514 C, 24–515 C, 29; Margiana (se. Turkmeni- (Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan region): 512 C, 26–513 C, 29. Sacans (Tajikistan,
stan): 515 C, 30-33; 516 C, 12-16; Aria (n. Afghanistan): 515 C, 30–516 C, 11. Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan region): 511 C, 28–512 C, 25.
[ 3 ] The name “Ochus” may here be applied to the Amu Darya: 509 C, 11-25n. [ 7 ] I.e., labeled by Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin ethnic
[ 4 ] Bactriana + Sogdiana (n. Afghanistan, s. Uzbekistan, Tajikistan region): 516 C, name Dahae. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
17–518 C, 25; Scythians (Himalayan region): 518 C, 26–519 C, 9. [ 8 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin names
[ 5 ] “Corresponding to” here means “north of”: 496 C, 26–497 C, 4n. Massagetae and Sacae.
596
Second Section
of the Iaxartes (opposite the Sacans and Sogdianans), which

was in the possession of the Sacans.
511 C, 17-27 Some of the Daans are given the added name “Parnian,”
DAANS others “Exarthrian” or “Pissurian.”1 The “Parnian” Daans lie
Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan
region closest to Hyrcania and its neighboring sea; the rest extend as Hyrcania, sw. Tkm., n. Iran
far as the territory parallel to Aria. | Lying between them and neighboring sea, Caspian 11.8.3
Hyrcania and Parthia, as far as the Arians, is a huge w aterless Aria, n. Afghanistan
desert. A fter crossing the desert by means of lengthy jour- desert, Karakum (Tkm.)
neys, they overran Hyrcania, Nesaea, and the plains of the

Parthians. They came to an agreement about tribute: the
tribute was to allow at prescribed intervals the overrunning Daans overran Parthia, mid-
3rd c. BCE
and looting of the territory. When they exceeded the agreed
limits, war broke out, cease-fires followed, then hostilities
resumed. Such is the life of all the nomads, forever attacking
and reconciling with their neighbors. |
511 C, 28–512 C, 10 The Sacans, however, made incursions in a manner simi- 11.8.4
SACANS lar to the Cimmerians and Trerians, some of the incursions

Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and
Kazakhstan region over longer distances, some over shorter distances. They
seized Bactriana; took possession of the best of the land in
Armenia, leaving it named “Sacasene” after themselves; and
pushed on as far as the Cappadocians, particularly the Euxine Euxine Cappadocians = those
bordering on the Euxine (Black
Cappadocians, whom they now call “Pontics.”2 The local Per- Sea)
sian governors of that time, attacking the Sacans as they w ere
celebrating their spoils, took them in a surprise night raid and
wiped them out. They made a pile of earth over a rock in the
plain and, making it into the shape of a hill, fortified it and
founded a temple to Anaïtis and to the gods who share her
altar (the Persian deities “Omanus” and “Anadates”). They
instituted a sacred festival to be held every year, the “Sacaea,”
which is celebrated to this day by the inhabitants of Zela (as Zela, Zile (Tky.)
the place is called). Zela is a settlement consisting largely of

temple slaves. Pompey, a fter adding a significant amount of Pompey overthrew Mithridates,
66 BCE; reorganized Pontic
territory and aggregating its inhabitants within a wall, de- kingdom (in which Zela was
clared Zela to be one of the cities that he organized after the located), 65–63 BCE
overthrow of Mithridates. |
512 C, 11-22 While this is the account of the “Sacaea” given by some, 11.8.5
others say that Cyrus, in his campaign against the Sacans, was Cyrus founded Persian empire,
6th c. BCE
worsted in b attle and fled. Cyrus made camp in a place where
he had left full and unstinting supplies of everything, but espe-
cially wine; a fter giving his men a short rest, he (as if deciding
[ 1 ] Probably Latin (or Latinized) epithets: 508 C, 10-18n. “Parnian” Daans: 515 C,
4-23n.
[ 2 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo provides a Greek transliteration of the Latin
name Pontici. Strabo’s reference is to the inhabitants of the Roman province of
Pontus. Strabo’s transliteration of Latin names: 508 C, 10-18n.
597
4.1. Northern Asia
on flight) got them to depart but left the tents fully supplied;
going only so far as seemed expedient, he brought them to a
halt. When the Sacans attacked the camp and found it empty
of men but full of things to enjoy, they drank unstintingly.
Cyrus returned to find them drunk out of their minds: some
were butchered as they lay unconscious and asleep; others,
dancing and reveling without their weapons, fell victim to
their enemies’ swords; almost all of them w ere killed. Cyrus
believed that his success was the result of divine influence, ded-
icated the day to his native goddess, and named it the “Sacaea.”
512 C, 22-25 Wherever t here is a t emple to this goddess, it is customary
to celebrate the Sacaea—a sort of Bacchic festival that lasts
through the day and the night, in which the participants don
Scythian garb and get together to drink and indulge in amo-
rous activity with each other and with the women drinking
with them. |
512 C, 26–513 C, 1 The Massagetans showed their courage in the war against 11.8.6
MASSAGETANS Cyrus. There are many who tell stories about t hese t hings—
Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan
region we should learn from them. The following is said about the
Massagetans, that some dwell on the mountains; some of
them dwell in the plains; some dwell in the marshes formed
by the rivers; some dwell on the islands in the marshes. It is
said that the Araxes river,1 in particular, spreads across the
territory, branching out in all direction, flowing through sev-
eral different mouths into the other sea in the north,2 and
through one mouth alone into the Hyrcanian gulf. Hyrcanian gulf, Caspian Sea
513 C, 2-11 The Massagetans believe in one god, Helius (Sun), and sac-
rifice horses to him. Each man marries one w oman, although
they openly enjoy the wives of other men: he who has sex with
another man’s wife does so after hanging his quiver in plain
view outside the wagon. They believe that the best death, on
reaching old age, is to be slaughtered with the sheep for meat
and to be eaten mixed in with it. People who die of disease
are cast out, as being impure and fit to be eaten only by wild
animals. They are good horsemen and foot soldiers. They use
the bow and arrow, swords, breastplates, and sagareis made sagareis = machetes or
battle-axes
of bronze. The belts and headgear worn in b attle are golden.
Their h orses have gold-embossed reins and girths made of
gold. They have no silver, a small amount of iron, masses of
copper and gold. |
[ 1 ] The name “Araxes” may here be applied to the Amu Darya, or to a conflation
of the Amu Darya and the Syr Darya.
[ 2 ] The “other sea” may be the Aral Sea, to which Strabo makes no explicit refer-
ence elsewhere.
598
Second Section
513 C, 12-24 The island dwellers (since they have no place to sow grain) 11.8.7
are rhizophagi (root-eaters) and live off wild fruits; they use tree
bark for clothing, as they keep no animals; they get juice from
tree fruits for drinking. The marsh dwellers are ichthyophagi
(fish-eaters) and wear the skins of seals that swim upriver from
the sea. The mountain dwellers eat wild fruits and also keep
animals, but only a few, so that they do not slaughter them
but keep them for their wool and their milk; they decorate
their clothing by applying dyes whose color does not fade.
The plain dwellers possess territory but do not farm it, living
instead off their sheep and fish, in the nomadic and Scyth-
ian way. All such people share this lifestyle, as I often note:
their burial rites and customs are similar, and their whole
way of life, which is on the one hand ingenuous but on the
other hand difficult and savage and violent, and they have a
straightforward simplicity in their business dealings. |
513 C, 25-29 Included as part of the Massagetan and Sacan nation are 11.8.8
the Attasians and the Chorasmians, to whom Spitamenes

escaped in flight from the Bactrianans and Sogdianans. Spit-
amenes was one of those Persians who, like Bessus, ran away
Seleucus Callinicus, Macedonian
from Alexander. L ater on Arsaces, in flight from Seleucus king of Syria + Media, mid-3rd c.
Callinicus, went to the Apassiacans. BCE
513 C, 30–514 C, 7 Eratosthenes says that the Arachotians and Massagetans lie
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) parallel to, and west of, the Bactrians, along the banks of the Oxus. Oxus, Amu Darya
While the Sacans and Sogdianans correspond to India1 in the en-

Paropamisus, Hindu Kush
tirety of their land, the Bactrians do so for only a short distance, (n. Afg.)
given that they lie largely parallel to the Paropamisus. The Iaxartes Iaxartes, Syr Darya
cuts between the Sacans and Sogdianans, the Oxus between the Sog-
dianans and the Bactrianans. The Tapyrians live between the Hyr-
canians and the Arians. The Amardians, Anariacans, Cadusians,
Albanians, Caspians, Vitians, and perhaps others live around the
edge of the sea after the Hyrcanians, as far as the Scythians. In the sea = Caspian Sea
other direction from the Hyrcanians live the Derbicans. The Ca-
dusians link up with the Medes and Matianans at the foot of the
Parachoathras, Alburz +
Parachoathras. | Talish mts.
514 C, 8-14 He gives the following distances: He = Eratosthenes 11.8.9
Cyrus, Kura/Mtkvari r. • from the Caspium to the Cyrus, approximately 1,800 stades; Caspium = Caucasus
• from t here to the Caspian Gates, 5,600; pass (Iran)
• thence to Arian Alexandria, 6,400; Arian Alexandria, Herat (Afg.)
[ 1 ] The sense is that the Sacans and Sogdianans lie due north of India: 496 C,
26–497 C, 4n.
599
4.1. Northern Asia
• thence to the city of Bactra, also called “Zariaspa,” 3,870; Bactra/Zariaspa, Balkh (Afg.)
Iaxartes, Syr Darya • thence to the Iaxartes river (which Alexander reached),
approximately 5,000;
• all together, 22,670.
514 C, 14-22 Eratosthenes gives the following distances from the Cas-
pian Gates to India. They say that:
• to Hecatompylus, it is 1,960; Hecatompylus, ?Shahr-i Qumis

(Iran)
• to Arian Alexandria, 4,530;
Arian Alexandria, Herat (Afg.)
• to Drangian Prophthasia, 1,600 (some give 1,500);
Drangian Prophthasia, ?nr. Farah
• thence to the city of Arachoti, 4,120; (Afg.)
• thence to Ortospana, at the junction with the roads from Arachoti, ?Kalat-e-Ghilzai (Afg.)
Bactra, 2,000; Ortospana, ?Kabul (Afg.)
• thence to the Indian border, 1,000;
• all together 15,300.
One should imagine the length of India—from the Indus length = east–west dimension
to the eastern sea—as a straight-line continuation of this eastern sea, Bay of Bengal
distance.
514 C, 23 The foregoing was my account of the Sacans.1 |
514 C, 24-31 Parthia is not large: for a long time, under the Persians Persians, 6th–4th c. BCE 11.9.1
PARTHIA and afterward when the Macedonians were in power, it used Macedonians, late 4th–mid-
s. Turkmenistan, n. Iran 3rd c. BCE
to pay tribute jointly with the Hyrcanians. As well as being
small, it is densely forested and mountainous, and yields little
produce. The consequence is that even the kings pass through
their own country at g reat speed for this reason, given that the
territory cannot sustain a large crowd even for a short time.
These days, however, it has become more powerful. Included
as parts of Parthyene are Comisene and Chorene and the Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
region—reaching nearly to the Caspian Gates and Rhagae and pass (Iran)
the Tapyrians—that previously belonged to Media. (Apamia Rhagae, Ravy (Iran)
and Heraclia are cities in the Rhagae region.) Apamia, ?nr. Aradan (Iran)
514 C, 31-36 It is five hundred stades from the Caspian Gates to Rhagae, ac-
Apollodorus (1st c. BCE) cording to Apollodorus, and one thousand two hundred and
sixty to Hecatompylus, the Parthian royal residence. It is said that Hecatompylus, ?Shahr-i Qumis
(Iran)
“Rhagae” (Sundered) was given its name because of an earth-
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) quake in which, according to Posidonius, a huge number of cities
and two thousand villages were toppled.
[ 1 ] Sacans (and Massagetans): 511 C, 28–514 C, 22.
600
Second Section
514 C, 36–515 C, 3 The Tapyrians are said to live between the Derbicans and
the Hyrcanians. It is recorded of the Tapyrians that it is their
custom to give their wives away in marriage to other men,
once they have had two or three children with them, just as
in our time, according to an ancient Roman custom, Cato
handed over Marcia to the needy Hortensius! |
515 C, 4-18 When there was unrest outside the Taurus, because the outside Taurus = north of Taurus 11.9.2
kings of Syria and Media (who held these places, too) were kings of Syria + Media =
Macedonian kings, who held
otherwise engaged, their officials first of all caused Bactri- Parthia late 4th–mid-3rd c. BCE
ana to revolt, and t hose associated with Euthydemus1 caused
all the territory near it to revolt; then Arsaces, a Scythian,
together with those of the Daans called “Parnian” (nomads
living on the banks of the Ochus),2 attacked and took con-
trol of Parthia. To begin with, Arsaces was weak, constantly
fighting with those whose territory he had taken—he and
his successors likewise. Then they gained so much power
by successively acquiring lands through military successes
that they ended up in possession of all the land this side of this side of Euphrates = east of
Euphrates r.
the Euphrates.3 They even appropriated part of Bactriana,
overcoming by force the Scythians and, before them, those
associated with Eucratidas.4 Now they rule over so much
land and over so many nations that the size of their empire
is in a way on a par with Rome. The cause is their way of life
and their culture, which is barbarian and Scythian in many
ways but extremely conducive to hegemony and military
success. |
515 C, 19-23 The “Parnian” Daans are said to be emigrants from those 11.9.3
Daans inland from the Maeotis, whom they call “Xandian” Maeotis, Sea of Azov
or “Parian”5—but there is no agreement at all that certain of

the Scythians inland from the Maeotis are Daans. Anyway,
it is said that Arsaces derives his descent from the Parnian
Daans. Some, however, say that he was a Bactrianan and that,
escaping from the increasing power of those associated with
Diodotus,6 he caused Parthia to break away.
515 C, 24-29 Since I spoke at length about Parthian customs in the
sixth of my Historical Volumes 7 (the second of the volumes
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) After Polybius),8 I will pass over them here to avoid repetition.
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) I will say only that Posidonius9 speaks of the Parthian coun-
cil as a double one, partly consisting of kinsmen and partly
[ 1 ] “Those associated with Euthydemus” is idiomatic, meaning simply Euthydemus. the geographical work, Strabo’s historical work would have been over twice as
Bactriana had already (mid-3rd c. BCE) freed itself from Macedonian rule before long as his geographical one.
Euthydemus took control (late 3rd c. BCE). [ 8 ] What Strabo refers to as After Polybius probably comprises the greater part
[ 2 ] “Parnian” Daans: 511 C, 17-27nn. of Strabo’s Historical Volumes. Strabo often uses “titles” to designate sections
[ 3 ] Strabo temporarily adopts a Parthian point of view. of his work: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 4 ] “Those associated with Eucratidas” is idiomatic, meaning simply Eucratidas. [ 9 ] The Greek historian Polybius ended his work with the events of 146/145 BCE.
Eucratidas seized the Bactrian throne in early 2nd c. BCE. The Greek writer Posidonius, some three-quarters of a century later, wrote a
[ 5 ] “They” may be Latin speakers: 511 C, 17-27n; 508 C, 10-18n. historical work that started where Polybius left off and brought it up to his own
[ 6 ] “Those associated with Diodotus” is idiomatic, meaning simply Diodotus. times. Another half c entury later, Strabo wrote a historical work, the bulk of
Diodotus established Bactrian independence in mid-3rd c. BCE. which (After Polybius) similarly covered events after those covered by Polybius,
[ 7 ] Strabo’s Historical Volumes are no longer available to us. A 10th c. CE lexicon right up to Strabo’s times. Strabo must have therefore covered some of the
informs us that the work consisted of more than 40 books. Assuming that each same material as Posidonius.
of these books was, on average, as long as each of the 17 books that make up
601
4.1. Northern Asia
consisting of wise men and Magi, from among both of whom

they appoint kings.1 |
515 C, 30-33 Aria and Margiana are the best places in this area, enclosed 11.10.1
by mountains in one direction and with settlements on the

plains in the other direction. Some of the mountain dwellers
live in tents. The plains are crossed by rivers, which provide
water (on the one hand the Arius, and on the other hand the Arius, Hari-Rūd/Tedjen r.
Margus). Margus, Murghab r.
516 C, 1-11 Aria has a border with Bactriana and was subject to
ARIA Stasanor,2 who also held Bactriana. It is around six thou- Stasanor acquired
n. Afghanistan Aria + Bactriana, late 4th c. BCE
sand stades distant from Hyrcania. Drangiana (as far as
Carmania)—lying largely at the foot of the mountains on
the southern side but possessing some parts approaching
the northern side in the region of Aria—used to pay tribute
jointly with Aria. Arachosia is not far distant from it, also
lying at the southern foot of the mountains and extending
as far as the Indus river; it is part of Ariana. Aria’s length is length = east–west dimension
some two thousand stades, and the width of its plateau, three width = north–south dimension
hundred. Its cities are Artacaëna, Alexandria, and Achaea, [Arian] Alexandria, Herat (Afg.)
named for their f ounders. The land produces very good wine,
which keeps into the third generation, even in jars that are not
sealed with pitch. |
516 C, 12-16 Margiana is similar, although its plain is surrounded by 11.10.2
MARGIANA deserts. Antiochus Soter, impressed by its favorable location, Antiochus Soter, Macedonian
se. Turkmenistan king of Media + Syria, early
enclosed it within a wall one thousand five hundred stades in 3rd c. BCE
perimeter and founded the city of Antioch. This land is also Antioch, Erk Kala, Gyaur Kala
good for growing vines. They say that it is often found that (Tkm.)
the stem needs two men to encircle it, and that the clusters
are twice the length of the lower arm.3 |
516 C, 17-28 As for Bactria, part of it is north of Aria, but a large part 11.11.1
BACTRIA, SOGDIANA of it extends farther east. It is extensive and produces every

n. Afghanistan, s. Uzbekistan,
and Tajikistan region thing except olive oil. Because of the territory’s excellent resources,
the Greeks who made it i ndependent became so powerful that they
Apollodorus (1st c. BCE) conquered Ariana and the Indians, according to Apollodorus
of Artemita, and they conquered more nations than did Alexan- Alexander the G reat,
late 4th c. BCE
der, especially Menander, if he crossed the Hypanis in the east and
proceeded as far as the Isamus—he himself taking some nations,
and Demetrius, the son of the Bactrian king (Euthydemus), tak-
ing others. They held not only Patalene but also that part of the re- Patalene, Indus delta (Pak.)
maining coastline called “the kingdom of Saraostus and Sigerdis.”
[ 1 ] The information attributed to Posidonius is factually erroneous. It is not possi

ble to tell for sure whether the error was made by Posidonius, as his work is no
longer available. It is probable, however, that the error was present in Posido-
nius’s work, and that it is precisely for this reason that Strabo cites it. Drawing
attention to Posidonius’s errors helps to justify Strabo’s decision to cover the
same time period as Posidonius did.
[ 2 ] The name “Stasanor” is an emendation of the name found in the manuscripts.
[ 3 ] The Greek word translated here as “twice the length of the lower arm” could
simply mean “2 cubits long,” but the literal sense of the word translated as
“cubit” (= “length of the lower arm”) seems appropriate in this context.
602
Second Section
In general, that fellow claims that Bactriana is the jewel of all that fellow = Apollodorus
Ariana. They furthermore extended their rule to the Seres Seres, ?Chinese
and the Phaunians. |

516 C, 28-31 Their cities w ere Bactra, which they call also “Zariaspa” Bactra/Zariaspa, Balkh (Afg.) 11.11.2
river, ?Balkh-āb (through which flows the river of the same name, joining up
Oxus, Amu Darya with the Oxus); Darapsa; several o thers, including Eucratidia, Darapsa, Qunduz (Afg.)
named a fter the ruler.

516 C, 32–517 C, 4 The Greeks who occupied the territory divided it into sa-
trapies (of these, the Parthians deprived Eucratides of the Eucratides ruled, early 2nd c.
BCE
satrapy belonging to Aspiones, and Turiua). They also held
Sogdiana, which extends farther east than Bactriana, between
the river Oxus (which divides the territory of the Bactrians
Iaxartes, Syr Darya from that of the Sogdians) and the Iaxartes; the latter divides
the Sogdians from the nomads. |
517 C, 5-19 In the past, the Sogdianans and Bactrianans did not differ 11.11.3
much from the nomads in their lifestyle and habits, except

that Bactrianan habits were a l ittle more civilized! Even then,
what is said about them by those associated with Onesicri-
tus1 is not very edifying. Those who are exhausted through old age
or disease are fed while still alive to dogs (called “undertakers” in
the native tongue!) that are kept for this purpose; the areas outside
the wall of the capital city, Bactra, appear clean, but much of the
inside is full of h uman bones; Alexander put an end to this practice. Alexander the G reat,
late 4th c. BCE
Much the same sort of thing is said about the Caspians: any
of their parents who live beyond seventy years are walled
up and starved to death. This practice, although Scythian,
is more acceptable and similar to what happens among the
Ceians 2—but the practice of the Bactrianans is even more
Scythian! The question is surely worth asking, if Alexan-
der found such local practices still g oing on, what should
one think about the practices u nder the early Persians and
the preceding rulers—what was the likely practice among
them? |
517 C, 20–518 C, 4 It is said that Alexander founded eight cities in Bactri- 11.11.4
ana and Sogdiana and that he leveled others, including Bac-

Callisthenes (late 4th c. BCE) trianan Cariatae (where Callisthenes was arrested and put
under guard),3 Sogdianan Maracanda, and Cyra (Cyrus’s Maracanda, Samarkand (Uzb.)
Iaxartes, Syr Darya most remote city—situated on the Iaxartes—marking the Cyra, ?Kurkat (Taj.)
boundary of the Persian empire); that A lexander lev- Cyrus, Persian king, 6th c. BCE
eled this last city, despite being a philocyrus,4 b ecause of
[ 1 ] “Those associated with Onesicritus” is idiomatic, meaning simply Onesicritus

(late 4th c. BCE).
[ 2 ] Strabo refers to a verse by Menander, quoted at 486 C, 24-31.
[ 3 ] Callisthenes, confidant of Alexander the G reat, was arrested (327 BCE) and
executed. Callisthenes wrote a commentary on Homer’s Iliad and a record of
Alexander’s expedition in Asia.
[ 4 ] Lit, “fan of Cyrus” (founder of Persian empire). Cf. description of Parthians
as philarsacae, lit., “fans of Arsaces” (founder of Parthian empire): 748 C,
28–749 C, 7.
603
4.1. Northern Asia
its f requent insurrections. It is said that Alexander took

through treachery the Bactrianan rock fortress belong-
ing to Sisimithres (where Oxyartes held his d aughter,
Rhoxana) and the Sogdianan rock fortress belonging to
Oxus (or, some say, to Ariamazes); that Sisimithres’s for-
tress was fifteen stades high, having a perimeter of eighty
stades, flat at the top and with such good soil as to be ca-
pable of supporting five hundred men, and that Alexander
was greeted there with elaborate hospitality and married
Rhoxana, the d aughter of Oxyartes; that the Sogdianan
rock fortress was twice as high. It is said that this is where
Alexander destroyed the city of the Branchidians, settled
there by Xerxes1 after they had voluntarily joined him in
departing from their homeland (b ecause they had sur-
rendered up to him the gold and treasures of the god at
Didyma); that Alexander destroyed the city b ecause he
abhorred their sacrilege and betrayal. |
518 C, 5-9 Aristobulus . . . * the river r unning through Sogdiana, 11.11.5
Aristobulus (late 4th c. BCE) “Polytimetus” (the Macedonians coming up with the name just as, Polytimetus, Zeravshan r.
in the case of many other names, they came up with new ones or altered
existing ones); it provides the territory with water, then emerges into
the sandy desert and is swallowed into the sand, just like the Arius Arius, Hari-Rūd/Tedjen r.
that flows past the Arians.

518 C, 9-20 It is said that if you dig down near the Ochus river,2 you
find an oil source. It is reasonable to assume that, just as the
ground is infiltrated with certain nitrous, caustic, bitumi-
nous, and sulfuric fluids, so oily substances are also found.
However, its rarity makes it a t hing of wonder. Some say that
the Ochus runs through Bactriana: others, alongside it. Some
say that the Ochus is separate from and farther south than the
Oxus as far as their outlets, and that both have their outlets
into the sea in Hyrcania.3 Others say that the Ochus starts off
as separate but that the streams of the Ochus and the Oxus
unite to form one stream, with a width in many places of six
or seven stades. The Iaxartes is, from start to finish, separate
from the Oxus and ends in the same sea; their outlets are ap-
BCE) proximately eighty parasangs apart from each other, accord-
ing to Patrocles.
518 C, 20-25 Some say that the Persian parasang equals sixty stades,
others that it equals thirty or forty [stades]. When I sailed up
[ 1 ] An error for “Darius” (Persian king, late 6th–early 5th c. BCE), repeated at 634 C,
22-32. Other such repeated errors: 98 C, 13-17n and 100 C, 24-34n; 587 C, 24–
588 C, 2n and 636 C, 10-18n.
[ 2 ] In this paragraph, the names “Ochus,” “Oxus,” and “Iaxartes” are probably
applied to the Amu Darya, Syr Darya, and Volga r. (or Ural r.), respectively:
509 C, 11–510 C, 14. The name “Ochus” is perhaps also applied to a fourth river
(?Sangalak r.). Strabo is probably trying to reconcile several sources that use
the same names for different rivers.
[ 3 ] The mouths of the Amu Darya and Syr Darya are both located on the Aral Sea.
Could this be what Strabo means by “sea in Hyrcania”? Or does he take the
“sea in Hyrcania” to refer to the Caspian? See 510 C, 3-14n; 512 C, 26–513 C, 1n;
cf. 509 C, 4-11n.
604
Second Section
the Nile,1 they used the name schoenus for measurements of

diff erent values in diff erent places, varying from city to city, so
that a given number of schoeni meant in some places a longer
voyage, in others a shorter one, a tradition dating back to
early times and preserved even now. |
518 C, 26-34 As you go eastward from Hyrcania to Sogdiana, those na- 11.11.6
tions outside the Taurus became known at first to the Persians, outside Taurus = north of Taurus
mts.
then to the Macedonians and Parthians. Nations farther on
Persians, 6th–4th c. BCE
in the same direction are considered, on the grounds of their
Macedonians, late 4th–mid-
appearance, to be Scythian. To my knowledge, however, there 3rd c. BCE
have been no military campaigns against them; nor similarly Parthians, regional power
against the nomads farthest north, against whom Alexander from mid-3rd c. BCE, current in
Strabo’s day
undertook a campaign, going a fter Bessus and Spitamenes,
but gave up the attempt when Bessus was brought back alive
and Spitamenes was killed by the natives.
518 C, 34–519 C, 3 There is no consensus as to w hether p eople have sailed
Patrocles (late 4th–early 3rd c. from India to Hyrcania, but Patrocles said it was possible.2 Hyrcania, sw. Tkm., n. Iran
BCE)
| It is said that the final part of the Taurus (which they call 11.11.7
“Imaeum” and which ends with the Indian sea) neither pro- Imaeum, e. Himalayas
trudes farther east than India nor recedes from it.

519 C, 3-9 As you go onto the northern side,3 the sea progressively
steals away some of its length and width, so that the section length = east–west dimension
of Asia currently being dealt with (the section contained width = north–south dimension
within the Taurus with respect to the ocean that feeds into
the Caspian sea) appears to taper in the east. The greatest
length of this section, from the Hyrcanian sea to the ocean Hyrcanian sea, Caspian Sea
at Imaeum, is some thirty thousand stades (the route being ocean at Imaeum = Bay of
Bengal
along the mountain ridge of the Taurus); its greatest width
is less than ten thousand.4
519 C, 9-16 As has been noted, the distance from the gulf of Issus to gulf of Issus, Gulf of İskenderun
the Indian ocean in the east is around forty thousand stades, Indian ocean = Bay of Bengal
Calculation of 30,000 stades and it is another thirty thousand from the western point at
for east–west dimension of
2nd section of northern Asia the Pillars to Issus.5 The recess of the gulf of Issus is only a
little farther east (if at all) than Amisus.6 The distance from Amisus, Samsun (n. Tky.)
Amisus to the Hyrcanian country is around ten thousand Hyrcanian country, n. Iran
stades, parallel with the said line from Issus to the Indians.
What is left is the said length,7 going eastward, of the section length = from n. Iran to Bay of
Bengal
now being described, namely thirty thousand stades.
519 C, 16-26 Again, the greatest width of the lived-in world is around
thirty thousand stades. Given that the lived-in world is
[ 1 ] Strabo’s voyage on the Nile (early 20s BCE): 117 C, 35–118 C, 14n. [ 5 ] 87 C, 29–88 C, 5; 105 C, 33–106 C, 10 (where 70,000 stades is given as the total
[ 2 ] Patrocles’s work is no longer available to us. It seems possible that Patrocles east–west dimension of the lived-in world, and 30,000 from the westernmost
was referring to the feasibility of making the journey by river (rather than by point to Issus).
sea): Patrocles is cited by Eratosthenes (509 C, 11-25) for the information that [ 6 ] “Farther east than” = “on a more easterly meridian than.”
the Oxus river allows imports from India to the Hyrcanian (Caspian) sea. [ 7 ] I.e., from Hyrcanian sea to eastern ocean (519 C, 3-9).
[ 3 ] Northern side of 2nd section: 511 C, 9-17.
[ 4 ] Length (east–west dimension): 519 C, 9-16. Width (north–south dimension):
519 C, 16-26.
605
4.1. Northern Asia
Calculation of 10,000 stades c hlamydoid in shape, this would be near enough the distance chlamydoid, cloak-shaped
for north–south dimension of
2nd section along the meridian drawn through the Hyrcanian sea and Hyrcanian sea, Caspian Sea
the Persian sea (if the length of the lived-in world is seventy Persian sea, Persian Gulf
thousand). If it is eight thousand stades from Hyrcania to length = east–west dimension

Apollodorus (1st c. BCE) Artemita in Babylonia (as Apollodorus of Artemita says); Hyrcania, n. Iran
from t here to the mouth of the Persian sea, another stretch of Artemita, ?Karastel (Iraq)
the same distance; the same again (or only a l ittle less) to the
region opposite the end of Ethiopia;1 then the remainder of
the said width of the lived-in world,2 from the inmost point of
the Hyrcanian sea to its mouth,3 would be as much as I said.4
519 C, 26-31 Given that this section of the world tapers to the east,
its shape might be likened to a cook’s knife, with the moun-
tain range following a straight line and being conceived of as
the upper edge of the knife, and with the coastline from the
mouth of the Hyrcanian as far as Tamarum5 being conceived
of as the other edge, ending with a curved and tapering line. |
519 C, 32–520 C, 10 Mention must be made of some strange tales told about 11.11.8
the utter barbarians of the Caucasus and other mountain

regions. It is said to be customary for some, in the words of
Euripides (5th c. BCE) Euripides, to lament the newborn for the woes that will come, / but
joyfully and with good cheer to send out from their homes / the dead,
whose worries have ceased. For o thers, it is customary not to kill
those who have committed the most serious offenses but only
to banish them, along with their offspring. The reverse is true
for the Derbicans, who slaughter for the smallest offense! The
Derbicans worship Earth. They neither sacrifice nor eat any
female animal. They cut the throats of men who are over sev-
enty years old, and the nearest kin consume the flesh. They
strangle, and then bury, their old women. They do not eat
men who die whilst under the age of seventy, but bury them.
520 C, 10-14 The Siginnian people are in many ways Persified, except
that they make use of small shaggy ponies, which are unable
to carry riders but which they yoke together four abreast.
Their women are trained from childhood in charioteering:
the best at charioteering gets to live with w hatever man she
wants. The man judged to be bravest gets to marry whichever
woman he wants.
520 C, 14-21 It is said that t here are p
eople who make their heads ap-
pear as long as possible, their foreheads jutting out so as to
protrude beyond their chins. A feature of the Tapyrians is
[ 1 ] “Opposite” = “on the same parallel as.”

[ 2 ] Strabo’s subtraction gives 6,000 stades, or a little more, for the distance from
the inmost point of the Hyrcanian (Caspian) sea northward to its mouth.
[ 3 ] Strabo mistakenly believes in a northern ocean of which the Hyrcanian
(Caspian) sea is an inlet.
[ 4 ] 74 C, 23-32 (“around 6,000 stades”). Strabo’s figure of “less than 10,000” for the
north–south dimension of the 2nd section (519 C, 3-9) probably allows 3,000
stades for the width of the Taurus (490 C, 9-13).
[ 5 ] Perhaps Strabo’s scribe misheard, or a later copyist misread, “Ima(e)um” (in
Greek, to ima(i)on, as at 510 C, 26–511 C, 8; 518 C, 34–519 C, 3) to come up with
“Tamarum.” See Radt, vol. 3, critical apparatus on 519 C, line 30.
606
Third Section
that the men are black-robed and long-haired, the women

white-robed and short-haired; they live between the Derbi-
cans and the Hyrcanians. The Caspians kill t hose who are over
seventy years of age by starving them, then cast the corpses
into the desert. They keep watch from afar. If they see the dead
snatched from their resting place by birds, they account them
fortunate; if they see them snatched by wild animals or dogs,
they account them less fortunate; if they are not snatched by
anything, they account them extremely unfortunate. |
Third Section (n. Iraq, n. Iran, s. Azerbaijan, s. Georgia,

Armenia, e. + cen. Turkey)
520 C, 22-32 Since I opted to describe the northern parts of Asia first (as Taurus, mt. system from sw. 11.12.1
Turkey to ne. India
formed by the Taurus and called “inside the Taurus”),1 and
these parts include [nations] wholly or mostly within the moun-
tains themselves,2 and since the ones farther east than the Cas- Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
pian Gates are easier to describe because of their savagery, and
it does not matter whether they are categorized with this clima clima, band of latitude
or that,3 whereas the parts to the west4 all offer an abundance of

descriptive material—in consequence, I will start off with those
parts adjacent to the Caspian Gates. Media is adjacent on the
west, once a large and powerful territory, and contained within
a part of the Taurus, which (as in Armenia) has many branches
and is intercepted by huge river valleys.5 |
520 C, 32–521 C, 6 The Taurus starts in Caria and Lycia, although it displays Caria, Lycia, Pamphylia = sw. 11.12.2
Turkey
TAURUS neither remarkable height nor breadth there. The range first
mts. from sw. Turkey to n. Iran
begins to get r eally steep opposite the Chelidonians (islands Chelidonians, Beş Adalar
(Tk. islands)
that mark the start of the Pamphylian coast). Stretching east-
ward, the range is intercepted by the long valleys of the Cili-
cians; then the Amanus splits off on one side, and on the other Amanus, Nur Dağları (Tky.)
side the Antitaurus, which h ouses Comana among the “Upper Antitaurus, mts. in cen. + e.
Turkey
Cappadocians” (as they are called).6 This latter ends in Cata-
onia, but the Amanus range continues to the Euphrates and
to Melitene, where Commagene lies parallel to Cappadocia.7
521 C, 6-12 The ranges on the far side of the Euphrates river are exten- far side of Euphrates = east of
Euphrates r.
sions (although interrupted by the river) of the ranges just
mentioned, but they are more pronounced in terms of height
[ 1 ] 491 C, 12–492 C, 16.

[ 2 ] See 490 C, 13–491 C, 5, for the significant nations (“Parthia, Media, Armenia,
some Cappadocians, and Cilicians and Pisidians”) within the Taurus; cf. 130 C,
4-6n.
[ 3 ] For the sense in which Strabo uses the word clima: 522 C, 14-27.
[ 4 ] I.e., 3rd and 4th sections.
[ 5 ] Strabo postpones the start of his description of Media until 522 C, 28-32.
[ 6 ] Comana (Şar, Tky.) in “Upper Cappadocia”: 535 C, 20–536 C, 3. It is distinct from
Comana (Kılıçlı, Tky.) in Pontus: 557 C, 14–559 C, 20.
[ 7 ] This geographically confusing sentence is l ater clarified by Strabo (535 C, 12-19).
607
4.1. Northern Asia
and breadth and have a greater number of subdivisions. The

Taurus is much the most southerly range, and forms a bound-
ary between Armenia and Mesopotamia.1 | Flowing from it Mesopotamia, e. Syria, se. 11.12.3
Turkey, n. Iraq
are the two rivers—the Euphrates and the Tigris—which en-
circle Mesopotamia and almost converge with each other near
Babylonia, then exit into the Persian sea. Babylonia, s. + cen. Iraq
521 C, 13-20 The Euphrates is the larger river and, with its meander-
ing course, passes through more territory. From its sources
in the northern part of Taurus, the Euphrates flows west-
ward through what is called “Great” Armenia until it reaches
“Little” Armenia, which the river has on its right, while it
has Acilisene on its left. Then it turns southward, coinciding
with the Cappadocian border as it curves around. Leaving the
Cappadocian and Commagenian borders on the right, and
Acilisene and Sophene (of Great Armenia) on the left, it flows
into Syria and makes another turn, toward Babylonia and the Syria, n. + e. present-day Syria
Persian gulf. Babylonia, s. + cen. Iraq

521 C, 20-25 The Tigris flows from the southern part of the same
mountain range t oward Seleucia and nearly converges with Seleucia, Tell Omar (Iraq)
the Euphrates, with which it forms Mesopotamia. Then it, Mesopotamia, e. Syria,
se. Turkey, n. Iraq
too, issues into the same gulf. The sources of the Euphrates
and Tigris are some two thousand five hundred stades apart. |
521 C, 26–522 C, 4 There are many subdivisions of the Taurus to the north. 11.12.4
One of them belongs to what is called the “Antitaurus” (it Antitaurus, mts. in cen. +
e. Turkey
is given this name where it encloses Sophene in a gorge,
which lies between it and the Taurus). The next range north
of the Antitaurus—on the far side of the Euphrates and in far side of Euphrates = north of
Euphrates r.
the region of Little Armenia—is large and has a multiplicity
of parts: one section is called the “Paryadres,” another sec- Paryadres, mts. in ne. Turkey
tion the “Moschian mountains,” and other sections by other Moschians, mts. in ne. Turkey,
s. Georgia
names. This range contains all Armenia as far as the Iberians
and Albanians. Then, to the east, t here are other mountains
looming over the Caspian shore, taking us up to Atropatian
Media and Great Media. They call all this part of the moun-
tain range (and its continuation to the Caspian Gates and still pass (Iran)
farther east. where it reaches Aria) “Parachoathras.” Such are Parachoathras, Alburz + Talish
the names of the northern ranges. mts.
far side of Euphrates = east of
522 C, 4-14 The southern mountains on the far side of the Euphrates Euphrates r.
are t hose stretching east from Cappadocia and Commagene. Taurus/Gordyaeans, mts. in
The first part is called in its own right “Taurus,” cutting off se. Turkey
[ 1 ] Strabo postpones his description of the Armenian + Mesopotamian Taurus

(se. Turkey) until 522 C, 4-14.
608
Third Section
Sophene and the rest of Armenia from Mesopotamia. (These

mountains are called by some the “Gordyaeans,” and they in-
clude the Masium mountain range overlooking Nisibis and Masium, Karaca Dağ to Tigris r.
Tigranocerta.) Then the range gets steeper and is called the Nisibis, Nuysaybin (Tky., on
border with Syr.)
“Niphates” (somewhere on the southern edge of these moun-
Tigranocerta, Arzan (Tky.)
tains are the sources of the Tigris). Then, from the Niphates,
Niphates, mts. south of Van
the mountain ridge goes on farther and farther, forming the l. (Tky.)
Zagrium range, which cuts Media off from Babylonia. A fter Zagrium, Zagros, mts. in n. Iraq,
Zagrium, above Babylonia, are the mountains belonging to w. Iran
the Elymaean and Paraetacenian p eoples, while above Media

are the mountains of the Cossaeans.
522 C, 14-27 In the midst are Media and Armenia, containing many
mountains and mountain plateaus, and likewise plains and
huge valleys, and many nations live around them (they are
small, for the most part dwelling in the mountains and liv-
ing by raiding). For this reason I classify as “inside the Tau-
rus” both Media (to which the Caspian Gates belong) and Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
Armenia.1 | According to me, then, since t hese nations are 11.12.5
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) inside the Taurus, they would be “northern.” Eratosthe-
nes, however, having made a division into the “north” and
the “south,” and into what he called sphragides (calling some
sphragides “northern” and some “southern”), declares that the
Caspian Gates 2 are the dividing line between the two climata. climata, bands of latitude
It would be logical for him to treat nations south of the Cas-

pian Gates (including Media and Armenia) as “southern,” and
nations north of them as “northern,” since this is indeed the
case following the various classifications. Perhaps it did not
strike him that no part of Armenia or Media is outside and
south of the Taurus. |
522 C, 28-32 Media is split in two. They use the name “Great Media”3 Great Media, w. Iran 11.13.1
for the part containing the metropolis of Ecbatana, a g reat Ecbatana, Hamadan (Iran)
city and the capital of the Median empire. She is now used
by the Parthians as their capital—although their kings spend
only the summer there (for Media is cold) and have their win-
Seleucia-on-Tigris, Tell Omar
ter capital at Seleucia-on-the-Tigris, near Babylon. (Iraq)
522 C, 32–523 C, 19 The other part is Atropatian Media,4 which takes its
ATROPATIAN MEDIA name from its leader, Atropates. Atropates prevented this
nw. Iran, s. Azerbaijan
territory (although part of G reat Media) from falling u nder
Macedonian sway; he was proclaimed king, and claimed the
independent territory as his own. Even today, the royal line
[1] Classification of Media and Armenia as “inside the Taurus”: 490 C, 13–491 C, 5.
[2] I.e., the parallel running through the Caspian Gates?
[3] The full description of Great Media is postponed u ntil 524 C, 9–526 C, 33.
[4] The present-d ay name “Azerbaijan” is derived from the ancient name
“Atropatian.”
609
4.1. Northern Asia
descends from him, his successors having formed marriage al-

liances with the Armenian, Syrian, and then Parthian kings. |
The territory lies east of Armenia and Matiana, west of Great 11.13.2
Media, north of both; and it lies parallel to the region around both = ?Matiana + Great Media
the recess of the Hyrcanian sea (and, in the south, Matiana). Hyrcanian sea, Caspian Sea
It is not insignificant in respect of its military strength, ac-

Apollonides (early 1st c. BCE) cording to Apollonides. More specifically, it can muster ten
thousand horsemen and forty thousand foot soldiers. It is
home to lake Spauta, where crystallized salts form that cause Spauta, Urmia l. (Iran)
painful itching. The remedy for this affliction is olive oil, or

fresh water in the case of clothes that have grown stiff because
someone in ignorance dipped them into the lake to wash
them! They have powerful neighbors, the Armenians and
Parthians, from whom they suffer frequent strikes. They fight
back, however, and recoup what they have lost: for example,
they took back Symbaca from the Armenians who had come
under Roman control. Also, they have entered into an alliance
with Caesar (albeit at the same time courting the Parthians). |
523 C, 20-25 The king’s summer residence . . . * Gazaca, situated in Gazaca, ?Leilan (Iran) 11.13.3
the plain . . . *1 in the rock fortress of Vera, which Antony M. Antony besieged Vera
(?Zohak Qal'eh, Iran), 36 BCE
besieged during his campaign against the Parthians. This
fortress is two thousand four hundred stades distant from the
Araxes river, which marks the boundary between Armenia Araxes, Aras r.
Dellius (1st c. BCE) and Atropatene. This is according to Dellius, the friend of
Antony, who wrote up Antony’s campaign against the Par-
thians and who was present on the campaign as a commander.
523 C, 26-34 While the rest of the territory is naturally blessed, the territory = Atropatian Media
north is mountainous, rugged, and cold, home to mountain-

dwelling Cadusians, Amardians, Tapyrians, Cyrtians, and
other such p eople, who have migrated there and live by raid-
ing. (The Zagrus and the Niphates have a scattering of these Zagrus, Zagros, mts. in n. Iraq,
w. Iran
nations.)2 The Cyrtians and Mardians (this is the name for
Niphates, mts. south of Van l.
the Amardians) in Persia, and those in Armenia who have (Tky.)
maintained the same name up to the current day, share their
appearance. | The Cadusians are only a little inferior to the 11.13.4
Arianans in the number of their foot soldiers. Their javelin

throwers are excellent. In rocky places, they fight on foot
rather than on h orseback.
524 C, 1-8 It was not the terrain that made the campaign arduous
for Antony but rather his guide for the route—namely, the
[ 1 ] Radt (vol. 3, critical apparatus on 523 C, line 20) hypothesizes two gaps in the
text ( . . . *) partly to get around the problem that Gazaca (?Leilan, Iran) was
in fact the winter residence. Strabo may simply have erred: he similarly but
inversely gives the summer residence of the Parthian kings as their winter one:
524 C, 9-14n.
[ 2 ] Strabo implies that some nations in Atropatian Media originated in Great
Media and Great Armenia.
610
Third Section
Armenian king Artavasdes. Antony made Artavasdes (who Artavasdes was M. Antony’s
ally in unsuccessful Roman war
was conspiring against him) his adviser and head of military against Parthia, 36–34 BCE;
strategy. Antony meted out punishment but only later on, blamed by Antony for Roman
defeat and taken captive, 34
that fellow = Artavasdes after both he himself and that fellow had caused the Romans BCE; held in Alexandria and
executed after Antony’s defeat
much woe. That fellow made it a journey of eight thousand in civil war against Octavian
stades (more than twice the straight-line distance), via moun- (future Augustus), 31 BCE
tains, places with no roads, and circuitous routes, to reach the

Euphrates crossing, ?Kavunlu/
Atropatene border from the Euphrates crossing. | Belkis (Tky.)
524 C, 9-14 In ancient times Great Media, having put an end to Syrian 11.13.5
REAT MEDIA
G domination, ruled all Asia. Later on, under the rule of Asty-
w. Iran
ages, it was itself deprived of its extensive power by Cyrus and
the Persians. It nevertheless preserved much of its traditional
significance, with Ecbatana being used as a winter capital by Ecbatana, Hamadan (Iran)
the Persians,1 and similarly by the Macedonians who over-

threw the Persians and took possession of Syria. Currently,
Ecbatana continues to provide the same useful and secure
retreat to the Parthian kings. |
524 C, 15-23 Great Media is bounded to the east by Parthia and by the 11.13.6
mountains of the Cossaeans. The Cossaeans are people who

live by raiding. They fielded thirteen thousand archers when,
in alliance with the Elymaeans, they fought against the Su-
Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) sians and Babylonians. Nearchus says that, of the four nations
who lived by raiding—the Mardians, who bordered on the Persians;
the Uxians and the Elymaeans, who bordered on these people and
the Susians; and the Cossaeans, who bordered on the Medes—all de-
manded tribute from the kings, but the Cossaeans also received gifts
whenever the king left for Babylonia, after he had spent the summer
in Ecbatana. Alexander attacked them in winter and put an end to Ecbatana, Hamadan (Iran)
their g reat audacity.

524 C, 23–525 C, 2 So, G reat Media is bounded to the east by these people, these people = Cossaeans
and furthermore by the Paraetacenians (mountain dwellers

who live by raiding), who reach as far as the Persians; to the
Hyrcanian sea, Caspian Sea
north by t hose residing inland from the Hyrcanian sea (the
Apolloniatis/Sitacene, e. Iraq
Cadusians etc., whom I just listed);2 to the south by Apol-
Zagrus, Zagros, mts. in n. Iraq,
loniatis (which people of long ago called “Sitacene”) and by w. Iran
the part of the Zagrus where Massabatica (which belongs to Massabatica, w. Iran
Media—some say to Elymaea) is situated; to the west by the Laodicia, Nihavand (Iran)
Atropatians and by some of the Armenians. In Media there Rhagian Apamia, ?nr. Aradan
are also Greek cities, founded by the Macedonians, includ- (Iran)
ing Laodicia, Rhagian Apamia, and Rhagae itself, founded by Rhagae, Ravy (Iran)
[ 1 ] Strabo slips. Ecbatana was the summer capital, as he is well aware: 522 C, 28-32;
524 C, 15-23.
[ 2 ] 523 C, 26-34.
611
4.1. Northern Asia
Nicator 1 and called by him “Europus,” and by the Parthians “Arsa-

cia,” lying south of the Caspian Gates by some five hundred stades,
Apollodorus (1st c. BCE) according to Apollodorus of Artemita. |
525 C, 3-21 Much of Great Media lies at a high elevation and has a cool 11.13.7
climate: this is the case with the mountains above Ecbatana, Ecbatana, Hamadan (Iran)
the region of Rhagae and the Caspian Gates, and the north in Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
general from t here to Matiana and Armenia. Below the Cas-
pian Gates, in the flatlands and valleys, Media is extremely
fertile and produces everything except olives (any place they
do grow, they are hard and dry). Media, like Armenia, pro-
vides excellent h orse pasture. There is a meadow t here called
“Hippobotus” (Horse-pasture), which is crossed by t hose making
the journey from Persia and Babylon to the Caspian Gates. Persia, w. + cen. Iran
It is said that, in the Persian era, fifty thousand mares grazed Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
there—they comprised the royal herds. Some say that Nesaean
horses, preferred by the kings because of their size and quality,
originate from h ere (others say they originated in Armenia).
These horses, and the h orses now called “Parthian,” share
characteristics that distinguish them from Helladic horses
and other h orses with which we are familiar. We give the name
“Median” to the type of grass that gives the horses such excel-
lent nourishment (because it is abundant in Media). The juice
from silphium produced in the territory is also called “Median.”
It can at times be not much inferior to and at times can surpass
Cyrenaean juice, e ither because of the better environment, or
because it is a different species, or b
ecause people extract and
prepare it in such a way that it can be laid down and kept for
when needed. | Such is the nature of the territory.2 territory = Great Media, w. Iran 11.13.8
525 C, 22-29 In regard to size, it is roughly as wide as it is long. M

edia’s
greatest width appears to be from the pass through the Zagrus width = north–south dimension
called the “Median Gate,” via Sigriana, to the Caspian Gates, Zagrus, Zagros, mts. in n. Iraq,
w. Iran
a distance of four thousand one hundred stades. Reports of
Median Gate, ?Taq-i Girra pass
its tribute payments are consonant with this size and with (Iran)
the territory’s resources. While Cappadocia made annual pay- Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
ment to the Persians of one thousand five hundred h orses, pass (Iran)
two thousand mules, and fifty thousand sheep (in addition

to payment in silver), the Medes paid virtually double that
amount. |
525 C, 30–526 C, 11 People say that many of the customs among the Medes 11.13.9
are the same as among the Armenians, on account of the
[ 1 ] Seleucus Nicator (Conqueror) became king over much of the eastern territory
originally acquired by Alexander the G
reat (late 4th c. BCE). His successors lost
territory progressively throughout the 2nd c. BCE.
[ 2 ] 524 C, 9–525 C, 15.
612
Third Section
t erritory being similar, but that the Medes w ere the role
models, both for these p eople and still e arlier for the Per- these people = Armenians
sians who overthrew them and succeeded to the dominion of them = Medes
Asia. “Persian” dress, as it is now known, Persian f anaticism

for archery and equestrianism, attendance on the kings, or-
namentation, divine reverence on the part of the subjects—
these have passed from the Medes to the Persians. The truth
of this is especially clear from their clothing. The tiara, citaris,
pilus, long-sleeved tunics, and trousers are appropriate garb
for cold northern places, such as in Media, but not at all for
southern ones. The Persians have most of their habitation
on the Erythran sea, and are farther south than the Babylo- Erythran sea, Persian Gulf
nians and the Susians. When they overthrew the Medes, they
acquired some parts that w ere attached to Media. However,
the customs of the conquered appeared so venerable to the
conquerors, and so suited to royal estate, that they decided,
instead of going about in lightweight and scanty clothing, to
dress like women in swaths of clothing. |
526 C, 12-20 Some say that Medea spread this dress style when she— Medea, Colchian princess of 11.13.10
Greek myth
just like Jason—ruled the area, covering her face when she
went out in lieu of the king; that the Jasonia, hero shrines
much revered by the natives, are memorials to Jason (also,
there is a huge mountain above the Caspian Gates on the left Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
called “Jasonium”), while the dress and the name of the ter-
Jasonium mountain, Kuh-i
ritory are memorials to Medea (although it is also said that Damavand
Medus, her son, succeeded to the empire and that the ter-
ritory was named a fter him). Corroboration is provided by
the Jasonia in Armenia, by the name of that territory, and by
several other t hings that I will discuss.1 |
526 C, 21-30 It is Median custom to choose the bravest man as king. 11.13.11
(However, this is not for all the p eople but only t hose who live
in the mountains.) It is rather more the custom for the kings
to have many wives. The latter is a custom for t hose Medes
who live in the mountains and indeed for all the people. It is
not permitted to have fewer than five. In the same way, p eople
say that the women count it an honor that very many . . . *,2
and a catastrophe to have fewer than five. While the rest of
Media is naturally blessed, the mountainous region in the
north is miserable. P eople subsist on tree fruit. They make
cakes out of chopped-up dried apples and loaves out of
[ 1 ] In the traditional version of the Greek myth, Medea helps Jason defeat her
father in Colchis, then returns with Jason to Greece. The traditional version
was reworked a fter the conquests of Alexander the Great (late 4th c. BCE) to
represent Jason and Medea as continuing eastward: 530, 18–531 C, 26n.
[ 2 ] The words in the manuscripts (see Radt, vol. 3, critical apparatus on 526 C, line
25) seem to say something like “the women count it an honor to have multiple
husbands”—but scholars have balked at this notion and emended the text.
613
4.1. Northern Asia
roasted almonds. They press wine from certain types of root.

They eat wild game but do not keep domesticated animals.
526 C, 31-33 That was my account of the Medes. I w ill talk about cus-
toms common to the w hole of Media in my account of the
Persians (since Median and Persian customs are the same, as
a result of the Persian conquest).1 |
526 C, 34–527 C, 9 As for Armenia, the southern parts are shielded by the 11.14.1
ARMENIA Taurus, which cuts it off from the w hole region called “Meso- Taurus, mts. of se. Turkey
e. Turkey, s. Georgia,
w. Azerbaijan, nw. Iran,
potamia” (Between-rivers) between the Euphrates and the Tigris.
present-day Armenia The eastern parts reach G reat Media and Atropatene. In the
north are the Parachoathras mountains (inland from the Cas- Parachoathras, Alburz + Talish
mts.
pian sea), the Albanians and the Iberians, and the Caucasus,
which encircles t hese nations and connect with the Arme-
nians, and also with the Moschian and Colchian mountains, Moschians, mts. in ne. Turkey,
s. Georgia
taking us up to the “Tibaranians,” as they are called. In the
west are these nations 2 and the Paryadres and Scydises, which Paryadres, Scydises, mt. ranges
of ne. Turkey
take us down to Little Armenia and to the Euphrates river
basin, separating Armenia from Cappadocia and Comma-
gene. |
527 C, 9-15 The Euphrates has its sources in the north of the Taurus. 11.14.2
At first, it flows westward through Armenia, then it bends

around to the south and cuts through the Taurus between the
Armenians and the Cappadocians and the Commagenians.
Emerging into Syria, it bends to the southeast as far as Baby- Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
lon and forms, together with the Tigris, Mesopotamia. (Both

rivers end in the Persian gulf.)
527 C, 16-17 Such is the periphery, virtually all of it mountainous and
rugged except for a few parts t oward Media.
527 C, 17-29 The above-specified Taurus 3 takes a new beginning
from the far shore—opposite the Commagenians and the
Melitenians—created by the Euphrates. To the south is the
Masium mountain range, rising above the Mesopotamian Masium, Karaca Dağ to Tigris
(Tky.)
Mygdonians, among whom Nisibis is located. To the north
Nisibis, Nuysaybin (Tky., on
lies Sophene, between the Masium and the Antitaurus. border with Syr.)
The Antitaurus starts off from the Euphrates and the Tau-
rus and ends in eastern Armenia. It encloses Sophene and,
on the other side, has Acilisene (which is situated between
the Taurus and the Euphrates river basin before the latter
curves around to the south). Carcathiocerta is the capital Carcathiocerta, Eğil (Tky.)
of Sophene. Above the very eastern end of the Masium, in
[ 1 ] 732 C, 18–735 C, 16.

[ 2 ] Tibaranians: 548 C, 27-34. Perhaps also Colchians?
[ 3 ] 522 C, 4-14; 526 C, 34–527 C, 9.
614
Third Section
Gordyene, is the Niphates, then there’s the Abus, whence the Niphates, mts. south of Van l.
(Tky.)
Euphrates and the Araxes flow (the Euphrates toward the
Abus, Bingöl Dağ (Tky.)
west, the Araxes t oward the east). Then the Nibarus stretches
Araxes, Aras r.
as far as Media. |
527 C, 29-33 The course of the Euphrates has been described.1 The 11.14.3
Araxes, r unning eastward as far as Atropatene, bends around

to the north and west and runs past the Armenian cities of,
first, Azara and then Artaxata; then it passes through the Azara, ?Shahtakht (Arm.)
Araxene plain and flows into the Caspian sea.2 | Artaxata, Artašat (Arm.)
528 C, 1-9 Within Armenia itself there are many mountain ranges; 11.14.4
elevated plateaus on which it is not easy to grow even vines;

valleys, some of them moderately fertile, others extremely
fertile—for example, the Araxene plain, through which the Araxene plain, in present-day
Armenia
Araxes river flows to the far end of Albania and exits into the
Caspian sea; then Sacasene, which is next to Albania and the Sacasene, Šakašen (Aze.)
Cyrus river, and then Gogarene. All this territory abounds in Cyrus, Kura/Mtkvari r.
crops, cultivated trees, evergreens, even olive trees. Phauene Gogarene, Gugark' (s. Geo.,
n. Arm.)
is a district of Armenia, as also Comisene and Orchistene,
with its many cavalry horses.
528 C, 9-20 Chorzene and Cambisene lie farthest north and (given that
they reach the Caucasus mountains, Iberia, and Colchis) they
have the highest snowfall. It is said that frequently, when the
snowfall is heavy in the high mountain passes, entire bands of
travelers can become trapped in the snow; that, with a view
to just such a catastrophe, people carry sticks that they push
through to the surface to get air and to alert passersby and
obtain help. It is said that hollow balls of ice are formed in the
snow and that t hese contain good w ater, which, if the coating
is cracked open, can be drunk; that there are creatures that
Apollonides (early 1st c. BCE) self-generate under the snow, creatures that Apollonides calls
Theophanes (1st c. BCE) “worms” and Theophanes calls “larvae.” They say that such
self-generation of creatures is like the self-generation of gnats
from the burning embers in mineworks. |
528 C, 21-31 History tells us that Armenia, once small, was enlarged 11.14.5
by those associated with Artaxias and Zariadris.3 These men

Antiochus succeeded as king
had earlier been generals under Antiochus the Great. Then, of Media + Syria, 220 BCE;
defeated by Rome, 190/189 BCE
after Antiochus’s fall, they reigned as kings (Zariadris over
Zariadris ruled, ca. 190–ca.
Sophene, Amphissene, Odomantis, and various other places; 163 BCE
Artaxias over the Artaxata region). They expanded by tak- Artaxias ruled, ca. 190–ca. 160
ing land from the nations that lived around them. Caspiana, BCE
[ 1 ] Course of Euphrates: 521 C, 13-20; 527 C, 9-15.

[ 2 ] The initial part of Strabo’s description of the Araxes (“eastward” course) and
the final part (its discharge “into the Caspian”) are given from the point of view
of a voyager going downriver. The central part of Strabo’s description (from
Atropatene bending “north and west,” passing “Azara and then Artaxata,” then
flowing “through the Araxene plain”) is given from the point of view of a voy-
ager going upriver. “Azara” is possibly an error for “Arxata”: 528 C, 32–529 C, 10n.
[ 3 ] “Those associated with Artaxias and Zariadris” is idiomatic, meaning simply
Artaxias and Zariadris. Artaxias and Zariadris: 531 C, 26–532 C, 7.
615
4.1. Northern Asia
Phaunitis, and Basoropaeda w ere taken from the Medes.

The foothills of the Paryadres, Chorzene, and Gogarene be-
yond the Cyrus were taken from the Iberians. Carenitis and Cyrus, Kura/Mtkvari r.
Xerxene—which border on or are part of Little Armenia—

were taken from the Chalybians and the Mosynoecians. Aci-
lisene and the Antitaurus region w ere taken from the Cata-
onians. Tamoritis was taken from the Syrians. As a result, the
people all share the same language. |
528 C, 32–529 C, 10 The cities of Armenia are Artaxata—which is also called Artaxata/Artaxiasata, Artašat 11.14.6
(Arm.)
Artaxiasata (founded by Hannibal for king Artaxias)—and
Hannibal fled to Antiochus 195
Arxata.1 Both are situated on the Araxes—Arxata toward BCE; to Artaxias a
fter 190 BCE
the boundary with Atropatia, Artaxata (beautifully laid out Arxata, ?Shahtakht (Arm.)
and the territory’s capital city) t oward the Araxene plain.
Artaxata is situated on a river bend that almost forms an is-
land, her encircling walls protected by the river except at the
isthmus; the isthmus is defended by a trench and a palisade.
Not far from the city are Babyrsa and Olana, which were the
treasuries of Tigranes and Artavasdes and are natural forts. Tigranes ruled Armenia, 95–ca.
55 BCE
There used to be other forts along the Euphrates. Artagerae
Artavasdes ruled Armenia, ca.
was incited to revolt by its garrison commander, Ador, but it 55–34 BCE
was destroyed by Caesar’s generals after a long siege and had
its walls pulled down.2 |
529 C, 11-30 There are several rivers in the territory, the best known 11.14.7
being the Phasis and Lycus, which flow into the Pontic sea Phasis, Rioni r.
(Eratosthenes incorrectly uses “Thermodon” rather than Lycus, Kelkit Çay
“Lycus”); the Cyrus and Araxes, which flow into the Caspian; Cyrus, Kura/Mtkvari r.
and the Euphrates and Tigris, which flow into the Erythra. | Araxes, Aras r.
There are also large lakes throughout Armenia. One of them Erythra, Persian Gulf 11.14.8
is “Mantiana,” which, translated, means “Blue.” P eople say Mantiana, Urmia l. (Iran)
that it is the biggest lake after the Maeotis; its water is salty; it
stretches as far as Atropatia and has salt flats. Arsene, which Arsene/Thonitis, Van l. (Tky.)
they also call “Thonitis,”3 contains nitron and causes clothes nitron = natron (sodium
chloride)
to rip and tear; its w ater is consequently non-potable. The
Tigris starts out from the Niphates mountains and flows Niphates, mts. south of Van l.
(Tky.)
through Arsene, maintaining a distinct stream b ecause
of the swiftness (from which it takes its name, the Medes
calling an arrow a tigris). The Tigris has many types of fish,
whereas the fish in the lake are of one type only. At the far
end of the lake, the river enters a cleft and drops a consider-
able distance underground, rising again at Chalonitis. From
[ 1 ] Strabo perhaps emends his earlier statement (527 C, 29-33n, where he gives
the name as “Azara” rather than as “Arxata”).
[ 2 ] Augustus Caesar initiated the war in which Artagerae was besieged (3–4 CE).
Gaius Caesar (Augustus’s a dopted son) was entrusted with the war and was
present at the siege but died from wounds sustained there (early 4 CE).
[ 3 ] Strabo later corrects the name (746 C, 23-29, where he gives the name as
“Thopitis”). Emendation h ere of the name is unnecessary: Radt, vol. 3, critical
apparatus on 529 C, line 18.
616
Third Section
t here, the T
igris flows forthwith t oward Opis and t oward what Opis, Tell Mujeili' (Iraq)
is called the “Cross-wall of Semiramis,” leaving the Gordyae-

ans and all of Mesopotamia to the right, while the Euphra-
tes conversely has the same territory on the left. Converging
with each other and creating Mesopotamia, the Tigris flows
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) through Seleucia toward the Persian gulf, while the Euphrates Seleucia, Tell Omar (Iraq)
Hipparchus (2nd c. BCE) flows through Babylon, as I said in my critique of Eratosthenes Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
and Hipparchus.1 |
529 C, 31–530 C, 12 In Hyspiratis at Caballa, there are the gold mines to which 11.14.9
Alexander sent Meno with his soldiers . . . * by the locals. Armenia was controlled
by Persia, 6th–4th c. BCE;
There are other mines, including mines of what is called san- conquered by Alexander the
dyx, which they also call “Armenian color” (like purple). The Great, late 4th c. BCE
territory provides excellent h orse pasture, no less so than

Media, with the result that “Nesaean” horses (which were
used by Persian royalty) are bred in Armenia too. The Arme-
nian satrap sent every year to the Persian [king] twenty thou-
sand foals for the Mithras festival; Artavasdes, when invading Artavasdes, king of Armenia,
allied with Rome in attack on
Media with Antony, displayed for him, alongside his other Atropatian Media, 36 BCE
cavalry horses, a six-thousand-strong contingent wearing
heavy armor. (It is not only Medes and Armenians who are
keen on such cavalry horses. Albanians, too, use horses in full
armor.) | It is no small indication of the territory’s wealth and 11.14.10
resources that, when Pompey imposed on Tigranes (father of Pompey subjugated Tigranes,
king of Armenia, to Rome,
talent, largest unit in Artavasdes) a tax of six thousand talents of silver, Tigranes 66 BCE
1 talent = 6,000 drachmas paid it to the Roman forces forthwith, at the rates of fifty
drachmas per soldier, a thousand drachmas per centurion,
and one talent per each cavalry officer and army commander. |
530 C, 13-17 Theophanes gives the size of the territory as one hundred territory = Armenia 11.14.11
Theophanes (1st c. BCE) “schoeni” in breadth and double that in length, assuming forty
stades per schoenus. He exaggerated. It would be nearer the
truth to take as its length the figure he gave for its breadth and
to take as its breadth half of that or only a l ittle more. Such is
the disposition, and power, of Armenia. |
530 C, 18–531 C, 1 The story about the origin of this people is as follows. 11.14.12
Armenus, from the city of Armenium in Thessaly, between Armenus, Jason, heroes of
Greek myth, voyaged in Argo
Pherae and Larisa on the Boeba, accompanied Jason on his from Greece to Colchis
campaign into Armenia, as I have said.2 Those associated with
Cyrsilus the Pharsalian and with Medius the Larisaean3 (men
who were present on Alexander’s campaign) say that Armenia
is named a fter him; some of Armenus’s companions settled Acilisene,
[ 1 ] 80 C, 20-28.
[ 2 ] 503 C, 24-30.
[ 3 ] “Those associated with Cyrsilus the Pharsalian and with Medius the Larisaean”
is an idiomatic expression, meaning simply Cyrsilus and Medius. Cyrsilus and
Medius (late 4th c. BCE), and probably other writers under Alexander, were
responsible for the variant of the myth in which Jason, instead of stopping at
Colchis, continues into the Caucasus and farther north and east, establishing
a precedent for Alexander the Great: 495 C, 28–496 C, 3; 498 C, 26–499 C, 9;
503 C, 24-30; 505 C, 28–506 C, 3; 526 C, 12-20.
617
4.1. Northern Asia
formerly a Sophenian possession, while others settled in Syspiritis as

far as Calachene and Adiabene, outside the Armenian mountains.
They also say that the Armenian style of dress is Thessalian: for
example, their full-length tunics (called in tragic plays “Thessalian”
and worn with a b elt around the breast) and their cloaks, so that
tragic actors also imitate Thessalians! They needed some such
adornment, and the Thessalians with their very long robes—
in all likelihood a result of their being the most northerly of all
the Greeks and living in its coldest part—provided the most
appropriate object of imitation in the repertory of actors.
Also said to be of Thessalian origin is the Armenian—and
likewise, the Median—love of horsemanship.
531 C, 1-15 Standing witness to Jason’s campaign are the Jasonia
(temples to Jason), some of which w
ere destroyed by dynasts (just
as the temple to Jason in Abdera was destroyed by Parmenio). Parmenio, aide to Alexander
the G
reat, late 4th c. BCE
| It is believed that t hose associated with Armenus1 gave the 11.14.13
Araxes the same name as the Peneius because it resembled

the latter: the Peneius, too, was called the “Araxes” (Sunderer), Araxes, Aras r.
owing to the fact that it sunders Ossa from Olympus as it

smashes its way through Tempe. It is said that the Araxes in
Armenia, a fter its descent from the mountains, used to long
ago broaden out to form a sea without any outlet in the plains
below; Jason, replicating Tempe, made the gash through
which the w ater now crashes down into the Caspian sea; this
resulted in the exposure of the Araxene plain, through which
the river makes its way to the cataract. This story about the
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) Araxes river has some credibility, but that of Herodotus has no
credibility at all. Herodotus says that, after flowing from amongst
the Matienans, the Araxes splits into forty rivers, dividing the Scyth-
Callisthenes (late 4th c. BCE) ians from the Bactrianans (Callisthenes followed him).2 |
531 C, 16-23 As for some of the Aenianians, one group is said to have 11.14.14
settled Vitia and one group is said to have settled inland from
the Armenians, above the Abus and the Nibarus, which are Abus, Bingöl Dağ (Tky.)
part of the Taurus. Of these two, Abus is near the road leading
into Ecbatana past the temple to Baris. It is said that certain Ecbatana, Hamadan (Iran)
Thracians called “Saraparae”—a wild, unruly, mountain-

dwelling p eople who practiced scalping and beheading (which
is what saraparae means)—settled above Armenia near the
Guranians and Medes. An account of Medea has been pro-
vided in the Medica.3
[ 1 ] “Those associated with Armenus” is idiomatic, meaning simply Armenus.

[ 2 ] Strabo (and Herodotus) appear to conflate the Araxes that divides “the Scyth-
ians from the Bactrianans” (Syr Darya or Amu Darya) with the Araxes running
through Armenia (Aras r.); cf. 512 C, 26–513 C, 1.
[ 3 ] Medica (lit., “Stuff about Media”) refers to the section of Strabo’s narrative
(522 C, 28–526 C, 33) in which he describes the territory of Media (w. Iran, s. Azer-
baijan); and within which he discusses the mythical heroine “Medea” (526 C,
12-20). Strabo’s use of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
618
Third Section
531 C, 23-26 As a consequence of all these considerations,1 people con-

jecture that the Medes and the Armenians are somehow re-
lated to the Thessalians and to the descendants of Jason and
Medea. | So much is ancient history. 11.14.15
531 C, 26–532 C, 7 Their more recent history (under the Persians and in the Persians ruled, 6th–4th c. BCE
succeeding period up to our times) might properly be limited

to the following summary. Armenia was a Persian possession
and then a possession of the Macedonians who held Syria Macedonians ruled, late 4th–
late 3rd c. BCE
and Media; the last satrap was Orontes (a descendant of Hy-
Orontes ruled, 220–ca.190 BCE
darnes, who was one of the Seven Persians).2 Then it was split
in two by Artaxias and Zariadris, generals 3 under Antiochus Artaxias ruled e. Armenia ca.
190–ca. 160 BCE; Zariadris ruled
the Great in his war against the Romans. They ruled as vice- w. Armenia c.190-c.163 BCE
regents of the king. Allying themselves with the Romans a fter Antiochus, Macedonian king of
the king’s defeat, they set up on their own and were them- Syria + Media, at war with Rome,
200–190 BCE
selves called “kings.” Tigranes, descended from Artaxias, held
Tigranes succeeded, ca. 95 BCE
Armenia proper (the territory having a border with Media,
with the Albanians and Iberians as far as Colchis, and with
Euxine Cappadocia),4 while Artanes of Sophene, descended
from Zariadris, held the south and the parts rather more to
the west. Artanes was destroyed by Tigranes, who established Tigranes deposed Artanes, ca.
93 BCE; died ca. 55 BCE
his mastery of the whole region.
532 C, 7-25 Tigranes experienced several changes in fortune. Initially
taken hostage by the Parthians, he won his return through Tigranes was taken hostage
by Parthia, ca. 120 BCE; won
their agency when they received as ransom seventy Armenian back ransomed land, as well as
valleys. As Tigranes’s power grew, he not only won back t hese Atropatene and Gordyaea (se.
Tky.), before 87 BCE; took Syria
places but also devastated Parthian territory in the region of and Phoenicia from Macedonian
kings, ca. 83 BCE; founded
Ninus, Kuyunjik (Iraq) Ninus and Arbela; subjugated the Atropatenian [king] and Tigranocerta (Arzan, Tky.),
Arbela, Erbil (Iraq) Gordyaean [king], along with the rest of Mesopotamia; crossed after 80 BCE
the Euphrates and, using all his might, even took Syria and
Phoenicia. After reaching such exalted heights, Tigranes
founded a city near Iberia, between it and the Euphrates
crossing. He called the city “Tigranocerta” and assembled
there the population of twelve Greek cities. Lucullus (who Lucullus attacked Tigranocerta,
69 BCE
fought the war against Mithridates) moved against him pre-
emptively, sent each settler back to his own home, attacked Artavasdes succeeded, ca. 55
BCE; allied with M. Antony in
and razed the half-completed city, leaving a tiny hamlet, and unsuccessful Roman war against
Parthia, 36–34 BCE; taken
drove Tigranes out of Syria and Phoenicia. Artavasdes suc- captive by Antony, 34 BCE;
ceeded Tigranes and did well for a while, as long as he was a executed, 31 BCE
Antony lost civil war against
friend of the Romans, but he betrayed Antony to the Parthi- Octavian (future Augustus) at
ans during the war against them and paid the price. He was Actium, 31 BCE
[ 1 ] 530 C, 18–531 C, 23.

[ 2 ] The “Seven Persians” were conspirators who installed (late 6th c. BCE) Darius as
king of Persia.
[ 3 ] “Generals” (strategoi) is possibly used in the sense of royal officials in charge of
subdivisions of the kingdom.
[ 4 ] Euxine Cappadocia = Pontic Cappadocia: 540 C, 30–562 C, 20.
619
4.1. Northern Asia
transferred to Alexandria by Antony and paraded in chains

through the city, kept as a prisoner for a while, and then killed
when the Actian war started. After Artavasdes, several kings
ruled as subjects of Caesar and the Romans. Armenia contin-
ues to be held in the same way even now.1 |
532 C, 26–533 C, 4 Medes and Armenians have temples in honor of every Per- 11.14.16
sian deity, but the Armenians hold t hose of Anaïtis in especial

honor, building them in various places including Acilisene,
where they make dedications (not surprisingly) of male and
female slaves. The nation’s most eminent men also dedicate
their unmarried d aughters, who are customarily prostituted
for a considerable time in s ervice to the goddess before being
given away in marriage—and no man considers it beneath
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) him to live with such a w oman. (Herodotus tells of a simi-
lar Lydian custom, whereby all w omen are prostituted!) The
women treat their lovers well, even providing them with hos-
pitality and gifts, frequently more than they receive in return,
as they come from wealthy h ouseholds. But the w omen do
not take up with just any old stranger but only with men of
equal social status. |
533 C, 5–534 C, 7 . . . *2 And there’s Cappadocia, with many parts and hav- 12.1.1
CAPPADOCIA ing undergone many changes.3 Those who speak essentially

cen. + n. Turkey
the same language are t hose who are bounded to the south
by what is called the “Cilician Taurus”; to the east by Arme- Cilician Taurus, mts. in s. Turkey
nia, Colchis, and the linguistically different p eople in be-

tween them; to the north by the Euxine as far as the outlet Euxine, Black Sea
of the Halys; to the west by the nations of the Paphlagonians Halys, Kızıl Irmak
and of the Galatians who settled in Phrygia, down to the

Lycaonians and the Cilicians dwelling in Rough Cilicia.4 |
With regard to t hose who all speak the same language, 12.1.2
people of long ago categorized the Cataonians separately,

distinguishing them from the Cappadocians on the grounds
that they were ethnically distinct; and, in enumerating the
nations, they listed Cataonia after Cappadocia, and then the
Euphrates and the nations on its far side, so that they clas-
sified Melitene, too, under Cataonia. Melitene lies between
Cataonia and the Euphrates, borders on Commagene, and is
a tenth part of Cappadocia, according to the division of the
territory into ten administrative districts (which is how the
kings of our times before Archelaus divided up the govern- Archelaus ruled, 36 BCE–17 CE
[ 1 ] At the time that Strabo writes, Rome has just (18 CE) installed a new Armenian which the w hole of Cappadocia has become Roman. While Strabo has had time
king. to adjust his mindset in connection with Pontic Cappadocia (540 C, 30–541 C,
[ 2 ] Scholars have seen Strabo’s switch to Cappadocia as too abrupt and have hy- 14n), the recent date of events in G reat Cappadocia means that Strabo still
pothesized an introductory passage in Strabo’s original manuscript that was largely deals with its historical incarnation as an independent kingdom, al-
later omitted by a copyist. The jarring transition may, however, simply reflect though aware (534 C, 8-20n) that it is now politically linked with the rest of the
sudden changes at the time of writing, namely the death of the king of G reat Asian peninsula.
Cappadocia (17 CE) and the absorption (18 CE) of the kingdom into the Roman [ 4 ] Eastern border with Colchis/Little Armenia, Great Armenia: 548 C, 27-34; 526 C,
provincial system. 34–527 C, 9. Western border with Paphlagonians, etc.: 566 C, 23-30. Euxine (Black
[ 3 ] Roman absorption of Great Cappadocia, together with the fall of Pontic Cap- Sea) coast: 546 C, 30–548 C, 27.
padocia to the Romans more than 80 years e arlier, completes the p
rocess by
620
Third Section
ment of Cappadocia). Cataonia, too, is a tenth part of Cap-

padocia. In our times, each had its own administrator. T here
being no apparent difference between the Cataonians and
the other Cappadocians in regard to language, nor in regard
to other customs or any other characteristics, it is amazing
how all signs of ethnic difference have completely dis
appeared. They used to be separate then but were acquired They = Cataonians
by Ariarathes, the first man to be called “king of the Cap- Ariarathes ruled ca. 255–ca.
220 BCE
padocians.” |
534 C, 8-20 Cappadocia is effectively the isthmus of a huge peninsula 12.1.3
confined between two seas: the Issian gulf (as far as Rough Issian gulf, Gulf of İskenderun
(Med.)
Cilicia) and the Euxine (as far as Sinope and the Tibarenian
Euxine, Black Sea
coastline). We label the w hole peninsula west of the Cappado-
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) cians as being “this side of the isthmus.” Herodotus labels the
peninsula as being “this side of the Halys,” all of it ruled by this side of Halys = west of Kızıl
Irmak
Croesus, called by Herodotus king of the nations this side of the
Halys river. (Men of today, however, call the area within the Croesus ruled Lydia, 6th c. BCE
Taurus “Asia,” giving it the same name as the overall
continent.)1 Included within it, beginning with the nations it = peninsula
on the eastern side, are Paphlagonians, Phrygians and Lyca-

onians; then Bithynians, Mysians, and Epictetus; further-
more, the Troad and the Hellespont; after these people, on
the coast, as concerns Greeks, the Aeolians and Ionians, and
as concerns the rest, the Carians and Lycians; in the interior,
the Lydians. I will talk about these various nations later.2 |
534 C, 20-25 Cappadocia was divided into two satrapies by the Persians. Persians, 6th–4th c. BCE 12.1.4
When the Macedonians took over, they oversaw (willingly Macedonians, late 4th c. BCE
in one case, unwillingly in the other) the conversion of the

satrapies into kingdoms. They named one of the kingdoms
“Cappadocia” proper—or “Taurean Cappadocia” or even (by
Zeus!) “Great Cappadocia.” They named the other kingdom
“Pontus” (some calling it “Pontic Cappadocia”).3
534 C, 25–535 C, 3 With regard to Great Cappadocia, I do not yet know ex-
GREAT CAPPADOCIA actly how it is now categorized since, when its king (Arche- Archelaus ruled Cappadocia,
cen. Turkey 36 BCE–17 CE
laus) died, Caesar and the senate decreed it to be Roman
Tiberius and senate decreed province. Under that fellow and the kings before him (when that fellow = ?Archelaus
Cappadocia a Roman province,
18 CE
the territory was divided into ten administrative districts),
five of the districts w ere classified as “Taurean” (Melitene,
Cataonia, Cilicia, Tyanitis, Garsauritis)4 and there were five
others (Laviansene, Sargarausene, Saravene, Chamanene,
[ 1 ] “Men of today” are the Romans, who refer to the Asian peninsula as “Asia” (e.g., Mysians, 628 C, 8–628 C, 30. Troad, Aeolians, Lydians, Ionians, Carians, and
540 C, 14-26n; 561 C, 33–562 C, 9n; 594 C, 2-8) or sometimes as “Asia within the others: 581 C, 1–681 C, 24. Strabo frequently laments that the boundaries
Taurus” (e.g., 577 C, 1-10n; 641 C, 24–642 C, 1n); or sometimes simply use the between t hese n
ations are porous, making his account difficult to structure.
expression “within the Taurus” (e.g., 624 C, 9-22n). T hese terms include the [ 3 ] Pontus, or Pontic Cappadocia (n. Turkey): 540 C, 30–562 C, 20.
isthmus comprising Cappadocia, as well as the peninsula proper. The expres- [ 4 ] Melitene, Cataonia: 535 C, 4–537 C, 5. Cappadocian Cilicia, Mazaca: 537 C, 29–
sion “men of today”: 508 C, 10-18n. 539 C, 26. Tyanitis, Tyana: 537 C, 18-22. Garsauritis: 537 C, 11-17.
[ 2 ] Paphlagonians, 544 C, 5–546 C, 25; 561 C, 33–563 C, 3. Phrygians, Lycao-
nians, 566 C, 31–569 C, 30; 576 C, 26–581 C, 1. Bithynians, 563 C, 10–566 C, 22.
621
4.1. Northern Asia
and Morimene).1 An additional eleventh district was later

acquired from the Romans (taken from Cilicia, granted to
the kings before Archelaus), namely the region of Castabala Castabala, Bodrum Kalesi (Tky.)
and Cybistra2 as far as Derbe, which belonged to Antipater Cybistra, Ereğli (Tky.)
the pirate. Granted to Archelaus was the Elaeussa region of Derbe, Kerti Hüyük (Tky.)
Rough Cilicia and the whole area that had supported piracy.3 | Elaeussa, Ayaş (Tky.)
535 C, 4-11 Melitene is similar to Commagene in that it—alone in 12.2.1
MELITENE Cappadocia—is planted throughout with cultivated trees,

so that it produces olive oil and Monarite wine, which rivals
Greek wines. It lies opposite Sophene (with the Euphrates
river between them), as also does Commagene, which borders
on it. On the far bank is an important Cappadocian fortress, Tomisa, ?nr. İzolu (Tky.)
talent, largest unit in Tomisa.4 It was sold to the Sophenian5 for one hundred tal- Roman general Lucullus
Greek accounting system; 1 campaigned against
talent = 6,000 drachmas ents, but Lucullus later donated it to the Cappadocian6 as a
Mithridates of Pontus, 74–67
reward for support in the war against Mithridates. | BCE
535 C, 12-19 Cataonia is a broad and enclosed plain that produces 12.2.2
CATAONIA everything except evergreens. There are various mountain

ranges around, including the Amanus in the south (a branch Amanus, Nur Dağları (Tky.)
of the Cilician Taurus) and the Antitaurus breaking off in the

opposite direction. The Amanus extends to the Cilician and
Syrian seas, west and south from Cataonia. With this great
gulf of Issus, Gulf of İskenderun
length, it encloses the whole of the gulf of Issus and the Cili- (Med.)
cian plains on the Taurus side. The Antitaurus heads north,
Antitaurus, mts. in cen. + e.
deviating slightly to the east, then ends in the interior. | Turkey
535 C, 20–536 C, 3 In the Antitaurus are deep, narrow gorges, among which 12.2.3
is situated Comana, with its temple to Enyo (the deity that Comana, Şar (Tky.)
those p eople call “Ma”). Comana is a significant city, with a those people = Cataonians
huge number of holy men and temple slaves. The inhabit-

ants are Cataonians, in some respects answerable to the king
but largely subject to the priest. The priest is master of both
the temple and the slaves (of whom there were more than six
thousand, men and w omen, at the time of my stay);7 and a
large territory is attached to the temple, of which the priest
has usufruct. The priest ranks second in prestige to the king
in Cappadocia.8 In general, the priests were from the same
family as the kings. Apparently, Orestes and his s ister Iphi- Orestes, hero of Greek myth
genia brought the worship of “Tauropolus” Artemis from

Taurian Scythia to this place, where they dedicated the coma
(hair) of mourning, from which the city takes her name. The
Sarus river runs past this city and crosses, through the con- Sarus, Seyhan Nehri
[1] Other districts: 537 C, 5-11.

[2] Castabala, Cybistra: 537 C, 22-28.
[3] Elaeussa: 671 C, 8-20.
[4] Tomisa (?nr. İzolu, Tky.) is on the long road r unning from the Euphrates to Ephe-
sus: 663 C, 19-33nn.
[5] “The Sophenian” = king of Sophene, who received Tomisa from the Cappado-
cians before his deposition (ca. 93 BCE) by Tigranes, king of Armenia.
[6] “The Cappadocian” = Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia (96/95–63/62 BCE).
[7] Strabo probably reached Cappadocian Comana via the long road running from the
Euphrates to Ephesus: 663 C, 19-33nn. Strabo’s presence in Cappadocia: 733 C, 7-16n.
[8] This information, valid at the time of Strabo’s visit, was rendered out of date
after the death of the last Cappadocian king, Archelaus (17 CE).
622
Third Section
necting valleys of the Taurus, to the Cilician plains and into

the sea below. |
536 C, 3-20 The Pyramus, a navigable river with its sources in the Pyramus, Ceyhan Nehri 12.2.4
midst of the plain, runs through Cataonia. There is a siz-

able hole through which it is possible to see its subterranean
waters, flowing underground for a considerable distance be-
fore rising to the surface. If you lower a javelin into the hole
from above, the countervailing force of the w ater is so g reat
that the javelin scarcely gets wet. The Pyramus is very deep
and very wide for much of its course but undergoes an amaz-
ing contraction when it reaches the Taurus. Amazing, too,
is the mountain pass through which the river courses. Just
as when rocks are sundered and split in two, the projections
from one part correspond to the indentations in the other
part in such a way that they can be fitted together; in just the
same way, I saw how the cliffs on e ither side of the Pyramus,1
reaching almost to the tops of the mountains, have hollows
corresponding to the projections opposite, for a distance
of two or three plethra. The low ground between them is 1 plethrum = 100 ft.
all rocky, with a fissure running through it, quite deep, and
narrow enough for a dog or hare to jump across. This is the
river’s channel, full to the brim and looking like a wide ditch.
Because of its twists and turns, its extreme contraction and
the depth of its gully, a sound like thunder is the first thing
that strikes you from afar.
536 C, 20-29 The Pyramus, in its descent through the mountains, car- Pyramus, Ceyhan Nehri
ries so much silt (some from Cataonia and some from the Cili-
cian plains) into the sea that there was even an oracle issued
about it, which is given as follows: it will come about, for men of
future times, that the Pyramus, with its broad stream, / w ill silt up
the sacred shore and reach Cyprus. What happens here is similar
to what happens in Egypt, where the Nile with its sediment
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) continually creates dry land out of the sea. Herodotus accord-
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) ingly called Egypt a gift of the river, and the poet described
Pharus as being in the open sea (this was the situation formerly,
but it now lies close to Egypt). |
536 C, 30-34 See 537 C, 17 ff. | 12.2.5
537 C, 1-5 The Cataonian plain has no city (nor does Melitene), but 12.2.6
there are hill fortresses in the mountains—Azamora, and

Dastarcum, around which the Carmalas river flows. It also Carmalas, ?Zamantı Su
[ 1 ] Strabo probably accessed the upper reaches of the Pyramus (Ceyhan Nehri)
via the Euphrates–Ephesus road: 663 C, 19-33nn.
623
4.1. Northern Asia
has a t emple sacred to “Cataonian” Apollo, which is revered

throughout Cappadocia and which people use as a model. Nor
do any of the other administrative districts have cities, with
two exceptions.1
537 C, 5-11 With regard to the remaining districts, in Sargarausene
there’s the small town of Herpa, and the Carmalas river, which
flows out to sea through Cilicia. In other districts are Argus Eumenes, Macedonian in
charge of Cappadocia, was
(a mountain fortress in the Taurus) and Nora (now called besieged, 320/319 BCE
“Neroassus”), where Eumenes withstood a long siege and Neroassus/Nora, ?Gelin Tepe
which in our times was the t reasury of Sisines, who seized the Sisines fought to establish claim
to Cappadocia, 41–36 BCE
Cappadocian throne. Cadena—a royal residence constructed
like a city—was also a possession of Sisines.
537 C, 11-17 On the borders with Lycaonia is the villageopolis of
Garsauira (said to have once been the territory’s capital). In Garsauira, Aksaray (Tky.)
Morimene is the temple to Zeus-in-Venasa, with its popu- Venasa, Avanos (Tky.)
lation of nearly three thousand temple slaves and its sacred

talent, largest unit in
territory (very lucrative, providing an annual income to the Greek accounting system;
priest of fifteen talents). The priest is appointed for life, like 1 talent = 6,000 drachmas
the priest at Comana, and ranks second to him in honor. | Comana, Şar (Tky.)
This passage is traditionally The third priesthood is that of Zeus . . . *, inferior to this 12.2.5
removed by scholars from its
manuscript position (536 C, 30- but nevertheless of some importance. There is a reservoir
34) and inserted here the size of a lake in circumference, containing salt w ater and
rimmed with cliffs so sheer that the descent is by ladder. It
is said that neither does the water level rise nor is there any-
where an obvious outlet. |
537 C, 18-22 Only two administrative districts have cities. Tyanitis has 12.2.7
TYANITIS Tyana, lying at the foot of the Taurus by the Cilician Gates Tyana/Taurean Eusebia,
Kemerhisar (Tky.)
(which provide very easy access, used by all alike, into Cilicia
Cilician Gates, Gülek Bogazi
and Syria). Tyana is called “Taurean” Eusebia.2 While Tya- (Tky.)
nitis is good and level in most parts, Tyana herself sits atop a
beautifully walled Semiramis mound.3
537 C, 22-28 Not far from Tyana, and closer in to the mountains, are the
CASTABALA, CYBISTRA towns of Castabala and Cybistra. In Castabala is the t emple to Castabala, Bodrum Kalesi (Tky.)
“Perasian” Artemis, where priestesses are said to walk bare- Cybistra, Ereğli (Tky.)
foot through hot embers without feeling any pain. Some
people set in this location the same story4 of Orestes and the
goddess Tauropolus, arguing that the goddess was called “Pera- Tauropolus = Artemis
sian” b
ecause she was brought perathen (from afar).
537 C, 29–538 C, 5 While the city of Tyana is in the administrative district of
Tyanitis, one of the ten mentioned above5—I do not include
[ 1 ] The two exceptions are Tyana/Taurean Eusebia (Kemerhisar, Tky.) in Tyani-

tis, and Mazaca/Argaean Eusebia (Kayseri, Tky.) in Cilicia/Mazacene: 537 C,
18–539 C, 26.
[ 2 ] As distinct from “Argaean” Eusebia (Kayseri, Tky.): 537 C, 29–538 C, 5n.
[ 3 ] Semiramis mounds: 737 C, 8-19.
[ 4 ] The story in question: 535 C, 20–536 C, 3.
[ 5 ] Ten administrative districts: 534 C, 25–535 C, 3.
624
Third Section
in this number the later acquisitions of Castabala and Cy- Elaeussa, Ayaş (Tky.)
bistra and the places in Rough Cilicia, where the lush little Augustus granted Elaeussa to
Archelaus, king of Cappadocia,
island of Elaeussa was made into a significant settlement by 20 BCE
Archelaus, who spent a great deal of time there—Mazaca (the Mazaca/Eusebia, Kayseri (Tky.)
CAPPADOCIAN CILICIA nation’s capital)1 is in what is called “Cilicia.” She, too, is called She = Mazaca
“Eusebia,” with the further qualification “Argaean,”2 since she Argaeus, Erciyes Dağ (Tky.)
lies at the foot of Argaeus, the highest of all mountains, whose Pontic sea, Black Sea
peak—from which both the Pontic and Issian seas are visible Issian sea, Gulf of İskenderun
on clear days, according to t hose few who make the climb—is (Med.)
never without snow.

538 C, 5-13 In many respects, it is an ill-chosen site for a city: it lacks
water, it is not well defended, and because of poor leadership,
it is not fortified with walls. (Perhaps the point of this was
that the inhabitants, living on a plain overlooked by higher
ground that is out of missile range, would not be able to rely
on the fortified wall as a defensive base from which to make
raids.) The surrounding places are barren and of no use for
farming, even though level, as it is sandy with an underlay of
rock. If you go a l ittle farther out, the plains are volcanic and
full of fiery pits for many stades, with the result that necessary
supplies have to be brought in from far away.
538 C, 13-22 Even Mazaca’s apparent advantages are attended by dan-
ger. Argaeus (despite the fact that practically the w hole of Argaeus, Erciyes Dağ (Tky.)
Cappadocia is bare of trees) has a forest around it providing

a local source of timber, but the places at the foot of the forest
are everywhere characterized by fire. At the same time, there
are underground streams of cold w ater so that the surface,
with neither fire nor water popping up onto it, is mostly cov-
ered with grass. There are places, however, where the ground
is marshy and flames shoot up at night. Experienced workers,
keeping careful vigil, can cut down the trees, but there is a
widespread risk, particularly for cattle, that they will fall into
the fiery pits without seeing them. |
538 C, 23-31 There is a river called “Melas” in the plain before the city, Melas, Kara Su 12.2.8
approximately forty stades distant from Mazaca, its sources

at a lower level than the city. The river therefore does them no
good, as its stream is not high enough up. The river spreads out
to form marshes and lakes, which pollute the air around the
city in the summer; and it renders useless the otherwise easily
workable quarry (where flat ledges provide the Mazacenans
[ 1 ] Mazaca (Kayseri, cen. Tky.) is on the long road from the Euphrates to Ephesus:
663 C, 19-33nn.
[ 2 ] As opposed to “Taurean” Eusebia (Kemerhisar, Tky.): 537 C, 18-22n.
625
4.1. Northern Asia
with an unstinting supply of stone for building—but t hese

surfaces are resistant when u nderwater.) The marshes, too,
are everywhere full of fire.
538 C, 31–539 C, 9 King Ariarathes1 blocked up the narrow gorge where the
Melas joins the Halys, converting the nearby plain into an Melas, Kara Su
inland sea and creating within it some small islands like the Halys, Kızıl Irmak
Cyclades, where Ariarathes spent his time in laddish pursuits.

When the dam suddenly broke, it released its w aters, and the
Halys was flooded. It washed away much of the Cappado-
cians’ land and destroyed many of their houses and crops, and
damaged a not insignificant area of the territory belonging
to the Galatians who occupied Phrygia. In compensation for
their losses, the p eople exacted a penalty from him of three him = Ariarathes
talent, largest unit in hundred talents, after they had turned the case over to the
1 talent = 6,000 drachmas Romans. The same thing happened in the region of Herpa.
There, he dammed the stream of the Carmalas; then, when Carmalas, ?Zamantı Su
there was an outrush at the mouth, and the water destroyed

certain places belonging to the Cilicians in the Mallus region,
he paid a fine to those who had suffered damages. |
539 C, 10-16 So, then, although the area belonging to the Mazacenans is 12.2.9
ill favored in many respects, the kings appear to have selected it

for settlement because it was the most central of all the places
in their territory that had both wood and stone for building
and also fodder (an important requirement for them as live-
stock breeders). They treated the city as a sort of camp and
depended for their safety, and the safety of their slaves and
possessions, on fortresses, of which t here w ere many, some
belonging to the king and some belonging to his courtiers.
539 C, 16-26 Mazaca is around eight hundred stades south of Pontus; Pontus = province (erstwhile
kingdom) of Pontus (n. Tky.)
slightly less than double that from the Euphrates; a six-day
journey from the Cilician Gates and Cyrus’s camp, via Tyana Cilician Gates, Gülek Bogazi
(Tky.)
(which lies mid-journey, three hundred stades from C ybistra).
Tyana, Kemerhisar (Tky.)
The Mazacenans use the laws of Charondas and appoint a no-
moedus to interpret (just as Roman lawyers do) the laws for
them. Tigranes the Armenian treated the Mazacenans badly Tigranes invaded Cappadocia,
95/94 BCE; founded
when he overran Cappadocia, relocating e very one of them Tigranocerta (Arzan, Tky.), after
to Mesopotamia, where he used them to establish in great 80 BCE
part the citizen body of Tigranocerta. After the capture of

Tigranocerta, t hose who had the resources to go back home
did so. |
[ 1 ] Several Cappadocian kings were named “Ariarathes.” The likely candidate is

either Ariarathes IV (ruled 220–163 BCE), referred to by Strabo in the phrase
the “daughter of Ariarathes” (624 C, 9-22) and as “the Cappadocian” (540 C,
14-26), or Ariarathes V (ruled 163–130 BCE), one of the two “Cappadocian kings”
(646 C, 18-33n).
626
Third Section
539 C, 27–540 C, 1 In size, the territory is some one thousand eight hundred territory = Great Cappadocia 12.2.10
stades in width, from Pontus to the Taurus; and around three width = north–south dimension
thousand [stades] in length, from Lycaonia and Phrygia to the length = east–west dimension
Euphrates and Armenia in the east. It is good for growing

crops, particularly cereal crops, and for rearing all types of
livestock. It is colder than Pontus, although lying farther
south: Bagadania, even though it lies on a plain in the extreme
south (it is situated at the foot of the Taurus) has hardly any
fruit-bearing trees; like much of the rest of the territory (es-
pecially the region of Garsauira, Lycaonia, and Morimene),
it is good for grazing wild mules.
540 C, 2-9 The red ochre called “Sinopean”—the absolute best qual-
ity, although the “Iberian” comes close—is produced in Cap-
padocia. It was called “Sinopean” because traders used to take
it to Sinope before the Ephesians extended their trade as far
as the Cappadocians. It is said that slabs of rock crystal and of
onyx were discovered near Galatian territory by miners work-
ing for Archelaus. T here was also a place that produced mar- Archelaus ruled Cappadocia,
36 BCE–17 CE
ble, similar to ivory in color, like not very large grindstones,
from which they made little dagger handles. Another place
yielded large lumps of translucent stone of exportable quality.
540 C, 9-13 The border between Pontus and Cappadocia is formed by
the chain of mountains parallel to the Taurus, beginning at the
western end of Chamanene (where the fortress of Dasmenda
is located on sheer rock) and g oing to eastern Laviansene. |
540 C, 14-26 When the Romans began managing affairs in Asia1 after 12.2.11
their victory over Antiochus, they made friendships and al- Romans forced Antiochus,
Macedonian king of Syria, to
liances with nations and kings. While this honor was given withdraw from Asian peninsula,
to other kings in their own right, it was given to the Cap- 188 BCE
padocian jointly with his nation.2 When the royal line was
extinguished, the Romans agreed, in accordance with the
treaty of friendship and alliance with the nation, that the
people should be autonomous; but the people sent ambassa-
dors asking that they be excused from their freedom (saying
that they were not able to bear it) and requesting that a king
be appointed for them. The Romans w ere amazed that any
people would refuse freedom in this way, but nevertheless left
it up to the Cappadocians to elect from among themselves Ariarathes’s line died out,
96/95 BCE; Ariobarzanes ruled
whoever they wanted. They chose Ariobarzanes. When his 96/95–63/62 BCE; his line died
line was extinguished after three generations, Archelaus3 was out, 42 BCE
[ 1 ] “Asia” = Asian peninsula: 534 C, 8-20n.

[ 2 ] “The Cappadocian” = Ariarathes (IV), king of Cappadocia (ruled 220–163 BCE).
[ 3 ] Archelaus, like Strabo, had ties in Pontus: Archelaus’s grandfather was the first
Roman-appointed priest at the temple of Comana in Pontus (558 C, 8-23; 796 C,
12-16n).
627
4.1. Northern Asia
put on the throne by Antony, even though Archelaus had no

connection with the Cappadocians.1
540 C, 27-29 That was my account of G reat Cappadocia. It is best to
describe the part of Rough Cilicia that was added to it in my
hole.2 |
account of Cilicia as a w
Fourth Section (n. + w. + s. Turkey + Cyprus)
540 C, 30–541 C, 14 Mithridates Eupator established himself as king of Pontus.3 Mithridates Eupator ruled 12.3.1
Pontus, 120–66 BCE
PONTUS He possessed the territory defined by the Halys, as far as the
n. Turkey, Georgia
Tibaranians and Armenians; and, of the territory that lay inside Halys = west of Kızıl Irmak
“inside the Halys,” that which stretched to Amastris and Amastris, Amasra (Tky.)
to certain parts of Paphlagonia. Mithridates acquired, in

addition, the coastline as far west as Heraclia (hometown
Heraclides (4th c. BCE) of Heraclides, the Platonic p hilosopher) and as far in the
opposite direction as Colchis and Little Armenia, which he Roman general, Pompey
defeated Mithridates, 66
also added to Pontus.4 Pompey ended Mithridates’s rule BCE; reorganized conquered
and took over his territory within these boundaries, allocat- territories, 65–63 BCE
ing the region of Armenia and the region around Colchis to Armenia = Little Armenia,
ne. Turkey
the powerful overlords that had fought at his side, and split-
ting the rest into eleven states, which he added to Bithynia,
so as to form one province out of two. (Meanwhile, Pompey
handed over some of the inner Paphlagonians to be ruled
by the scions of Pylaemenes, just as he handed the Gala-
tians over to the hereditary tetrarchs).5 Subsequently, the
Roman rulers made various other arrangements, setting up
kings and overlords, freeing some cities, putting some into
the hands of overlords and granting o thers to the Roman
people.
541 C, 14-16 As I go through each place in turn, let me state conditions
as they now are, touching a little on former conditions where
to do so is appropriate.6 Let me start with Heraclia, which is
the westernmost of these places.7 |
Pontic Coast (Black Sea)

541 C, 17-27 As you sail from the Propontis into the Euxine, on your Propontis, Marmara Denizi 12.3.2
left is the coast following on from Byzantium. It belongs Euxine, Black Sea
to the Thracians and is called the “Left-Hand Side of the
[ 1 ] Archelaus, having been appointed to the Cappadocian throne (41 BCE), secured [ 4 ] Pontic coastline (n. Turkey): 542 C, 31–548 C, 25. Colchis (w. Georgia): 497 C,
his claim a few years later (36 BCE). 27–499 C, 13. Region of L ittle Armenia (ne. Turkey): 548 C, 26–556 C, 10. Pontic
[ 2 ] Cilicia as a w
hole: 668 C, 7–676 C, 28 (see esp. 671 C, 8-20). interior (e. + n. Turkey): 556 C, 11–561 C, 32.
[ 3 ] Roman absorption (after 66 BCE) of the kingdom of Pontus, the heart of which [ 5 ] Inner Paphlagonia (n. Turkey): 561 C, 33–563 C, 3. Galatia (w. cen. Turkey): 566 C,
lay east of the Halys river (Kızıl Irmak), made the river redundant as a boundary. 31–569 C, 30.
Despite Strabo’s e arlier claim that the 4th section of n. Asia lies west of the Halys [ 6 ] Some of the provinces, kingdoms, and territories that feature in Strabo’s ensu-
(492 C, 10-16), he now proceeds to include within this section all of Pontus, on ing description were no longer current as Strabo was writing.
both sides of the Halys. Cf. 533 C, 5–534 C, 7nn. [ 7 ] The description of Heraclia (Ereğli, Tky.) and places to its east is postponed
until 542 C, 31–543 C, 6.
628
Pontic Coast of Fourth Section + Hinterland
Pontus.”1 On your right is the coast following on from Chal-

cedon, the beginning of which belongs to the Bithynians,
then successively to the Mariandynians (also, some say, to
the Cauconians), the Paphlagonians (as far as the Halys), the Halys, Kızıl Irmak
Pontic Cappadocians, and t hose who come next as far as Col-

chis. This whole coast is called the “Right-Hand Side of the
Pontus.”2 Eupator ruled over all the coastline from Colchis to Eupator = Mithridates Eupator
(ruled 120–66 BCE)
mouth = Bosporus Heraclia; the coastline beyond, as far as the mouth and Chal-
cedon, remained with the Bithynian king. When the kings Bithynian king = Nicomedes
(ruled ca. 94–74 BCE)
were finished,3 the Romans preserved the same boundaries,
so that Heraclia was assigned to Pontus, while the coastline
beyond went to the Bithynians. |
541 C, 28–542 C, 4 It is agreed by most authorities that the Bithynians (pre- 12.3.3
MARITIME BITHYNIA viously being Mysians) got this name when the Thracian
nw. Turkey
Bithynians and Thynians sent out colonies t here. The evi-
dence given for the Bithynian nation is that even now t here
are said to be some “Maedobithynians” in Thrace. The evi-
dence for the Thynians is the rugged coast of Thynias near Thynias, coastline nr. İğneada
(Tky.)
Apollonia and Salmydessus. I surmise, too, that the Bebry-
Apollonia, Sozopol (Bul.)
eople = Bithynians and
p cians, who colonized Mysia before these people, were Thra-
Thynians Salmydessus, Midye (Tky.)
cian. It has already been noted4 that the Mysians were them-
selves sent as colonists from t hose Thracians now known as
“Moesians.”5 | That is what is said about them. 12.3.4
542 C, 4-16 As for the Mariandynians and Cauconians, not every

one says the same t hing. It is said that Heraclia was founded Heraclia was founded, mid-
6th c. BCE
among the Mariandynians by the Milesians, but no one has
said who the Mariandynians were nor whence they came.
There is apparently no language nor other ethnic trait as-
sociated with the population. They are similar to the Bithyn-
Theopompus (4th c. BCE) ians. Probably, then, this tribe too was Thracian. Theopom- this tribe = Mariandynians
pus says that Mariandynus, who ruled over a part of Paphlagonia

(a country having many rulers), attacked and took possession of
Bebrycian territory; when he died, it was named a fter him. It is
said, too, that when the Milesians first colonized Heraclia,
they forced into slavery the previous occupants of the place,
the Mariandynians, so that they could be sold by the Mile-
sians but not exported beyond the borders (these were the
terms of the treaty). In the same way, the mnoea (as they
were called) were slaves of the Cretans and the penestae of
the Thessalians. |
[ 1 ] “Left-Hand Side of the Pontus (Black Sea)”: 289 C, 1-7n.

[ 2 ] “Right-Hand Side of the Pontus” (Black Sea coast of Tky., Geo., Russ.): 126 C,
3-11n.
[ 3 ] I.e., after the death of Adiatorix: 542 C, 31–543 C, 6.
[ 4 ] 295 C, 16-22n.
[ 5 ] I.e., known to Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin name
Moesi: 508 C, 10-18n.
629
4.1. Northern Asia
542 C, 17-30 Historians say that the Cauconians lived along the stretch 12.3.5
of coastline after the Mariandynians, extending to the Parthe- Parthenius, Bartin Su
nius river, with Tieium as their city. Some say they were Scyth- Tieium, Hisarönü (Tky.)
ian; some, a Macedonian p eople; o thers, a Pelasgian people.

(Some mention was made of them in an earlier passage).1 In
the Battle Order,2 after Cromna and Aegialus and the towering
Callisthenes (late 4th c. BCE) Erythini too, Callisthenes inserted the words, “the noble son of
emends Homer (8th c. BCE)
Polycles led forth the Cauconians, / who dwelt in their famous
houses on the banks of the Parthenius river,” on the basis that
stretching from Heraclia and the Mariandynians to the Leucosyr- Strabo cites Callisthenes (late
4th c. BCE)
ians (whom we call “Cappadocians”) is the Cauconian race of
the Tieium region (as far as the Parthenius), as well as the Enetian
race, which occupies Cytorum (after the Parthenius); even now, t here Cytorum, Kidros/Sütlüce (Tky.)
are certain “Cauconites” on the Parthenius. |

542 C, 31–543 C, 6 Heraclia is a city with a good harbor. She is important Heraclia, Ereğli (nw. Tky.) 12.3.6
in other ways, too, since she has sent out colonies (Cher-
ronesus is one of them, as also Callatis). Heraclia used to be
independent, then she was ruled for some time by tyrants, Heraclia independent
6th–4th c. BCE; under tyrants,
then she won back her freedom and was l ater ruled by kings. 4th–3rd c. BCE; free, 3rd–1st c.
When Heraclia came under Roman control, a Roman colony BCE; subject to king of Pontus,
73–65 BCE; to Romans, 65–ca.
was housed in a section of the city and its territory. Adiatorix 40 BCE (took in a Roman colony,
46/45 BCE); to Adiatorix, ca.
(son of the Galatian tetrarch, Domneclius) was given by Ant- 40–31 BCE (colonists massacred,
ony the section of the city that belonged to the Heracliotes. 32/31 BCE)
Not long before the Actian war, Adiatorix attacked the Ro-
mans by night and killed them (with Antony’s permission,
or so he claimed). After the victory at Actium, Adiatorix was
paraded in triumph and then killed, together with his son.
The city is part of the province of Pontus, which has been
joined to Bithynia. |
543 C, 7-19 Between Chalcedon and Heraclia are several rivers, includ- 12.3.7
ing the Psillis and the Calpas, and the Sangarius (which the Psillis, Göksu
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) poet mentions). The Sangarius has its sources at the village Calpas, Ilaflı Dere
of Sangia, some one hundred and fifty stades from Pessinus; Sangarius, Sakarya r.
it passes through much of Phrygia Epictetus and a part of
Bithynia, so that it is only a little more than three hundred
stades from Nicomedia at the point where the Gallus river Gallus, Mudurnu Çayı
flows into it, from its sources at Modra in Phrygia-on-the- Modra, Mudurnu (Tky.)
Hellespont (which is the same as Phrygia Epictetus and was

once a Bithynian possession). The Sangarius expands and be-
comes navigable (albeit it was not so in ancient times), and its
[ 1 ] 345 C, 6–346 C, 12.

[ 2 ] The “title” Battle Order refers to the part of Homer’s Iliad in which he lists the
Trojan forces. Strabo often uses “titles” for parts of Homer’s poems (4 C, 14-20n),
as well as for parts of his own work (639 C, 15-27n).
630
outlet marks the border with Bithynia. The island of Thynias Thynias, Kefken Adası (Tk.
island)
lies off this stretch of coast. Aconite is found in Heracliotis.
Heracliotis = region of Heraclia
The city itself is some one thousand five hundred stades dis- (Ereğli, Tky.)
tant from the Chalcedonian T emple, and five hundred [stades]
from the Sangarius. |
543 C, 20-24 Tieium is a small settlement not worth mentioning except Tieium, Hisarönü (Tky.) 12.3.8
that Philetaerus, f ounder of the Attalic royal line,1 came from

there. Then t here is the “Parthenius” (Maiden-flower) river, which Parthenius, Bartin Su
flows through fields full of flowers, hence its name; its sources
are actually in Paphlagonia. Then there’s Paphlagonia and the
Enetians.
543 C, 25–544 C, 4 There is speculation over whom the poet means by
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) Enetians when he says: Pylaemenes of rugged heart led forth the
Paphlagonians / from the Enetians, where wild mules breed. It is
said that t here is now no evidence of Enetians in Paphlago-
nia, although some claim that t here is a village in Aegialus,
Zenodotus (3rd c. BCE) ten schoeni from Amastris. Zenodotus, who writes from Eneta, Amastris, Amasra (Tky.)
claims that modern-day Amisus is indicated. Others claim Amisus, Samsun (Tky.)
that the Enetians were a tribe living next to the Cappadocians,

that they campaigned with the Cimmerian people, and that
they w ere subsequently expelled to the Adria. The general Adria, Adriatic Sea
consensus is that the Enetian tribe, to which Pylaemenes be-

longed, was the most renowned of the Paphlagonian tribes;
that, moreover, the Enetians campaigned with Pylaemenes
in g reat numbers; that they lost their leader and crossed into
Thrace after the fall of Troy and, after wandering around, ar-
rived at what is now called “Enetia.” It is claimed by some that
Antenor, too, and his sons joined the expedition and settled
in the recess of the Adria, as I said as part of my Italica.2 It
is reasonable to assume that this is why the Enetians dis
appeared without trace from Paphlagonia. |
544 C, 5-14 The eastern boundary of the Paphlagonians is formed by 12.3.9
PAPHLAGONIA the Halys river, which, flowing from the south between the Syrians
n. Turkey
and Paphlagonians, according to Herodotus, issues into what is
Herodotus (5th c. BCE)
called the “Euxine” sea. By Syrians, Herodotus means Cappa- Euxine sea, Black Sea
docians. Nowadays, the Cappadocians are called “Leucosyr-

ians” (White Syrians) (while the “Syrians” are those living outside outside Taurus = in Strabo’s
“southern Asia”
the Taurus).3 It is through a comparison with those inside
inside Taurus = in Strabo’s
the Taurus—one group having a dark skin color, the other “northern Asia”
Pindar (5th c. BCE) not—that such a name was derived. Pindar, too, says that
[ 1 ] Philetaerus founded (3rd c. BCE) the kingdom of Pergamum (w. Turkey), which
lasted u ntil 133 BCE.
[ 2 ] Italica (lit., “Stuff about Italy”) is the section of Strabo’s work (209 C, 15–288 C,
33) in which he describes Italy; and within which he mentions Antenor (212 C,
7-17). Strabo’s use of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 3 ] More on the name “Syrians”: 736 C, 13–737 C, 8.
631
4.1. Northern Asia
the Amazon w omen commanded a Syrian army, conquering far

and wide, thereby referring to their location in Themiscyra. Themiscyra, nr. Terme (Tky.)
Themiscyra belongs to the Amisenians, and Amisus to the

Leucosyrians beyond the Halys.
544 C, 14-25 So then, the Halys forms the eastern boundary of Paphla- Halys, Kızıl Irmak
gonia; the Phrygians and the Galatians who settled among

them form the southern boundary; the Bithynians and the
Mariandynians form the western boundary (while all traces
of the Cauconian race have been completely obliterated);1
the Euxine forms the northern boundary.2 The territory is Euxine, Black Sea
divided into the interior part and the maritime part, each of
which stretches from the Halys to Bithynia. Eupator held Eupator = Mithridates Eupator
the coast as far as Heraclia. He also held the immediately ad-
jacent part of the interior (some of which extended beyond
the Halys); the Pontic province, too, has been defined by the
Romans as including this part.3 The remainder was controlled
by warlords even after the overthrow of Mithridates. I will
describe later the Paphlagonians of the interior who were not
subject to Mithridates.4 At this stage, the task before me is
to describe the territory, called “Pontus,” that was subject to
him. |
544 C, 26–545 C, 2 After the Parthenius river comes Amastris (named for Amastris, Amasra (Tky.) 12.3.10
the woman who founded it), situated on a peninsula, with

harbors on either side of the isthmus. Amastris was the wife
of Dionysius (tyrant of Heraclia) and d aughter of Oxyathres
(brother of the Darius of Alexander’s era). She founded the
city by amalgamating the four settlements of Sesamus, Cyto- Cytorum, Kidros/Sütlüce (Tky.)
rum, and Cromna (which Homer mentions in his Paphlago- Cromna, Tekeönü (Tky.)
nian Catalogue),5 and fourthly Tios. Tios soon left the u

nion, Tios, Hisarönü (Tky.)
but the others remained, with Sesamus said to be the acropo-

lis of Amastris. Cytorum was once the trading center for the
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) citizens of Sinope. According to Ephorus, it took its name
from Cytorus (son of Phrixus). A g reat quantity of high-
quality boxwood is grown in Amastriane, particularly in the
Cytorum region.
545 C, 2-13 Aegialus is a long stretch of shoreline, measuring more Aegialus, Karaağaç Limanı (Tky.)
than one hundred stades. It has a village of the same name,

poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) mentioned by the poet with the words Cromna and Aegialus
and the towering Erythini too. Some write Cromna and Cobialus;
and they say that Erythini refers to what are today called the
[ 1 ] Cauconians: 345 C, 6–346 C, 12; 542 C, 17-30.

[ 2 ] Halys (Kızıl Irmak): 546 C, 21-25. Phrygians, Galatians (w. cen. Turkey): 566 C,
31–569 C, 30. Bithynians (nw. Turkey): 563 C, 10–566 C, 22. Euxine (Black Sea):
544 C, 26–546 C, 20.
[ 3 ] “This part” = inner Paphlagonia (n. cen. Turkey): 561 C, 33–562 C, 20.
[ 4 ] The part of inner Paphlagonia “not subject to Mithridates”: 562 C, 21–563 C, 3.
[ 5 ] The Catalogue is the part of the Iliad in which Homer lists the forces fighting
at Troy (4 C, 14-20n), within which the Paphlagonian Catalogue deals with the
Paphlagonian forces: 442 C, 35–443 C, 9n.
632
“Erythrini” (Rust-colored [rocks]) because of their color. (They Erythrini, Çakraz (Tky.)
are twin lookout points.) After Aegialus is Carambis, a huge Carambis, Kerembe burnu (Tky.)
headland that points north toward the Scythian Cherrone-

sus. I have often mentioned the headland,1 together with the Euxine sea, Black Sea
corresponding Criu Metopum (Ram’s-forehead),2 as splitting Cinolis, Ginoğlu (Tky.)
the Euxine sea into two parts. A fter Carambis are Cinolis, Abonutichus, Inebolu (Tky.)
Anticinolis, the town of Abonutichus, and Armena, which Armena, Akliman (Tky.)
is the subject of the proverb: Armena was walled by someone
with nothing to do! The village has a harbor and belongs to the
Sinopeans. |
545 C, 14–546 C, 2 Then, fifty stades from Armena, t here’s Sinope herself, Sinope, Sinop (Tky.) 12.3.11
the most important city of the region. She was founded

by the Milesians but, having built up her fleet, she ruled
over the sea inside the Cyaneae; even outside the Cyaneae, sea inside the Cyaneae = Black
Sea
she shared in many of the Greeks’ military adventures. For
outside the Cyaneae = in Med.
a long time, she was self-governed. Sinope did not, however, Sea
ultimately remain free but was besieged and made a slave, first
to Pharnaces and then to Pharnaces’s successors, through to Pharnaces conquered Sinope,
183 BCE
Eupator and to the Romans who vanquished him. Eupator,
Eupator = Mithridates Eupator
born and raised in Sinope, held the city in exceptionally high (ruled 120–66 BCE)
esteem and made her the capital of his kingdom. Sinope is
endowed by nature and design with many advantages, situ-
ated on the neck of a peninsula, on both sides of which are
harbors, anchorages, and amazing places to catch pelamydes. pelamydes = young tuna fish
(As I mentioned,3 the Sinopeans are the second to catch the

pelamydes, and the Byzantines are the third.) The peninsula’s
perimeter is protected by its rocky shore, with certain cavi-
ties that look like they have been dug into the stone. T hese
are called choenicides, and they fill up with water at high tide,
which is one reason the place is not easily accessible, another
being that the entire rock surface is sharp and cannot be
walked on with bare feet. The land high above the city has
good soil and, especially in the suburbs, is graced with many
gardens. The city herself has splendid walls and boasts a gym-
nasium, a market square, and porticoes.
546 C, 2-20 Despite these advantages, the city was twice captured.
First, she was suddenly and unexpectedly attacked by Phar-
naces; then she was besieged, from within and without at the
same time, by Lucullus and by the tyrant operating from Lucullus took Sinope (Sinop,
Tky.), 70 BCE
within. Bacchides, the garrison commander appointed by
[ 1 ] 496 C, 26–497 C, 4nn.

[ 2 ] The sense is that Carambis (Kerembe burnu, Tky.) is supposed to lie due south
of Criu Metopum (Cape Sarych, Crim.): 496 C, 26–497 C, 4nn.
[ 3 ] 320 C, 6-17n; cf. 549 C, 11-22n.
633
4.1. Northern Asia
the king, was permanently suspicious of internal treachery.

Because he committed so many atrocities and murders, he
caused the townsfolk to lose interest in either outcome—they
were incapable either of taking a stand in noble defense or of
negotiating terms of surrender—and they w ere consequently
captured. Lucullus, although he left the city’s other t reasures
intact, nevertheless carried off the sphere made by Billarus,
and the statue (made by Sthenis) of Autolycus, who was con-
sidered by the citizens to be their f ounder and who was wor-
shipped as a god (there was also an oracular shrine to him). oracular shrine = seat of
prophecy
Autolycus seems to have been a member of Jason’s expedition
and to have claimed possession of this area. Subsequently the
Milesians, noting its strategic location and the weakness of its
inhabitants, claimed and colonized it. It now houses a colony
of Romans, to whom a part of the city and its territory be-
longs. The distance from the temple1 is three thousand five
hundred stades; from Heraclia, two thousand [stades]; from
Carambis, seven hundred stades. It has produced excellent Carambis, Kerembe burnu (Tky.)
men: the p hilosophers Diogenes the Cynic and Timotheus

Papario, as well as the comic poet Diphilus and the historian
Bato (who wrote the Persica).2 |
546 C, 21-25 Next in succession comes the outlet of the river Halys, Halys, Kızıl Irmak 12.3.12
which takes its name from the halae (saltworks) past which
it flows. From its sources in G reat Cappadocia, near the
Camisene region of Pontic Cappadocia, it flows west for a
long time, then, where it turns northward past the Galatians
and Paphlagonians, it acts as the border between these people
and the Leucosyrians.
546 C, 25-29 Sinopitis, together with all the mountainous territory ex- Sinopitis = region of Sinope,
Sinop (Tky.)
tending to Bithynia and lying inland from the coastline that
has been described,3 produces shipbuilding lumber that is
of good quality and easy to export. The maple tree and the
mountain-nut tree, from which tables are carved, grow in
Sinopitis. All the agricultural land slightly inland from the
sea is also planted with olive trees. |
546 C, 30–547 C, 6 After the outlet of the Halys, and extending as far as Halys, Kızıl Irmak 12.3.13
Saramene, comes Gadilonitis, a territory that is blessed by Gadilonitis = region of Gadilo,

?Bafra (Tky.)
nature, totally flat, and very fertile. It also features a way of
tending sheep that produces, through protection by leather,
a very soft wool, which is a very great rarity in all Cappadocia
[ 1 ] Chalcedonian Temple (Anadolu Kavak, Tky.): 563 C, 16-25; cf. 548 C, 15-19.
[ 2 ] See 639 C, 15-27.
[ 3 ] 542 C, 31–546 C, 25.
634
and Pontus. T here are gazelles, too, a rarity everywhere e lse.

The Amisenians possess part of this territory. Pompey gave the Roman general Pompey reor
ganized the conquered Pontic
other part, along with the region of Pharnacia and Trapezus as territories, 65–63 BCE
far as Colchis and L ittle Armenia, to Deiotarus and appointed
him king of these places. Deiotarus also held, by hereditary
right, the Galatian tetrarchy of the Tolistobogians. Since
Deiotarus died, t here have been many successors to his lands. |
547 C, 7-18 After Gadilo, there’s Saramene and also the renowned Gadilo, ?Bafra (Tky.) 12.3.14
city of Amisus (around nine hundred stades from Sinope). Amisus, Samsun (Tky.)
Theopompus (4th c. BCE) Theopompus says that the Milesians were the first to establish the
city as a colony; . . . * the Cappadocian ruler enlarged her; thirdly,
Athenocles and the Athenians settled her and changed her name
to “Peraea.” The kings took possession of the city. Eupator Eupator = Mithridates Eupator
adorned her with sanctuaries and added a new part. She was
successfully besieged by Lucullus, then later by Pharnaces,
crossing over from Bosporus. She was set free by the deified Bosporus = kingdom on e ither
Caesar, handed over to kings by Antony, then ill-treated by
deified Caesar = Julius Caesar
Strato (the tyrant), then freed again by Caesar Augustus after
the Actian war. The city is now under good governance. She
has some fine territory, including Themiscyra (home of the
Amazons) and Sidene. |
547 C, 19-32 Themiscyra is a plain, on the one side bordered by the sea Themiscyra, nr. Terme (Tky.) 12.3.15
(at a distance of some sixty stades from the city), and on the
other side by mountainous territory, which is densely forested
and crossed by rivers that arise there and all feed into one river,
called “Thermodon,” which flows out across the plain. A sepa- Thermodon, Terme Çay
rate but similar river flows out of what is called “Phanaroea”

and exits through the same plain. It is called the “Iris,” and Iris, Yeşil Irmak
from its sources within Pontus itself, it flows westward, cut-

ting through the city of Pontic Comana and the fertile plain
of Dazimonitis; then the river turns northward, right past Dazimonitis = region of Dazimo.
Tokat (Tky.)
Gaziura (once a royal city, now a ruin); then the Iris bends
Gaziura, Turhal (Tky.)
back around to the east and is fed by the Scylax and other riv-
Scylax, Çekerek Irmak
ers; then it passes right alongside the city wall of Amasia (my
fatherland, and very well defended)1 and proceeds into Phan-
aroea; t here, the Lycus, which rises in Armenia, joins and be- Lycus, Kelkit Çay
comes one with the Iris; then its course is through Themiscyra Armenia = Little Armenia,
ne. Turkey
and to the Pontic sea.
547 C, 32–548 C, 8 As a result, the plain is permanently moist and grassy, ca-
pable of feeding herds of c attle and h orses; and it is planted
[ 1 ] 561 C, 5-23n.
635
4.1. Northern Asia
with elymus and cenchrus seeds in great, not to say limitless,

quantities (its waters triumph over any drought and never
once has famine been visited upon the population). The
mountain slopes yield such a self-seeded and wild summer
and autumn harvest of grapes, pears, apples, and nuts that,
for that entire season of the year, anyone who goes into the
woods finds plenty, at one time the fruit still hanging in the
trees, at other times resting on, or beneath, the thick carpet
of fallen leaves. T hese abundant food sources support a lot of
hunting of all sorts of wild animals. |
548 C, 9-14 After Themiscyra, there’s Sidene, a fertile plain, albeit Sidene = region of Side, nr. 12.3.16
Boloman Irmak (Tky.)
without so many rivers. There are fortifications along its
coastline: Side (from which Sidene takes its name), Chabaca,
and Phabda (up to which point, the territory belongs to Ami- Phabda, Fatsa (Tky.)
sus). Sidene has produced important men in the field of edu-

cation: the mathematicians Demetrius (son of Rathenus) and
Dionysodorus (with the same name as the . . . * geometer);
and the literary expert Tyrannio (under whom I studied).1 |
548 C, 15-19 After Sidene, there’s the fortified town of Pharnacia and Pharnacia, Giresun (Tky.) 12.3.17
then Trapezus, a Greek city. The sailing distance from Ami- Trapezus, Trabzon (Tky.)
sus to Trapezus is around two thousand two hundred stades; Amisus, Samsun (Tky.)
then, from t here to Phasis, some one thousand four hundred

[stades]. It is therefore around eight thousand stades all told
from the T emple to Phasis, give or take a little.2

548 C, 19-25 As you sail along the coast from Amisus, you come first
to the Heraclian promontory; then to another promontory, Heraclian promontory, E Yeşil
Irmak (Tky.)
Jasonium, and to Genetes; then to the town of Cotyorus,
Jasonium, Yasun Burnu (Tky.)
which provided the settlers for Pharnacia; then to the ruins
Cotyorus, Ordu (Tky.)
of Ischopolis; then to the bay containing the modest settle-
Ischopolis, E Bazar Suyu (Tky.)
ments of Cerasus and Hermonassa; then, near Hermonassa,
Cerasus, ?Gelda Kale (Tky.)
to Trapezus; then to Colchis. There is also somewhere in the
Hermonassa Akçaabat (Tky.)
region a settlement called “Zygopolis.”
548 C, 26-27 The description of Colchis and the coastline beyond has
already been given.3 |
548 C, 27-34 Inland from Trapezus and Pharnacia are the Tibara- 12.3.18
nians, Chaldaeans, Sannians (in e arlier times, called “Mac-

ronians”), and L ittle Armenia.4 (Also, the Appaïtians—the
earlier “Cercitians”—are located in a place nearby.) Running Scydises, Kaçkar Dağ
through their midst is the extremely rugged Scydises moun- Moschian mountains, mts. in ne.
tain range (connecting with the Moschian mountains inland Turkey, s. Georgia
[ 1 ] At Rome (30s BCE): 609 C, 16-22nn.

[ 2 ] Strabo’s total of 8,000 stades includes: 3,500 stades, Chalcedonian T emple
(Anadolu Kavak, Tky.) to Sinope (Sinop, Tky.) (546 C, 15-16); 900 stades, Sinope
to Amisus (Samsun, Tky.) (547 C, 7-8); 3,600 stades, Amisus to Phasis (mouth of
Rioni r., Geo.).
[ 3 ] Colchis (w. Georgia) and “coastline beyond” (Russian coast of Black Sea and Sea
of Azov): 493 C, 17–499 C, 13.
[ 4 ] Little Armenia (ne. Turkey): 555 C, 6–556 C, 10.
636
from Colchis), the heights1 of which are held by the Hepta-

cometae; and the Paryadres range (stretching from the region Paryadres, mts. in ne. Turkey
of Sidene and Themiscyra to Little Armenia), forming the

eastern side of Pontus.
549 C, 1-10 While all t hose who dwell in t hese mountains are abso-
lute savages, the Heptacometae are the worst. Some of them
live in trees or towers, as a result of which, men of long ago
called them mosynoeci (since the word for towers is mosyni).
They live off the flesh of wild animals and forest fruits, and
attack travelers by jumping down onto them out of their
tree hides. The Heptacometae slaughtered three of Pom- Roman general Pompey
campaigned in Caucasus, 66–64
pey’s cohorts, as the latter marched through the moun- BCE
tains, by mixing up a brew (made from a narcotic honey
that comes from tree branches) in bowls along the route;
they attacked when the men had drunk it and were out of
their minds, and so took them easily. Some of these natives
were also called “Byzerians.” |
549 C, 11-22 The current-day Chaldaeans were, in antiquity, called 12.3.19
“Chalybians.” Among them is located Pharnacia, which on Pharnacia, Giresun (Tky.)
the seaward side is well positioned for pelamys-fishing (this pelamys = young tuna fish
being the spot where the very first catch of this delicacy is
made),2 while on the landward side it is well situated for min-
ing operations (currently iron, formerly silver too). The coast
here is generally very narrow (because the mountains start
immediately, with their abundant mining and forestry), and
not much land is farmed. That leaves making a living out of
the mining operations, in the case of the mineworkers; and, in
the case of seafarers, out of fishing, particularly for pelamydes
and dolphins. (The dolphins, which prey on the schools of
fish—cordylae, tuna, and pelamydes themselves—become fat
and easy to catch as they are enticed dangerously close to the
shore.) These people alone slaughter the dolphins, and use
the plentiful fat for all sorts of purposes. |
549 C, 23-30 These are, I think, the Halizonians, whom the poet lists in 12.3.20
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) the Catalogue 3 after the Paphlagonians: but Odius and Epistro-
phus led the Halizonians / from far away, from Alybe, birthplace
of silver. Either the wording from far away, from Chalybe was
changed; or the inhabitants were formerly called “Alybians”
rather than “Chalybians.” It cannot be that it is possible now
for the name “Chaldaeans” to have replaced “Chalybians” but
[ 1 ] An alternative translation for “heights” is “end point.” Cf. “end point of the
Pyrenees”: 159 C, 19-28.
[ 2 ] 2nd and 3rd catches at Sinope (Sinop, Tky.) and Byzantium (Istanbul, Tky.):
320 C, 6-17n; 545 C, 14–546 C, 2n.
[ 3 ] The “title” Catalogue refers to a part of Homer’s Iliad. Strabo often uses “titles”
for parts of Homer’s poems (4 C, 14-20n), as well as for parts of his own work
(639 C, 15-27n).
637
4.1. Northern Asia
that it was impossible formerly for the name “Chalybians” to

have replaced “Alybians”!
549 C, 30–550 C, 4 As for that, names undergo many changes, especially
among natives. Certain Thracians w ere called “Sintians,” then
Archilochus (7th c. BCE) “Sintans,” then “Saians.” Archilochus says that he threw away
his shield amongst the latter: one of the Saians took my shield,
which, by a bush, / a blameless weapon, I left behind, not willingly.
These same people are now called “Sapaeans.”1 All of them
once held the region around Abdera and the islands associ- Abdera, Avdira (Gr.)
ated with Lemnos.2 Similarly, Brygians, Brigians, and Phry- Lemnos, Lemnos (Gk. island)
gians are the same; Mysians and Moesians; Maeonians and

Meionians—there is no need to go on.
550 C, 4-8 The Scepsian countenances the name change from “Alybi-
Scepsian = Demetrius (2nd c. ans” to “Chalybians” but—since he does not appreciate what he = Demetrius
BCE)
follows and what is consistent, in particular why he calls the he = Homer
Chalybians “Halizonians” (Seagirt [people])—he rejects the view. he = Demetrius
Let me examine the matter by comparing his assumptions

and the assumptions of o thers with my own. |
550 C, 9-15 Some people change the text to read Alazonians, while 12.3.21
others change it to Amazons; and they change from Alybe into

from Alope or from Alobe. They claim on the one hand that the
Alazonians (and the “Callipadians” and the other names that
Hellanicus, Herodotus (5th c. Hellanicus, Herodotus, and Eudoxus nonsensically passed on
BCE)
to us) are the Scythians beyond Borysthenes; or on the other Borysthenes, mouth of Dnieper r.
Eudoxus, Ephorus (4th c. BCE)
hand that the Amazons are between Mysia, Caria, and Lydia, as
Ephorus supposes (i.e., near Cyme, his fatherland!).
550 C, 15-20 The latter might perhaps have a certain logic: he would be he = Ephorus
speaking of the territory subsequently settled by the Aeolians

and Ionians, but earlier settled by the Amazons. (People say
that certain cities are named after them: for example, Ephe-
sus, Smyrna, Cyme, and Myrina.) But how could Alybe (or,
according to some, Alope or Alobe) be counted among these
sites? How about from far away? How about the birthplace of
silver? |
550 C, 21-26 He solves these problems by changing the wording. He He = Ephorus 12.3.22
writes it thus: but Odius and Epistrophus led the Amazons, / com-
ing from Alope, whence the race of the Amazonids. But in solving
these problems, he has met up with another fiction: no Alope
is found anywhere t here. And the new wording—so lacking in
corroboration from ancient copies—seems like a wild guess.
[ 1 ] Strabo emends slightly his earlier statement (457 C, 28-33, where he is ambiva-
lent about identifying “Saians” with Sintians/Sintans/Sapaeans, and where he
cites the lines of Archilochus slightly differently).
[ 2 ] “The islands associated with Lemnos” is idiomatic, meaning simply Lemnos.
Strabo described Lemnos (and Abdera) in the “eastern European gap”: 329 C,
15–332 C, 1.
638
550 C, 26-32 The Scepsian accepts neither this theory nor the theory
Scepsian = Demetrius (2nd c. of those who assume that t here are Halizonians in the Pallene
BCE)
region (I mentioned them in the Macedonica);1 he is similarly
perplexed as to how anyone could believe that military help could
arrive for the Trojans from the nomads beyond Borysthenes! He
reserves his greatest praise for the views of Hecataeus the
Milesian, Menecrates the Elaean (a student of Xenocrates),
and Palaephatus.
550 C, 32–551 C, 4 The first of these, in his Circuit of the Earth, says . . . then
first of these = Hecataeus the city of Alazia. The Odrysses river, flowing from the west out of Dascylitis, Manyas Gölü
(6th–5th c. BCE)
Dascylitis lake, through the Mygdonian plain, joins the Rhyndacus. Rhyndacus, Orhaneli/Koca Dere
He says that, nowadays, Alazia is deserted, but many Alazonian
villages, past which the Odrysses flows, are populated; in these villages,
Apollo is held in exceptional reverence, particularly on the borders
with the Cyzicenes.
551 C, 4-9 Menecrates, in his Circuit of the Hellespontian [sea], says that
Menecrates (?4th c. BCE) inland from the Myrlia region lies a continuous stretch of mountain-
ous land, which the Halizonian nation once inhabited. One should,
he says, write it with two “l”s but the poet writes it with one “l”
Palaephatus (?4th c. BCE) because of the meter. Palaephatus says that Odius and Epistrophus
set out from the Alazonians, who lived in Alope (current-day Zelia). Zelia, Sariköy (Tky.)
551 C, 9-13 Why is it worth praising the views of these men? Quite
apart from the fact that they, too, change the original word-
Strabo disagrees with
Demetrius (2nd c. BCE) ing, they do not show where in Myrleatis the silver mines were
that views of Hecataeus,
Menecrates, Palaephatus
or are; nor how it is that men from there arrived in Ilium from
deserve praise far away, even if it were granted that an Alope or Alazia existed.
551 C, 13-17 These places are much nearer to the Troad than the Ephe-
Strabo points out that sus region is. Yet Demetrius says that those who place the Ama-
Demetrius (2nd c. BCE) is
inconsistent in interpretation zons in the vicinity of Pygela—between Ephesus, Magnesia, and
of “from far away” Priene—talk drivel, since the expression “from far away” is not ap-
propriate for the place. How much more inappropriate it is for
the region of Mysia and Teuthrania! |
551 C, 18-25 However—by Zeus!—he says that one should understand he = Demetrius 12.3.23
Demetrius cites various that some expressions are applied improperly, such as “from far-off
inelegant expressions from
Homer (8th c. BCE)
Ascania,” and “Arnaeus was his name—his noble mother gave it to Ascania, territory around İznik
Gölü (Tky.)
him,” and Penelope “took the well-turned key in her thick hand.”
551 C, 25-34 Even were this to be granted, t hose arguments are not to
be granted that Demetrius applies to his unconvincing con-
tradiction of those who think one should read from far away,
from Chalybe. He agrees that, even if there are currently no
[ 1 ] Macedonica (lit., “Stuff about Macedonia”) refers to the section of Strabo’s

narrative in which he describes the territory of Macedonia (North Macedonia,
ne. Greece, European Turkey). This section falls within the “eastern E uropean
gap” (329 C, 15–332 C, 1). Strabo’s use of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
639
4.1. Northern Asia
silver mines among the Chalybians, t here possibly once w ere.

However, he does not agree that they, like the iron mines,
were famous and worthy of note. One might say: “What pre-
vents them from being famous too, like the iron mines? Can
a rich source of iron make a place well known, but not a rich
source of silver? What if the silver mines achieved fame not in
the time of the heroes but in Homer’s own time? Would one
fault the poet’s way of expressing himself ?”
551 C, 34 “How then did their fame reach the poet?” Strabo inserts objection from an
imagined interlocutor
551 C, 34-37 How did the fame of copper in Temesa in Italiotis reach him?
him/he = Homer
Strabo replies to objection from Or the fame of the wealth of Thebes in Egypt—even though he
imagined interlocutor
was virtually twice as far from Egyptian Thebes as from the
Chaldaeans?
551 C, 37–552 C, 8 But he does not even agree with those whose cause he he = Demetrius
pleads. In locating places in the region of Scepsis, his father- Scepsis, Kurşunlu Tepe (Tky.)
land, he puts near Scepsis and the Aesepus the village of Aenea, Aesepus, Gönen Çay
as also Arguria and Alazonium. T hese, if they exist, would
Hecataeus (6th–5th c. BCE) be t oward the sources of the Aesepus. Hecataeus, however,
Palaephatus (?4th c. BCE) places them beyond its outlets; Palaephatus, who says that they
lived formerly in Alope (current-day Zelia), says nothing like the Zelia, Sariköy (Tky.)
Menecrates (?4th c. BCE) same as these men. As for Menecrates—he does not explain
the meaning of Alope or Alobe (or whatever people want to
write), nor does Demetrius himself. |
552 C, 9-13 Much has been said earlier1 in response to Apollodorus’s 12.3.24
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) treatment of the same matters in the Trojan Battle Order,2 and
it must be discussed now too. He thinks that one should not
understand the “Halizonians” to be outside the Halys, since no forces outside/far side of Halys = east
of Kızıl Irmak
allied with the Trojans came from the far side of the Halys.
552 C, 13-19 First, then, I w
ill ask him: Who are t hese Halizonians from him = Apollodorus
inside the Halys, who are also from far away, from Alybe, birth-
place of silver? He will be unable to answer. Second, I will ask
him for what reason he does not concede that some allied
forces came from the far side [of the Halys]. Even if it happens
that all the other allied forces, with the exception of the Thra-
cians, came from inside [the Halys], nothing prevents this one inside [Halys] = west of Kızıl
Irmak
force from having come from far away, from the land beyond
[the Halys] belonging to the Leucosyrians. Leucosyrians = Cappadocians
552 C, 19-30 Or was it the case that their enemies were able to cross over
from these places and from places still farther away (as people
say the Amazons, Treres, and Cimmerians did), but that their
[ 1 ] Strabo probably dealt with Apollodorus’s treatment of the Halizonians at the

same time as he dealt with their treatment by Demetrius of Scepsis (see 550 C,
26-32)—i.e., in the “eastern European gap” (329 C, 15–332 C, 1). A flavor of what
Apollodorus’s treatment may have been like is provided by his contribution to
the debate over the identity of Homer’s Mysians: 295 C, 22–303 C, 31.
[ 2 ] The “title” Trojan Battle Order refers to commentary by Apollodorus on the
part of Homer’s Iliad known as the Trojan Catalogue: 603 C, 24-28n. This com-
mentary seems to have formed a section of Apollodorus’s commentary on the
part of Homer’s Iliad known as the Catalogue of Ships: 676 C, 34–677 C, 15n.
640
allies could not? The Amazons were not allies—because

Priam had fought against the Amazons in alliance with the
Citations of Homer (8th c. BCE) Phrygians, who, at that time, w ere camped along the banks of the
Sangarius / . . . / on the day the Amazons came, a match for men;
and Priam says, for I was reckoned an ally of theirs. T hose who
bordered on the Amazons, since they were not so far away
that calling on their help from there was difficult and since
there was no underlying enmity, w ere in no way, I think, pre-
vented from sending allied forces. |
552 C, 31–553 C, 6 Nor can he attribute this opinion to the ancients as if they he = Apollodorus 12.3.25
all agree that no one from the far side of the Halys took part far side of Halys = east of Kızıl
Irmak
in the Trojan war. Rather, one might find evidence for the
Maeandrius (?4th c. BCE) contrary. Maeandrius says that the Enetians, setting out from
the Leucosyrians, fought in alliance with the Trojans; from there,
they went away with the Thracians and settled around the recess of
the Adria; those of the Enetians who did not share in the expedition Adria, Adriatic Sea
became Cappadocians. Seemingly in agreement with this argu-

ment is the fact that all of Cappadocia near the Halys—the
part that stretches alongside Paphlagonia—uses the two lan-
guages and abounds in Paphlagonian names: Bagas, Biasas,
Aeniates, Atotes, Zardoces, Tibius, Gassys, Olgassys, and
Maes. These names are common in Babamonitis, Pimolisitis,
Gazaluitis, Gazacene, and in very many other places.
553 C, 6-11 Apollodorus himself cites Zenodotus for writing from
Zenodotus (3rd c. BCE) revises Eneta, where wild mules breed; and he says that Hecataeus the Leucosyrians = Cappadocians
Homer (8th c. BCE)
Milesian understands this to be Amisus. As has been said,1 Ami- outside Halys = east of Kızıl
Hecataeus (6th–5th c. BCE)
sus belongs to the Leucosyrians and lies outside the Halys. | Irmak
553 C, 12-21 It is also said by him somewhere that the poet got his infor- him = Apollodorus 12.3.26
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) mation about the interior Paphlagonians from p eople who traversed
the territory on foot, and that he lacked knowledge of the coastline,
as of the rest of the Pontic coastline (otherwise he would have named
it). It is possible to turn this on its head and, based on the
descriptive circuit just now provided, state the opposite: that
he traversed the entire coastline and omitted nothing of what
was at the time worthy of mention (it is not surprising if he
does not mention Heraclia, Amastris, and Sinope—which Amastris, Amasra (Tky.)
had not yet been founded!), and that it is not strange if he

did not talk of the interior. Failure to name a lot of famous
places is not a sign of lack of knowledge—something that I
dealt with in the Introduction.2
[ 1 ] 544 C, 5-14.
[ 2 ] The Introduction is the opening section of Strabo’s narrative (chaps. 1–2 in this
translation), within which Strabo attacks the theory that, if Homer does not
mention places, he must lack knowledge of them: 27 C, 1–47 C, 8; cf. 3 C, 20-31n;
4 C, 21-28n; 6 C, 16–7 C, 7n. Strabo’s use of “titles” to refer to parts of his work:
639 C, 15-27n.
641
4.1. Northern Asia
553 C, 21-31 He said that he was ignorant of much of what was famous He = Apollodorus
around the Pontus, such as rivers and nations (otherwise he would he = Homer
have named them). One might grant this in the case of certain Pontus, Black Sea
significant ones, such as the Scythians, the Maeotis, and the Maeotis, Sea of Azov
Ister. He would not on the one hand have described the no- Ister, Danube r.
mads through their distinctive characteristics—as glactophagi

(milk-eaters) and abii (without-lives), most just of men and furthermore
as glorious hippemolgi (mare-milkers)—but not on the other hand

have talked of Scythians, Sauromatians, and Sarmatians, if
they had already been named thus by the Greeks. Nor, in
mentioning the Thracians and the Mysians by the Ister, would
he have passed over in silence this, the greatest of rivers, when
elsewhere he has a tendency to define places by means of riv-
ers. Nor, in talking of the Cimmerians, would he have passed
over the Bosporus or the Maeotis. | Bosporus = Straits of Kerch'
553 C, 31–554 C, 5 But in the case of places that w ere e ither less significant 12.3.27
at that time or less relevant to his theme, why would anyone

blame him? Take the Tanaïs, famous for no other reason him = Homer
than that it marks the boundary between Asia and Europe. Tanaïs, Don r.
People of that time did not yet use the names “Europe” or
“Asia”—nor was the lived-in world thus divided into three
continents—otherwise he would have named them based
Strabo cites the Homeric “Libya” on something very significant, as in the case of Libya and the
“lips” (the wind blowing from the western parts of Libya).
Since the continents had not yet been defined, there was no
need to mention the Tanaïs.
554 C, 5-7 Many are the things that are worthy of mention but that
did not occur to him: there is a large degree of chance in him = Homer
words, as in deeds.
554 C, 8-12 From all t hese considerations, it is clear that anyone who
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) argues that, b ecause something is not mentioned by the poet,
therefore that t hing was unknown to him, uses evidence that
is invalid. I should prove that it is invalid through several ex-
amples, since many people have made much use of this evi-
dence. I should refute them, when they adduce such things,
even though I w ill end up repeating myself.
554 C, 12-24 In the case, for example, of rivers, if anyone w ere to say
that they w ere unknown because they w ere not mentioned, I
would say that their argument is silly. He does not mention He = Homer
the Meles river, which flows past Smyrna (which is said by
642
most p eople to be his fatherland), although he mentions the

Hermus and the Hyllus. He does not mention the Pactolus,
which flows into the same stream as those and has its source
on Tmolus, which he does mention. Nor indeed does he men-
tion Smyrna itself or the other Ionian cities or most of the
Aeolian ones—talking only of Miletus, Samos, Lesbos, and
Tenedos. He does not mention the Lethaeus—which flows
past Magnesia—nor the Marsyas, two rivers that join the
Maeander, but he does mention the latter, as well as the Rhesus,
Heptaporus, Caresus, Rhodius, and o thers, most of which are no
bigger than ditches.
554 C, 24–555 C, 2 When he mentions territories and cities, sometimes he lists he = Homer
rivers and mountains in connection with them, and sometimes

he does not. He does not mention those in Aetolia nor those
in Attica, and t here are many o thers he does not mention.
Again, while he mentions those far away, he does not mention
those that are very near, but not because he lacks knowledge
of them (as they are well known to other p eople), nor equally
those . . . * nearby, some of whom he mentions and others
not. For example, he mentions Lycians and Solymians but not
Milyans, Pamphylians, or Pisidians. He mentions Paphlago-
nians, Phrygians, and Mysians, but not Mariandynians, Thyn-
ians, Bithynians, or Bebrycians. He mentions Amazons but not
Leucosyrians, nor does he mention Syrians, Cappadocians, or
Lycaonians; but he chatters on about Phoenicians, Egyptians,
and Ethiopians. He talks of the Aleian plain and Arimi, but is
silent about the people among whom these are found.
555 C, 2-5 Such proofs are invalid. What is valid is when it can be
shown that what is said is untrue. But he was shown to be he = Apollodorus
unsuccessful in this as well,1 at least when he had the nerve to

argue that the glorious hippemolgi (mare-milkers) and galactophagi
(milk-eaters) were fictions.
555 C, 6 That is my response to Apollodorus.2

555 C, 6-14 I continue with the next part of my narrative.3 | The Ti- 12.3.28
LITTLE ARMENIA barenians and Chaldaeans, inland from the places associated
ne. Turkey
with Pharnacia and Trapezus, take us up to Little Armenia.
Little Armenia is quite a prosperous territory, which, like So- Sophene, in Great Armenia
phene, was always held by warlords, acting at times in alliance

with the rest of the Armenians, at times independently. T hese
warlords also had the Chaldaeans and Tibarenians as subjects,
[ 1 ] 298 C, 13–303 C, 32.

[ 2 ] 552 C, 9–555 C, 5.
643
4.1. Northern Asia
so their rule extended up to Trapezus and Pharnacia. As

Mithridates Eupator became more powerful, he established
dominion over Colchis and also over this w hole region, which
was conceded to him by Antipater (son of Sisis).
555 C, 14-21 The region was so important to Mithridates that he con- region = Little Armenia
structed seventy-five fortresses in it and placed most of his

treasures in them for safekeeping. The most famous fortresses
Theophanes (1st c. BCE) were Hydara, Basgoedariza, and Sinoria, which Theophanes Basgoedariza, nr. Yaylaçayı
(Tky.)
renamed “Synoria” (Borderland) since it was close to the border
Sinoria/Synoria, Bayburt (Tky.)
with Great Armenia. The whole Paryadres mountain range
Paryadres, mts. in ne. Turkey
offers many such convenient locations, because it is well sup-
plied with water and lumber, and it is in many places riven
with steep-sided gullies and precipices.
555 C, 21-29 This, then, was where Mithridates had built most of his
treasuries; and in the end, with Pompey pursuing him, he
sought refuge in t hese far-flung parts of the Pontic kingdom.1
He took over a mountain in Acilisene with a good supply of Acilisene, in Great Armenia
water at Dastira (also the Euphrates, forming the border Dastira, ?Eskişehir (Tky.)
between Acilisene and L ittle Armenia, was nearby); and he

stayed t here u ntil forced by siege to flee, heading through
the mountains to Colchis and thence to Bosporus. Pompey Bosporus = kingdom on e ither
founded a city near this place, Nicopolis, in Little Armenia,
Nicopolis, Yeşilyayla (Tky.)
which is t here to this day and still flourishing. |
555 C, 30-31 Little Armenia was held by various individuals at various 12.3.29
times, according to Roman whim, and was ultimately held

by Archelaus.
555 C, 31–556 C, 8 The Tibarenians and Chaldaeans (taking us up to Colchis,
Pharnacia, and Trapezus) are possessions of Pythodoris, a
woman of sound intellect and great capability in managing
political affairs. The daughter of Pythodorus of Trallis, she
married Polemo and ruled jointly with him for some time;
then, she inherited the kingdom when he met his death
among those natives of the Sindica region called “Aspurgi-
anans.” She had two sons and a daughter by Polemo. The
daughter was married off to Cotys the Sapaean (and then
became Cotys’s widow, after his murder) and had sons with
him, the eldest of whom is now in power. As for Pythodoris’s Pythodoris’s son became king of
Great Armenia, 18 CE
own sons, one helps his mother in a private capacity in the
administration of the kingdom, while one has recently been
made king of G reat Armenia.
[ 1 ] Mithridates fled after his defeat by the Roman general Pompey (66 BCE). He
escaped to Bosporus (Russia, Ukraine), the part of his kingdom that had not yet
fallen to Rome, where he committed suicide (63 BCE).
644
556 C, 8-10 She married Archelaus and stayed with him to the She = Pythodoris
end; now, as his w idow, she has possession of those places

mentioned,1 as well as o thers more desirable than they, which
I s hall now describe. |
556 C, 11-25 After Pharnacia are Sidene and Themiscyra, and it is in- 12.3.30
PONTIC INTERIOR land from t hese that Phanaroea lies, comprising the best part Phanaroea, Taşoya (Tky.)
n. + e. Turkey
of Pontus. It produces olives and good wine, and enjoys many
other benefits besides. To the east, it is shielded by the Pary- Paryadres, mts. in ne. Turkey
adres, which runs parallel to Phanaroea lengthwise, and to the

west by Lithrus and Ophlimus. It is a valley of considerable Lithrus, Akdağ (Tky.)
length and breadth, through which the Lycus flows out of Ar- Ophlimus, mt. SW Erbaa (Tky.)
menia, and through which the Iris flows out of the Amasian Lycus, Kelkit Çay
gorge. The two merge approximately in the middle of the val- Iris, Yeşil Irmak
ley, with a city located at their juncture. The initial f ounder

of the city named her “Eupatoria” after himself; 2 when Pom-
pey took over the half-finished city, he added further terri-
tory and more settlers, and called her “Magnopolis.”3 While
Magnopolis lies in the center of the plain, Cabira is situated Cabira, Niksar (Tky.)
right in the foothills of the Paryadres, roughly one hundred

and fifty stades farther south than Magnopolis (Amasia is
farther west than Magnopolis by the same distance). It was
in Cabira that Mithridates’s palace was built, together with a
water mill, a zoo, and the nearby hunting grounds and min-
ing operations. |
556 C, 25–557 C, 2 Here, also, is what is called “Caenum Chorium” (New-place), Caenum Chorium, nr. Akgün 12.3.31
(Tky.)
a steep-sided rock fortress, less than two hundred stades from
Cabira. At its summit is a spring supplying plenty of water,
while at its foot is a deep gorge and a river. The height of the
rock is extraordinary . . . * the neck, so that it cannot be be-
sieged. It is incredibly well fortified (except where the Romans
have left it in ruins). All the surroundings are wooded, moun-
tainous, and lacking in water, which means that it is impossible
to bring an army within one hundred and twenty stades of it. Pompey defeated Mithridates,
66 BCE; sent treasures to the
Mithridates’s most treasured possessions (now lying in the most important t emple in
Capitol, given as offerings by Pompey)4 were once stored h ere. Rome, the Capitol
557 C, 3-13 Pythodoris controls all this territory, which is adjacent to this territory = Phanaroea
the barbarian region also under her control.5 Cabira was built Cabira, Niksar (Tky.)
up as a city by Pompey, who called her “Diospolis” (City of Zeus).

Pythodoris further embellished the city, changed the name to
“Sebasta,”6 and used the city as her capital. Pythodoris also
[ 1 ] I.e., Little Armenia, Tiberenians/Tibaranians, Chaldaeans (ne. Turkey): 548 C,

27-34; 555 C, 6–556 C, 8.
[ 2 ] Mithridates’s full name was “Mithridates Eupator”—hence “Eupatoria.”
[ 3 ] Pompey’s full name was “Cn. Pompeius Magnus”—hence “Magnopolis.”
[ 4 ] Strabo undoubtedly had seen these treasures in the Capitol in Rome: 236 C,
25-28n.
[ 5 ] “Barbarian region”: 548 C, 27–549 C, 10.
[ 6 ] Augustus (in Greek, Sebastos) was the emperor at the time of queen Pythodo-
ris’s rise to power.
645
4.1. Northern Asia
possesses the t emple to what is called “Mēn of Pharnaces”

at Ameria, a villageopolis with many temple slaves and with Ameria, nr. Ardıçlı (Tky.)
a sacred territory, the income from which always goes to the

officiating priest. The kings revered this temple so highly
that they swore by what was called the royal oath: by the
king’s good fortune and by Mēn of Pharnaces. The temple is also
dedicated to Selene (Moon), like the t emple among the Alba-
nians and like the temples in Phrygia—the one dedicated
to Mēn in the place of the same name, the one dedicated to
Ascaean [Mēn] near Pisidian Antioch, and one in Antiochian
territory.1 |
557 C, 14-20 Inland from Phanaroea is Comana-in-Pontus, which has Comana-in-Pontus, Kılıçlı (Tky.) 12.3.32
the same name and is dedicated to the same goddess as the

temple (of which it is an offshoot) in G reat Cappadocia.2 It
has followed a virtually identical route regarding ritual and
divine ecstasy, and regarding the prestige accorded to its
priests. This was especially the case under the kings (prior to
the current day), when the priest wore a crown at the twice
yearly outings of the goddess and ranked second to the king
in prestige. |
557 C, 21-29 I mentioned earlier Dorylaus the strategic adviser 3 (great- 12.3.33
grandfather of my m other)4 and the other Dorylaus (his

nephew, son of Philetaerus), noting that this latter Dorylaus
(who won some of the highest honors from Eupator, includ- Eupator = Mithridates Eupator
ing the priesthood in Comana) was caught trying to take the

kingdom over to the Roman side. Dorylaus was finished,
and the f amily shared in his ignominy. L ater, Moaphernes
(the uncle of my mother) achieved eminence just before the
kingdom’s destruction and then lost it again when he shared
the king’s fate, as did those close to him who had not already
preemptively distanced themselves from him.5
557 C, 29–558 C, 7 For example, the grandfather of my [mother] 6 on the side
of her f ather—realizing that the king was meeting with no
success in the war against Lucullus, and becoming alienated
from the king through his anger at the king’s recent murder
of his cousin Tibius and of his cousin’s son Theophilus—de
cided to avenge them and himself. Receiving pledges from
Lucullus, he arranged that fifteen forts should go over to Roman general Pompey took
Lucullus’s side. Promises w ere given of g
reat rewards. Then over war, 66 BCE; defeated
Mithridates in same year;
Pompey arrived to take over the war. Pompey hated Lucullus returned to Rome, 61 BCE
[1] Albanian temple: 503 C, 7-19. Phrygian temples: 577 C, 1-10; 580 C, 6-10.
[2] Comana (Şar) in Great Cappadocia (cen. Turkey): 535 C, 20–536 C, 3.
[3] 477 C, 16–478 C, 11.
[4] Dorylaus → Lagetas → female, name unknown → female, name unknown → Strabo.
[5] The loyalty shown to Mithridates by Moaphernes probably left Strabo’s family
with little future in Roman-controlled Pontus. Strabo left Pontus early in his life
and spent his youth in Roman Asia.
[ 6 ] I add “[mother]” and understand “her father” to mean the father of Strabo’s
mother (cf. the description of Moaphernes as the “uncle of my mother” in the
previous paragraph). I depart from Radt (vol. 3, critical apparatus on 557 C, line
29), who deletes “father.”
646
and treated as an e nemy anyone who had done Lucullus a

favor. Pompey finished the war and returned home, where
he succeeded in preventing the senate from making good on
the rewards promised by Lucullus to certain Pontics, on the
grounds that it was unjust, when someone had brought the
war to a successful conclusion, to bestow prizes and awards
made on another’s watch. |
558 C, 8-23 So then, Comana, under the kings, was organized in the Comana, Kılıçlı (Tky.) 12.3.34
manner described.1 When Pompey took over control, he Pompey reorganized

conquered territories, 65–63
made Archelaus the priest; gave to him a territory two schoeni BCE
in perimeter, in addition to the sacred territory; and ordered
the inhabitants to submit to him. Archelaus was therefore
both the governor of these inhabitants and the master (ex-
cept for selling them) over the t emple slaves who lived in the
city—here, too,2 they numbered no fewer than six thousand.
This Archelaus was the son of the Archelaus honored by
Sulla and the senate; and he was an associate of one of the
ex-consuls, Gabinius, whom he accompanied on the latter’s
posting to Syria, hoping that he could be part of Gabinius’s
preparations for war against Parthia. Since the senate would
not allow it, he dropped that hope but came up with an even
more ambitious one. Ptolemy (father of Cleopatra) had been
ejected by the Egyptians, and the kingdom was in the hands
of his daughter (Cleopatra’s elder sister), for whom a husband
of royal descent was sought. Archelaus put himself forward
to t hose involved in the task, representing himself as a son
of Mithridates Eupator. He was accepted, and ruled for six
months. Gabinius killed him in b attle in the p rocess of rein-
stating Ptolemy. |
558 C, 23–559 C, 7 The priesthood was assumed by a son of Archelaus; 3 then Priesthood held by son of 12.3.35
Archelaus (unnamed by Strabo),
by Lycomedes, to whom an additional four schoeni of territory 55–47 BCE; by Lycomedes,
was allocated. Following Lycomedes’s disgrace, the priest- 47–ca. 29 BCE; by Dyteutus, ca.
29 + BCE
hood is now held by Dyteutus (son of Adiatorix). Dyteutus
apparently acquired the honor from Caesar Augustus in rec-
ognition of his personal merit. Caesar, who paraded Adiatorix
(together with his children and his wife) in a triumph, de
cided to kill Adiatorix together with the oldest of his sons.4
Dyteutus was the oldest, but the second oldest of the brothers
said to the arresting soldiers that he was the eldest. T here
was a long argument between the two, until such time as the
[ 1 ] 557 C, 14-20.
[ 2 ] I.e., as well as in Cappadocian Comana: 535 C, 20–536 C, 3.
[ 3 ] This “son of Archelaus” was the father, or uncle, of the Archelaus who later ruled
Great Cappadocia: 796 C, 12-16n.
[ 4 ] Adiatorix, given the city of Heraclia by M. Antony (ca. 40 BCE), massacred its
Roman colonists (32/31 BCE). After Antony’s defeat by Augustus, Adiatorix was
himself executed, and Heraclia became part of the Roman province of Pontus
(ca. 30 BCE): 542 C, 31–543 C, 6.
647
4.1. Northern Asia
arents persuaded Dyteutus to allow his younger brother to

p
win, on the grounds that Dyteutus, being more mature, was a
more suitable guardian for his m other and remaining brother.
Thus it was that the second b rother died along with his f ather,
and the oldest survived and was honored with this reward. (It
seems probable that Caesar, realizing the situation only after
the men had already been killed, felt remorse; and that he
decided that the survivors should be treated with generosity
and consideration, hence rewarding them with this honor.) |
559 C, 8-20 So, then, Comana is well populated and a significant en- Comana, Kılıçlı (Tky.) 12.3.36
trepôt for traders from Armenia. At those times when the

goddess emerges, men and women from all over—from city
and country—gather together for the festival. Certain o thers
stay t here permanently and make sacrifices to the goddess in
accordance with their vows. The inhabitants, however, enjoy
lives of luxury. Their lands are all planted with vines. A num-
ber of women (many of them devotees) make a living from
their bodies. In a way, the city is a mini version of Corinth,
where, b ecause of the number of prostitutes dedicated to
Aphrodite, many a man would stay and have his fun; trades-
men and soldiers used to spend all their wages, giving rise to
the proverb the voyage to Corinth is not for e very man. So ends my
description of Comana. |
559 C, 20-26 Pythodoris controls all the surrounding territory, which 12.3.37
includes Phanaroea, Zelitis, and Megalopolitis. Phanaroea Zelitis = region of Zela, Zile
(Tky.)
has been described.1 Zelitis contains the city of Zela, built on
Megalopolitis = region of
a Semiramis mound with a temple dedicated to Anaïtis. Al- Megalopolis, Sivas (Tky.)
though Anaïtis is worshipped by the Armenians, too,2 the sa-
cred rites are performed with even greater ceremony in Zela,
and this is where all Pontics take their oaths when the subject
is really important.
559 C, 26-28 When the kings were in power,3 the number of temple
slaves and the honors accorded to the priests w ere as I out-
lined above.4 Now, everything depends on Pythodoris.
559 C, 28–560 C, 5 There w ere many who, by acting in bad faith, reduced the
number of temple slaves and its other assets. The territory
alongside it, called “Zelitis,” was reduced too, being divided
up to form several dynastic regions. In the olden days, the
kings did not administer Zela as a city but as a temple to the Zela, Zile (Tky.)
Persian deities, with the priest having mastery over every
[1] Phanaroea: 556 C, 11–557 C, 13.

[2] 532 C, 26–533 C, 4.
[3] I.e., before the fall of Mithridates VI Eupator.
[4] Large number of temple slaves at Zela: 511 C, 28–512 C, 10. Strabo may also
be thinking of the “many temple slaves” at the temple to Mēn of Pharnaces
at Ameria (557 C, 3-13); the ranking of the priest at Pontic Comana as second
in prestige to the Pontic king (557 C, 14-20) and the number of slaves there as
“no fewer than 6,000” (558 C, 8-23). Cf. Strabo’s account of the temples in Great
Cappadocia: Cappadocian Comana, where the priest ranks second in prestige
to the Cappadocian king and t here are more than 6,000 t emple slaves (535 C,
20–536 C, 20); Morimene, where the priest ranks second “in honor” to the priest
at Comana and t here are nearly 3,000 temple slaves (537 C, 11-17).
648
thing. It was inhabited by a vast number of temple slaves and

by the priest, who did very well out of it. The sacred terri-
tory was put u nder the control of his associates (not few in
number) . . . * of the priest. Pompey, however, added many Roman general Pompey reorga
nized conquered territories of
districts to the place and called her a city, as also Megalopolis. Pontus, 65–63 BCE
He amalgamated the latter into one city with Culupene and Megalopolis, Sivas (Tky.)
Camisene, which border on L ittle Armenia and Laviansene,
and which contain salt quarries and the ancient fortress of
Camisa, now lying in ruins.
560 C, 5-11 Subsequent Roman leaders allocated these two states
partly to the priests at Comana, partly to the priest at Zela,
and partly to Ateporix, an overlord from the f amily of Gala-
tian tetrarchs. When Ateporix died, the (not very large) part
allocated to him came under Roman control and was called “a
province.”1 The small town of settlers at Carana (from which Carana, Sulusaray (Tky.)
the territory of Caranitis takes its name) is an i ndependent

federation. The rest is held by Pythodoris and Dyteutus. |
560 C, 12-19 The part of Pontus that remains is the stretch,2 between 12.3.38
this territory3 and the territory of the Amisenians and Sino-

peans, extending t oward Cappadocia, Galatia, and Paphlago-
nia. Following on from Amisenian territory, and taking us up
to the Halys, is Phazemonitis. Pompey named this territory Phazemonitis/
Neapolitis = region of
“Neapolitis,” . . . * at the village of Phazemon and classify- Phazemon/Neapolis,
ing the settlement . . . * and calling her “Neapolis” (New city). Vezirköprü (Tky.)
Gadilotus and Amisenian territory enclose the territory on Roman general Pompey reor
ganized conquered territories,
its northern side; the Halys, its western side; Phanaroea, its 65–63 BCE
eastern side; my own territory (that of the Amasians, much
the best and biggest of all), its remaining side.
560 C, 19–561 C, 4 The part of Phazemonitis toward Phanaroea includes a toward Phanaroea =
e. Phazemonitis
lake the size of a sea. It is called “Stiphana,” is good for fishing,
Stiphana, Lâdik Gölü (Tky.)
and is surrounded by extensive pastures of e very sort. On the
lake is the now-deserted fortress of Ikizari, with the ruined Ikizari, SW Lâdik (Tky.)
palace nearby. The remaining territory is largely bare of trees,

and used for growing corn. Lying above Amasian territory are
the Phazemonitan hot springs (very good for the health) and hot springs, Havza (Tky.)
the fortress of Sagylium—situated on a mountain that rises Sagylium, Kaletepe (Tky.)
sheer and high and culminates in a sharp peak—which also

has a plentiful supply of water. It has nowadays fallen into dis-
repair, but it was used by the kings for many purposes. Here,
Arsaces, a son of king Pharnaces, was c aptured and killed—he
[ 1 ] I.e., part of the Roman province of Galatia.

[ 2 ] I.e., “remains” to be described, as per Strabo’s outline of Pontus: 540 C, 30–541 C,
14; 544 C, 14-25n.
[ 3 ] This territory = Phanaroea, Zelitis, and Megalopolitis: 559 C, 20–560 C, 11.
649
4.1. Northern Asia
had seized power and initiated a rebellion (without the con-

sent of any of the political leaders). He was captured, not by
force (although the fortress was taken by Polemo and Lyco-
medes, both of them kings) but through starvation. Having
been driven from the plains, fleeing up onto the mountain
without provisions, he discovered that the w ater supply had
been stopped up with huge rocks (on the instructions of
Pompey, who had given o rders to pull down the fortresses
and thus prevent them from being used by anyone hoping
to retreat into them and use them as raiding bases). So, that
is how Pompey dealt with Phazemonitis. His successors al-
located it to kings. |
561 C, 5-23 My own city1 lies in the large, deep gorge through which my own city = Amasia, Amasya 12.3.39
(n. cen. Tky.)
the river Iris flows. She has been wonderfully constructed
Iris, Yeşil Irmak
by nature and design, and functions as both city and for-
tress. There is a high rock, sheer all around and plunging
down to the river, walled along the edge of the river (which
is where the city is concentrated), with the wall r unning up
from either side to the peaks. These peaks, towering splen-
didly upward, are connected with each other. Within this
perimeter, the royal residence and tombs are situated. A
very narrow ridge joins the peaks, five or six stades up as you
climb up from the river valley on either side or from the city
outskirts. From the ridge to the peaks, there is a still farther
uphill climb, amounting to only one stade but demanding ex-
treme physical strength! Within the city, there is a limitless
supply of water, two channels having been dug, one toward
the river and one t oward the ridge. T here are bridges built
across the river, one heading from the city to the outskirts,
another from the outskirts to the surrounding countryside.
The mountain above the rock comes to an end at this latter
bridge. Leading off from the river is a valley, not particularly
wide right at its start but later broadening out to form what
is called the “ Chiliocomum (Thousand-village) plain.” Then there’s Chiliocomum plain, Suluova
(Tky.)
Diacopene,2 and the prosperous territory of Pimolisene
(which takes us up to the Halys).
561 C, 23-32 The preceding comprises the northern section of Amasian
territory, some five hundred stades in length. Then t here is length = east–west dimension
the remaining section, much longer than the preceding,

which takes us up to Babamonum and Ximene (Ximene again Ximene, region of Çorum (Tky.)
[ 1 ] I.e., Amasia, also called “my fatherland”: 547 C, 19-32. Strabo’s mother’s family had
lived in Amasia for generations (at least from late 2nd c. BCE). Strabo, perhaps with
his immediate family, moved away: he received his education in the Roman prov-
ince of Asia in the city of Nysa (Sultanhisar, sw. Tky., 649 C, 18–650 C, 32). The date
of the move to Nysa is not known with certainty (?50 BCE or a few years e arlier).
Some connection between Nysa and the Roman province of Pontus is implied by
a letter written (50 BCE) by the Roman statesman Cicero to the Roman governor
of Pontus and Bithynia: D. R. Shackleton-Bailey, Cicero. Epistulae ad Familiares 1
(Cambridge University Press, 1977), no. 138. This letter is available in English transla-
tion in Shackleton-Bailey, Cicero’s Letters to His Friends (Harvard University Press,
2001), where, however, the name of the addressee has been changed.
[ 2 ] Diacopene = region of Diacopa (?Gümüşhaciköy, Tky.); Pimolisene = region of
Pimolisa (Osmancık, Tky.).
650
taking us up to the Halys). Such is the length, while the width

is m
easured from north to south, in the direction of Zelitis
and Great Cappadocia (taking us up to the Trocmians). In
Ximene t here are halae (saltworks) in the form of quarries, and
it is surmised that the river Halys is named a fter them. There
are the ruins of several forts in my home territory, and much
land that is deserted as a result of the war against Mithridates.
Trees grow everywhere, and in some parts t here is pasture
for h orses and other animals. The w hole place provides fine
living conditions. Amasia was granted to kings; now it is a
province.1 |
561 C, 33–562 C, 9 What remains is the territory inside the Halys that is part inside Halys = west of Kızıl Irmak 12.3.40
INNER PAPHLAGONIA of the Pontic province,2 namely, the Olgassys region, next to Olgassys, Ilgaz Dağlari (Tky.)
n. Turkey Sinopis. Mount Olgassys is very high and difficult to ascend.

(The Paphlagonians have temples set up all over the moun-
tain.) Round about, t here is some reasonably good territory:
Blaëne, and Domanitis, through which the Amnias river Blaëne, Kastamonou region
(Tky.)
flows. This is where Mithridates Eupator—through the
Amnias, Göksu (Tky.)
agency of his generals, as he himself was absent—completely
wiped out the forces of the Bithynian, Nicomedes. The lat-
ter, with a few of his men, escaped by g oing back home, and
from there he set sail for Italy. Mithridates, in hot pursuit,
not only won Bithynia but also gained control of Asia as far
as Caria and Lycia.3
562 C, 9-20 In this region, too, a city was proclaimed, namely “Pompey Pompey City, Taşköprü (Tky.)
sandaraca, realgar, or arsenic City.” In this city is the sandaraca mine, not far from the ru-
sulfide, used as orange pigment
ined royal fort of Pimolisa (as a result of which the territory Pimolisa, Osmancık (Tky.)
on either side of the river is called “Pimolisene”). The sanda- river = Halys, Kızıl Irmak
raca mine is a mountain that has been hollowed out by min-

ing activity, the miners having undercut it with huge shafts.
The men who worked it were leaseholders, using p eople
who had been sold into slavery because of their wrongdo-
ing as miners. It is said that, in addition to the work being
difficult, the air in the mines was fatally toxic b ecause of
the strong smell from the nuggets, so that the slaves met
an early death. Mining was frequently halted b ecause it
could not be done profitably, as more than two hundred
miners were needed, but their numbers were continuously
depleted by disease and death. Let that suffice for my ac-
count of Pontus. |
[ 1 ] I.e., part of the Roman province of Galatia.

[ 2 ] I.e., “remains” to be described, as per Strabo’s outline of Pontus: 540 C, 30–541 C,
14; 544 C, 14-25n; 560 C, 12-19.
[ 3 ] “Asia” = Asian peninsula: 534 C, 8-20.
651
4.1. Northern Asia
562 C, 21-31 After Pompey City (heading west t oward Bithynia) comes 12.3.41
the remainder of inner Paphlagonia.1 This part, though small,

had a g reat number of rulers only a little before our times.2
Now, with the royal line having died out, it is a Roman pos-
session. The part next to Bithynia goes by the names of
“Timonitis,” “Gezatorix” country,” “Marmolitis,” “Sanisene,” Timonitis, region of Mengen
(Tky.)
and “Potamia.” T here used to be a “Cimiatene,” with its forti-
Gezatorix country, nr. Yeniçağa
fied stronghold of Cimiata lying at the foot of mount Olgas- (Tky.)
sys. The Mithridates known as “Ctistes” (the succession was Potamia, region of Bayındır
passed down through his descendants as far as Eupator) used (Tky.)
it as his base when he established Pontus u nder his dominion. Cimiata, Kurmalar, Ilgaz (Tky.)
The final ruler of Paphlagonia was Deiotarus (son of Castor), Mithridates “Ctistes”
(= Founder) ruled 302–266 BCE
known as “Philadelphus,” who made use of Morzeus’s royal
residence (namely Gangra, a small city as well as a fort). | Gangra, Çankırı (Tky.)
562 C, 31–563 C, 3 Eudoxus, who mentions among dry places the dug-up fish 12.3.42
Eudoxus (4th c. BCE) in Paphlagonia, does not specify the place; he describes among
wet places the region associated with the Ascanian lake, subject to Ascanian lake, İznik Gölü (Tky.)
Cius. What he says is not at all clear! Cius, Gemlik (Tky.)
563 C, 4-9 Since I have represented Paphlagonia as bordering on

Pontus,3 and since the Paphlagonians have a western bor-
der with the Bithynians, I w ill endeavor to describe the
Bithynians;4 then, starting again from the Bithynians and
Paphlagonians, I will describe their neighbors to the south
(down to the Taurus) extending alongside Pontus and
Cappadocia.5 The topography of these places dictates that
they be arranged into such sections. |
563 C, 10-15 Bithynia is bounded to the east by the Paphlagonians, the 12.4.1
BITHYNIA Mariandynians, and some of the Epictetians; to the north by

nw. Turkey
the Pontic sea, from the outlets of the Sangarius to the mouth Pontic sea, Black Sea
at Byzantium and Chalcedon; to the west by the Propontis; mouth at Byzantium/

Chalcedon, Bogaziçi (Tky.)
to the south by Mysia and what is called “Phrygia Epictetus
Propontis, Marmara Denizi
(Annexed),” also called “Hellespontian Phrygia.”6 |
563 C, 16-25 Situated h ere, at the mouth of the Pontus, are Chalcedon Chalcedon, Kadıköy (Tky.) 12.4.2
(founded by the Megarians) and the village of Chrysopolis Chrysopolis, Üsküdar (Tky.)
and the Chalcedonian Temple. The territory has, a little in- Chalcedonian Temple, Anadolu
Kavak (Tky.)
land from the sea, a spring—Azaritia—where small croco-
diles breed. Then, following on from the Chalcedonian shore
is what is called “Astacenian bay,” a part of the Propontis, Astacenian bay, İzmit Körfezi
where Nicomedia was founded, named after one of the Propontis, Marmara Denizi
Bithynian kings who was its f ounder. (Many kings bore the Nicomedia, İzmit (Tky.)
[ 1 ] The “remainder” of inner Paphlagonia was the part not subject to Mithridates
Eupator: 544 C, 14-25.
[ 2 ] Strabo seems to refer to independent rulers in power u ntil Roman reorganiza
tion (65–63 BCE).
[ 3 ] 544 C, 5-14.
[ 4 ] 563 C, 10–566 C, 22.
[ 5 ] 566 C, 23–571 C, 178.
[ 6 ] Paphlagonians, etc.: 544 C, 5–546 C, 29; 561 C, 33–563 C, 3. Pontic sea (Black
Sea): 543 C, 7-24. Propontis (Marmara Denizi): 563 C, 16–564 C, 11. Mysia, Phrygia
Epictetus: 564 C, 12–565 C, 27; 566 C, 23-30n; 571 C, 17–576 C, 25.
652
same name, like the Ptolemies, on account of the reputation

of the first one.) Right in the bay, there was once the city of
Astacus—founded by the Megarians, Athenians, and there- Astacus, Baş İskele (Tky.)
after by Doedalses—from which the bay takes its name. She

was leveled by Lysimachus. Her inhabitants were relocated to
Nicomedia by that city’s founder. |
563 C, 26-32 Continuing on from the Astacenian bay is another bay, 12.4.3
intruding more toward the east. It is the location of Prusias, Prusias/Cius, Gemlik (Tky.)
formerly called “Cius.” Philip (son of Demetrius and father

of Perseus) leveled Cius and gave it to Prusias (son of Zelas),
who had assisted in the destruction of both this city and the
neighboring city of Myrlia (also close to Prusa). Prusias re-
built these cities from their ruins, renaming Cius “Prusias,”
after himself, and renaming Myrlia “Apamia,” after his wife. Apamia/Myrlia, Mudanya (Tky.)
563 C, 32-35 This is the Prusias who received Hannibal (when Hannibal
fled thither a fter the defeat of Antiochus) and who gave up
his claim to Phrygia-on-the-Hellespont in favor of the Attalic Phrygia-on-the-Hellespont
joined Attalic kingdom of
[kings]. It was called “Little Phrygia” by men of former times, Pergamum, early 2nd c. BCE
but the Attalic [kings] called it “Phrygia Epictetus (Annexed).”
563 C, 35–564 C, 7 Inland from Prusias is a mountain that they call “Argan- Arganthonium, Samanli Daği
(Tky.)
thonium.” This is the setting for the myth in which Hylas,
one of Heracles’s companions who sailed with him on the
Argo, when he set out to look for water was snatched away by
nymphs; and Cius, who was also a companion of Heracles and
fellow shipmate, on the way back from the Colchians, s topped
here and founded the city named after himself. Even now,
there is a festival celebrated by the Prusians and a procession
to the mountain in which revelers call out “Hylas” as if mak-
ing an exodus into the woods in search of him.1
564 C, 7-9 The Prusians established friendly diplomatic relations
with the Romans and as a result won their freedom. The
Apamians got a Roman colony.
564 C, 9-11 Prusa is situated on Mysian Olympus. It is a well-governed Prusa, Bursa (Tky.)
city, bordering on both the Phrygians and the Mysians, and Mysian Olympus, Ulu Dağ (Tky.)
was founded by the Prusias who went to war with Croesus. |
564 C, 12-21 It is difficult to define the boundaries between Bithyn- 12.4.4
ians, Phrygians, and Mysians; and even more so between the

Dolionians of the Cyzicus region, Mygdonians, and Trojans.
While it is agreed that each tribe should be kept separate (in
the case of the Phrygians and Mysians, t here is even a proverb,
[ 1 ] An erudite joke by Strabo, who plays on the name “Hylas” and the Greek word
for “woods” which, in its grammatically required inflected form, is hylas.
653
4.1. Northern Asia
keep the Mysians and Phrygians apart), nevertheless, the defini-

tion is tricky. The reason is that incoming p eoples, being bar-
barians and soldiers, did not secure the land they conquered
but generally wandered about, driving o thers out, then being
driven out themselves. One would guess that all these nations
were Thracian, since the latter live across the strait, and nei-
ther people differs very much from the other. |
564 C, 21-27 Nevertheless, in as much as it is possible to guess, one 12.4.5
would place Mysia between Bithynia and the outlet of the Ae- Aesepus, Gönen Çay
sepus, following the coastline and reaching as far as Olympus Olympus, Ulu Dağ (Tky.)
virtually in its entirety; and around it Epictetus, lying inland

and nowhere touching the coast, extending to the eastern
parts of Ascania (lake and territory). The territory was given Ascania (lake), İznik Gölü (Tky.)
the same name as the lake, and one part of it is Phrygian, the
other Mysian (with the Phrygian part being farther away
from Troy).
564 C, 27–565 C, 6 This is how the poet should be understood when he says,
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) Phorcys led the Phrygians, as did godly Ascanius, / from far off
Ascania—that is, in Phrygia near the current-day Nicaea— Nicaea, İznik (Tky.)
although there was a closer and different Ascania in Mysia,

to which he refers when he says, Palmys, Ascanius, and Morys
the son of Hippotion, / the chief of the Mysian combatants—/ who
came as replacements from loamy Ascania. It is not surprising if,
describing a Phrygian chieftain as Ascanius and from Ascania,
he also describes a Mysian chieftain as Ascanius and from Asca-
nia. He often uses the same name, and calls p eople a fter rivers,
lakes, and places. |
565 C, 7-19 The poet himself also gives the Aesepus as the Mysian Aesepus, Gönen Çay 12.4.6
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) boundary. After cataloguing the Trojan mountainside above
Ilium, which was subject to Aeneas and which he called “Dar-
dania,” g oing northward he places Lycia next, which was sub-
ject to Pandarus and in which lies Zelia. He says, those who dwelt Zelia, Sariköy (Tky.)
in Zelia on the farthest foothill of Ida, / the Aphnians, drinking the

black water of the Aesepus, / Trojans. Below Zelia toward the
coast, on this side of the Aesepus, are the Adrastian plain,
Teria, Pitya, and in general what is now Cyzicene-toward- Priapus, Karabiğa (Tky.)
Priapus, which he catalogues next. He then turns back to He = Homer

areas in the west and beyond, making it clear that he considers
the territory as far as the Aesepus as the northern and eastern
limit of the Troad. Mysia and Olympus come after the Troad.
654
565 C, 20-27 The ancient record suggests some such arrangement of

nations. In the modern day, t here have been many changes,
with diff erent p eople holding power at diff erent times, amal-
gamating some nations and separating others. The Phrygians Phrygians, Mysians, ?8th c.
BCE; Lydians, 7th–6th c. BCE;
and Mysians held power a fter the fall of Troy, then Lydians Aeolians, Ionians, 6th–5th c.
and, with them, Aeolians and Ionians, then Persians and BCE; Persians, 5th–4th c. BCE;
Macedonians, 4th–2nd c. BCE;
Macedonians, finally Romans, under whom ultimately most Romans, 2nd + c. BCE
people have lost both their languages and their names, as ter-
ritory has been partitioned in diff erent ways. But rather than
this, we must focus on how t hings are in the modern day, with
only moderate attention to antiquity. |
565 C, 28–566 C, 2 In the Bithynian interior, there’s Bithynium, inland from Bithynium, Bolu (Tky.) 12.4.7
Tieium, with its territory around Salon being excellent for Tieium, Hisarönü (Tky.)
pasturing cattle (“Salonite” cheese comes from here); and

Nicaea, the metropolis of Bithynia, on the shores of lake Nicaea, İznik (Tky.)
Ascania. She is surrounded by a large plain, blessed with fer- Ascania, İznik Gölü (Tky.)
tility but not at all healthy in the summer. She was founded
initially by Antigonus (son of Philip), who gave her the name
“Antigonia”; then by Lysimachus, who changed the name to
“Nicaea,” a fter his wife (she was the d aughter of Antipater).
The sixteen-stade perimeter of the city forms a four-sided
figure; it is also four-gated and located on a flat plain, with
the streets laid out at right angles to each other, so that the
four gates are visible from a single stone set up in the center
of the gymnasium.
566 C, 3-5 A little inland from lake Ascania is the small town of Otroea, Otroea, nr. Hayriye (Tky.)
just inside the eastern boundary of Bithynia. People surmise

that the town was formerly called “Otroeae” after Otreus. |
566 C, 6-18 The earliest witness of the fact that Bithynia was a Mysian 12.4.8
Scylax (6th c. BCE) colony would be Scylax the Caryandian, who claims that Phry-
Dionysius (?4th c. BCE) gians and Mysians live around lake Ascania; then Dionysius,
author of City Foundings, who says that the strait at Chalcedon strait at Chalcedon +
Byzantium/Thracian
and Byzantium, which is now called the “Thracian” Bosporus, was Bosporus, Bogaziçi (Tky.)
formerly called the “Mysian” Bosporus. (One might also use this
Euphorion (3rd c. BCE) as evidence that the Mysians were Thracians!) Euphorion’s
statement (by the w aters of Mysian Ascanius) and the statement Ascanius (river), Gemlik Dere
Alexander (3rd c. BCE) of Aetolian Alexander (who have their dwellings by the Ascanian
stream, / on the banks of lake Ascania, where Dolion / lived, the son
of Silenus and Melia) bear witness to the same fact, since no
“lake Ascania” is found anywhere else but t here. |
655
4.1. Northern Asia
566 C, 19-22 Bithynia has produced men famous for their learning: the 12.4.9
hilosopher Xenocrates, Dionysius the dialectician, Hip-

p
parchus, Theodosius and his sons (the mathematicians),
Cleophanes the Myrlian public speaker, and Asclepiades the
Prusian physician. |
566 C, 23-30 To the south of the Bithynians are the Olympian Mysians 12.4.10
(called by some “Olympenians” and by others “Hellespon-

tians”) and Phrygia-on-the-Hellespont; to the south of the
Paphlagonians are the Galatians. Still farther south of these
two are G reat Phrygia and Lycaonia, down to the Cilician and
Pisidian Taurus.1 Since the region bordering on Paphlago-
nia2 lies parallel to Pontus, Cappadocia, and nations just now
described, it would be appropriate for me to deal first with
the parts bordering on t hese nations and then represent the
succeeding places. |
566 C, 31–567 C, 10 To the south of the Paphlagonians are the Galatians. They Galatians from Celtica entered 12.5.1
Asia, 278 BCE; settled in Great
GALATIA, PHRYGIA comprise three nations, two (the “Trocmians” and the “Tol- Phrygia (w. cen. Tky.), late 270s
w. cen. Turkey
istobogians”) named after their leaders, and the third (the BCE
“Tectosagians”) named a fter the nation in Celtica.3 The Ga-

latians acquired this territory a fter a long period of wandering
and after overrunning territory that belonged to the Attalic
and Bithynian kings, until they received by agreement what is
now called Galatia and Gallograecia. It seems most likely that
the instigator of their crossing into Asia was Leonnorius. The
three nations (who shared a common language and were in no
way diff erent from one another) were each divided into four,
and each fourth part was called a “tetrarchy.” Each tetrarchy
had its own tetrarch, one judge and one military commander,
each reporting to the tetrarch, and two subcommanders. The
twelve tetrarchies had a council of three hundred men, which
met in what was called the “Drynemetum.” The council han-
dled cases involving murder, while the tetrarchs and judges
handled all other cases. Such was the hierarchy in times past.
In our own times, dynastic power passed to three, then two,
then one (Deiotarus, then his successor Amyntas). The Ro-
mans now control this territory and all the territory that was
subject to Amyntas, amalgamating it to form one province. | province = Roman province of
Galatia
567 C, 11-23 The Trocmians occupy the lands t oward Pontus and 12.5.2
Cappadocia, and these are the best Galatian lands. They

have three walled forts—Tavium (the local entrepôt, with its Tavium, Büyük Nefes (Tky.)
[ 1 ] Olympic Mysia, Phrygia-on-the-Hellespont (nw. Turkey): 571 C, 17-25; 575 C, 9-17;

576 C, 20-25. Galatians (w. cen. Turkey): 566 C, 31–568 C, 7. Great Phrygia (w. cen.
Turkey): 568 C, 8-15; 576 C, 26–581 C, 1. Lycaonia, Cilician/Pisidian Taurus (sw. cen.
Turkey): 568 C, 15–571 C, 16.
[ 2 ] This “region” (described at 566 C, 31–571 C, 17) appears to be roughly equivalent
to the kingdom of Amyntas, most of which became the Roman province of
Galatia a
fter Amyntas’s death (25 BCE).
[ 3 ] Tectosagians in Celtica (France): 187 C, 16–188 C, 27.
656
c olossal bronze statue of Zeus and a sanctuary to him, a place

of refuge), Mithridatium (taken by Pompey from the Pontic Mithridatium, Gerdekkaya
(Tky.)
kingdom and given to Brogitarus), and thirdly . . . * where
Pompey and Lucullus had their meeting, Pompey coming
to assume responsibility for the war, Lucullus handing over
his command and departing for his triumph. Such is the part
belonging to the Trocmians, while the Tectosagians control
the part toward the region of Pessinus and Orcaorci in Great
Phrygia, with their fortress at Ancyra (which has the same Ancyra, Ankara (Tky.)
name as the town on the Lydian side of Phrygia in the Blaudus

region). The Tolistobogians share a border with Bithynia and
what is called “Phrygia Epictetus (Annexed).” Their fortresses
are Blucium and Peium, of which one was Deiotarus’s royal Blucium, Karalar (Tky.)
residence and one of which was his treasury. | Peium, Tabanlıoğlu Kale (Tky.)
567 C, 24–568 C, 7 The largest entrepôt in the region is Pessinus, with its Pessinus, Ballıhisar (Tky.) 12.5.3
highly revered temple to the Mother of the Gods, whom

people call “Angdistis.” The priests were, in times past, sort of
dynasts, who made a good living from the important priest-
hood, but now their status is much diminished (although
the entrepôt is still there.) The Attalic kings built up the
sanctuary in a way fit for a temple, with an inner shrine and a
portico made of white marble. The Romans ensured the fame
of the temple when they complied with the Sibylline oracles
and sent for a replica statue of the goddess (as they did, too,
in respect of the t emple to Asclepius in Epidaurus). Above
the city rises the Dindymum mountain range (from which Dindymum, Arayit (Günüzü)
Dağı (Tky.)
“Dindymene” takes her name, just as “Cybele” does from Cy-
bela). Nearby, the Sangarius river runs its course. The ancient Sangarius, Sakarya r.
Phrygian settlements on its banks (belonging to Midas, even Gordius and Midas w ere
Phrygian kings, 8th–7th c. BCE
earlier to Gordius, and to certain o thers) preserve no traces
of having been cities, but are only villages that are slightly
larger than others. Examples are Gordium and Gorbeus, Gordium, Yassıhüyük (Tky.)
which was the royal residence of Castor Saocondarius. It was Gorbeus, nr. Oğulbey (Tky.)
here that Deiotarus killed Castor (his son-in-law) and his own
daughter, then destroyed the fort and left most of the settle-
ment in ruins. |
568 C, 8-15 South of Galatia is lake Tatta, which, though lying along- Tatta, Tuz Göl (Tky.) 12.5.4
side the Morimenians of Great Cappadocia, is itself a part of Morimenians = inhabitants of

Morimene region, w. part of
Great Phrygia; and then the area next to the lake (and taking Great Cappadocia
us as far as the Taurus), most of which belonged to Amyntas.
657
4.1. Northern Asia
Tatta acts as a natural salt pan. Its w ater so readily encrusts

anything dipped into it that loops of rope, when lowered down
into it, are raised back up as garlands of salt! Birds are caught
when they brush the water with their wingtips and immedi-
ately plummet down b ecause of the encrustation of salt. |
568 C, 15-25 Tatta, the region of Orcaorci and Pitnissus, and the moun- 12.6.1
LYCAONIA tain plateaus of the Lycaonians are cold, treeless, and fit only
sw. cen. Turkey
for grazing wild mules. The water supply is very limited. In
places where there is any water to be found, the wells are ex-
tremely deep, as in Soatra, where there is a trade in water. Soatra, Yağlibayat (Tky.)
(Soatra is a villageopolis near Garsaura). Despite its water- Garsaura (in G

reat Cappadocia),
Aksaray (Tky.)
less conditions, the territory is astonishingly good for rear-
ing sheep. The sheep’s fleeces are shaggy, and some people
have made a fortune from them. Amyntas had over three
hundred flocks here. There are lakes, too, Coralis being the Coralis, Beyşehir Göl (Tky.)
larger one, and Trogitis the smaller. Somewhere in the locality Trogitis, Suğla Göl (Tky.)
is Iconium, a small and well-settled town, with territory that Iconium, Konya (Tky.)
is better than the pasture for wild mules mentioned above.

Polemo controlled this town.
568 C, 25–569 C, 2 Immediately adjacent to this area is the section of the
Taurus that divides Lycaonia and Cappadocia from the up- Taurus = mts. of s. cen. Turkey
lands of Rough Cilicia. (The Lycaonian-Cappadocian bor-

der lies between the Lycaonian village of Coropassus and the Coropassus, Akhan (Tky.)
Cappadocian town of Garsaura, the distance between t hese Garsaura, Aksaray (Tky.)
two fortified locations being some one hundred and twenty

stades.)1 | Isaurica (which is next to this section of the Taurus 12.6.2
but is part of Lycaonia) contains two identically named vil-

lages, the “Isauras,” one of them being called “Old [Isaura]” . . . * Old [Isaura], Bozkhır (Tky.)
well defended. T here was a multitude of other villages subject

to t hese two. They were all the homes of people who lived by
raiding, presenting quite a challenge to the Romans and to
Publius Servilius, known as “Isauricus” (whom I saw).2 The
latter brought the Isauricans u nder Roman control and also
destroyed many of the pirates’ lairs on the coast. |
569 C, 3-10 On the flanks of Isaurica, there’s Derbe ( . . . * very close Derbe, Kerti Hüyük (Tky.) 12.6.3
to Cappadocia), the tyrant-capital of Antipater the Derbian,

who also held Laranda. In our times, Amyntas controlled the Laranda, Karaman (Tky.)
Isauras and Derbe (having attacked and killed the Derbian

and having acquired the Isauras from the Romans). Amyn-
tas built his own capital t here, after laying Old Isaura waste.
[ 1 ] Coropassus and Garsaura lie on the long road from the Euphrates to Ephesus
(Selçuk, Tky.), which was at least partially traveled by Strabo: 663 C, 19-33n.
[ 2 ] The young Strabo may have seen the elderly Isauricus in Asia (early 40s BCE).
Scholars often assume, however, that Strabo must have seen Isauricus in Rome
and, on this basis, put Strabo in Rome before the death of Isauricus (44 BCE).
658
In the same place, he constructed a city wall but did not live
to see its completion, being killed by the Cilicians (ambushed
by them during his attack on the Homonadians). |
569 C, 10-23 Amyntas held Pisidian Antioch as far as Apollonias (near Pisidian Antioch, Yalvaç (Tky.) 12.6.4
Apamia Cibotus), and parts of Parorian Phrygia, as well as Apollonias, Uluborlu (Tky.)
Lycaonia.1 He tried to eradicate the Cilicians and Pisidians Apamia Cibotus, Dinar (Tky.)
who w ere coming down from the Taurus and overrunning this
territory, which belonged to the Phrygians and Lycaonians.
Amyntas razed many previously impregnable sites, includ-
ing Cremna. (He did not, however, even attempt to force Cremna, Girme, Çamlık (Tky.)
Sandalium—between Cremna and Sagalassus—over to his Sandalium, Sandal Asar,

Harmancık (Tky.)
side.) | Cremna is now in the possession of Roman colonists. 12.6.5
Sagalassus/Selgessus, nr.
Sagalassus is controlled by the same Roman governor as is Ağlasun (Tky.)
the rest of Amyntas’s kingdom. It is one day’s journey from
Apamia, almost thirty stades down from the fort. It is also
called Selgessus, and it was conquered by Alexander. So then,
Amyntas took Cremna. When, however, he got to the Ho-
monadians, with their reputation for extreme intractability,
even though he had already established his dominion in many
places and killed their tyrant too, he was captured through the
trickery of the tyrant’s wife.
569 C, 23-30 So, they destroyed him, but then Quirinius starved them they/them = Homonadians
him = Amyntas into submission, took four thousand men captive, moved
them to nearby cities, and left the territory destitute of men
of fighting age. It lies in the heights of the Taurus, consisting Taurus, mts. of s. Turkey
of very steep mountain precipices that are largely impossible

to scale, and between them an enclosed and fertile plain that
splits off into several valleys. Although the p eople farmed the
plain, they lived higher up in the mountain ridges and caves.
They w ere frequently u nder arms and overrunning the ter-
ritory of o thers, since they had mountains protecting their
own territory. |
569 C, 31–570 C, 4 Next to the Homonadians are various Pisidians, including 12.7.1
PISIDIA the Selgians, who are the best known of them. Many of them Selgians = inhabitants of Selga,
sw. Turkey Zerk (Tky.)
occupy the Taurus mountain peaks. Some occupy the hills—
all planted with olives—above the Pamphylian cities of Sida Sida, Selimiye (Tky.)
and Aspendus. The mountains immediately above the hills Aspendus, Belkis (Tky.)
are occupied by the Cotennians, who share a border with the Cotenna, Gödene (Tky.)
Selgians and Homonadians. The interior toward Milyas 2 is Sagalassians = inhabitants of

occupied by Sagalassians. | Sagalassus, nr. Ağlasun (Tky.)
[ 1 ] Parorian Phrygia/Antiochia: 577 C, 1–578 C, 7. Lycaonia: 568 C, 15–569 C, 10.

[ 2 ] Milyas mt. range (sw. Turkey): 631 C, 19-21.
659
4.1. Northern Asia
570 C, 4-13 Artemidorus lists, as the cities belonging to the Pisidians, 12.7.2
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early Selga, Sagalassus, Petnelissus, Adada, Timbriada, Cremna, Petnelissus, Kozan (Tky.)
1st c. BCE)
Tityassus, Amblada, Anabura, Sinda, Aarassus, Tarbassus, Adada, Karabaulo (Tky.)
Tityassus, Bademli (Tky.)
and Termessus. Some of the Pisidians are true mountain Timbriada, Asar (Tky.)
Amblada, Hisartepe (Tky.)
dwellers, while o thers spread down into the foothills in each Cremna, Girme, Çamlık (Tky.)
Anabura, Enevre (Tky.)
direction, to Pamphylia and Milyas, bordering on the Phry- Sinda, Gölhisar (Tky.)
gians, Lydians, and Carians, all of them peace-loving nations Aarassus, ?Uçkapı, Bademağaç
(Tky.)
despite being northerly, while the Pamphylians, with their
strong affinity to the Cilician race, have not completely aban- Termessus, Güllük Dağ (Tky.)
doned their raiding ways and do not allow their neighbors to

live in peace, despite living in the southern part of the Taurus
foothills.
570 C, 13-15 Next to the Phrygians and to Caria are Tabae, Sinda, and Tabae, Davas Kale (Tky.)
Amblada, Hisartepe (Tky.) Amblada, the source of Ambladian wine, which is prescribed Sinda, Gölhisar (Tky.)
for medicinal purposes. |
570 C, 16-25 As for the mountain-dwelling Pisidians of whom I spoke,1 12.7.3
although most w ere o

rganized into separate tyrannies, like
the Cilicians, and lived by raiding (it is said that, long ago, a
wandering band of Lelegians immigrated and stayed t here,
because they found the customs familiar!), Selga was a city Selga, Zerk (Tky.)
from the very beginning. She was founded by the Lacedae-

monians (and even before them, by Calchas); subsequently,
she maintained her independence, flourishing so much
under law-based governance that the population at one time
amounted to twenty thousand. The natural qualities of the
city’s site are amazing. Her territory, in among the peaks of
the Taurus, is capable of supporting a population in the tens Taurus = mts. of sw. Turkey
of thousands, its extreme fertility meaning that many of its

regions support olive growing and viniculture, as well as pro-
viding abundant pastures for every type of domestic animal.
570 C, 25–571 C, 6 Around and above her are forests yielding lumber of all
types but mostly styrax wood (a small, straight tree, used to
make styrax-wood javelins, which are similar to cornel-wood
javelins). In the tree trunks lives a species of wood-eating
insect, which chews through the wood as far as the bark. It
produces, in the first place, wood chips (like bran or sawdust)
that gather in a heap at the base of the tree. Then some sort
of liquid drips out, hardening easily (like gum). Some of the
liquid, dropping onto the pile at the base of the tree, mixes
with it and with the soil (except what stays on the surface and
[ 1 ] 569 C, 31–570 C, 4-13.
660
remains pure), while some hardens on the bark of the tree as

it drips down (and this, too, is pure). From the impure sub-
stance is produced a mixture that, despite containing wood
and earth, is more fragrant than the pure stuff (but less po-
tent, though most p eople do not notice) and is used in g reat
quantities as incense by religious types. The Selgic iris is also
much praised, as is the unguent produced from it.
571 C, 6-17 The region associated with the city and with Selgian ter- city = Selga, Zerk (Tky.)
ritory has few access points, as the territory is mountainous,

with many ravines and gullies formed by various rivers, in-
cluding the Eurymedon and the Cestrus, flowing out of the Eurymedon, Köprü Çay
Selgian mountains and into the Pamphylian sea; and t here Cestrus, Asku
are bridges on the roads. Protected by nature, the Selgians
never once (neither early on nor later) answered to others,
but enjoyed the benefits of most of their territory without
fear, except that in the lower parts (in Pamphylia and inside inside Taurus = south of Taurus
mts.
the Taurus), they were engaged in continual warfare against
the kings. They sent deleg ations to Alexander and said that
they would concede to his demands on the basis of friend-
ship, but in the case of the Romans they held their territory
on certain conditions. Now completely subjugated, they have
been allocated to the territory formerly subject to Amyntas. |
571 C, 17-25 Bordering on the Bithynians to the south are, as I said,1 the 12.8.1
MYSIA, PHRYGIA Mysians—associated with what is called “Mysian” Olympus— Mysian Olympus, Ulu Dağ (Tky.)
nw. + w. Turkey
and the Phrygians. Each nation is divided. In respect of Phry-
gia, one part is called “Great Phrygia,” where Midas reigned, reat Phrygia (w. cen. Tky.)
G
ruled by Midas, ?8th–7th c. BCE;
and some of which was occupied by Galatians. The other part partly settled by Galatians, late
is called “Little Phrygia”: it is on the Hellespont in the Olym- 270s BCE
pus region and is also known as Phrygia “Epictetus.”2 Mysia,

similarly divided, consists of Olympene (next to Bithynia and
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early Epictetus), which, according to Artemidorus, was colonized
1st c. BCE)
by Mysians from beyond the Ister; and the region of the Cae- beyond Ister = north of
Danube r.
cus and Pergamene, extending to Teuthrania and the outlets
of the river.3 |
571 C, 26–572 C, 1 These nations are so intertwined with each other, as I have 12.8.2
often mentioned,4 that the ancients also call the Sipylus re- Sipylus, Manisa Dağı (Tky.)
gion “Phrygian” (although whether part of Great Phrygia or

Little Phrygia is unclear), wherefore they call Tantalus “Phry-
gian,” as also Pelops and Niobe. Whatever the case,5 there is
manifestly some overlap. Pergamene, the Elaïtis (where the
[ 1 ] 566 C, 23-30.
[ 2 ] Galatian territory (w. cen. Turkey): 566 C, 31–569 C, 30. G reat Phrygia (w. cen.
Turkey): 576 C, 26–581 C, 1. Phrygia Epictetus (nw. Turkey): 571 C, 17-25; 575 C, 9-17;
576 C, 20-25.
[ 3 ] Olympene (nw. Turkey): 574 C, 20–575 C, 9. Pergamene (w. Turkey): 623 C, 12–
625 C, 24.
[ 4 ] 564 C, 12–565 C, 27.
[ 5 ] Tantalus was known in Greek myth as both a Mysian and a Phrygian king; Pelops
and Niobe were his children.
661
4.1. Northern Asia
Caecus flows out to sea), and between them Teuthrania (the Caecus, Bakır Çay
setting for the story of Teuthras and the Upbringing of Telephus)1

lie midway between the Hellespont and the territory around
Sipylus and Magnesia-under-Sipylus. The result is, as I said,2 Magnesia-under-Sipylus,
Manisa (Tky.)
that it is difficult to keep the Mysians and Phrygians apart. |
572 C, 2-14 Somewhat mixed up with these people, as well as with these people = Mysians 12.8.3
each other, are the Lydians and Maeonians (called by Homer

Meionians). As for the latter being mixed up with each other,
some say that they are the same people, some that they are they = Lydians, Maeonians
different p
eople. As for being mixed up with t hese p eople,
some say that the Mysians are Thracians. Others say that
the Mysians are Lydians and refer to the ancient explanation
Xanthus (5th c. BCE) given in the writings of Xanthus the Lydian and Menecrates
Menecrates (?4th c. BCE) the Elaean, who give as the etymology of the name “Mysian”
that the Lydians use this name for the beech tree; there are many
beech trees on Olympus, which is where, they say, “one in ten” were Olympus, Ulu Dağ (Tky.)
laid out;3 their descendants became the l ater “Mysians,” who w ere
named after the beech tree. Their language, too, provides proof, since
it is to some extent hybridized Lydian and to some extent hybrid-
ized Phrygian: they lived in the vicinity of Olympus for a time, but
when the Phrygians crossed over from Thrace . . . * the ruler of Troy
and the neighboring country, the Phrygians settled t here, whereas the
Mysians settled above the sources of the Caecus, near the Lydians. |
572 C, 15-21 Underlying such mythologizing is the confusion of na- 12.8.4
tions there, and the desirability of the territory inside the inside Halys = west of Kızıl Irmak
Halys, particularly its coastal area, on which account it was

subject to invasions from many sides at all times—either from
across the water or because people living in close proximity
attacked each other. It so happened that invasions and mi-
grations w ere particularly common in and a fter the Trojan Trojan period, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
period, when non-Greeks and Greeks alike w ere motivated
to acquire foreign territory.4
572 C, 21-30 There were invasions and migrations before the Trojan Examples of supposed
invasions/migrations, late
period, too. T here was the Pelasgian tribe, and also the Cau- 2nd millennium BCE
conian and Lelegian tribes—reference has been made to their
wanderings throughout E urope in ancient times 5—whom the
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) poet represents as Trojan allies, not as allies from across the
water.6 Stories about the Phrygians and Mysians pre-date the
Trojan period. The two sets of “Lycians” arouse suspicion
that they are related: either the Trojan “Lycians” colonized
[ 1 ] Teuthras was known in Greek myth as a Mysian king who raised his new wife’s
son, Telephus, as his own.
[ 2 ] 564 C, 12-27.
[ 3 ] Dedication of 1 in 10 (?of newborns) as an expiatory offering to a god: cf. 257 C,
13-28n.
[ 4 ] Invasions and migrations after the Trojan period: 573 C, 27-32.
[ 5 ] Wanderings in Europe: 220 C, 31–221 C, 38; 321 C, 4–322 C, 13; 345 C, 6–346 C, 12.
[ 6 ] Strabo believes that Homer’s representation of these tribes as Trojan allies
means that they w ere already resident in the Asian peninsula in Homer’s day:
611 C, 3-23; cf. 542 C, 17-30; 605 C, 15–606 C, 4.
662
the “Lycians” near Caria, or vice versa.1 The same t hing pos-
sibly happened in the case of the “Cilicians,”2 there being two
sets of them, too. (We have no such evidence that the current-
day Cilicians already existed before the Trojan period.)3
572 C, 30-32 Telephus might be supposed to have arrived from Arcadia
with his m other. By virtue of this woman’s marriage, he won
over Teuthras (who accepted him) and was treated as the lat-
ter’s son, inheriting the Mysian kingdom. |
573 C, 1-13 The Carians and, so it is said, the Lelegians w ere previ- 12.8.5
ously islanders, but they became mainlanders with the help

of the Cretans. The Cretans founded Miletus, bringing Sarpe-
don from Miletus in Crete as the founder; and they settled the
Termilians in current-day Lycia. The story is that Sarpedon
(brother of Minos and Rhadamanthys) brought the latter as
colonists from Crete; he gave the name “Termilians” to the
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) people previously known, according to Herodotus, as “Mi-
lyans” and, before that, as “Solymians”; when Lycus (son of
Pandion) arrived, he named them “Lycians” a fter himself.
This story makes the Solymians and the Lycians the same,
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) whereas the poet makes them separate. At any rate, Bellero-
phontes, having set out from Lycia, did battle with the illustrious
Solymians, and similarly (he says) Pisander, the son of Bellero-
phontes, was killed, as he fought against the Solymians, by Ares;
and the poet describes Sarpedon as home-born. |
573 C, 14-26 There are many confirmations that the excellence of the 12.8.6
territory u nder discussion provided a common incentive to

the strong . . . * after the Trojan period. Because the Ama- Trojan period, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
zons made aggressive moves against the territory (it is said
that both Priam and Bellerophontes took to the field against
them), cities in antiquity are agreed to have been named
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) after them. On the Ilian plain there is a hill called by mankind
“Batieia,” / by immortals the “Tomb of Sprightly Myrina”; and
Myrina is considered by scholars to be one of the Amazons,
on the basis of her epithet. (Horses are called “sprightly”
because of their speed, and Myrina was called “Sprightly”
because of the rate at which she drove her chariot.) Myrina is Myrina, city at mouth of Koca
Çay (Tky.)
named a fter her. The nearby islands, because of their fertility,
suffered similar consequences, among them Rhodes and Cos,
which are clearly shown by Homer as inhabited by Greeks
even before the Trojan period. |
[ 1 ] Trojan Lycians (nw. Turkey): 565 C, 7-19; 585 C, 20-32; 586 C, 30–587 C, 5. Carian
Lycians (sw. Turkey): 664 C, 5–667 C, 13.
[ 2 ] Two sets of Cilicians (nw. Turkey) of Trojan times: 586 C, 8-11; 605 C, 15–606 C,
4n; 611 C, 24–613 C, 18.
[ 3 ] Cilicians “outside the Taurus” (s. Turkey): 668 C, 7–676 C, 33.
663
4.1. Northern Asia
573 C, 27-32 After the Trojan period, colonizations by the Greeks and Greek colonizations, late 12.8.7
2nd millennium BCE;
incursions by Treres, Cimmerians, and Lydians—and after- Cimmerians, Trerians, late
ward by Persians, Macedonians, and finally Galatians—threw 8th–7th c. BCE; Lydians, 7th c.
BCE; Persians, 6th c. BCE;
everything into confusion and mixed things up. This lack of Macedonians late 4th c. BCE;
Galatians, early 3rd c. BCE
clarity is the result not only of changes but also of inconsis-
tencies between writers, who describe the same events differ-
ently, calling the Trojans “Phrygians” (as do the tragedians),
calling the Lycians “Carians,” and so on.
573 C, 32–574 C, 13 The Trojans, who grew from such small beginnings to be-
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) come “kings of kings,” provided a problem to the poet and
to his interpreters as to what exactly should be called “Troy.”
He uses the name Trojans indiscriminately for all the allies,
just as he uses the names Danaans and Achaeans for their op-
ponents. (We will not, however, call Paphlagonia, Caria, nor
the adjacent Lycia “Troy,” by Zeus.) I mean, when he says the
Trojans advanced, whooping and yelling, while on the other side
the Achaeans advanced in silence, breathing menace, and when he
expresses himself in many other ways. Although such is the
case, I must nevertheless try to clarify particulars as far as I
can. Where matters of ancient history elude me, this should
be passed over (for the task of the geographer does not lie
therein), and the current state of affairs must be described. |
Propontic Coast (Sea of Marmara/Marmara Denizi + islands)

574 C, 14-19 here are two mountains inland from the Propontis: Mysian
T Mysian Olympus, Ulu Dağ (Tky.) 12.8.8
Olympus and Ida. The Bithynian region lies at the foot of Ida, Kaz Dağ
Olympus; but between Ida and the coast, right up against the
mountain, lies Troy. I will describe Troy and adjacent areas to
the south l ater.1 For now, let me describe the Olympenians
and those areas that come next as far as the Taurus, which are
parallel to the areas already traversed.2
574 C, 20-30 Olympus is well settled on all sides, with incredible forests Olympus, Ulu Dağ
OLYMPENE on its peaks and well-defended places that are home to bands
nw. Turkey
of raiders, amongst which tyrants often establish themselves,
capable of staying in power for a long time, as in the case of
Cleon, in our times the chief of these bands of raiders. | This 12.8.9
individual came from Gordius Village, which he subsequently

enlarged and made into a city, calling it “Julius City.” In the Julius City, Sarılar (Tky.)
beginning, however, he used as his robber’s den and base of

operations the strongest of these places, called “Callydium.”
[ 1 ] Troy and adjacent areas to the south: 581 C, 1–623 C, 12.

[ 2 ] Areas that come next: 623 C, 10–631 C, 21.
664
Propontic Coast of Fourth Section + Hinterland
He was useful to Antony in attacking those who were col-

lecting tribute for Labienus (at that period when Labienus
held Asia) and obstructing their designs. In the Actian war,
however, he defected from Antony and attached himself
to Caesar’s generals and received more honors than he de-
served, adding to what he was granted by Antony what he
was granted by Caesar.
574 C, 30–575 C, 8 He consequently took on the guise of tyrant instead of
a raider, becoming the priest of “Abrettenian” Zeus (the
Mysian god), controlling a part of Morene, which, like Abret-
tene, was Mysian, and finally even assuming the priesthood
of Comana in Pontus—but dying within a month of enter-
ing the priesthood. An acute condition carried him off, at-
tacking him e ither randomly because of his gluttony or (as
those associated with the temple claimed) as a result of the
goddess’s wrath: the residence of both the priest and priest-
ess are within the perimeter of the t emple precinct, and the
precinct—apart from its general sanctity—is kept conspicu-
ously pure of the eating of pork (which is also the case for the
whole city—not even a pig is allowed into it). He gave a prime
example of his robber-like character immediately upon his
first arrival by his transgression of this custom, as if he came
not as a priest but as a destroyer of sacred ritual. |
575 C, 9 Such is Olympus.1 12.8.10
575 C, 9-17 Its environs are inhabited, to the north, by Bithynians,

Mygdonians, and Dolionians; the remainder is held by
Mysians and Epictetans. “Dolionians” is the particular name
used for t hose in the Cyzicus region, from the A esepus to Aesepus, Gönen Çay
the Rhyndacus and lake Dascylitis; “Mygdonians” for their Dascylitis, Manyas Gölü
neighbors as far as Myrleanian territory. Inland from Das-

Apolloniatis (?also
cylitis, t here are two other large lakes, Apolloniatis and Miletopolitis), Ulubat Gölü
Miletopolitis. On Dascylitis is the city of Dascylium; on Mi- Dascylium, Ergili (Tky.)
letopolitis is Miletus City; on the third lake is the city called Miletus City, Melde (Tky.)
“Apollonia-on-Rhyndacus.” Most of these areas now belong Apollonia-on-Rhyndacus,
to the Cyzicenes. | Apolyont (Tky.)
575 C, 18-24 Cyzicus is an island in the Propontis, linked to the main- Propontis, Marmara Denizi 12.8.11
CYZICUS land by two bridges. The island is very fertile and is some
Kapu Dağ (Tky.)
five hundred stades in size, measured around her circumfer-
ence. The island has a city with the same name, right by the Cyzicus (city), Belkiz Kale (Tky.)
bridges, and two harbors that can be sealed off, and more than
[ 1 ] 574 C, 20–575 C, 8.
665
4.1. Northern Asia
two hundred shipyards. Part of the city lies in the plain, part
toward the mountain. It is called “Arcton (Bear) mountain,” Arcton mountain/Dindymum,
Kapu Dağ
but looming over it is another single-peaked mountain, Din-
dymum, with a temple to Dindymene, the Divine Mother,
established by the Argonauts.
575 C, 24-30 The city rivals the foremost cities in Asia in terms of size,
beauty, and good governance in times of both war and peace.1
It seems that she is embellished in a manner similar to the city
of the Rhodians, the city of the Massaliotes, and the city of
the ancient Carthaginians. While I leave much aside, the city
possesses three master builders (responsible for the public
buildings and equipment) and three storage vaults (one for
arms, one for equipment, and one for grain—an admixture of
Chalcidian earth keeps the grain from spoiling).
575 C, 30–576 C, 4 They demonstrated the utility of these preparations dur-
ing the war against Mithridates. The king, with one hundred
and fifty thousand men and a large troop of cavalry, attacked
them and caught them unawares; he took possession of the
mountain (which they call “Adrastia”) opposite, and of the Adrastia, Delikli Bayir
suburbs; he crossed onto the neck of land above the city and
engaged them by land and by sea, with four hundred boats.
The Cyzicenes withstood him so successfully on all fronts that
they came close to taking the king alive in the tunnel (digging
through it as a countervailing tactic). He, however, took pre-
emptive action and got himself out of the tunnel.
576 C, 4-16 Later, the Roman general Lucullus prevailed by sending in
an auxiliary force under cover of night. Further help came in
the form of a famine, which, unforeseen by the king, beset his
large army; he consequently withdrew with heavy losses. The
Romans bestowed honors on the city. It remains f ree to this day
and has an extensive territory, part of it dating back to antiq-
uity, part of it added by the Romans. They hold the Zelia region Zelia, Sariköy (Tky.)
of the Troad beyond the Aesepus, and the plain of Adrastia. Aesepus, Gönen Çay
They hold part of lake Dascylitis (the Byzantians hold the other Dascylitis, Manyas Gölü
part). They inhabit, in addition to Dolionis and Mygdonis, ex-

tensive territory as far as lake Miletopolitis and even as far as Apolloniatis (?also
Apolloniatis. Through t hese areas runs the Rhyndacus river, Miletopolitis), Ulubat Gölü
which takes its start in Azanitis. Joined by several rivers from Rhyndacus, Orhaneli/Koca Dere
Ancyra in Abaeitis, Boğaz Mysian Abrettene, including the Mecestus from Ancyra in Mecestus, Simav Çayı
(formerly Kilise) Köy (Tky.)
Abaeitis, it flows into the Propontis near the island of Besbicus. Besbicus, İmrali (Tk. island)
[ 1 ] “Asia” = Roman province of Asia. Cf. 840 C, 13-26n.
666
576 C, 16-19 On the island of the Cyzicenes, t here is a heavily forested

mountain, Artaca, and an islet of the same name lies offshore Artaca, Erdek (Tky.)
from it. Nearby is the promontory called “Melanus,” which is Artaca (islet), Tavsan Adası (Tk.
island)
passed by those making the coastal voyage to Priapus from
Melanus, Murat Bayır
Cyzicus. |
576 C, 20-25 To Phrygia Epictetus belong the cities of Azani, Naco- 12.8.12
lia, Cotiaeium, Midaïum, Dorylaïum, and Cadi (although

some say that Cadi belongs to Mysia). Mysia is in the inte-
rior, stretching from Olympene to Pergamene and to what is
called the “Caecus plain”; it thus lies between Ida and Cata-
cecaumene (the latter of which some say is part of Mysia, and
others part of Maeonia). |
576 C, 26-33 Great Phrygia lies south of Phrygia Epictetus, leaving Pes- Pessinus, Ballıhisar (Tky.) 12.8.13
GREAT PHRYGIA sinus and the regions of Orcaorci and Lycaonia on the left, the
w. cen. Turkey
Maeonians, Lydians, and Carians on the right.1 Great Phry-
gia includes what is called “Parorian Phrygia” and “Phrygia- Amorium, Hisar Köy (Tky.)
Apamia Cibotus, Dinar (Tky.) toward-Pisidia,” and the region of Amorium, Eumenia, and Eumenia, Isıklı (Tky.)
Laodicia, Eski Hisar (Tky.) Synnada; then t here are “Apamia Cibotus” (as it is called) and Synnada, Şuhut (Tky.)
Aphrodisias, Geyre (Tky.) Laodicia, the greatest of the Phrygian cities.2 Around these Metropolis, Tatarlı (Tky.)
Colossae, nr. Honaz (Tky.) are towns and . . . * Aphrodisias, Colossae, Themisonium, Apollonias, Uluborlu (Tky.)
Sanaus, Sarı Kavak (Tky.) Sanaus, Metropolis, and Apollonias. More distant than these Tabae, Davas Kale (Tky.)
are Peltae, Tabae, Eucarpia, and Lysias. | Eucarpia, Emirhisar (Tky.)

577 C, 1-10 “Parorian (Mountainside) Phrygia” has a mountain range mountain range, Sultan Dağ 12.8.14
(Tky.)
running from east to west. At the foot of the range on e ither
side, t here is a g reat plain; close to the mountain t here are
cities—Philomelium on the northern side and, on the op- Philomelium, Akşehir (Tky.)
posite side, what is called “Pisidian Antioch,” the former Pisidian Antioch, Yalvaç (Tky.)
situated wholly in the plain; the latter is on a hill and has a

Roman colony. Antioch was founded by the inhabitants of
Magnesia-on-the-Maeander but was given freedom from
kings by the Romans, when they gave to Eumenes the balance
of Asia within the Taurus.3 There used to be a priesthood of
Ascaean Mēn h ere, with lots of temple slaves and sacred ter-
ritories, but it was annihilated a fter Amyntas’s death by the
deleg ation sent to claim his bequest.
577 C, 11-19 Synnada is not a large city. Extending out from it for some Synnada, Şuhut (Tky.)
sixty stades is an olive-growing plain, beyond which are the

village of Docimia and a quarry of “Synnadic” marble (which Docimia, İscehisar (Tky.)
is what the Romans call it, but the locals call it “Docimite” or
“Docimaean”). To start with, only small nuggets were mined.
[ 1 ] “Left” and “right” are used from the perspective of someone facing south.
Pessinus, Orcaorci, Lycaonia (sw. cen. Turkey): 566 C, 31–568 C, 25. Maeonians/
Lydians, Carians (w. + sw. Turkey): 625 C, 25–630 C, 25.
[ 2 ] Parorian Phrygia/Phrygia-toward-Pisidia (w. cen. Turkey), including Synnada:
577 C, 1-19. Apamia Cibotus, 577 C, 20–578 C, 7. Laodicia, 578 C, 8-19.
[ 3 ] “Asia within the Taurus” = Asian peninsula: 534 C, 8-20n. Eumenes’s acquisition:
624 C, 9-22.
667
4.1. Northern Asia
Nowadays, b ecause of the Roman taste for luxury, huge col-

umns are cut out in one piece, as intricately colored as alabas-
ter. The consequence is that, despite the . . . * the conveyance
of such large cargo items by sea, the columns and slabs that
are exported to Rome are nevertheless quite astounding in
their size and beauty. |
577 C, 20-31 Apamia is one of the g reat trading centers of Asia (specifi- Apamia, Dinar (Tky.) 12.8.15
cally so called),1 second only to Ephesus: she receives goods Ephesus, Selçuk (Tky.)
from both Italy and Greece. She is situated at the outlets of

the Marsyas river, and the river runs through the m iddle of Marsyas, Dinar Su
the city—starting in the city . . . *, flowing in a strong and

precipitous stream down to the outskirts, joining the Maean- Maeander, Menderes r.
der after the Maeander has been joined by another river, the
Orgas, which flows gently and quietly through level terrain. Orgas, Norgaz Çay
Becoming navigable at last, the Maeander flows for a while

through Phrygia; then divides Caria from Lydia at what is
called the Maeander plain (where its course is so exceedingly
twisty that anything twisted is called “meandering” after it);
and ends by flowing across Caria itself (now occupied by Io-
nians) and out to sea between Miletus and Priene.
577 C, 32–578 C, 7 The Maeander starts at Celaenae, a hill on which there used
to be a city with the same name as the hill, whose population
Antiochus Soter relocated to current-day Apamia, proclaim- Apamia, Dinar (Tky.)
ing that the city be named after his mother, Apama (daughter
of Artabazus, given in marriage to Seleucus Nicator). This is
the setting for the myth about Olympus and Marsyas, and
the quarrel that Marsyas had with Apollo. Above Celaenae
is a lake that produces a reed used for the making of flute
mouthpieces. It is said that the sources of the Marsyas and
the Maeander both trickle forth from this lake. |
578 C, 8-19 Laodicia,2 formerly a small city, underwent expansion Laodicia, Eski Hisar (Tky.) 12.8.16
in our times and in the times of our fathers,3 despite being

damaged by siege in the time of Mithridates Eupator. The
excellence of her territory and the good fortune of certain
citizens made her into a g reat city. First, Hiero bequeathed
to the populace a legacy of more than two thousand talents talent, largest unit in Greek
accounting system;
and beautified the city with many dedicatory buildings. Then 1 talent = 6,000 drachmas
there were Zeno (public-speaking expert) and Polemo, his Polemo received kingdom of
son, who in return for his excellent conduct was given a king- Pontus, 38 BCE; kingdom of
Bosporus, after 20 BCE
dom first by Antony, then by Caesar Augustus. The region of

[ 2 ] Laodicia is on the long road from the Euphrates to Ephesus: 663 C, 19-33n.
[ 3 ] The reference to “fathers” in the plural perhaps suggests that Strabo identi-
fies with one or more individuals from Laodicia, perhaps Polemo: Strabo tells
us later in this paragraph that both Polemo and his f ather, Zeno, hailed from
Laodicia.
668
Laodicia produces an excellent quality of sheep, not only in

respect of the wool’s softness (beating even Milesian wool in
this respect) but also in its raven hue. P
eople make spectacu-
Colossenians = inhabitants of
larly good money from the wool (and the Colossenians, who region of Colossae, nr. Honaz
live nearby, do likewise from the pigment of the same name). (Tky.)
578 C, 19-24 This is where the Maeander is joined by the Caprus and Caprus, ?Başlı Çay
by the Lycus, a huge river from which the city takes its name Lycus, Çürük Su
of “Laodicia-on-the-Lycus.” Above the city is the Cadmus Cadmus mountain, Babadağ
mountain, out of which flow the Lycus and also another river Cadmus (river), Gökpinar/
Çukur Su
with the same name as the mountain. This river, in flowing
underground for a considerable distance then rising to the
surface before entering the main stream at the same spot as
the other rivers, illustrates both the porosity and the seismic-
ity of the territory—for if anywhere is prone to earthquakes,
it is Laodicia.
578 C, 24-30 This is the case, too, with Carura in the neighboring ter- Carura, Tekke (Tky.)
ritory.1 | Carura marks the boundary between Phrygia and 12.8.17
Caria. It is a village with inns and hot-water springs, some

of which are in the Maeander river, o thers above its banks. Maeander, Menderes r.
It is said that once a brothel keeper, who set himself up in

the inns together with a great crowd of women, disappeared
along with all the w omen one night during an earthquake!
578 C, 31–579 C, 9 Virtually all the terrain around the Maeander is seismically Maeander, Menderes r.
formed, characterized by subterranean fire and water extend-

ing into the interior: all such features of the territory begin
in the plains and continue as far as the charonia (one in Hier- charonia, caves sacred to
Charon (in Greek myth, the
apolis, one in Acharaca in the Nysaïd, and one in the region ferryman to the underworld)
of Magnesia and Myus).2 The soil is crumbly and loose, full
of salts, and combustible. Perhaps this is the reason for the
Maeander’s twisting course: its stream fluctuates and, since
it brings down much silt, deposits it sometimes on one bank
and sometimes another. It also forcibly pushes some of it out
into the sea: indeed, it has moved Priene (formerly on the
coast) inland, by adding forty stades’ worth of silt! |
579 C, 10-21 The Catacecaumene (Burnt [country]), which is occupied by 12.8.18
Lydians and Mysians, got its name for similar reasons. In

Philadelphia (the city t oward Catacecaumene), not even the Philadelphia, Alaşehir (Tky.)
walls of the houses are safe, but are almost daily shaken and
riven with cracks. The people continually attend to the con-
dition of the earth and design their buildings accordingly.
[ 1 ] Carura is on the long road from the Euphrates to Ephesus: 663 C, 19-33nn.
[ 2 ] Plutonium—a sanctuary dedicated to Pluto, god of the underworld, and ac-
companied by a charonium—in Hierapolis (Pamukkale, Tky.): 629 C, 22–630 C,
9n. Charonium in Acharaca (Salavatlı, Tky.): 649 C, 25–650 C, 9n. Charonium in
Myus (Afşar, Tky.), 636 C, 10-18n.
669
4.1. Northern Asia
Of the other cities, Apamia often suffered from earthquakes, Apamia, Dinar (Tky.)
even before the arrival of Mithridates’s troops. When the king

arrived and saw how devastated the city was, he donated one
hundred talents for her reconstruction (and a similar t hing is talent, largest unit in Greek
accounting system;
said to have happened u nder Alexander). It is reasonable to 1 talent = 6,000 drachmas
assume that this is why Posidon is worshipped by the popu-
lation, even though they live inland; and that . . . * is derived
from “Celaenus” (Dark-black), the son of Posidon by Celaeno, Apamia was also known as
“Celaenae”
one of the Danaïds . . . * the city of the same name. Alterna-
tively, the reason may be the stone and its being turned dark
black by volcanic fires.
579 C, 21-26 The story of Sipylus, and the upending of it, should not
be dismissed as myth. Current-day earthquakes shattered
Magnesia, the city at its foot, at the same time as they thor-
oughly wrecked Sardis and the most famous of the other
cities in many places. Our ruler provided the funds for their Tiberius (= Our ruler) provided
relief after the earthquakes,
restoration—just as e arlier, when misfortune befell the citi- 17 CE
zens of Trallis (with the collapse of their gymnasium and Augustus (= “father of our ruler”)
had e arlier provided relief
other buildings), the father of our ruler provided both for for earthquake-hit Trallis and
them and for the citizens of Laodicia. | Laodicia, 26/25 BCE
579 C, 27–580 C, 5 We can also learn from ancient historians, for example, 12.8.19
Xanthus (5th c. BCE) from the sort of thing said by Xanthus, who wrote Lydian
Matters and described the changes that frequently character-
ized this territory—changes that I, too, mentioned in the
Introduction.1 Indeed, people say that this is the setting for
the myth of Typhon’s sufferings and the Arimians; and they
describe this territory as “Burnt” (Catacecaumene). They have
no hesitation in supposing that, b ecause of the large number
of lakes and rivers and the frequency of holes in the ground,
the w hole region between the Maeander and the Lydians is
of the same type. The lake between Laodicia and Apamia,
which is as large as a sea, gives off a foul and . . . * vapor. They
say that t here are law cases brought against the Maeander for
changing the territory, whenever the river bends are messed
around; when the Maeander is found guilty, the fines are paid
out of the ferry tolls! |
580 C, 6-10 Between Laodicia and Carura, there’s what is called the 12.8.20
“temple to Mēn of Carus,” which is highly venerated. In our

times, an important school of Herophilian physicians was es-
tablished by Zeuxis, and thereafter by Alexander Philalethes,
translation), within which he deals extensively with changes to the landscape
of the lived-in world: 48 C, 29–61 C, 31, with particular reference to Xanthus at
49 C, 19-25. Strabo’s use of “titles” to refer to parts of his work: 639 C, 15-27n.
670
just as in the times of our fathers,1 the school of Erasistratian

physicians was established in Smyrna by Hicesias. Now it no
longer exists in the same form. |
580 C, 11–581 C, 1 Certain Phrygian tribes are mentioned—for example, the 12.8.21
Berecyntians—but there is no evidence for them anywhere.

Alcman (7th c. BCE) Also, Alcman says, he piped the “Cerbesian,” a Phrygian tune; and
a certain pit that emits deadly vapors is said to be “Cerbe-
sian” (the pit is located, but the p eople are no longer known
Aeschylus (5th c. BCE) by this name). Aeschylus confuses m atters in the Niobe when
the heroine says that she will remember those associated with
Tantalus, who, on mount Ida, have / an altar to ancestral Zeus,
and again Sipylus, in Idaean / land; and Tantalus says, I sow a
field a twelve-day journey hence, / Berecys the land, where Adrastia
has her abode,2 / and where Ida with the calls and cries / of cattle
resounds, and too the whole . . . * plain. | That marks the end of 13.1.1
my account of Phrygia.3
581 C, 1-12 Let me return to the Propontis and the coastline following Propontis, Marmara Denizi
TROAD on from the Aesepus, and revert to my standardized system.4 Aesepus, Gönen Çay
nw. + w. Turkey
The first territory along this coast is the Troad. Although Troad = region around Troy
it is now abandoned to ruins and desolation, it has been so

much discussed that there is no trifling amount of material
available in writing about it. I therefore ask for understand-
ing and implore my readers to blame its length not on me
but rather than on t hose with a strong desire for learning the
famous events of history.5 Contributing to its length is the
huge number of Greeks and non-Greeks who have colonized
the territory and writers who say different things (not all of
them clearly) about the same events. Prime among these
Homer (8th c. BCE) is Homer, who leaves us guessing about most things. I will
contrast what he says with what others say but will first sum-
marize the topography. |
581 C, 13–582 C, 3 From Cyzicene and from the region of the Aesepus and Aesepus, Gönen Çay 13.1.2
Granicus, as far as Abydus and Sestus, it happens that the Granicus, Biga Çayı
coastline is part of the Propontis.6 From Abydus to Lectum

is the region of Ilium and Tenedos and Alexandria-in-the-
Troad, with mount Ida towering above them all (and reach-
ing as far as Lectum).7 From Lectum to the Caecus river and Caecus, Bakır Çay
to what is called “Canae” is the region of Assus, Adramyt-

tium, Atarneus, Pitana, and the Elaïtic bay, alongside all of
which extends the island of Lesbos.8 Then, next in succession,
[1] See 578 C, 8-19n.

[2] “Adrastia” as the name of a goddess: 588 C, 3-18.
[3] Phrygia: 576 C, 26–581 C, 1.
[4] Strabo picks up the narrative thread from 564 C, 9-11.
[5] The description of the Troad is indeed long: 581 C, 13–623 C, 12.
[6] Strabo describes 1st stretch of the Troad, Cyzicene (region of Belkiz Kale, nw.
Tky.) to Abydus (Maltepe, nw. Tky.): 586 C, 30–591 C, 34.
[ 7 ] 2nd stretch of Troad, Abydus to Lectum (Bababurnu, w. Tky.): 592 C, 1–605 C, 14.
[ 8 ] 3rd stretch of Troad, Lectum to Cana/Canae (Kara Dağ, w. Tky.), and Lesbos (Gk.
island): 605 C, 15–621 C, 28.
671
4.1. Northern Asia
t here’s the region of Cyme as far as the Hermus and Phocaea Hermus, Gediz Çay
(marking the end of the Aeolid and the start of Ionia).1

582 C, 4-14 This being the topography, the poet certainly implies
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) that the Trojans held command from the region of Aesepus
and from what is now Cyzicene territory as far as the Caecus
river, dividing it into eight or nine parts corresponding to
chiefdoms. (The numerous other p eoples who helped them
are reckoned as allies.) | L ater writers do not give the same 13.1.3
boundaries, and they use disparate names, following diff erent

schools of thought. The Greek colonizations in particular give Ionian and Aeolian
colonizations from Greece, late
grounds for discussion. This is less true of the Ionian coloni- 2nd millennium BCE
zation, which took place some distance from the Troad, but
totally true of the Aeolian colonization, which spread over the
whole area from Cyzicene to the Caecus (and extended even Caecus, Bakır Çay
farther to the area between the Caecus and Hermus rivers). Hermus, Gediz Çay
582 C, 14-29 It is said that the Aeolian colonization was four genera-
Mythical accounts of Aeolian tions older than the Ionian colonization; that it was beset by
colonization
delays and occupied a much longer period of time. Orestes
initiated the p rocess; after Orestes’s death in Arcadia, Pent-
hilus (Orestes’s son) took it over and got as far as Thrace,
sixty years a fter the Trojan period, at the time when the
descendants of Heracles returned to the Peloponnese; then
Archelaus (Penthilus’s son) took the Aeolian forces across to
what is now called Cyzicene, in the Dascylium region; Gras
(Archelaus’s youngest son) got as far as the Granicus river
and, being better equipped, took a large section of his forces
across to Lesbos, which he occupied. Cleues, son of Dorus,
and Malaus (both of them descendants of Agamemnon) got
an expedition together at the same time as Penthilus, but
Penthilus’s forces were the first to cross over into Asia from
Thrace. Cleues and Malaus tarried for a long time in the re-
gion of Locris and mount Phricium. When they eventually
made the crossing, they founded what is called “Phriconian”
Cyme (after the Locrian mountain). |
582 C, 30–583 C, 7 The Aeolians spread over the whole territory, which, as I Aesepus, Gönen Çay 13.1.4
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) mentioned,2 the poet described as Trojan. Some l ater writ-
ers call the whole territory the “Aeolid” (some call only part
of it the “Aeolid”); o thers call the w hole territory “Troy”
(others call only part of it “Troy”); nobody is in complete
agreement with anybody e lse. For example, in the case of
[ 1 ] 4th stretch of Troad, Canae to the Hermus (Gediz Çay, w. Tky.): 621 C, 28–623 C,
12.
[ 2 ] 582 C, 4-14.
672
the Propontis region, Homer has the Troad starting at the

Eudoxus (4th c. BCE) Aesepus. Eudoxus has it starting after Priapus and Artaca (the Priapus, Karabiğa (Tky.)
place on the island of Cyzicus opposite Priapus), making its Artaca, Erdek (Tky.)
Damastes (5th c. BCE) boundaries smaller. Damastes makes it even smaller, starting
after Parium: he extends it only as far as Lectum, while o thers Parium, Kemer (Tky.)
Charon (5th c. BCE) vary in their views. Charon the Lampsacenian, making the
Troad start with Practius, deducts another three hundred Practius, ?Ulu Dere
stades (the number of stades between Parium and Practius)

Scylax (6th c. BCE) but takes it as far as Adramyttium. Scylax the Caryandian
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) makes it start with Abydus. Ephorus similarly describes the Abydus, Maltepe (Tky.)
Aeolid as going from Abydus to Cyme; others differ. |

583 C, 8-33 Ida’s presence best defines the real Troy. Ida is a high Ida, Kaz Dağ 13.1.5
mountain range, facing the west and the sea in that region,
curving slightly as it goes toward the north and the coastline
there (i.e., the stretch on the Propontis from the strait in the
Abydus region as far as the Aesepus and Cyzicene). The sea
to the west is the outer Hellespont and the Aegaean sea. Ida
is scolopendroid in shape and has many foothills and ends with scolopendroid,
centipede-shaped
the most extreme of these, namely the Zelian spur and the one
called “Lectum.” The former ends in the interior, somewhat Lectum, Bababurnu
inland from Cyzicene (Zelia now belongs to the Cyzicenes): Zelia, Sariköy (Tky.)
who dwelt in Zelia on the farthest foothill of Ida. Lectum extends

into the Aegaean sea, and lies on the sailing route from Tene-
dos to Lesbos: Hypnus and Hera came to Ida, rich in springs,
mother of wild creatures, / to Lectum, where first they left the sea. The
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) poet indicates Lectum in a way that befits reality. He is correct
in saying that Lectum is part of Ida, and that it is the first point
of disembarkation for those heading up to Ida, and that it is
rich in springs. The mountain range is particularly well sup-
plied with w ater in that region, as is clear from the abundance
of rivers that flow from the Idaean mountains and into the sea—/
the Rhesus and the Heptaporus and the other successive rivers,
which he describes and which we can still see today. In accor-
dance with his indication of Lectum and Zelia as the farthest-
flung foothills in each direction, he also distinguishes the spur
that he calls the “Gargarum” peak. Nowadays, “Gargarum”
is identified as a place on the heights of Ida, from which the
current-day Aeolian city of “Gargara” takes her name. Gargara, nr. Arkılı (Tky.)
583 C, 34–584 C, 11 Between Lectum and Zelia, starting from the Propontis Propontis, Marmara Denizi
end, you come first to the strait at Abydus and then, outside Abydus, Maltepe (Tky.)
673
4.1. Northern Asia
the Propontis, to the region extending to Lectum. | As you 13.1.6
round Lectum, a great bay opens up formed by Ida (as it Ida, Kaz Dağ
recedes from Lectum t oward the interior) and by Canae (a Canae, Kara Dağ
promontory on the other side, opposite Lectum). Some call it

the “Idaean” bay, o thers the “Adramyttenian.” In this bay, as I Idaean/Adramyttenian bay, Gulf
of Edremit
said,1 the cities are Aeolian as far as the outlets of the Hermus.
Hermus, Gediz Çay
As noted in my Introduction,2 as you sail south from Byzan-
tium, the voyage follows a straight line: first (to Sestus and
Abydus) down the m iddle of the Propontis, then down the
Asian coastline as far as Caria.3 One should bear this premise
in mind when attending to what follows, and when I refer to
“bays” on the coast, one should imagine the promontories
that form them as lying on the same line, as if on a meridian. |
584 C, 12-30 Scholars who have studied these m atters conjecture, on the 13.1.7
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) basis of the poet’s statements, that this whole coastline was
under Trojan control: it was divided into nine chiefdoms, but it
was under the overall command of Priam at the time of the Tro- time of Trojan war, late 2nd–
early 1st millennium BCE
jan war, and it was called “Troy.” This is clear from his specific
remarks. Namely, t hose associated with Achilles,4 seeing at the
start that the Ilians were protected by their walls, endeavored
to fight the war outside the walls and to go about picking off the
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) surrounding areas: twelve cities of men I destroyed with my ships, / and
eleven by land, I say, in earth-rich Troy. By “Troy,” he means the
mainland that was sacked. These sacked locations included the
parts opposite Lesbos, namely the region of Thebe, Lyrnessus,
and Pedasus (a Lelegian possession), and even the land belong-
ing to Telephus’s son Eurypylus: Neoptolemus struck down with
his bronze spear the son of Telephus, what a man, / the hero Eurypylus,
and he sacked Lyrnessus and Pedasus, and having sacked Lyrnessus and
the walls of Thebe. He says that these were sacked, as also Lesbos
itself: when you yourself took lovely Lesbos.
584 C, 31–585 C, 19 Briseïs was taken from Lyrnessus—he carried her away from
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) Lyrnessus—in the capture of which city he says that Mynes and he = Homer
Epistrophus fell, as he shows in Briseïs’s lament for Patroclus:

you did not allow me, when swift-footed Achilles / killed my husband
and sacked the city of divine Mynes, / to weep. By city of divine Mynes,
he means Lyrnessus, in as much as she was ruled by Mynes,
who fell in b attle t here. Chryseïs was taken from Thebe—we
went to Thebe, sacred city of Eëtion—and he says that Chryseïs
was part of the spoils from t here. . . . * Andromache, daughter of
[ 1 ] 582 C, 4-14.
translation), within which he alludes to Byzantium and Caria lying on a straight
(north–south) line: 114 C, 18-24. Strabo’s use of “titles” to refer to parts of his
work: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 3 ] “Asian coastline” = coastline of the Asian peninsula: 534 C, 8-20n.
[ 4 ] “Those associated with Achilles” is idiomatic, meaning simply Achilles (= “I” in
the following quotation by Strabo of Homer’s lines).
674
great-hearted Eëtion, / Eëtion, who dwelt beneath wooded Placus /

in Thebe-beneath-Placus, and was the Cilicians’ overlord. This was
the Trojan dynasty that ranked second after that of Mynes,
in keeping with which is the following statement by Andro-
mache: Hector, wretched am I. We w ere born to one and the same
fate, / both of us, you in Troy in the h ouse of Priam, / I in Thebe.
It is supposed that this should not be taken at face value as
meaning you in Troy, I in Thebe but through hyperbaton as both
in Troy, you in the house of Priam, I in Thebe. The third dynasty
was that of the Lelegians, which was also Trojan: Altes, who
rules over the war-loving Lelegians, with whose daughter Priam
begets Lycaon and Polydorus.
585 C, 20-32 Those who are arrayed under Hector’s command in the
Catalogue1 are called “Trojans”: Great Hector of the gleam-
ing helmet commanded the Trojans. Then there are those
under Aeneas’s command: but the noble son of Anchises led the
Dardanians—that is, Trojans, for he refers to Aeneas, the coun-
selor of the Trojans. Then there are the Lycians under Pandarus,
whom he calls “Trojans”: who dwelt in Zelia on the farthest foothill
of Ida, / Aphnians, drinking the black w ater of the Aesepus, / t hese Aesepus, Gönen Çay
Trojans w ere commanded by the noble son of Lycaon, / Pandarus.

This was the sixth dynasty.
585 C, 33–586 C, 7 Trojans, too, were those living between the Aesepus and
Abydus. The Abydus region is subject to Asius: who lived
around Percota and Practius, / held Sestus and Abydus and noble
ere led by Asius the Hyrtacid. In Abydus, how-
Arisbe, / t hese w
ever, one of Priam’s sons used to rear horses, which clearly
belonged to his father: he smote the bastard son of Priam—
Democoon, / who left his sprightly mares and came from Abydus. A
son of Hicetaon tended cattle—their owner no diff erent—in
Percota: first he chided the Hicetaonid, / mighty Melanippus, who
hitherto tended his shambling cattle / in Percota. Consequently,
this region belonged to the Troad, as did the next region as far
as Adrastia, which was led by: the two sons of Percotian Merops.
586 C, 8-11 All the p eople from Abydus to Adrastia were Trojans, al-
beit divided into two sets, one set subject to Asius, the other
to the sons of Merops (just as Cilician territory was in two
parts, the Theban part and the Lyrnessan part). The territory
next to the Lyrnessan part, u nder the command of Eurypylus,
might be called the ninth dynasty.
(639 C, 15-27n).
675
4.1. Northern Asia
586 C, 12-16 That Priam ruled over all of these is clearly shown by what
Achilles says to Priam: I hear that you, old man, once were blest: /
all that is enclosed by Lesbos on high, city of Macar, / and by Phrygia
from above and by the boundless Hellespont. |
586 C, 17-22 That was then. All sorts of changes followed later. The 13.1.8
Cyzicus region as far as Practius was settled by the Phry- Cyzicus, Belkiz Kale (Tky.)
gians, and the Abydus region was settled by the Thracians; Practius, ?Ulu Dere
and, before e ither of these, by the Bebrycians and Dryopi-

ans. The next region was settled by the Treres (who w ere also
Thracian), the plain of Thebe by the Lydians (at that stage,
the “Meionians”) and by the surviving Mysians, who had for-
merly been subject to Telephus and Teuthras.
586 C, 23-29 Since the poet thus treats the Aeolid and Troy as one,
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) and since the Aeolians held all the territory from the Her- Hermus, Gediz Çay
mus to the coast at Cyzicus, and since they founded cities, Cyzicus, Belkiz Kale (Tky.)
it would not be out of order for me in my narrative journey

to treat as one what is now specifically called the “Aeolid”
(the coastline from the Hermus to Lectum) and the coast-
line that comes next as far as the Aesepus. In my detailed
description, I w ill distinguish between them, always com-
paring what was said by the poet and by others with t hings
as they are now. |
586 C, 30–587 C, 5 According to Homer, then, the Troad starts a fter the city of Cyzicenes = Cyzicus, 13.1.9
Belkiz Kale (Tky.)
1st stretch of Troad city of the Cyzicenes and after the Aesepus.1 This is what he
Aesepus, Gönen Çay
says about it: who dwelt in Zelia on the farthest foothill of Ida, /
Ida, Kaz Dağ
Aphnians, drinking the black water of the Aesepus, / these Trojans
Homer (8th c. BCE) were commanded by the noble son of Lycaon, / Pandarus. Homer
uses the additional name “Lycians” for t hese p eople. The name
“Aphnians,” it is supposed, derives from lake “Aphnitis,” an Aphnitis/Dascylitis, Manyas
Gölü (Tky.)
alternative name for Dascylitis. | Zelia is indeed on the most 13.1.10
Zelia, Sariköy (Tky.)
distant foothills of Ida, one hundred and ninety stades from
Cyzicus and some eighty stades from the nearest point on the
coast, where the Aesepus flows out into sea.
587 C, 5-14 Homer continues with an enumeration of places on the
coast after the Aesepus: who held Adrestia and the country of
Apaesus, / who held Pitya and Teria’s steep mountain,2 / these men
were commanded by Adrestus and by Amphius of the linen corslet,
/ the two sons of Percotian Merops. These places, having been
subject to Zelia, are in the possession of Cyzicenes and Pria-
penians as far as the coastline. In the Zelia region is the Tarsius
[ 1 ] With t hese words, Strabo introduces his description of the 1st stretch of
the Troad (586 C, 30–591 C, 34), as per his earlier division of the Troad into 4
stretches (581 C, 13–582 C, 3n).
[ 2 ] Strabo weaves into his ensuing description places mentioned in this citation
of Homer’s lines. Adrestia/Adrastia: 588 C, 3-18n. Apaesus/Paesus: 589 C, 9-23n.
Pitya: 588 C, 19-32n. Teria’s . . . mountain: 589 C, 4-8n. The precise location of
these places was probably as uncertain for Strabo as it is for us.
676
river, crossed twenty times by the same road in the same way
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) as the Heptaporus, which the poet mentions. |
587 C, 15-23 Nearly . . . * stades inland from the mouth of the Aesepus is Aesepus, Gönen Çay 13.1.11
a hill on which is a tomb, identified as belonging to Memnon,

son of Tithonus; and nearby is Memnon’s Village. The Grani- Granicus, Biga Çayı
cus (between the Aesepus and Priapus) runs largely across the
Adrastian plain. This is where Alexander clashed with Dari-
us’s satraps, inflicting a crushing defeat on them and ending
up in possession of all the land inside the Taurus and this side
of the Euphrates.1 On the Granicus is the city of Sidene (now
in ruins), her extensive territory bearing the same name. In
the borderlands between Cyzicene and Priapene is Harpagia
(Snatched), whence mythographers say that Ganymedes was
snatched—although others set the myth near Dardanium, a

headland near Dardanus. |
587 C, 24–588 C, 2 Priapus is a coastal city with harbor. Some say the city was Priapus, Karabiğa (Tky.) 13.1.12
founded by the Milesians when they settled Abydus and Pro-

connesus; others, by Cyzicenes. She is named after Priapus,
who is worshipped there. His cult may have been imported
from Orneae in the Corinth region. E ither that, or the wor-
ship of Priapus may be the result of the story that he was a
divinity descended from Dionysus and a nymph—on the
basis that the territory is extremely well supplied with vines,
like the neighboring Parianian and Lampsacenian territories
(at any rate, Xerxes granted Lampsacus to Themistocles for
wine production).2 Priapus was recognized as a deity only
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) relatively recently (being unknown to Hesiod), like the Attic
deities Orthannes, Conisalus, Tycho, and so on. |
588 C, 3-18 This territory was named both “Adrastia”3 and the “Adras- 13.1.13
tian plain,” according to a practice whereby one place is

known by two names: for example, “Thebe” and the “Theban
Callisthenes (late 4th c. BCE) plain”; “Mygdonia” and the “Mygdonian plain.” Callisthenes
says that Adrastia was named after king Adrastus, who was the
first man to establish a t emple to Nemesis.4 The city lies in
between Priapus and Parium, and spread beneath her is the Priapus, Karabiğa (Tky.)
plain of the same name, where there was a temple to “Actian” Parium, Kemer (Tky.)
Apollo and Artemis at . . . *. When the temple was torn
down, the entire structure and stonework were transferred
and used to build an altar in Parium (a work by Hermocreon,
very much admired for its size and beauty). The oracle, like
[ 1 ] “Inside” and “this side of” are used from a E uropean viewpoint, to mean north
of the Taurus mt. range and west of the Euphrates.
[ 2 ] “Xerxes” is an error for “Artaxerxes” (Persian king, 5th c. BCE), repeated at 636 C,
10-18. For other such repeated errors: 517 C, 20–518 C, 4n.
[ 3 ] Adrastia is mentioned (as Adrestia) by Homer, as cited by Strabo at 587 C, 5-14n.
[ 4 ] The goddess Nemesis was also known as “Adrastia.” At the end of this para-
graph, Strabo attributes to Antimachus the statement that king Adrastus was
the first man to establish a temple to her.
677
4.1. Northern Asia
the one in Zelia, no longer exists. No temple to Adrastus nor

to Nemesis has been identified in Adrastia (although there is
Antimachus (late 5th–early a temple to Adrastia near Cyzicus). Antimachus says: Nemesis Cyzicus (city), Belkiz Kale (Tky.)
4th c. BCE)
is a g reat goddess, who / received all this from the blessed ones; the first
man to dedicate an altar to her, / by the stream of the river Aesepus,
was Adrastus; / there she is worshipped, and called “Adrastia.” |
588 C, 19-32 Parium, too, is a coastal city. She has a larger harbor than Parium, Kemer (Tky.) 13.1.14
Priapus and has grown at Priapus’s expense. The Parians

favored the Attalic kings (to whom Priapene was assigned)
and took much of Priapene for themselves with the Attalic
kings’ permission. This is the home, mythographers say, of
the “Ophiogenians” (Snake-born-ones), who have some sort of
kinship with snakes. They say that male Ophiogenians can
cure victims of snakebite by continuous touching, in the
manner of enchanters. First, they transfer the discoloration
to themselves; then they stop the painful burning sensation.
Mythographers say that the hero who became the tribe’s
founder metamorphosed from a snake. (Perhaps he was one
of the Libyan Psyllians,1 his skill being passed on to his de-
scendants over time.) Parium was founded by the Milesians,
the Erythraeans, and the Parians. | Pitya 2 is in Pityus (Pine- 13.1.15
tree), part of Pariane, and has a pine-clad mountain above her.
She lies between Parium and Priapus, at Linus, a place on the

coast where Linusian shellfish—the best in the world—are
collected. |
588 C, 33–589 C, 3 The voyage from Parium to Priapus passes by both Old 13.1.16
Proconnesus and current-day Proconnesus, with its city and “current-day” Proconnesus,
Marmara (Tk. island)
its huge and much-praised white marble quarry.3 The most
beautiful of the structures in this region’s cities (in Cyzicus Cyzicus (city), Belkiz Kale (Tky.)
particularly) are made from this marble. From Proconnesus

comes Aristeas the poet (a fabricator if ever there was one!), Aristeas, ?7th c. BCE
who composed what is called the Arimaspian Epic. |

589 C, 4-8 Some say that Teria’s mountain 4 comprises the mountains 13.1.17
in Pirossus (in Cyzicene possession, next to Zelia) where Zelia, Sariköy (Tky.)
royal hunts w ere held by the Lydians and later by the Per-
sians. Others identify Teria’s mountain with a hill, forty stades
outside Lampsacus, on which there is a temple to the Mother
of the Gods, who has the name “Teria.” |
589 C, 9-23 Lampsacus, too, is a coastal city. She has a good harbor Lampsacus/Pityussa, Lapseki 13.1.18
(Tky.)
and is worthy of note. Like Abydus (from which she is some
[ 1 ] Psyllians: 838 C, 24-32; cf. 814 C, 31–815 C, 6.

[ 2 ] Pitya is one of the places mentioned by Homer, as cited by Strabo at 587 C,
5-14n.
[ 3 ] The Greek word for marble (marmaros) is evident in the present-day names
(Marmara) of the island of Proconnesus and the sea in which the island is
located.
[ 4 ] Teria’s mountain is one of the places mentioned by Homer, as cited by Strabo
at 587 C, 5-14n.
678
one hundred and seventy stades distant), the city is still in

good condition. She was previously called “Pityussa” (the
same is said of Chios). On the coast of the Cherronesus op- Cherronesus, Gallipoli peninsula
(Eur. Tky.)
posite is the small town of Callipolis, situated on a land spur
Callipolis, Gelibolu (Tky.)
that protrudes so far in the direction of Lampsacus in Asia
that the distance across is no more than forty stades. | The 13.1.19
city of Paesus was between Lampsacus and Parium, as also Paesus (city), nr. Çardak (Tky.)
the river.1 The city was torn down, and the Paesenians (who Paesus (river), Bayram Deresi
were Milesian colonists, like the Lampsacenians) were moved

poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) to Lampsacus. The poet refers to them in two ways: he either
adds the letter “A” (. . . and the country of Apaesus) or drops it
(. . . who in Paesus / dwelt, rich in his possessions). The river is now
called by the latter name.
589 C, 24-33 Colonae, inland from Lampsacus (in the Lampsacene in- Colonae, nr. Beyçayırı (Tky.)
terior) is also a Milesian city. T here is a diff erent Colonae, on

the outer Hellespontic coast (one hundred and forty stades outer Hellespontic coast,
Aegean coast of nw. Turkey
Anaximenes (4th c. BCE) from Ilium), where Cycnus is said to have originated; 2 Anax-
imenes tells us that there is said to be another Colonae in Ery-
thraea, and one in Phocis, and one in Thessaly. In Pariane, there
is an Iliocolona. In Lampsacene is Gergithium, a place with
plentiful vineyards. T here used to be a city “Gergitha,” which
was founded from “Gergithes” in the Cymaean region—
for here, too, the city used to be called “Gergithes” (in the
feminine plural)—and this was the home of Cephalo the
Gergithian. Even t oday, a place in Cymaea is identified as
“Gergithium-toward-Larisa.”
589 C, 33–590 C, 2 From Parium came the eminent Neoptolemus (known Parium, Kemer (Tky.)
as the “Glossographer”). From Lampsacus came the writer Lampsacus, Lapseki (Tky.)
Charon, also Adimantus; Anaximenes, the expert in public

speaking; and Metrodorus, the friend of Epicurus. Epicurus
himself was, in a way, from Lampsacene, as he spent time in
Lampsacus and counted among his friends the noblest men
in the city—those associated with Idomeneus and Leonteus.3
It was from Lampsacus that Agrippa took the Fallen Lion (an
artwork by Lysippus) and dedicated it in the precinct between
the Lake and the Canal.4 |
590 C, 3-22 After Lampsacus come Abydus and places in between, Abydus, Maltepe (Tky.) 13.1.20
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) described by the poet, who treats Lampsacene and parts of
Pariane together (the cities themselves had not yet come into Trojan period, late 2nd–early
existence in the Trojan period) as follows: who dwelt around 1st millennium BCE
[ 1 ] Apaesus is one of the places mentioned by Homer, as cited by Strabo at 587 C,

5-14n.
[ 2 ] This “Colonae” and its king, Cycnus: 603 C, 30–604 C, 19.
[ 3 ] “Those associated with Idomeneus and Leonteus” is an idiomatic expression,
meaning simply Idomeneus and Leonteus.
[ 4 ] I.e., in Rome, where it was probably seen by Strabo himself: 273 C, 2-14n.
679
4.1. Northern Asia
ercota and Practius, / and held Sestus and Abydus and noble Arisbe,
P
/ these men w ere ruled by Asius the Hyrtacid (he says), . . . whose
horses brought him from Arisbe, / his great gleaming horses, from the
Sellëeis river. In saying this, he probably means to indicate that
Arisbe, the place from which he says Asius arrived, was Asius’s Arisbe, ?Musakoy (Tky.)
royal residence. These locations are so obscure that not even

scholars writing about them are in agreement, except to say
that they are in the region of Abydus, Lampsacus, and Pa-
rium and that Palaepercota (Old Percota) . . . * the place-name
was changed. | As concerns the rivers, the poet says that the 13.1.21
Sellëeis is near Arisbe (given that Asius came both from Arisbe
and from the river Sellëeis). T here is a “Practius” river, but no Practius (river), ?Ulu Dere
city has been discovered (although some believed it was); the

river is between Abydus and Lampsacus. The expression who
dwelt around Practius is to be taken to mean around a river, as
in t hese examples: who dwelt along the noble river Cephisus; and
who held the famous lands around the river Parthenius.
590 C, 23-33 There used to be a city “Arisba” (her territory is held by
Methymnaeans) on Lesbos, too. T here is a river “Arisbus” in
Thrace, as mentioned,1 near to which are the Thracian Ce-
brenians.2 There are many names common to Thracians and
Trojans. For example, the “Scaeans” (a Thracian people), the
“Scaean” river, the “Scaean Wall,” and, in Troy, the “Scaean”
Gates; the Thracian “Xanthians,” and a river “Xanthus” in
Troy; the “Arisbus,” which is a tributary of the Hebrus, and
“Arisbe” in Troy; the “Rhesus” river in Troy, and a “Rhesus”
who was a Thracian king. T here is another man who shares
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) the name “Asius,” according to the poet: Asius, maternal uncle
of horse-taming Hector, / b rother of Hecabe, and son of Dymas, /
who dwelt in Phrygia on the banks of the Sangarius. |
590 C, 34–591 C, 8 Abydus was founded by Milesians, with the permission Abydus, Maltepe (Tky.) 13.1.22
of Gyges, the Lydian king: this area, and the whole Trojan
region, belonged to Gyges. (There is a promontory near
Dardanus called “Gygas.”) Abydus lies at the mouth of the
Propontis and Hellespont, equally distant (about one hun- Propontis, Marmara Denizi
dred and seventy stades) from both Lampsacus and Ilium. Hellespont, Dardanelles/
Çanakkale Boğazı
The Heptastadium (Seven-stade [strait]) between Europe and
Asia, across which Xerxes made a bridge, is at Abydus. The
European headland, forming the strait where the bridge
Cherronesus, Gallipoli peninsula
is, is called the “Cherronesus” (Almost-island) because of its (Eur. Tky.)
[ 1 ] Strabo refers to a part of his narrative now lost, called in this translation the
“eastern European gap”: 329 C, 15–332 C, 1.
[ 2 ] As opposed to the Asian Cebrenians: 596 C, 24–597 C, 7; 606 C, 6-18.
680
shape. Sestus, the best of the Cherronesian cities, is opposite Sestus, ?Yalikabat (Eur. Tky.)
Abydus. B ecause of Sestus’s proximity, she had been placed

under the same commander1 (at that time, men did not divide
areas of command according to continents).
591 C, 8-18 Abydus and Sestus stand some thirty stades apart,
measured from harbor to harbor. The bridge is a little offset
from the cities, toward the Propontis (in the case of Abydus) toward Propontis = upstream
but in the opposite direction (in the case of Sestus). The place in the opposite
direction = downstream
near Sestus where the pontoon bridge was attached is called
“Apobathra” (Landing-place). Since Sestus is farther inland rela-
tive to the Propontis, lying upstream relative to the Propon-
tis’s outgoing current, sailors find it easier to start out from
Sestus, picking their way along the coast a short distance as
far as Hero’s Tower and letting the current carry their ves-
sels from t here across to the other side. Sailors starting from
Abydus have to pick their way along the coast in the opposite Abydus, Maltepe (Tky.)
direction for some eight stades, as far as the tower opposite

Sestus; then they can set sail across to the other side, with the
current hitting them athwart rather than head on.
591 C, 18-25 Thracians lived in Abydus after the Trojan period, then Trojan period, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
Milesians. When the cities of the Propontis were torched by
Darius (father of Xerxes), Abydus shared their fate. Darius
torched the cities after his retreat from the Scythians when,
realizing that the nomads w ere preparing to come over and
take revenge on him for their sufferings, he was fearful that
the cities might provide the army with transport ships. This
fact, combined with other changes over time, explains the
confusion of places.
Sestus, ?Yalikabat (Eur. Tky.)
591 C, 25-29 I described Sestus and the whole of the Cherronesus in my
Cherronesus, Gallipoli peninsula
Theopompus (4th c. BCE) account of Thrace.2 Theopompus says that she is a small but (Eur. Tky.)
well-defended city, joined to her harbor with a two-plethra double 1 plethrum = 100 ft.
wall; this fact, together with the current, explains her domination straits = Dardanelles/Çanakkale
of the straits. | Boğazı
591 C, 30-33 Astyra, lying inland from Abydenian territory in the Astyra, nr. Haliloglu (Tky.) 13.1.23
Troad, is now an Abydenian possession, albeit in ruins; but

she was formerly self-governing, with gold mines that now
yield l ittle, having been exhausted (like the mines on Tmolus
in the Pactolus region).
591 C, 33-34 It is said to be around seven hundred stades from Abydus Abydus, Maltepe (Tky.)
to the Aesepus (less, if you sail in a straight line). | Aesepus, Gönen Çay
[ 1 ] Homer allocates both Abydus and Sestus to king Asius: 590 C, 3-22.
[ 2 ] Strabo refers to a part of his narrative now lost, called in this translation the
“eastern European gap”: 329 C, 15–332 C, 1.
681
4.1. Northern Asia
Aegean Coast (w. coast of Turkey + Gk. and Tk. islands)

592 C, 1-11 Outside Abydus is the Ilium region—part of it (as far as Lec- outside = on Aegean coast 13.1.24
2nd stretch of Troad tum) coastal, part of it on the Trojan plain, and part of it on
the slopes of mount Ida that were under Aeneas’s control.1 Ida, Kaz Dağ
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) The poet uses two names for this latter part. At one point
(saying the Dardanians were ruled by Anchises’s noble son) he calls
them “Dardanians,” but elsewhere “Dardanans” (Trojans and
Lycians and combative Dardanans). This is likely to have been
the location in antiquity of the city called by the poet “Darda-
nia” (Cloud-gathering Zeus was the father, first, of Dardanus, who
founded Dardania), even though these days no traces whatso-
ever of the city remain. |
592 C, 12-25 Plato hypothesizes that, after the floods, t here were three 13.1.25
Plato (late 5th–4th c. BCE) types of social structure; the first type was high among the mountain
peaks, unsophisticated and uncouth, with p eople living in fear of the
water that still covered the plains; the second type was on the lower
mountain slopes, with people at last gradually gaining confidence as
the plains began to dry out; the third type was on the plains. One
might equally well add a fourth type, a fifth type, and so on,
ending with a coastal and island-based type, in which all such
fear was washed away: the degree of confidence in venturing
nearer the sea would underscore still more differences in
social structures and manners, just as . . . * the uncouth yet
also somewhat s imple manners had been transformed into
the gentility of the people of the second type. These are paral-
leled by a distinction between “wild,” “semi-wild,” and “civi-
lized,” from which finally emerged the “refined” and supreme
culture brought about by the gradual transformation of . . . *
in accordance with the improvement of culture in line with
changes in location and lifestyle.
592 C, 26–593 C, 4 Plato says that the poet illustrates these developments by provid- poet = Homer
Plato (late 5th–4th c. BCE) ing an example of the first type of p olitical organization in the lifestyle
alludes to Homer’s Odyssey
(8th c. BCE)
of the Cyclopes, whose food is self-generated and whose homes are in
caves, high among the mountaintops (he says, “but, unsown and un-
plowed, everything grows” for them, and “they have neither advisory
councils nor established laws / but dwell among the high mountain
peaks / in hollow caves, and each man presides / over his children and
wives”); an example of the second type through the way of life in the
time of Dardanus (“he founded Dardania when sacred Ilius had not
yet / been built on the plain, a city for men gifted with speech, / and
[ 1 ] Strabo introduces his description of the 2nd stretch of the Troad (592 C,
1–605 C, 14), as per his e arlier division of the Troad into 4 stretches (581 C,
13–582 C, 3). For the coast in particular: 595 C, 9–596 C, 23; 603 C, 30–605 C, 14.
682
Aegean Coast of Fourth Section + Hinterland
they dwelt on the lower slopes of Ida, rich in springs”); an example of

the third type through the way of life in the plains during the time of
Ilus, whom tradition holds to be the f ounder of Ilium, and the
person from whom the city takes its name.
593 C, 5-16 It is likely that his tomb was placed in the m iddle of the
plain for this reason, that he was the man who first ventured to
use the plains for a settlement (“past the burial mound of Ilus, the
ancient Dardanid, / past the wild fig tree in the midst of the plain they
raced”). Yet even Ilus lacked total confidence. He did not settle
the city in her current location but almost thirty stades higher
up (eastward, t oward Ida and Dardania) at what is now called
“Ilian Village.” The current-day Ilians, with a love of glory and a Ilian Village, on Karatepe (Tky.)
wish that their city be the ancient one, have had to argue against
those whose evidence is derived from Homer’s poetry, for it is
not likely that their city is the Homeric one. O thers have con-
cluded that the city changed her location several times, her final
resting place being achieved in the time of Croesus. Croesus, Lydian king, 6th c. BCE
593 C, 16-18 These past migrations to the lower areas1 coincided, I be-
lieve, with advances in ways of making a living and in p olitical
structures—but this is a subject for another time. |
593 C, 19–594 C, 1 It is said that the city of the current-day Ilians was for city of “current-day” Ilians, 13.1.26
Hisarlık (Tky.)
some time a mere village, with a small and tawdry t emple to
Athena; that Alexander made an expedition to the t emple
after his victory on the Granicus, adorned it with dedicatory Granicus, Biga Çayı
gifts, pronounced it a city, charged its ministers with a build-

ing program, and decreed it a f ree city, exempt from taxes;
later, a fter defeating the Persians, he dispatched a friendly
letter, promising that he would create a g reat city and a most
illustrious temple, and that he would establish sacred games.
After Alexander’s death, Lysimachus showed g reat f avor to Alexander the G reat died, 323
BCE; Antigonus campaigned for
the city, building a t emple and an encircling wall of some forty control of Alexander’s empire,
stades, and incorporating within her the cities round about, 323–301 BCE
which w ere old and in the final stages of decrepitude. This Lysimachus defeated
Antigonus, controlled much of
was at the time when Lysimachus also conferred favors on Asian peninsula, 301–281 BCE
Alexandria, which had already been expanded by Antigonus Alexandria/Antigonia,
Eskistanbul (Tky.)
and named “Antigonia,” but had undergone a change of name,
because it seemed proper for the successors of Alexander to
establish cities named after him first, then after themselves.
Alexandria survived and flourished. She now houses a colony
of Romans and is among the most illustrious of cities. |
[ 1 ] I.e., mountaintops → lower slopes → plains . . . (→ coast → islands).
683
4.1. Northern Asia
594 C, 2-8 Current-day Ilium was a sort of villageopolis when the Ilium, Hisarlık (Tky.) 13.1.27
Romans first entered Asia and expelled Antiochus the G reat

Demetrius (2nd c. BCE) from within the Taurus. Demetrius the Scepsian says that within the Taurus = Asian
peninsula
he, while still a young lad, visited the city during that period and
saw buildings so poorly constructed that the roofs were not even tiled.
Hegesianax (3rd c. BCE) Hegesianax says that the Galatians, when they crossed over from
Europe and needed a stronghold, headed for the city but left her forth-
with b ecause of the absence of a defensive wall.1
594 C, 9-18 Ilium then underwent a great revival; but the Romans Ilium, Hisarlık (Tky.)
under Fimbria left her in a dire condition, a fter taking her by

siege in the war against Mithridates. Fimbria had been sent
as quaestor with the consul Valerius Flaccus (the latter having
been entrusted with the war against Mithridates); stirring up
opposition and killing the consul in Bithynia, he appointed
himself army commander; proceeding to Ilium, where the Il-
ians reject him as being a plunderer, he applies . . . * and takes
her in eleven days. When Fimbria boasted that he conquered
in eleven days the city that Agamemnon had with difficulty
taken in the tenth year, despite having a fleet of one thou-
sand ships and all of Greece at his command, one of the Ilians
replied—because Hector was not at home!
594 C, 18-29 Sulla arrived, put a stop to Fimbria, sent Mithridates
home on agreed terms, and consoled the Ilians with numer-
ous renovations. In our times, the deified Caesar paid the deified Caesar = Julius Caesar
Ilians even more attention, rivaling Alexander. Alexander

started paying them attention when he revived his kinship
with them and b ecause he was a Homerophile. It is said,
at any rate, that t here was a revision of Homer’s poetry,
known as the “casket version,” b ecause Alexander, a fter
Callisthenes (late 4th c. BCE) going through it with those associated with Callisthenes and
Anaxarchus (4th c. BCE) Anaxarchus 2 and marking it up, then deposited it in a richly
decorated casket, which he had found in the Persian t reasury.
Alexander, then, was well disposed t oward the Ilians, both
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) because he was a fan of the poet and on account of his kinship
with the Aeacids, who ruled among the Molossians (among
whom, it is also reported, Andromache—Hector’s wife—
was queen).
594 C, 29–595 C, 5 Caesar, being an Alexandrophile too, and having more Caesar = Julius Caesar
obvious claims to kinship with the Ilians, strove with the zeal
of youth to be charitable to them. (His claims were “more
[ 1 ] The story about the arrival of the Galatians (278 BCE) is inconsistent with the
attribution (593 C, 19–594 C, 1) of the walls to Lysimachus (died 281 BCE).
[ 2 ] “Those associated with Callisthenes and Anaxarchus” is idiomatic, meaning
simply Callisthenes and Anaxarchus.
684
bvious,” first, because he was a Roman, and the Romans con-

o
sider Aeneas to be their f ounder; and secondly, b ecause he
was a “Julius,” the name derived from a “Iulus” who was one
of his forefathers, and this Iulus, being one of the descendants
of Aeneas, got the name from “Ilus.”) He allocated additional
territory to them and preserved their p olitical freedom and
their immunity; and they retain these rights to this day.
595 C, 6-8 The belief that this is not the site of Homer’s ancient Ilium
is based on the following evidence1—but first, I should pro-
vide an outline of places starting from the stretch of coast
from which I left off.2 |
595 C, 9-20 After Abydus there is the Dardanian headland, which Abydus, Maltepe (Tky.) 13.1.28
I mentioned a little earlier,3 and the city of Dardanus, sev-

enty stades from Abydus. In between is the mouth of the
river Rhodius, opposite which is Cynos Sema (Dog’s-grave) on Cynos Sema, Kilitbahir (Tky.)
the Cherronesus side, said to be the burial place of Hecabe. Rhodius, Kocaçay
Others say that the Rhodius joins the Aesepus. It is one of the Aesepus, Gönen Çay
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) rivers mentioned by the poet: Rhesus, Heptaporus, Caresus, and
Rhodius. Dardanus was founded long ago, but she was held
in such contempt that frequently the kings assimilated her
with Abydus, then other kings assimilated her back into the
ancient city! H ere, the Roman general Cornelius Sulla came
to a meeting with the Mithridates known as “Eupator,” and
they came to a mutual agreement on the ending of the war. |
595 C, 20-27 Nearby is Ophrynium, on which is Hector’s Grove, in a Ophrynium, nr. Erenköy (Tky.) 13.1.29
spot seen from all around, followed by lake Pteleos; | then 13.1.30
Rhoetium, a city perched on a hill; following on from Rhoe- Rhoetium, Baba Kale (Tky.)
tium, a low-lying strand on which there is a memorial and

temple to Ajax, and a statue that, after being nicked by Marc
Antony and taken to Egypt, Augustus Caesar restored to the
Rhoetians. He did likewise in other instances: while Marc
Antony snatched the most beautiful dedications from the
most famous t emples to please the Egyptian woman, Augus- Egyptian woman = Cleopatra
tus Caesar restored them to the gods. |

595 C, 28-34 After Rhoetium is Sigium, a ruined city; the Ships Sta- Sigium, Yenişehir (Tky.) 13.1.31
tion and Harbor of the Achaeans; Achaean Camp; what is

called “Stomalimna” (Lake-at-the-mouth); and the outlets of the
Scamander. The Simoeis and the Scamander merge in the Scamander r., Menderes Çay
plain, and their w aters contain a lot of mud, which they Simoeis, Dümruk Su
deposit on the shore, forming a blind mouth, lagoons, and
[ 1 ] This discussion is postponed until 596 C, 24–603 C, 30.

[ 3 ] 587 C, 15-23.
685
4.1. Northern Asia
marshes. Opposite the Sigian headland on the Cherronesus Sigian headland, Kumkale
side are Protesilaeium and Elaeussa, which I described in the Elaeussa, E Tekke Burnu (Tky.)
Thracia.1 |
595 C, 35–596 C, 5 The length of this stretch of coastline, from Rhoetium to 13.1.32
Sigium and the memorial to Achilles, if you sail in a straight

line, is sixty stades. The w hole stretch lies below Ilium, below
both current-day Ilium (from which, m easured at Achaean “current-day” Ilium, Hisarlık
(Tky.)
Harbor, it is some twelves stades) and the earlier Ilium (from
former Ilium, on Karatepe (Tky.)
which, since it is farther inland toward Ida, it is another thirty
stades). T here is a t emple to Achilles, and also a memorial
to him, at Sigium; and there are memorials to Patroclus and
Antilochus. The Ilians sacrifice to all these individuals, as well
as to Ajax.
596 C, 5-11 They refrain from honoring Heracles, on the grounds that They = Ilians
it was he who sacked their city. But one might c ounter that
he “sacked” their city in such a way as to leave it for others to
complete the job—in a sorry state, but a city nevertheless. It
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) is for this reason that the poet states: he stormed Ilius’s city, and
widowed the streets. To “widow” is to destroy the males, not to
annihilate completely. The individuals to whom they sacrifice
and whom they revere as gods—it is t hose who annihilated
the city completely!
596 C, 11-17 But they might cite as their reason that the latter carried latter = Achilles, Patroclus, etc.
they = Ilians out a just war, the former an unjust one on account of Laom- former = Heracles
edon’s horses. Again, myth provides the counterargument: it

was not on account of horses but because of the promised reward
for Hesione and the sea monster. But let me pass over t hese
matters: they end in the deconstruction of myths, and we
perhaps overlook more credible explanations as to why it oc-
curred to the Ilians to worship the latter and not the former.
596 C, 17-22 It seems that the poet, in the Heracles story, represents
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) the city as tiny—if, indeed, with only six ships and fewer men,
/ he stormed Ilius’s city! And it is evident from this story that
Priam achieved greatness and became “king of kings” from
small beginnings, as I said.2
596 C, 22-23 If you proceed a l ittle farther on from this stretch of coast-
line 3 you come to Achaeium, which is by this stage part of the Achaeium, Hantepe (Tky.)
Tenedian Peraea.4 |
596 C, 24-31 The preceding are maritime locations, inland from which 13.1.33
the Trojan plain reaches for many stades as far as Ida in the Ida, Kaz Dağ
[ 1 ] Thracia (lit., “Stuff about Thrace”) refers to the section of Strabo’s narrative
in which he describes the territory of Thrace (ne. Greece). Loss of this part of
Strabo’s narrative, 329 C, 15–332 C, 1. Strabo’s use of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 2 ] Strabo refines his e arlier comment (573 C, 32–574 C, 13, where he calls the Trojans
“kings of kings”).
[ 3 ] I.e., the stretch to Sigium: 595 C, 20–596 C, 5.
[ 4 ] Strabo postpones discussion of the Tenedian Peraea—the mainland coast op-
posite the island of Tenedos (Bozcaada, Tk. island)—until 603 C, 30–604 C, 12.
686
east. In regard to this plain, the part along the mountain slope
is narrow, stretching in one direction southward as far as the
Scepsis region, and in the other direction northward as far Scepsis, Kurşunlu Tepe (Tky.)
as the Zelian Lycians: the poet allocates this part to Aeneas

and the Antenorids and calls it “Dardania.” Below this is Ce-
brenia, consisting mostly of flat land and roughly parallel to
Dardania. T here was once, too, a city, Cebrene. Cebrene, Fuğla Tepe, Çal Dağ
(Tky.)
596 C, 31–597 C, 7 Demetrius suspects that the Ilian territory that was subject to
Demetrius (2nd c. BCE) Hector extended this far, stretching up from the Ships Station to Ce-
brenia. He says that a tomb is identified there as belonging to Alex-
ander and Oenone (who, people say, was the wife of Alexander Alexander = Paris, Trojan
warrior, whose abduction of
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) before he abducted Helen); the poet refers to “the bastard son of Helen precipitated the Trojan
famous Priam, Cebriones” (who, it is reasonable to assume, gave war
his name to the territory or, more credibly, the city); Cebrenia
reaches as far as Scepsia, and the Scamander flowing between them Scamander, Menderes Çay
forms the boundary; there was continual hatred and war between the
Cebrenians and the Scepsians u ntil Antigonus amalgamated them
into what was then “Antigonia” and is now “Alexandria”; therefore, Alexandria/Antigonia,
Eskistanbul (Tky.)
the Cebrenians remained with the others in Alexandria, but Lysima-
chus allowed the Scepsians to return to their own territory. |
597 C, 8-14 He says that, starting from the mountainous Idaean region, two He = Demetrius 13.1.34
spurs extend toward the sea, one directly to Rhoetium, the other to
Sigium, together forming a semicircular line; they end in the plain,
at the same distance from the sea as current-day Ilium; this Ilium lies “current-day” Ilium, Hisarlık
(Tky.)
midway between the ends of the said spurs, the ancient site midway
between their beginnings; enclosed within the spurs are the Simoei-
sian plain, through which the Simoeis courses, and the Scamandrian
plain, through which the Scamander flows.
597 C, 14-25 This latter plain has the proper name “Trojan,” and this is
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) where the poet places most of the fighting—for it is broader.
Here we see the most famous sites identified: Erineus, Aesy-
etes’s burial mound, Batieia, Ilus’s tomb. The Scamander and Scamander r., Menderes Çay
Simoeis rivers—the one drawing near Sigium, the other near Simoeis r., Dümruk Su
Rhoetium—merge shortly before current-day Ilium, with “current-day” Ilium, Hisarlık

(Tky.)
their outlet at Sigium, forming what is called “Stomalimna”
(Lake-at-the-mouth). Dividing the said plains from each other is a
great neck of land . . . * from the said spurs in a straight line,

starting from current-day Ilium (and being attached to it)
and stretching to Cebrenia, completing a figure ε with each
of the spurs. |
687
4.1. Northern Asia
597 C, 25–598 C, 6 A little inland from this is Ilian Village, which is supposed Ilian Village, on Karatepe (Tky.) 13.1.35
to have once been the site of ancient Ilium, thirty stades from
the current-day city. Ten stades inland from Ilian Village is “current-day” city = Ilium,
Hisarlık (Tky.)
Callicolona (Hill-of-beauty), a hill from which the Simoeis is five
Callicolona, Karatepe (Tky.)
stades distant. This makes sense, first, of the statement con-
Simoeis r., Dümruk Su
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) cerning Ares: Ares rose up on the other side like a dark and furious
The Greek god Ares is depicted
storm, / shouting shrill orders to the Trojans from the city’s heights / in the Iliad as fighting on the
at other times racing along by the Simoeis, to Callicolona. Since the Trojan side
battle took place on the Scamandrian plain, it would be plau-

sible for Ares at one time to have given his orders from the
acropolis, at another time from the nearby region of Simoeis
and Callicolona, up to which the battle probably extended.
On the other hand, given that Callicolona is forty stades dis-
tant from current-day Ilium, what is the point in substituting
a place so far away that the battle lines did not reach it?
598 C, 6-20 The statement that the Lycians were assigned their post near
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) Thymbra is also better suited to the ancient site, to which the
Thymbra plain is near, with the Thymbrius river r unning Thymbrius r., Kemer Su
through the plain and joining the Scamander at the t emple Scamander r., Menderes Çay
to “Thymbrian” Apollo. It is, however, at least fifty stades

distant from current-day Ilium. Erineus (Wild Fig-tree),1 a rocky
place fit only for wild fig trees, is situated below the old site, old site = Ilian Village, on
Karatepe (Tky.)
making it quite proper for Andromache to say, muster the men
near the Wild Fig-tree, where the city can be penetrated and the
wall assailed. Erineus is, however, a g reat distance from the
current-day city. Only a little farther below Erineus is Phe- “current-day” city = Ilium,
Hisarlık (Tky.)
gus (Oak-tree), concerning which Achilles says, as long as I fought
alongside the Achaeans, / Hector was unwilling to fight at a distance
from the wall, / venturing only so far as the Scaean Gates and the
Oak-tree. |
598 C, 21-31 What is still now called the “Ships Station” is so near the 13.1.36
current-day city that one might reasonably be amazed at

the absence of intelligence on the one side and the absence one side = Greeks
of spirit on the other side. “Absence of intelligence” in that other side = Trojans
they left it unwalled for so long a time, despite its proximity they = Greeks
to the city and to the multitudinous host within the city and
he = Homer (8th c. BCE) among the allies: for he says that the wall had only recently been
built (although it perhaps did not exist but was fabricated by
Aristotle (4th c. BCE) the poet and then made to disappear, as suggested by Aristotle).
“Absence of spirit” in that, although they broached the wall
[ 1 ] Presumably, “Erineus” received its name only to give credence to the claim that
Ilian Village was the Homeric Ilium. Ditto for “Phegus” (further below).
688
a fter it had been built, attacking the Ships Station and taking
the battle to the ships, they never dared to go and besiege the
Ships Station while it was unwalled. This, despite the fact that
it was not far away: for the Ships Station is near Sigium, with Sigium, Yenişehir (Tky.)
the Scamander’s mouth—only twenty stades from Ilium— Scamander, Menderes Çay
close by.
598 C, 31-36 If anyone says that what is even now called “Harbor of the
Achaeans” was used as the ships station, then he is talking
about an even closer location—it is only some twelve stades
from the city, even taking into account the coastal plain in city = Ilium, Hisarlık (Tky.)
front of it—given that this plain is entirely the result of sedi-

mentation by the rivers, so that if today t here is a twelve-stade
intervening distance, it would at that time have been half that!
599 C, 1-16 The story made up by Odysseus for Eumaeus shows that
there was a g reat distance between the city and the Ships
Citations of Homer (8th c. BCE) Station: when we placed an ambush beneath Troy, he says, and
continues, we went too g reat a distance from our ships. Men are
sent as spies to find out w hether they w ill stay by the ships, far they = Trojans
away (i.e., a long way away from their own wall), or cityward
/ will retrace their steps. And consider well, my friends. I, at any
rate, bid you / go now to the city, says Pulydamas, we are a long
way from our wall.
599 C, 17-30 Demetrius cites as a witness Hestiaea of Alexandria who, in
Demetrius (2nd c. BCE) cites writing about Homer’s Iliad, questions whether the war was fought
Hestiaea (2nd c. BCE or earlier)
around the current-day city and . . . * the Trojan plain, understood “current-day” city = Ilium,
Hisarlık (Tky.)
by the poet as being between the city and the sea, on the grounds that
“the plain that can be seen in front of the current-day city was formed
later, out of sediment deposited by the rivers.” | And Polites, who was 13.1.37
the Trojan lookout, sat / trusting in his swiftness of foot / on the very
top of the tomb of old Aesyetes, was a fool. Even if he was sitting
on the very top, he nevertheless could have kept watch from
the much greater height of the acropolis over virtually the
same distance—without having to rely on his swiftness of foot
for safety! (What is now identified as the tomb of Aesyetes is five
stades away along the road to Alexandria.) Nor does Hector’s
race around the city make any sense: it is not possible to race
around the current-day city b ecause of the adjacent ridge, but
it is possible to race around the ancient city. |
599 C, 31-34 The fact that no trace remains of the ancient city is ex- 13.1.38
plicable. While the cities roundabout were sacked but not
689
4.1. Northern Asia
completely leveled, the ancient city was demolished to her

very foundations, and all her stones taken away and used to
rebuild the other cities.
599 C, 34–600 C, 10 It is said that Archeanax of Mitylene fortified Sigium using Sigium, Yenişehir (Tky.)
stones removed from the ancient city. Sigium was taken by the
Athenians who sent out Phrynon the Olympian, when Lesbos
was laying claim to virtually the entire Troad (the majority of
settlements—some still remaining, others now vanished—
were founded by Lesbos). Pittacus of Mitylene, one of what
are called the “Seven Sages,” sailed against Phrynon and, as
general, carried out a prolonged war and suffered badly. This
Alcaeus (late 7th–early 6th c. was the time when the poet Alcaeus says that he, faring badly
BCE)
in b attle, threw down his weapons and fled. He addresses a
herald, bidding him announce to t hose back home: Alcaeus is
safe . . . * / has been dedicated in the t emple to “Bright-eyes” by the
Atticans. Later, when Phrynon challenged him to single com-
bat, Alcaeus grabbed his fishing gear and ran out to meet him,
tangled him in the fishing net, stabbed him with the harpoon
and the knife, and killed him!
600 C, 10-17 The war still continued, however, and it was Periander,
Demetrius (2nd c. BCE) cites chosen as an arbiter by both sides, who concluded the war. |
Timaeus (4th–3rd c. BCE)
Demetrius says that Timaeus is lying when he records that “Peri- 13.1.39
ander, using t hese stones from Ilium, fortified Achillium against the
Athenians and thus aided those associated with Pittacus.” 1 This place
was fortified against Sigium by the Mitylenaeans—that is, not with
such stones and not by Periander, for why would they choose their
enemy as arbiter?
600 C, 17-22 Achillium, a tiny settlement, is the spot where Achil-
les’s memorial is located. And Sigium, too, was leveled by Sigium, Yenişehir (Tky.)
the Ilians b ecause of recalcitrance: the w hole coast as far as

Dardanus was in later times, and is still, subject to them. But
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) long ago, it was mostly subject to the Aeolians, so that Epho-
rus does not hesitate to apply the name the “Aeolid” to the
entire stretch of coast from Abydus to Cyme. Abydus, Maltepe (Tky.)
600 C, 22-23 Thucydides says that Troy was taken from the Mitylenaeans by
Thucydides (5th c. BCE) the Athenians during the Peloponnesian war when it was conducted
by Paches. |
600 C, 24–601 C, 4 The current-day Ilians say this, too, that their city was 13.1.40
not completely erased upon its capture by the Achaeans, nor

ever even abandoned, on the grounds that, only a l ittle later,
[ 1 ] “Those associated with Pittacus” is idiomatic, meaning simply Pittacus.
690
the annual practice of sending girls from Locris started. But

Homer (8th c. BCE) this did not happen in Homeric times. Homer knows noth-
ing about the rape of Cassandra. He says that at that time she
was a virgin: he slew Othryoneus within—from Cabesus, / a recent
arrival, lured by news of war—/ and asked for the best-looking of
Priam’s d aughters, / un-dowried Cassandra. He does not men-
tion any violation of her, nor does he say that Aias’s death
by shipwreck was due to Athena’s wrath or any such cause.
Rather, he says that Aias was hated by Athena in common
with the o thers (i.e., since they all jointly committed sacri-
lege against her temple, her wrath was directed against them
all jointly) but was killed by Posidon because of his boasting.
The sending of girls from Locris took place when the Persians
had come to power. |
601 C, 5-24 This is what the Ilians say, but Homer specifically refers 13.1.41
Homer (8th c. BCE) to the city’s erasure: the day will come when sacred Ilius is de-
stroyed; and we have utterly sacked Priam’s city on high; and through
counsel and words;1 and Priam’s city was sacked in the tenth year.
Other such things are cited as evidence of the same thing.
For example, the cult statue of Athena shows her standing
up, whereas Homer represents her as sitting down. He gives
instructions to lay upon Athena’s knees a robe, in the same sense
as never to have a beloved son sitting upon his knees. It is better to
understand it thus, than to take it as meaning, as some do,
“to lay beside Athena’s knees” (citing she sits upon the hearth in
the light of the fire as meaning “she sits beside the hearth”). How
are we to imagine the positioning of the robe beside the knees?
Those who change the accentuation (gounásin, like thyiásin),
in whichever sense they understand it, are talking aimlessly,
whether . . . * suppliants . . . *. Many ancient cult statues of
Athena show her sitting down—for example, in Phocaea,
Massalia, Rome, Chios, and various other cities.
601 C, 24-27 There is consensus about the city’s annihilation among
Lycurgus (4th c. BCE) more recent individuals, including Lycurgus, the public
speaker: he says, in reference to the Ilians’ city, who has not
heard that once it was leveled by the Greeks, and is uninhabited? |
601 C, 28-33 It is surmised that people who later wanted to refound the 13.1.42
city regarded this site as ill-omened, e ither b ecause of what

happened t here or because Agamemnon laid a curse on it in
accordance with some ancient custom (just as Croesus, when
[ 1 ] Fuller citation of the relevant line from Homer: 17 C, 6-16, with reference to
Odysseus’s part in the sack of Troy.
691
4.1. Northern Asia
he destroyed Sidene, the city to which the tyrant Glaucias had

fled, laid a curse on anyone who refortified the city); and that
they therefore removed themselves from that site and forti-
fied another site.
601 C, 33–602 C, 5 First of all, the Astypalaeans1 who were in possession of
Rhoetium founded Polium (which is now called “Polisma”) Rhoetium, Baba Kale (Tky.)
on a site by the Simoeis, which was not well defended and as Simoeis, Dümruk Su
a result was soon destroyed. The current-day settlement and “current-day”

settlement = Ilium, Hisarlık
its t emple w ere founded in the time of the Lydians. It was not (Tky.)
a city, but, as I said,2 it expanded much l ater, in small incre-
Hellanicus (5th c. BCE) ments. Hellanicus, seeking f avor from the Ilians, announces
(so bold is he!) 3 that the current-day city is the same as the erstwhile
one. The territory belonging to the annihilated city was di-
vided up among those in possession of Sigium and Rhoetium,
and each of the other neighbors; but they returned it when
the city was refounded. |
602 C, 6-16 It is supposed that Ida is called rich in springs because of 13.1.43
the g reat number of rivers that stream out of her, particularly

where the Dardanian territory lies at her foot, stretching as
Demetrius (2nd c. BCE) far as Scepsis and the Ilium region. Demetrius, who, as a local
man, was knowledgeable about the region, at one stage says
the following about it. There is a spur of Ida called Cotylus— Ida, Kaz Dağ
it lies some hundred and twenty stades above Scepsis—from which Scepsis, Kurşunlu Tepe (Tky.)
flow the Scamander, the Granicus, and the Aesepus. The latter two, Scamander, Menderes Çay
each formed from the merging of several sources, flow northward to Granicus, Biga Çayı
the Propontis; the Scamander flows westward from one source. The Aesepus, Gönen Çay
sources are all close together, within a distance of twenty stades. The Propontis, Marmara Denizi
end of the Aesepus lies at the greatest distance from its source, virtu-
ally five hundred stades
602 C, 16-31 A problem arises with the poet’s statement that they came
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) to the two fair-flowing springs. From there / stream forth the two
sources of the eddying Scamander. / One flows with w ater that is
tepid—that is to say, warm. He continues, and, around it, a
vapor / rises off it, as if from a fire. / The other flows, even in summer,
with w ater like hail / or cold snow. No warm waters are found at
that place now; the source of the Scamander is not there but Scamander, Menderes Çay
on the mountain, and there’s a single source rather than two

sources. It is likely that the warm waters gave out, and that
the cold water ran through an underground channel out of
the Scamander and came to the surface at this spot; or that,
[ 1 ] “Astypalaeans” (lit., “inhabitants of the old city”) =?ex-inhabitants of Troy.

[ 2 ] 593 C, 19–595 C, 5.
[ 3 ] Strabo eruditely inserts a Homeric phrase to describe Hellanicus.
692
ecause of its proximity to the Scamander, this w

b ater was sup-
posed to be the source of the Scamander (since several sources
are often claimed for one and the same river). |
602 C, 31-37 The Andirus is a tributary of it, flowing from Caresene, a Andirus, Kursak Çay 13.1.44
mountainous area settled with many villages and having good

farmland, lying alongside the Dardanian territory as far as the
region of Zelia and Pityia. It is said that the territory gets its Zelia, Sariköy (Tky.)
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) name from the Caresus river, which the poet mentioned (the
Rhesus, Heptaporus, Caresus, Rhodius); and that the city named
after the river was destroyed.
602 C, 38–603 C, 12 Again, he says the following: The Rhesus river is now called
he = Demetrius (2nd c. BCE) “Rhoites”—unless the . . . * flowing into the Granicus is the Rhesus.
The Heptaporus, also called “Polyporus,” is crossed seven times when
you go from the region of Cale Peuce (Beautiful-pine) to the village of Me-
Demetrius cites Attalus (2nd c. laenae and the Asclepium, founded by Lysimachus. Attalus, the first
BCE)
king, writes the following about Cale Peuce: “The circumference,” he
says, “is twenty-four feet; its height from its roots . . . * sixty-seven
feet; then it splits into three, each section equally spaced; then it re-
1 plethrum = 100 ft. combines into one crown, completing a total height of two plethra and
1 cubit = 1.5 ft. fifteen cubits.” It is one hundred and eighty stades distant from Adra-
myttium in the north. The Caresus flows from Malus, a place lying
between Palaescepsis and Achaeium on the Tenedian Peraea, and Tenedian Peraea = coast
opposite Tenedos, Bozcaada
joins the Aesepus. The Rhodius flows from Cleandria and G ordus (Tk. island)
(which are sixty stades from Cale Peuce) and joins the Aenius. | Aesepus, Gönen Çay
603 C, 13-21 In the Aesepus valley itself, on the left of the river, first t here’s 13.1.45
Polichna, a walled place, then Palaescepsis, then Alazonium—this

is a fabrication in aid of the hypothesis concerning the Hali-
zonians, whom I have discussed1—then Caresus (abandoned)
and Caresene, and the river of the same name, which itself forms a
significant valley, smaller, however, than that of the Aesepus. Imme-
diately a fter t hese are the plains and mountain plateaus of Zelia, very
good for agriculture. On the right of the Aesepus, between Polichna
and Palaescepsis, is the village of Aenea, and also Arguria—which
is another fiction in aid of the same hypothesis, to back up the
statement where silver is born.
603 C, 21-24 Where is Alybe (or Alope or w hatever name they want to
use instead)?2 Having already been so bold in the one in-
stance, they should have rubbed their foreheads and come up
with a fabrication for this, too, rather than leaving it unsup-
ported and open to challenge.
[ 1 ] 549 C, 23–552 C, 30 (esp. 551 C, 37–552 C, 8 for Demetrius’s location of

“Alazonium”).
[ 2 ] For the lines of Homer where Alybe is mentioned, and Strabo’s discussion of
them: 549 C, 23–552 C, 30.
693
4.1. Northern Asia
603 C, 24-28 While in these matters he is open to such objections, I sup- he = Demetrius
pose that we should take him seriously in other statements

of his, or at least in most of them, as being a local man with
much experience—and so knowledgeable that he wrote thirty
volumes as a commentary on the l ittle more than sixty lines
that comprise the Trojan Catalogue!1
603 C, 28-30 He says that Palaescepsis is fifty stades from Aenea, thirty from
the Aesepus river; from this “Palaescepsis,” the same name was ap- Aesepus, Gönen Çay
plied to several other places.2

603 C, 30–604 C, 12 I shall now return to the part of the coast where I left off.3 |
After the Sigian headland and Achillium is the Tenedian Sigian headland, Kumkale 13.1.46
Peraea, Achaeium, and Tenedos itself (not more than forty Tenedian Peraea = coast
opposite Tenedos, Bozcaada
stades from the mainland). With a perimeter of some eighty (Tk. island)
stades, Tenedos has an Aeolian city, two harbors, and a t emple Achaeium, Hantepe (Tky.)
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) to “Sminthian” Apollo (to which the poet bears witness, when
he says, you mighty lord of Tenedos, / O Sminthian). T here are
several small islands around Tenedos, including two called
the “Calydnians,” lying on the sailing route to Lectum. Some Calydnians, Tavşanadası
(Tk. islands)
people said that Tenedos itself was “Calydna” (others, that
it was “Leucophrys”). The myth of Tennes, a fter whom the
island is named, is set in Tenedos; also the myth of Cycnus,
Thracian by descent (and the father, according to some, of
Tennes) and king of Colonae. |
604 C, 13-19 Following on from Achaeium, t here used to be Larisa Larisa, Limantepe (Tky.) 13.1.47
and Colonae (on the mainland coast that formerly belonged Colonae, Beşiktepe (Tky.)
to Lesbos) and current-day Chrysa4 (built on a rocky out- Chrysa, Göztepe (Tky.)
crop above the sea), and Hamaxitus (under and adjacent Hamaxitus, Beşiktepe, Gülpınar
(Tky.)
to Lectum). Nowadays, Alexandria comes after Achaeium,
Alexandria, Eskinstanbul (Tky.)
and these towns5 (together with several other forts, includ-
ing Cebrene and Neandria) have been amalgamated with
Alexandria; and Alexandrians control the territory. The
site on which Alexandria is now situated used to be called
“Sigia.” |
604 C, 20-36 In the aforementioned Chrysa is the temple to “Smin- 13.1.48
thian” (Mousy) Apollo. A mouse, providing proof of the name’s

origin, lies at the foot of the statue. They were made by Sco-
pas the Parian. The historical account (or the myth) about the
mice is linked with this area. The Teucrians (whose tale was Teucrians were the
mythological ancestor of
Callinus (7th c. BCE) first told by the elegiac poet Callinus, although taken up by Trojans
many o thers subsequently) arrived from Crete and received
at Troy (4 C, 14-20n), within which the Trojan Catalogue deals with the Trojan
forces: 442 C, 35–443 C, 9n. Strabo later (607 C, 6–621 C, 28) engages more
extensively with Demetrius of Scepsis.
[ 2 ] E.g., the “Palaescepsis” mentioned at 607 C, 6-19?
[ 4 ] Strabo distinguishes “current-day” Chrysa (Göztepe, Tky.), which he elsewhere
calls “Hamaxitan Chrysa,” from what he believes to be the site of Homer’s
Chrysa (Mağara Tepe, Tky.), elsewhere called “Cilician Chrysa.” Strabo locates
Homer’s Chrysa farther along the coast: 612 C, 15–613 C, 15.
[ 5 ] I.e., Larisa, Colonae, Chrysa, and Hamaxitus.
694
an oracle that they should halt wherever they were attacked by oracle, instruction from the
gods
the “earthborn.” This is said to have happened in the Hamaxi-
tus region. A g reat swarm of field mice sprang up in the night
and chomped through the leather parts of the men’s weap-
ons and equipment; and the Teucrians halted t here (naming
Heraclides (4th c. BCE) “Ida” after the Ida in Crete). Heraclides of Pontus says that
the swarms of mice around the temple were believed to be sacred, and
that this was why the statue was shown stepping on a mouse. Others
say that a certain Teucer of the Trojan deme (now called the deme, civic division of Athens
“Xypetaeonian” deme) arrived from Attica—that no Teucri-

ans arrived from Crete! They give as evidence for the Trojan
connection with the p eople of Attica the claim by both sides
that Ericthonius was one of their progenitors.
605 C, 1-3 While t hese are the stories told by more recent writers,
Homer’s words better apply to the vestigial remains found in
the Theban plain and the Chrysa once situated t here, which
I s hall soon discuss.1
605 C, 3-8 The “Sminthium” is the current-day name for the t emple.
The name of the Sminthian crops up everywhere. In the
Hamaxitus region alone, as well as Sminthium where the
temple is, two places are called “Sminthium”; there are other
places in neighboring Larisaea; there is a place called “Smin-
thia” in Pariana, and in Rhodes, Lindus, and many other
places.
605 C, 9-14 . . . * the not very large Halesian plain, this side of Halesian plain, lower Tuzla Çay
(Tky.)
Lectum, and the Tragasaean salt flats (where the salt is natu-
Tragasae, Tuzla (Tky.)
rally crystallized by the Etesian winds) near Hamaxitus.
Etesian winds = north wind
At Lectum, an altar to the twelve gods has been identified,
Lectum, Bababurnu
known as an “Agamemnon construction.”2 These places are
within sight of Ilium, at a distance of two hundred stades or
only a l ittle more. The same is true for the Abydus region in Abydus, Maltepe (Tky.)
the other direction (although Abydus is a little closer). |

605 C, 15–606 C, 4 After rounding Lectum, what comes next 3 are the mag- 13.1.49
3rd stretch of Troad nificent Aeolian cities and the Adramyttenian bay, where the Adramyttenian bay, Gulf of
Edremit
poet appears to place most of the Lelegians and the two sets
of Cilicians.4 Here also is the stretch of shoreline belonging to
the Mitylenaeans (the Mitylenaeans possess several villages
on the mainland). The bay is additionally called “Idaean”:
the mountain ridge that stretches from Lectum to Ida lies
inland from the first part of the bay. This is where the poet
[ 1 ] 612 C, 24–613 C, 15.

[ 2 ] An “Agamemnon construction” is a quasi-technical term used by Strabo to refer
to buildings supposed to date from mythical times (late 2nd–early 1st millen-
nium BCE): 639 C, 15-27; 642 C, 12-20. The term is conveniently ambiguous, leav-
ing open the question of whether the altar was built by Agamemnon or merely
in his times.
[ 3 ] Strabo introduces his description of the 3rd stretch of the Troad (605 C,
15–619 C, 12), as per his earlier division of the Troad into 4 stretches (581 C,
13–582 C, 3).
[ 4 ] These Cilicians do not exist in Strabo’s day. Strabo theorizes their past existence
on the basis of their role in Homer’s Iliad, dividing them into two sets, “Theban”
and “Lyrnessan”: 586 C, 8-11.
695
4.1. Northern Asia
r epresented the Lelegians as settling at first; | they have al- 13.1.50

poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) ready been discussed,1 but I should add that the poet men-
tions Pedasus as being a city of theirs, u nder Altes’s command:
Altes, who rules over the war-loving Lelegians / and holds steep-sided
Pedasus on the Satnioeis. Nowadays, the site identified as be-
longing to the city is deserted.2 People who write under Sat-
nioeis (as if the city lay at the foot of a “mount Satnioeis”)
are not correct. There is no mountain called “Satnioeis”
there, but t here is a river, on which the city was built. The
poet names the river: for example, with his spear he wounded
Satnius . . . Oenops’s son, whom the peerless nymph, a Naiad, bore
/ to Oenops, who tended his cattle on the banks of the Satnioeis; and
then again, he dwelt on the banks of the fair-flowing Satnioeis, /
in steep-sided Pedasus. Later, p eople called the Satnioeis the Satnioeis/Saphnioeis,
Yermidere Çay
“Saphnioeis.” It is a large river only in the winter, but by nam-
ing it, the poet has made it famous.
606 C, 5-6 These places come a fter Dardanian and Scepsian territory,
like a second but lower-lying Dardania. |
606 C, 6-18 The territory as far as the sea at Lesbos now belongs to 13.1.51
the Assians and the Gargarians. It is enclosed by Antandrian

territory and by the territory of the Cebrenians, Neandrians,
and Hamaxitans. The Neandrians—who are also this side of
Lectum—are situated above Hamaxitus, but farther inland Lectum, Bababurnu
from her and closer to Ilium, from which they are one hun-
dred and thirty stades away; farther inland from these are
the Cebrenians; and farther above the Cebrenians are the
Dardanians as far as Palaescepsis and as far as Scepsis itself. Scepsis, Kurşunlu Tepe (Tky.)
Alcaeus (late 7th–early Alcaeus calls Antandrus Lelegian city (as in, first of all, Antan- Antandrus, Devren/Avcılar
6th c. BCE) (Tky.)
drus, Lelegian city). The Scepsian categorizes her among the
Scepsian = Demetrius
(2nd c. BCE) neighboring cities, which would mean that she should be in-
cluded in the territory of the Cilicians. The latter are next to
the Lelegians, more or less defining the southern flank of Ida,
but they are nevertheless at a low level, linking up rather more
Adramyttium, Karataş, Ören
with the coastline at Adramyttium. (Tky.)
606 C, 18-27 Forty stades after Lectum is a small place, Polymedium; Polymedium, Asarlık (Tky.)
then, eighty stades farther on, set back a l ittle from the coast,
is Assus; and one hundred and forty stades farther on is Assus, Beyramkale (Tky.)
Gargara. Gargara is situated on a headland forming the bay Gargara, nr. Arkılı (Tky.)
that is properly called “Adramyttenian.” (The entire coastline

from Lectum to Canae—which includes the Elaïtic bay 3—is
[ 1 ] 572 C, 21-30n; 584 C, 31–585 C, 19.

[ 2 ] Further discussion of Pedasus: 611 C, 10-12.
[ 3 ] Strabo mislocates the Elaïtic bay relative to Canae (Kara Dağ): 606 C, 33–607 C,
6nn; 615 C, 2-7n. For his self-correction: 622 C, 1–623 C, 15nn.
696
also known by the same name.) In its proper sense, however,

the name “Adramyttenian” is applied to the bay enclosed by
this headland, on which Gargara sits, and the headland called
“Pyrrha,” on which is situated the t emple to Aphrodite. The Pyrrha, Bozburun, N Yapuköy
width of the mouth from headland to headland is one hun-

dred and twenty stades across the sea.
606 C, 27-33 Within the bay is Antandrus, with a mountain b ehind it Antandrus, Devren/Avcılar
(Tky.)
that p eople call “Alexandria”—where, it is said, the goddesses
submitted to the judgment of Paris; Aspaneus, the lumber
market for wood from Ida (the p eople bring it down and sell
it there to t hose who want it); then the village of Astyra, and Astyra, Kilisetepe, Kaplıcalar
(Tky.)
a grove sacred to “Astyrene” Artemis; right next to it, Adra-
Adramyttium, Karataş, Ören
myttium, a city colonized by Athenians, with both harbor and (Tky.)
shipyard.
606 C, 33–607 C, 6 Beyond the bay and Pyrrha headland is Cisthene, a de- Cisthene, ?Gömeç (Tky.)
serted city with harbor. Above her, in the interior, are the cop-
Perperena, Aşagı Beyköy (Tky.) per mine, Perperena, Trarium, and other such settlements.
Trarium, Assarkaya, nr. Yukarı On the coastline beyond her are the Mitylenaean villages of
Beyköy (Tky.)
Coryphantis and Heraclia, followed by Attea, then Atarneus, Coryphantis, nr. Keremköy (Tky.)
Pitana, and the outlets of the Caecus—these places1 are ulti-

Heraclia, nr. Ayvalık (Tky.)
mately part of the Elaïtic bay—and on the far side is Elaea2
Attea, ?Maltepe, Ayazment
and the remainder of the bay as far as Canae.3 (Tky.)
607 C, 6-19 Let me go back over my detailed description, lest any-
thing of significance has been overlooked,4 and let me start
with Scepsis. | Palaescepsis (Old Scepsis) is above Cebren and 13.1.52
near Polichna, on the highest part of Ida, and was at that stage
called “Scepsis”—perhaps for other reasons but perhaps (if
one has to seek in the Greek language the etymology of names
in use among the natives at that time) because the place was
perisceptus (with an all-around view). Her residents were later trans-
ferred sixty stades lower down, to current-day Scepsis, by “current-day” Scepsis, Kurşunlu
Tepe (Tky.)
Scamandrius (Hector’s son) and Ascanius ( Aeneas’s son). It
is said that, for a long time, t here w ere two ruling families
here. Afterward, t here was a changeover to an oligarchy and
then, when the Milesians joined the citizen body, they lived
in a democracy (although the ruling families’ descendants
were still called “kings” and enjoyed certain privileges);
Antigonus campaigned for then Antigonus moved the Scepsians to Alexandria; then
control of Alexander the Great’s Lysimachus defeated
empire, 323–301 BCE
Lysimachus discharged them, and they moved back home. | Antigonus, controlled much of
Asian peninsula, 301–281 BCE
[ 1 ] “These places” = Atarneus (Gavurgör, Tky.), Pitana (Çandarlı, Tky.), and the out- [ 3 ] Strabo’s statement concerning Canae (Kara Dağ) is not true for a sailor follow-
lets of the Caecus (Bakır Çay). Strabo may have confused this “Atarneus” (Ga- ing an overall southward course (previous note). Strabo has perhaps confused
vurgör) with the inland “Atarneus” (Kale Tepe, Tky.), which perhaps contributes himself by temporarily adopting a reverse (northward) perspective: 606 C,
to his mislocation of Canae (following notes). He later distinguishes between 18-27n. A northward direction is used for the 4th stretch of the Troad:
the two places called “Atarneus”: 614 C, 25–615 C, 2. 622 C, 1-15n.
[ 2 ] Elaea (Kazıkbağları, Tky.) is “on the far side” of the Caecus river (Bakır Çay) from [ 4 ] The reader might be forgiven for thinking it unlikely that Strabo has “over-
the point of view of a sailor following an overall southward course, which is the looked” anything in his already extensive description of the Troad: 581 C,
perspective a dopted by Strabo throughout his description of the Troad so far: 1–607 C, 6. Strabo is perhaps picking up on his comments regarding Demetrius
581 C, 13–582 C, 3. of Scepsis: 603 C, 24-30n.
697
4.1. Northern Asia
607 C, 20-27 The Scepsian thinks that Scepsis was a royal residence of 13.1.53
Scepsian = Demetrius eneas, as it lies midway between Aeneas’s territory and Lyrnessus,
A Lyrnessus, Ala Dağ (Tky.)
(2nd c. BCE), who cites
Homer (8th c. BCE)
to which Aeneas is said to have fled when pursued by Achilles (for
Achilles says, “Do you not remember when, from the solitary tending
of your c attle, / swift of foot, I drove you down the Idaean moun-
tains? . . . Thence you fled to Lyrnessus, and I / pursued you and
sacked the city”).
607 C, 28–608 C, 6 Inconsistent with the account just given about the
founders of Scepsis1 are the stories that are spread about Ae-
neas: that he lived on after the war (thanks to his ill will toward
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) Priam: he always hated noble Priam, / who never granted him any
honors, though he was valiant among men), as did Aeneas’s fellow
rulers, namely Antenor’s sons and Antenor himself (thanks
to the hospitality Antenor had shown toward Menelaus—
Sophocles (5th c. BCE) Sophocles says, in The Fall of Ilium, that a leopard skin was
put in front of Antenor’s door as a sign that the household
was not to be sacked); and that, while Antenor and his sons
together with the surviving Enetians crossed over to Thrace
and from there dispersed through what is called “Adriatic En-
etia,” Aeneas together with his f ather, Anchises, and his son,
Ascanius, assembled his people and put to sea.
608 C, 7-14 Some say that Aeneas settled in the region of Macedonian
Olympus; o thers that he founded Capyae in the region of Ar-
cadian Mantinia (naming the settlement a fter Capys). Yet
others say that he landed, together with the Trojan Elymus,
in Sicilian Aegesta; took possession of Eryx and Lilybaeum;
named rivers near Aegesta “Scamander” and “Simoeis”;
thence proceeded into Latin country, where he stayed put, in
accordance with an oracle bidding him stay wherever he might oracle, instruction from the
gods
eat his table. This came to pass near Lavinium in Latina—no
table was available, but a huge loaf of bread was used instead
and consumed along with the meat set upon it.
608 C, 14-27 Homer appears to provide support for none of these, nor
Homer (8th c. BCE) even for the account of the founders of Scepsis given above.2
Homer has Aeneas staying in Troy and, with the extinction
of Priam’s line, inheriting the kingdom and passing on the
succession through his son’s sons: Cronus’s son already showed
his hatred of Priam’s line. / Now, the Trojans w
ill be ruled by Aeneas’s
might / and by sons born to his sons in times to come. So not even
the succession of Scamandrius can be preserved! T here’s an
[ 1 ] Scamandrius and Ascanius: 607 C, 6-19.

[ 2 ] 607 C, 6-19.
698
even greater discrepancy with o thers, who describe Aeneas’s

wanderings even as far as Italy and have him ending his life
there. Some write, everyone will be ruled by Aeneas’s line / and by
sons born to his sons—by which they mean the Romans! |
608 C, 28–609 C, 3 Erastus and Coriscus, the Socratic philosophers, were 13.1.54
from Scepsis, as also Neleus (Coriscus’s son), a man who had

studied under both Aristotle and Theophrastus. Neleus had Aristotle, 4th c. BCE
inherited Theophrastus’s collection of papyrus rolls, which Theophrastus, 4th–3rd c. BCE

included the collection of Aristotle. At any rate, Aristotle be-
queathed his own collection to the person to whom he also left
his school. (Aristotle was the first person that I know of who
collected papyrus rolls and instructed the Egyptian kings in
how to catalogue their collection.) Theophrastus bequeathed
it to Neleus. Neleus transferred it to Scepsis and bequeathed it
to his heirs, ignorant men who kept the papyrus rolls locked
up and carelessly stored.
609 C, 3-15 When these men saw with what zeal the Attalic kings (who
were in control of the city) were seeking papyrus rolls for the
creation of their library in Pergamum, they hid their collec-
tion in an underground dugout. Their descendants later sold
Aristotle’s and Theophrastus’s papyrus rolls (damaged by
damp and eaten by moths) for a g reat deal of money, to Apel-
licon of Teos, who was a bibliophile rather than a p hilosopher.
Wanting to reconstitute what had been eaten away, he made
new transcripts, incorrectly filling in the gaps, and published
these error-strewn editions. It thus came about that the an-
cient Peripatetics who succeeded Theophrastus had abso- Peripatetics, Aristotelian
philosophers
lutely no papyrus rolls, except for a few (particularly from
outside the school), and w ere therefore unable effectively to
engage in philosophy but could only declaim empty propo-
sitions, while the more recent Peripatetics, starting from
the time when these papyrus rolls came to light, were better
equipped than their p redecessors to philosophize in Aristo-
telian fashion but were forced to deal in probabilities because
of the number of textual errors.
609 C, 16-22 Rome made a contribution to this state of affairs. Im-
mediately a fter the death of Apellicon, Sulla (who had cap-
tured Athens) seized Apellicon’s collection of papyrus rolls.
The collection having been transferred here,1 it fell into here = to Rome
the hands of the literary expert Tyrannio (who, being an
[ 1 ] The Aristotle/Theophrastus collection of papyrus rolls was transferred to Rome

in the mid-80s BCE. Tyrannio arrived in Rome in the early 70s BCE. Tyrannio’s
work with the rolls is likely to have occupied decades; he was probably still
engaged with it when teaching Strabo in Rome (30s BCE): see next note.
699
4.1. Northern Asia
ristotelophile, found f avor with the man in charge of the

A
collection of rolls), as well as into the hands of certain dealers
in papyrus rolls, who employed incompetent scribes and did
not collate the texts—something that happens in the case of
other papyrus rolls that are copied for sale, both here and in here = in Rome
Alexandria.1 But that’s enough about that. |

609 C, 23–610 C, 7 Also from Scepsis is the Demetrius to whom I often refer Demetrius, Crates, 2nd c. BCE 13.1.55
(the literary expert who wrote a commentary on the Trojan

Catalogue),2 a contemporary of Crates and Aristarchus; later, Aristarchus, late 3rd–2nd c. BCE
there was Metrodorus. He had abandoned philosophy for Metrodorus, late 2nd-1st c. BCE
politics and, in his writings, specialized largely in rhetoric—

his style was new and distinctive and amazed many people.
Because of his reputation, Metrodorus (though a poor man)
was able to make a brilliant marriage in Chalcedon, and he
conducted his business as a Chalcedonian. He found f avor
with Mithridates Eupator and traveled with him to Pontus,
taking along his wife; earning exceptional honor, he was ap-
pointed to the judiciary to try cases where the defendant had
no right of appeal to the king. His good fortune did not last.
Falling afoul of unjust men, he defected from the king whilst
on a mission to Tigranes the Armenian. Tigranes, however,
sent him—against his will—back to Eupator (even though
Eupator was in flight from his ancestral homeland). Metro-
dorus lost his life en route, either through the king’s agency or
through disease (both stories are told). That was my account
of the Scepsians. |
610 C, 8-12 After Scepsis are Andira, Pioniae, and the Gargarid. 13.1.56
Around Andira, there is a stone that turns into iron when

burnt and, when heated in a furnace together with some sort
of earth, distills into mock silver . . . * or, with the addition mock silver, ?zinc
of copper, becomes what is called crama (mixture), known by

some as “mountain copper.” (Mock silver is also produced
around Tmolus.)
610 C, 12-18 These are the places that the Lelegians occupied, as like-
wise the Assus region. | Assus (More-closely) is a natural strong- Assus, Beyramkale (Tky.) 13.1.57
hold, well protected by walls, with a long uphill climb from

Stratonicus (4th c. BCE) puns on the sea and harbor, so that what was said about her by Stra-
a quotation from Homer’s Iliad
tonicus, the lyre player, seems apposite: Approach More-closely,
that you may more quickly meet your doom! Her harbor has been
constructed with the help of a great seawall.
[ 1 ] In this account, Strabo looks back over decades, first to the acquisition of the
Aristotle/Theophrastus papyrus rolls by dealers (80s BCE); then to Tyrannio’s in-
volvement with the papyrus rolls, probably as described to Strabo by Tyrannio
himself (30s BCE); finally, to Strabo’s own experience with papyrus-roll dealers
in Alexandria (early 20s BCE and l ater). Strabo’s presence in Rome: 273 C, 2-14n.
Strabo’s presence in Alexandria: 101 C, 14-24n.
at Troy (4 C, 14-20n), within which the Trojan Catalogue deals with the Trojan
forces: 442 C, 35–443 C, 9n.
700
610 C, 18-30 Cleanthes was from Assus—he was the Stoic philosopher Cleanthes, 3rd c. BCE
who inherited the school of Zeno of Citium and bequeathed it Zeno, 4th–3rd c. BCE
to Chrysippus of Soli. Aristotle spent some time at Assus on Chrysippus, 3rd c. BCE
account of his connection by marriage to Hermias, its ruler. Hermias, 4th c. BCE
Hermias was a eunuch, the h ousehold slave of a financier; vis-

iting Athens, he studied under both Plato and Aristotle and, Plato, late 5th–4th c. BCE
on his return, ruled at first jointly with his o wner (who had Aristotle, Xenocrates, 4th c. BCE
attacked the places around Atarneus and Assus), and then
succeeded him. Hermias sent for Aristotle and Xenocrates,
taking good care of them and arranging for the marriage of
his brother’s d aughter to Aristotle. Memnon of Rhodes was
working at the time for the Persians. As military commander,
Memnon feigned friendship and invited Hermias to visit, the
pretence being that it was for reasons of hospitality and busi-
ness, but he arrested Hermias and sent him up to the king,
where Hermias was strung up and killed. The p hilosophers
saved themselves by fleeing from the places, which the Per-
sians seized. |
610 C, 31–611 C, 3 Myrsilus says that Assus was founded by the Methymnaeans; Assus, Beyramkale (Tky.) 13.1.58
Myrsilus (3rd c. BCE) Hellanicus says that Assus is Aeolian, too, so that Gargara and Gargara, nr. Arkılı (Tky.)
Hellanicus (5th c. BCE) Lamponia would also be Aeolian, since Gargara was founded Lamponia, Kozlu Dağ (Tky.)
by the Assians. Gargara was not, however, well constituted:

the settlers w ere brought from Miletus City by the kings (at
the time when they leveled the city), so that, according to the
Demetrius (2nd c. BCE) Scepsian Demetrius, they are semi-native rather than Aeolian.
611 C, 3-10 According to Homer, however, all t hese places1 belonged
to the Lelegians, counted by some as Carian but by Homer
as separate: on the seaward side, Carians, Paeonian archers with
their curved bows, / Lelegians, and Cauconians. So, then, Lelegians
were diff erent from Carians, and lived between the area u nder
Aeneas’s control and the people called by the poet Cilicians.
After being devastated by Achilles, the Lelegians relocated
into Caria and occupied the region of current-day Halicar-
nassus. |
611 C, 10-23 The city of Pedasus,2 abandoned by the Lelegians, no lon- 13.1.59
ger exists, but t here used to be a city in the Halicarnassus

hinterland that the Lelegians named “Pedasa”—and now the
territory is known as the “Pedasis.” As many as eight cities are
said to have been founded in this hinterland by the Lelegians,
whose numbers were once so great that they occupied the part
[ 1 ] With the expression “these places,” Strabo picks up the thread of his narrative
from 610 C, 8-18, where Andira, Pioniae, the Gargarid, and Assus are mentioned.
[ 2 ] Strabo deduces that t here must have been such a city in Homeric times, on the
basis of its mention by Homer in the Iliad: 605 C, 15–606 C, 4.
701
4.1. Northern Asia
of Caria between Myndus and Bargylia, and appropriated

much of Pisidia (until, joining the Carians in their campaigns,
they w ere scattered throughout Greece and disappeared as
Callisthenes (late 4th c. BCE) a race). According to Callisthenes, Mausolus united six of the
eight cities into one (namely Halicarnassus) but kept Syangela and
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) Myndus separate. According to Herodotus, when anything un-
toward was about to happen to these Pedasians and their neighbors,
the priestess of Athena grew a beard; this event happened to them three
times. (There is also a small town, Pedasum, in the territory of
current-day Stratonicia.) Throughout Caria and Miletus, Le-
legian tombs and forts, and traces of their settlements, have
been identified. |
611 C, 24–612 C, 8 According to Homer, the stretch of coastline a fter the 13.1.60
Homer (8th c. BCE) Lelegians (currently occupied by Adramyttenians, Atarnites,

and Pitanaeans as far as the mouth of the Caecus) was inhab- Caecus, Bakır Çay
ited by Cilicians. As I said, the Cilicians had been divided into

two chiefdoms1—one was subject to Eëtion and the other
to Mynes. | By Eëtion’s city, Homer means Thebe (we went to 13.1.61
Thebe, Eëtion’s sacred city) and also represents, as belonging to

this man, Chrysa . . . * the t emple to “Sminthian” Apollo—if
we assume Chryseïs was taken from Thebe,2 on the basis that
the poet says: We went to Thebe . . . and sacked it and brought
everything h ere. / Our men distributed the spoils fairly among
themselves / but saved Chryseïs for Atreus’s son. By Mynes’s city,
Homer means Lyrnessus, given that Achilles seized Mynes Lyrnessus, Ala Dağ (Tky.)
and Epistrophus when he sacked Lyrnessus and the walls of Thebe.

Accordingly, when Briseïs says, you forbade me, when swift Achil-
les killed my husband / and sacked the city of noble Mynes . . . , she
would not have meant Thebe, which belonged to Eëtion, but
Lyrnessus.
612 C, 8-14 Both cities lay on what was later called the “Theban plain,”
the desirability of which was a cause of battle, first between
Mysians and Lydians and later between Greeks colonists
from the Aeolid and Lesbos. The Adramyttenians now con-
trol a large part of the plain—including Thebe and Lyrnes-
sus (a good defensive site), both of which are now deserted.
The former is sixty stades away from Adramyttium, the latter
eighty-eight stades in the opposite direction. |
612 C, 15-23 Chrysa and Cilla are located in Adramyttene.3 At any rate, 13.1.62
it is said that there is still a place, Cilla, near Thebe, where a
[ 1 ] 572 C, 21-30.
[ 2 ] Chryseïs is the Trojan w
oman (daughter of the priest of Apollo) whose abduc-
tion by the Greeks precipitates much of the action in Homer’s Iliad.
[ 3 ] Strabo argues that the Homeric Chrysa is to be identified with Cilician Chrysa
(Mağara Tepe, Tky.) (612 C, 24–613 C, 15), as opposed to Hamaxitan Chrysa
(604 C, 13–605 C, 3).
702
t emple to “Cillian” Apollo is located. The Cillaeus river flows

past the temple on its way from Ida—that is, through the
territory of Antandrus. “Cillaeum” in Lesbos is called after
this Cilla. There is a mount Cillaeum between Gargara and
Daës (2nd c. BCE or earlier) Antandrus. (Daës of Colonae says that the temple to “Cillian”
Apollo was first established in Colonae by the Aeolians who had sailed
away from Greece. A t emple to “Cillian” Apollo is also said to
have been established in Chrysa, it being unclear whether
“Cillian” Apollo is the same as, or diff erent from, “Sminthian”
Apollo).1 |
612 C, 24-28 Chrysa was a town on the coast with a harbor. Nearby [Cilician] Chrysa, Mağara Tepe, 13.1.63
nr. Akçay (Tky.)
Strabo argues that the Homeric Thebe lay above it. This was the location of “Sminthian”
“Chrysa” should be identified
with a site in Adramyttene
Apollo’s temple and the home of Chryseïs. The site is now
completely deserted.2 The temple was transferred to Hamax-
itan Chrysa3 at the time when the Cilicians were driven away,
some to Pamphylia and some to Hamaxitus.
612 C, 28–613 C, 9 Those who are ignorant of ancient history say that
Hamaxitan Chrysa is where Chryses and Chryseïs came from,
and that it is the place mentioned by Homer.4 But Hamaxitan
Chrysa has no harbor—and the poet says, when they reached
the harbor deep. Nor is the temple on the coast—and the poet
represents the t emple as being on the coast (Chryseïs stepped
out from the sea-traveled ship. / Then clever Odysseus led her to the
altar and / delivered her into her loving f ather’s embrace). Nor is
Thebe nearby—where the poet puts it (saying that Chrys-
eïs was taken from Thebe). Nor is any place in Alexandrian
territory identified as Cilla, nor as the t emple to “Cillian”
Apollo—whereas the poet links them (you who have surrounded
Chrysa / and sacred Cilla), and in the Theban plain, there is a
Cilla identified nearby.
613 C, 9-15 The voyage from Cilician Chrysa to the Ships Station is Cilician Chrysa, Mağara Tepe,
nr. Akçay (Tky.)
some seven hundred stades, or around one day’s sail, as Odys-
seus’s sailing trip makes clear. Odysseus disembarks, imme-
diately o rganizes a religious sacrifice and then, as it is already
evening, stays and sails away in the morning. The voyage from
Hamaxitus is scarcely a third of the said distance—so that
Odysseus could have made his sacrifice and then sailed back
to the Ships Station on the same day!
613 C, 16-18 Near the t emple to “Cillian” Apollo is the tomb of Cillas,
a huge mound. It is said that this man was a charioteer for
[ 1 ] The argument for Hamaxitan Chrysa being the Homeric Chrysa may have been
that the t emple in Hamaxitan Chrysa to “Sminthian” Apollo (604 C, 20-36) was
originally to “Cillian” Apollo.
[ 2 ] Why then does Strabo believe that t here was once a town and t emple there?
See 605 C, 1-3.
[ 3 ] Hamaxitan Chrysa (Göztepe, Tky.): 604 C, 13-36. Strabo has to explain the exis-
tence there of a temple to Apollo, which is essential to the plot line in the Iliad
and would seem to support Hamaxitan Chrysa as the Homeric Chrysa.
[ 4 ] Strabo argues that Cilician Chrysa (Mağara Tepe, Tky.) is the Chrysa mentioned
by Homer, rather than Hamaxitan Chrysa: 604 C, 13-19n.
703
4.1. Northern Asia
Pelops and held command over the region, and that Cilicia
possibly gets its name from him, or vice versa. |
613 C, 19-28 We should transfer to this location1 the story of the Teu- 13.1.64
crians and the Mice, after which the “Sminthian” is named

(from sminthi, meaning “mice”).2 The story that the epithet
derives from small creatures finds the following parallels.
Heracles is worshipped among the Oetaeans as “Cornopian”
Heracles after the locusts that he got rid of, called by the
Oetaeans cornopes; and b ecause he killed the ipes (worms) eat-
ing their vines, as “Ipoctonian” Heracles by the Erythraeans
living in Mimas (the only Erythraeans who do not suffer from
this creature). The Rhodians (who call mildew erythibe) have a
temple in their territory to “Erythibian” Apollo. Among the
Asian Aeolians, there is a month called “Pornopion,” which
is the Boeotian word for parnopes (locusts), and a festival is held
for “Pornopian” Apollo. |
613 C, 29–614 C, 4 The Adramyttium region is Mysian, although once sub- Adramyttium, Karataş, Ören 13.1.65
(Tky.)
ject to the Lydians—even now, there are what are called the
“Lydian Gates” in Adramyttium, and the city is said to have
been founded by the Lydians. Also said to be Mysian is the
nearby village of Astyra, once a town, where there is a temple Astyra, Kilisetepe, Kaplıcalar
(Tky.)
within a sacred grove to “Astyrene” Artemis, its rituals pre-
sided over by the Antandrians to whom it is in rather close
proximity. It is twenty stades away from ancient Chrysa, whose
temple is also within a sacred grove.3 There, too, is Achilles’s
Palisade. Fifty stades inland is the deserted site of Thebe, de-
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) scribed by the poet as lying beneath wooded “Plakoi,” although
neither a “Plax” nor a “Plakos” is recorded t here,4 nor does
any wood lie above it, despite its proximity to Ida. Thebe is
up to seventy stades distant from Astyra, sixty from Andira.
614 C, 4-17 All of these are the names of places that are either aban-
doned or poorly populated, or of rivers that flow only in
winter, but they feature in discussions b ecause of their
antiquity.5 | The significant cities are Assus and Adramyt- Assus, Beyramkale (Tky.) 13.1.66
tium. Misfortune dogged Adramyttium in the war against Adramyttium, Karataş, Ören
(Tky.)
Mithridates. The council of citizens was murdered by Dio-
dorus, a general who was in the king’s favor and who claimed
to be one of the philosophers from the Academy, a dispenser
of justice and a teacher of rhetoric! He went off to Pontus
with the king, but when the king fell, Diodorus paid his just
[ 1 ] I.e., to Cilician Chrysa (Mağara Tepe, Tky.) from Hamaxitan Chrysa (Göztepe, Tky.).
[ 2 ] Strabo believes that the t emple to “Sminthian” (Mousy) Apollo, which in his day
stands in Hamaxitan Chrysa (604 C, 20-36), originally stood in Cilician Chrysa.
[ 3 ] “Ancient Chrysa”—or Cilician Chrysa—and its temple are probably hypothetical
constructions by Strabo: 612 C, 24-28nn.
[ 4 ] In the Greek language, names take different endings according to the role they
play in a sentence. Plakoi could be formed from e ither the name “Plax” or the
name “Plakos.”
[ 5 ] Strabo refers to the part of his narrative (611 C, 10–614 C, 4) dealing with the
Lelegian and Cilician (to use Homeric nomenclature) coastline. His discussion
has so far largely centered on hypothetical Homeric sites. This coastline coin-
cides with what, in Strabo’s day, is called the region of Adramyttium, and it is
this latter city that Strabo now proceeds to describe.
704
desserts. Facing a plethora of allegations, unable to bear the

shame, he ended his life in a disgraceful way through self-
starvation (in my city!). Also from Adramyttene was the fa- my city = Amasia, Amasya (Tky.)
mous public speaker Xenocles, Asian in his speaking style and

a true debater, who spoke in defense of Asia before the senate,
when Asia was charged with Mithridatism. |
614 C, 18-24 Near Astyra is an abyss-like lake called “Sapra,” which 13.1.67
breaks through to a reef-filled seashore. Below Andira is a

holy t emple, sacred to the “Andirene” M other of the Gods,
and an underground cave r unning as far as Palaea. Palaea
( Ancient) is a settlement (somewhat as named), one hundred
and thirty stades from Andira. The cave was brought to light
by a young goat, when it fell into the cave at its mouth and
was found the following day at Andira by the goatherd, who
by chance had gone t here to make a sacrifice!
614 C, 25–615 C, 2 Atarneus is the capital of the tyrant Hermias. Then t here’s Atarneus, Kale Tepe, nr. Dikili
(Tky.)
Pitana, an Aeolian city with two harbors; r unning past it is the
Pitana, Çandarlı (Tky.)
river Euenus, which feeds the aqueduct built by the Adramyt-
tenians. From Pitana comes Arcesilaus of the Academy, who Arcesilaus, 3rd c. BCE
studied alongside Zeno of Citium u nder Polemo. T here is a Zeno, Polemo, 4th–3rd c. BCE
certain place in Pitana on the coast, called “Atarneus-under- Atarneus-under-Pitana,

Gavurgör (Tky.)
Pitana,” opposite the island called “Elaeussa.” It is said that
Elaeussa, Mardaliç Adası (Tk.
bricks in Pitana float on the surface of water, just as a small island)
island does in Tyrrhenia: the earth is lighter than the equiva-
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) lent volume of water and thus floats. Posidonius says that in
Iberia he saw bricks that floated, formed out of a sort of clay used
to mould silverware.
615 C, 2-7 Thirty stades after Pitana, the Caecus flows into what is Caecus, Bakır Çay
called the “Elaïtic bay.” On the far side of the Caecus,1 twelve
stades away from the river, is the Aeolian city of Elaea, which Elaea, Kazıkbağları (Tky.)
is the Pergamenians’ seaport (being one hundred and twenty

stades away from Pergamum). | Then, at a distance of one 13.1.68
hundred stades, is Cana, the promontory across from Lectum Cana, Kara Dağ
that forms the Adramyttenian bay, of which the Elaïtic bay Lectum, Bababurnu
is part.2
615 C, 8-17 Canae is a town belonging to Locrians from Cynus, and Canae, Acan Limanı (Bademli)
(Tky.)
it lies in Canaea, opposite the southernmost end of Lesbos.
Canaea stretches to the Arginusae and to the headland above Arginusae, Makronisi (Tk.
islands)
them, which some p eople call Aiga (Goat),3 like the animal, but
Aiga headland, s. Gulf of
one should make the second syllable long—Aigan,4 like aktan Edremit
[ 1 ] Elaea (Kazıkbağları, Tky.) is “on the far side” of the Caecus river from the point
of view of a sailor following the coast in an overall southward direction.
[ 2 ] For Strabo’s mislocation of Cana (Kara Dağ) relative to the Elaïtic bay: 606 C,
18-27n.
[ 3 ] The name is actually Aix (= Goat), but Strabo gives the name in the grammati-
cally inflected form Aiga, as required by his sentence structure.
[ 4 ] This alternative version of the name is Aiga, but Strabo gives it in the grammati-
cally inflected form Aigan. Strabo plays with his audience, punning on inflected
and uninflected forms of the names.
705
4.1. Northern Asia
and archan. This name was once applied to the whole moun-
tain that they now call “Cana” or “Canae.” The mountain is Cana(e) (mountain), Kara Dağ
surrounded at its base by the sea to the south and west, by the
Caecus plain to the east, and by the Elaïtis to the north. The
mountain is in itself quite compact but juts into the “Aegaean”
sea, from which it takes its name. Later, only the actual prom-
Sappho (7th c. BCE) ontory was called Aiga (as by Sappho) and the rest was called
“Cana” or “Canae.” |
615 C, 18-27 Lying between Elaea, Pitana, Atarneus, and Pergamum— 13.1.69
and not more than seventy stades from any of them—is

Teuthrania, which is inside the Caecus. It has been recorded Teuthrania, Kalerga (Tky.)
that Teuthras was a king of the Cilicians and Mysians. inside the Caecus = north of
Bakır Çay
Euripides (5th c. BCE) Euripides says that Auge and her son, Telephus, were shut in a chest
and thrown into the sea by Aleus (Auge’s father), when he discov-
ered that she had been violated by Heracles; the chest, floating across
the sea under the providence of Athena, washed up at the mouth of
the Caecus; Teuthras rescued t hese individuals, making the w oman
his wife and treating the boy as his own son. That is the mythical
account: there must have been some other coincidence by
means of which the Arcadian’s daughter married the Mysian
king and her son inherited his kingdom.
615 C, 27–616 C, 10 It is believed, then, that both Teuthras and Telephus
reigned over the territory in the region of Teuthrania and
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) the Caecus. The poet makes only this reference to the story:
with his bronze, he slew the son of Telephus, / the hero Eurypylus.
The many comrades around him, / the Cetians, were killed as a
result of a woman’s gifts. Rather than speaking clearly, he leaves
us guessing: we do not know who is to be understood by
Cetians nor the meaning of as a result of a woman’s gifts, but
the literary experts, by comparing mythical details, come
up with ingenious explanations rather than offering the re-
quired solution. | Let these matters be left aside, and let me 13.1.70
state what is rather obvious, namely that apparently, accord-

ing to Homer, Eurypylus reigned in the Caecus region—so
perhaps a section of the Cilicians was also subject to him,
and they had not just the two dynasties but three. In accor-
dance with this thesis is the identification of a small river in
the Elaïtis, running only in the winter, as the “Cetius.” This
river joins another similar one, then another, and they end
in the Caecus.
706
616 C, 11-22 The Caecus does not flow from Ida, as Bacchylides claims; Caecus, Bakır Çay
Bacchylides, Euripides nor, as Euripides states, does Marsyas dwell in far-famed /

(5th c. BCE)
Celaenae, in the farthermost parts of Ida. Celaenae is a long way
away from Ida; and far from Ida, too, are the sources of the
Caecus—they are identified as being in a plain. This plain is
separated from what is called the “plain of Apia”—which is
in the interior above the plain of Thebe—by mount Temnon.
Out of Temnon flows the Mysius river, which joins the Cae-
Aeschylus (5th c. BCE) cus below its sources. Some p eople use this to explain Aeschy-
lus’s statement—O Caecus, and your Mysian tributaries—at the
start of his introduction to the Myrmidons. Near to the sources
is the village of Gergitha, to which Attalus transferred t hose Gergitha, ?Yirce (Tky.)
in the Troad when he destroyed that place. |

616 C, 23-27 Since the island of Lesbos—which is of utmost significance— 13.2.1
LESBOS extends alongside and facing the coastline from Lectum to

Lesbos (Gk. island)
Canae, and since there are islets around it, some out to sea but
others in between the island and the mainland, it is finally time
to speak about t hese places. They are Aeolian; and Lesbos is the
metropolis, so to speak, of the Aeolian cities.
616 C, 27–617 C, 3 I must start from where I started on the coastline opposite. |
For t hose making the voyage from Lectum to Assus, the Les- 13.2.2
bian island begins with Sigrium, its northern promontory. Sigrium, Sigri (Lesbos)
Somewhere around t here lies Methymna, a L esbian city sixty Methymna, Methymna (Lesbos)
stades from the stretch of coastline between Polymedium and

Assus. The circumference of the island as a whole is one thou-
sand one hundred stades. It breaks down as follows: keep-
ing the island on your right, the distance from Methymna
to Malia, the southernmost promontory—where Canae lies Malia, Agrelias (Lesbos)
directly opposite to the island and marks its end—is three

hundred and forty stades; the distance—amounting to the
length of the island—from there to Sigrium, five hundred and
sixty; then, to Methymna, two hundred and ten.
617 C, 4-14 Mitylene, the largest city, lies between Methymna and Mitylene, Mytilene (Lesbos)
Malia, seventy stades from Methymna, one hundred and

twenty stades from Canae, and as many from the Arginu- Canae, Acan Limanı (Bademli)
(Tky.)
sae (which are three not very large islands, near the main-
land alongside Canae). In the space between Mitylene and
Methymna, at the village in Methymnaean territory called
“Aegirus,” the island is at its most narrow, with the pas- Aegirus, ?Kabakli (Lesbos)
sage overland to the Pyrrhaean sound being twenty stades.
707
4.1. Northern Asia
yrrha is situated on the western flank of Lesbos, one hun-

P Pyrrha, Megale Limne (Lesbos)
dred [stades] away from Malia. Mitylene has two harbors, of

which the southern one can be closed . . . * fifty ships, and the
northern one is large and deep, protected by a breakwater. In
front of the two harbors is a small island on which a part of
the city’s population lives. The city is beautifully constructed
in e very way. |
617 C, 14-23 Her famous men include, from antiquity: Pittacus, one of 13.2.3
the Seven Sages; the poet Alcaeus; his b rother Antimenidas,

who, Alcaeus says, was fighting in alliance with the Babylo-
nians when, at the end of a major b attle, he rescued them from
Alcaeus (late 7th–early their plight by killing, as Alcaeus puts it, a soldier fellow / only
6th c. BCE)
one palm less than / five royal cubits tall. Also a contemporary 1 royal cubit = 7 palms
of these men was Sappho, a wonderful person: I know of no

other woman in all of recorded history who is her rival, even
to a tiny degree, in composing poetry.
617 C, 23-30 In those days, the city was ruled by tyrants, of which there
were several b ecause of the internal dissensions that form the
subject matter of what are called the Stasiotic (Dissension) Poems of
Alcaeus. Pittacus was numbered among the tyrants. Alcaeus
railed against him and o thers (Myrsilus, Melanchrus, the Clean-
actids, etc.), although not innocent of inciting such rebellions
himself. Pittacus did use single rule to overthrow the dynasties;
but having overthrown them, he restored autonomy to the city.
617 C, 30–618 C, 4 Diophanes, the public speaker, was much l ater; Potamo,
Lesbocles, Crinagoras, and the writer Theophanes w ere from
my own times. The last was also involved in politics: b ecause
of his caliber, he was a particular friend of Pompey the Great,
helping him achieve all his successes. As a result, he was able
to endow his fatherland (partly through Pompey, partly
through his own means) and was the most illustrious of all
the Greeks. He left a son, Marcus Pompeius,1 whom Augustus
Caesar made procurator of Asia, and who nowadays is among
the closest of Tiberius’s friends.
618 C, 4-7 The Athenians, having voted to slaughter all adult males
from Mitylene, w ere on the point of indulging in an atrocity
from which their reputation would never have recovered. But
they changed their minds—and the new decree reached the
generals one day in advance, before the orders had been put
into effect. |
[ 1 ] Alternatively, “Pompeius Macer.”
708
618 C, 8-16 Pyrrha has been demolished, but its suburb is inhabited Pyrrha, Megale Limne (Lesbos) 13.2.4
and has a harbor. The overland crossing from there to Mity-

lene is eighty stades. Then, after Pyrrha, comes Eressus, sitting Eressus, Skala (Lesbos)
atop a hill but extending down to the coast. Then, it is twenty-

eight stades from there to Sigrium. From Eressus came Theo- Sigrium, Sigri (Lesbos)
phrastus and Phanias, the Peripatetic p hilosophers, followers

Aristotle (4th c. BCE) of Aristotle. Theophrastus was originally called “Tyrtamus,”
Theophrastus (4th–3rd c. BCE) but Aristotle renamed him “Theophrastus” (Divine-in-speech) to
avoid the cacophony of his previous name, at the same time
emphasizing his style of speaking. Aristotle made all his pu-
pils eloquent, but Theophrastus the most eloquent.
618 C, 16-27 Sigrium is followed by Antissa, a city with a harbor; then Antissa, Skalakhori/Obriokastro
(Lesbos)
there’s Methymna. From Methymna came Arion, of whom
Methymna, Methymna (Lesbos)
the myth is told by those associated with Herodotus1 that he
was saved by being carried on the back of a dolphin to Tae-
narum, after he had been cast overboard by pirates. Arion
Terpander (7th c. BCE) played and sang to the lyre. Terpander is said to have been
proficient in the same m usic and to have come from the same
island and to have been the first man to use the seven-stringed
lyre instead of the four-stringed, as stated in the verse attrib-
uted to him: I, renouncing the four-toned song, for you / will send
new songs gushing forth on the seven-toned lyre. Also from Lesbos
are Hellanicus, the writer, and Callias, the commentator on Hellanicus, 5th c. BCE
Sappho and Alcaeus. |

618 C, 28-35 In the strait between Asia and Lesbos t here are around 13.2.5
Timosthenes (3rd c. BCE) twenty small islands (according to Timosthenes, forty).
They have the name “Hecatonnesi”—a compound name like Hecatonnesi, Yuntadası (Tk.
islands)
“Peloponnesus,” the convention being to replicate the letter
“n” in such cases, as in the names “Myonnesus,” “Procon-
nesus,” and “Halonnesus.” “Hecatonnesi” means the same
as “Apollononnesi,” since “Hecatus” means “Apollo.” Along
this whole coastline as far as Tenedos, Apollo is worshipped
under the name of “Sminthian,” “Cillaean,” or “Grynian,” or
some other epithet.
618 C, 35–619 C, 10 Near to these is Pordoselene (Farty), on which there is a Pordosolene (island), Alibey
Adası (Tk. island)
city of the same name, and in front of this city is another is-
land . . . * deserted, with a t emple to Apollo. | Some p
eople, to 13.2.6
avoid the name’s connotations, say that the place there should
be called “Poroselene” (Narrows); that rocky and bare mount
Aspordenum in the Pergamum region should be called
[ 1 ] “Those associated with Herodotus” is idiomatic, meaning simply Herodotus

(5th c. BCE).
709
4.1. Northern Asia
“Asporenum”; that the t emple t here is to the “Asporene”

Mother of the Gods. What, then, should we do with the
Simonides (6th–5th c. BCE) words pordalis, saperdes, Perdiccas?1 And the line of Simonides:
fleeing in their “pordaca” (for “damp”) attire? And, somewhere
in Old Comedy, the “pordacum” (i.e., “marshy”) place?
619 C, 11-12 Lesbos is more or less the same distance—less than five
hundred stades—from Tenedos, Lemnos, and Chios. |
619 C, 13-29 The relationship of the Lelegians and Cilicians with the 13.3.1
Strabo returns to his description Trojans being such as described,2 an explanation is required
of the 3rd stretch of the Troad
as to why the Lelegians and Cilicians are not included with
them in the Catalogue.3 It is reasonable to assume that, since
their leaders had been killed and their cities sacked, those
few Cilicians who survived came under Hector’s control.
Eëtion and his sons are said to have been killed before the
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) Catalogue: Noble Achilles killed my f ather / and sacked the Cili-
cian city . . . / Thebe with her gates so high . . . / . . . I had seven
brothers in my home / and, in one day, all of them went to Hades’s
realm. / Noble Achilles, swift of foot, killed them all. Likewise,
Mynes’s men have lost both their leaders and their city:
he slew Mynes and Epistrophus; and he sacked the city of godlike
Mynes.
619 C, 30-41 As for the Lelegians, on the one hand, he represents them he = Homer
as taking part in the fighting when he mentions, on the seaward

side, Carians, Paeonian archers with their curved bows, / Lelegians
and Cauconians. Again, with his spear he wounded Satnius . . .
Oenops’s son, whom the peerless nymph, a Naiad, bore / to Oenops,
who tended his c attle on the banks of the Satnioeis. They had not
been so completely obliterated that they did not have some
sort of i ndependence as a group, given that t here was still a
king (Altes, who rules over the war-loving Lelegians . . .) and their
city had not completely disappeared, for he continues, . . .
and holds steep-sided Pedasus on the Satnioeis.
620 C, 1-7 On the other hand, he has left them to one side in the he = Homer
Catalogue,4 in the belief that their group was not sufficiently

important to warrant inclusion in the Catalogue—or because
he included them under Hector’s command since they were
such close kin. Lycaon, who was Hector’s b rother, says: to a
short life my m
other, / Laothoe, bore me—she was the daughter of old
man Altes, / Altes who rules over the war-loving Lelegians.
620 C, 8 These considerations provide a probable explanation.5 |
[ 1 ] Pordalis means “leopard.” Saperdes is a type of fish. Perdiccas is a proper name.

To Strabo’s ancient audience, they would all have sounded as if they could be
derived from the Greek word meaning “fart.”
[ 2 ] 611 C, 3–616 C, 22.
(639 C, 15-27n).
(639 C, 15-27n).
[ 5 ] 619 C, 13–620 C, 7.
710
620 C, 8-21 It is also a matter of dealing in probabilities, if one seeks to 13.3.2
establish the precise boundary up to which, according to the

poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) poet, the Cilicians and Pelasgians extended, and furthermore
the Cetians, situated between them and said to be under the
command of Eurypylus. The possibilities in regard to the Cili-
cians and the men under Eurypylus’s command have already
been stated, as well as that they w ere largely bounded by the
Caecus.1 It is reasonable to place the Pelasgians a fter t hese Caecus, Bakır Çay
people, on the basis of both what Homer says and other re-
search. Homer says this: Hippothous led the spear-loving Pelas-
gian tribes / who dwelt in Larisa of the fertile soil. / They were ruled
by Hippothous and by Pylaeus, a scion of Ares, / both of them the sons
of Pelasgian Lethus, the son of Teutamus. He thus indicates that
there was an impressive horde of Pelasgians (he did not say
tribe, but tribes) and shows that they resided in Larisa.
620 C, 22-27 While there are many “Larisas,” one has to understand the
reference as being to one of those in the vicinity and would
most correctly assume the reference as being to the city in
the Cyme region. Of the three “Larisas,” the Hamaxitan one Cyme, Nemrut Limanı (Tky.)
is within sight of Ilium and very close to it, only some two Hamaxitan Larisa, Limantepe
(Tky.)
hundred stades away. Hippothous could not plausibly be said
to have fallen in the contest with Patroclus far from Larisa,
meaning this one, but rather the “Larisa” in the Cyme region, Larisa in Cyme region, Buruncuk
(Tky.)
since t here was some thousand stades in between.
620 C, 27-33 The third “Larisa” is a village in Ephesian territory, on the Larisa in Ephesian territory,
nr. Çatal (Tky.)
Caystrian plain, which is said to have once been a city with
a temple to “Larisenian” Apollo. She is nearer to Tmolus
than Ephesus, from which city she is one hundred and eighty
stades distant, so that one would categorize her as subject to
the Meionians. (The Ephesians later increased in power and
appropriated much of the territory of the Meionians—whom
we now call “Lydians”). So she would not be the Pelasgian
“Larisa,” but the other city would be a better fit. other city = Larisa in Cyme
region, Buruncuk (Tky.)
620 C, 33–621 C, 10 We have no good evidence that the “Larisa” in Caystrian
territory (nor even, for that m atter, Ephesus) had even come
into existence in t hose days, whereas the “Larisa” in the Cyme “Larisa” in Cyme region,
Buruncuk (Tky.)
region is attested throughout Aeolian history, which started
Trojan period, late 2nd–early
only a little a fter the Trojan period. | It is said that t hose 1st millennium BCE
13.3.3
who set out from Phricium, the Locrian mountain above “current-day” Cyme, Nemrut
Thermopylae, made landfall at the site of current-day Cyme; Limanı (Tky.)
[ 1 ] 611 C, 3–616 C, 22.
711
4.1. Northern Asia
that, finding the Pelasgians much weakened by the Trojan war

but nevertheless still in possession of the Larisa that is some
seventy stades from Cyme, they constructed against them a
fort—still called “Neon Teichos” (New fort) nowadays—thirty Neon Teichos, Yanıkköy (Tky.)
stades from Larisa; a fter being victorious, they founded Cyme

and resettled the survivors t here. Cyme is called “Phriconian”
after the Locrian mountain, as similarly is Larisa (which is
now deserted).
621 C, 11-20 The Pelasgians w ere once a g reat nation: this fact is said
Menecrates (?4th c. BCE) to be attested even by other historical research. Menecrates
of Elaea, in his work on City Foundings, says that the whole of
what is now the Ionian coastline, starting from Mycale, and also the
nearby islands were once inhabited by Pelasgians. The inhabitants
of Lesbos say that they w ere arrayed u nder Pylaeus, said by
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) the poet to be the Pelasgian commander; and that it is as a
result of this that their mountain is to this day called “Py-
laeum.” The Chians, too, say that Pelasgians from Thessaly
were their founding fathers. Far-ranging and swift to migrate,
the Pelasgian nation underwent a huge increase and then a
rapid eclipse, particularly at the time of the Aeolian and Io-
nian sea crossings into Asia. |
621 C, 21-24 A peculiar t hing happened in the case of the Larisaeans— 13.3.4
the Caystrenian Larisaeans, the Phriconian Larisaeans, and the

Thessalian Larisaeans. They all held territory that was depos-
ited by rivers—by the Cayster, the Hermus, and the Peneius.
621 C, 24-27 In Phriconian Larisa, Piasus is said to have been vener- Phriconian Larisa, Buruncuk
(Tky.)
ated. It is claimed that he was the Pelasgian commander; that
he fell in love with his daughter Larisa, raped her, and was
punished for this outrageous act; she, when she caught sight
of him bending over a barrel of wine, seized hold of his legs,
tipped him up, and plunged him into the barrel! |
621 C, 28 So much for ancient history.1 13.3.5
621 C, 28-33 We should include 2 among the current-day Aeolian cities

4th stretch of Troad Aegae and Temnus (the home of Hermagoras, who wrote Aegae, Nemrut Kale (Tky.)
Public Speaking Skills). T hese cities w

ere founded in the moun- Temnus, Gurice (Tky.)
tains that rise up over Cymaea and the country of the Phocae- Hermagoras, late 2nd c. BCE
ans and Smyrnaeans, through which the Hermus runs. (Not Hermus, Gediz Çay
This area experienced far from t hese cities is Magnesia-under-Sipylus, classified as Magnesia-under-Sipylus,
earthquakes, 17 CE Manisa (Tky.)
a free city by the Romans—she, too, suffered from the recent
earthquakes.)
[ 1 ] 619 C, 13–621 C, 27.

[ 2 ] Strabo begins his description of the 4th stretch of the Troad (621 C, 28–623 C,
9) as defined at 581 C, 13–582 C, 3.
712
622 C, 1-15 Going in the opposite direction,1 toward the Caecus, Larisa, Buruncuk (Tky.)
from Larisa (after you have crossed the Hermus), it is sev-

enty stades to Cyme, then forty from there to Myrina, and Cyme, Nemrut Limanı (Tky.)
an equal number from there to Grynium and from Grynium Myrina, at mouth of Koca Çay
(Tky.)
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early to Elaea.2 According to Artemidorus, Adae comes after Cyme;
1st c. BCE) Grynium, Termaşalık Burnu
forty stades farther on is a headland called “Hydra” (which together
Elaea, Kazıkbağları (Tky.)
with the opposite headland, Harmatus, forms the Elaïtic bay, the
Elaïtic bay, Gulf of Çandarlı
mouth of which is around eighty stades wide); 3 at a distance of sixty
stades as m
easured along the coast, there’s the Aeolian city of Myrina,
with a harbor; then t here’s Achaean Harbor, with its altars to the Achaean Harbor, Haci Ahmet
Ağa (Tky.)
twelve gods; then a small Myrinaean town (Grynium), and a t emple
to Apollo—an ancient center of prophecy and an extravagant t emple
made of white marble; it is forty stades to t here; then it is seventy
stades to Elaea (with her harbor, and seaport belonging to the Attalic Attalic kings ruled Pergamum
(w. Tky.) early 3rd c. BCE–late
kings), founded by Menestheus and the Athenians who accompanied 2nd c. BCE
him on the expedition against Ilium. The places that come next— Menestheus, Greek hero of
the region of Pitana, Atarneus, and other places there—have Trojan war (late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE)
already been dealt with.4 |
622 C, 16-28 The largest and best Aeolian city is Cyme, which, like Cyme, Nemrut Limanı (Tky.) 13.3.6
Lesbos, is the virtual metropolis of the other cities (around

thirty in number, including quite a few that no longer exist).
The joke about Cyme being dull-witted is based, according to
some, on such a story as the following—that not until three
hundred years after the city’s foundation did the citizens
charge harbor dues; before that, the citizens did not benefit
from this revenue, thus earning a reputation for being slow to
appreciate that they lived in a maritime city! There is another
story that, having taken out a public loan, they pledged their
porticoes as surety; when they failed to make repayment on
the stipulated day, they were banned from walking under the
porticoes; on rainy days, however, the creditors would feel a
certain amount of shame and issue a proclamation bidding
the citizens to take cover under the porticoes. From the her-
ald’s cry of “go under the porticoes,” the story arose that the
citizens of Cyme did not understand, unless someone issued
a proclamation, that when it rained one should go under the
porticoes!
622 C, 28–623 C, 9 Indisputably from Cyme is Ephorus, an eminent man (a Cyme, Nemrut Limanı (Tky.)
pupil of Isocrates, the expert in public speaking) who wrote

a History and On Discoveries; and, before Ephorus, the poet
[ 1 ] Strabo, having described the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd stretches of the Troad from the
point of view of a sailor following an overall southerly course (586 C, 30–621 C,
28), reverses direction and describes the 4th stretch as if traveling northward
from its southernmost point—the Hermus river (Gediz Çay)—to the Caecus river
(Bakır Çay).
[ 2 ] These distances are probably m easured along a road: cf. 663 C, 8-19.
[ 3 ] Strabo’s citation of Artemidorus corrects his e arlier mislocation of the Elaïtic
bay: 606 C, 18-27n.
[ 4 ] Pitana, Atarneus, etc.: 606 C, 33–607 C, 6; 614, 25–615 C, 2.
713
4.1. Northern Asia
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) Hesiod, who himself told the story of how his f ather, Dius,
relocated to the Boeotians, leaving Aeolian Cyme . . . and made
his home near Helicon in a wretched village, / Ascra, terrible in win-
ter, hard in summer, and never pleasant. (Not indisputably from
Homer (8th c. BCE) this city is Homer, to whom many lay claim!)1 It is said that
the city was named after an Amazon woman, as likewise the
city of Myrina was named after the “Myrina” who lies buried Myrina, at mouth of Koca Çay
(Tky.)
under Batieia, in the Trojan plain (called by mankind “Batieia,”
/ by immortals the “Tomb of Sprightly Myrina” ). The joke about
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) Ephorus is that he was unable to point to any of his home
city’s activities in his enumeration of historical events but,
being unwilling to overlook her, said: at this time, the Cymaeans
were at peace!
623 C, 10-12 Since I have now traversed the Trojan and Aeolian
shorelines,2 the next thing to do is to run through the interior
as far as the Taurus, still maintaining the same methodologi-
cal approach. |
623 C, 12-16 Pergamum, a famous city and one that for a long time Pergamum, Bergama (Tky.) 13.4.1
PERGAMUM shared in the good fortune of the Attalic kings, holds some Attalic kings ruled Pergamum
w. Turkey early 3rd–late 2nd c. BCE
sort of hegemony over t hese places, and it is from this city
that I must start the next stage of my geographical journey,
starting with a brief explanation of whence these kings came
and how they ended up.
623 C, 17-34 Pergamum was the t reasury of one of Alexander’s succes- Alexander the G
reat died,
323 BCE
sors (Lysimachus, son of Agathocles), with only the summit
Lysimachus controlled much of
strobiloid, pinecone-shaped of the mountain being settled. The mountain is strobiloid and Asian peninsula, 301–281 BCE
ends in a sharp peak. The safekeeping of the stronghold and
its treasure—comprising nine thousand talents—had been talent, largest unit in
entrusted to Philetaerus, a Tian man who had been a eunuch 1 talent = 6,000 drachmas
from childhood. What happened was that, at a funeral where
a spectacle was being staged and many people were present,
the nursemaid who was carrying the infant Philetaerus was
caught in the crowd and crushed so badly that the boy was
castrated! So Philetaerus was a eunuch, but one who, with his
excellent upbringing, appeared to warrant the trust placed in
him. Philetaerus remained loyal for some time to Lysimachus, Philetaerus rebelled against
Lysimachus, 282/281 BCE
but fell out with Arsinoe (Lysimachus’s wife) as a result of her
slandering him. Having caused the place to rebel, Philetae-
rus governed it in accordance with the times, for he saw that
those times w ere conducive to revolution: Lysimachus, beset
[ 1 ] E.g., Colophon (643 C, 9-21); Smyrna (645 C, 36–646 C, 11); Chios (645 C, 22-30).
[ 2 ] 581 C, 1–623 C, 9.
714
by domestic troubles, was forced to kill his son (Agathocles); Lysimachus killed Agathocles,
282/281 BCE
Seleucus Nicator launched an attack on Lysimachus and an-
Seleucus Nicator (Macedonian
nihilated him; then Seleucus himself was annihilated, mur- king of Asia) killed Lysimachus,
dered by Ptolemy Ceraunus. The eunuch survived through 281 BCE; Seleucus killed by
Ptolemy Ceraunus, later in
this chaos and confusion by staying put in his stronghold, 281 BCE
retaining control by making promises and dispensing favors
toward whoever was the strongman of the moment and the
vicinity! Philetaerus’s overlordship of the fort and t reasure Philetaerus died, 263 BCE
lasted for twenty years. |

623 C, 34–624 C, 9 Philetaerus had two b rothers—E umenes (the elder 13.4.2
brother) and Attalus (the younger brother). Eumenes had

a son bearing the same name as his father, and it was this
Eumenes who inherited Pergamum and extended his con- Eumenes (son) succeeded
Philetaerus, 263 BCE; defeated
trol over the surrounding areas, fighting and winning a battle Antiochus (Macedonian king of
against Antiochus (son of Seleucus) near Sardis. Eumenes Asia) 262/261 BCE; died 241 BCE
dies1 after ruling for twenty-two years. Eumenes was suc-

ceeded by Attalus, son of Attalus and Antiochis (daughter Attalus (son) succeeded
Eumenes, 241 BCE; fought
of Achaeus). Attalus, after defeating the Galatians in a great against Philip (king of
battle, was the first to take the title of “king.” He became Macedonia), 211 BCE onward;
died 197 BCE
a friend and ally of the Romans and fought on the Roman
side in the war against Philip, accompanied by the Rhodian
fleet. Attalus died in old age, having been king for forty-three
years.
624 C, 9-22 Attalus left four sons by his Cyzicene wife (Apollonis):
Eumenes, Attalus, Philetaerus, and Athenaeus. The younger
sons lived out their lives in private, and the elder (Eumenes) Eumenes (II) succeeded, 197
BCE; died 159 BCE
of the other two became king. Eumenes fought alongside the
Romans in their wars against Antiochus the G reat and against
Perseus; and received from the Romans all Antiochus’s hold-
ings within the Taurus 2 (the Pergamum region having previ-
ously comprised a l imited area between the Elaïtic bay and
Adramyttenian bay). Eumenes built up the city and planted
That man = ?Eumenes or a grove in the Nicephorium; and that man ornamented it
?Attalus (Eumenes’s younger
brother and successor as further, adding dedications and library buildings and to a
regent) very large extent the current-day structure of Pergamum.
Having ruled for forty-nine years, Eumenes left the kingdom
to A
ttalus, his son by Stratonica (daughter of Ariarathes, the Ariarathes (IV), king of
Cappadocia, ruled 220–163 BCE
Cappadocian king), but appointed his brother Attalus as his
son’s guardian—since his son was still very young—and as
regent of the kingdom.
[ 1 ] The present tense is used, perhaps for vividness; cf. 624 C, 22-30n.
[ 2 ] “Within the Taurus” = in the Asian peninsula: 534 C, 8-20n.
715
4.1. Northern Asia
624 C, 22-30 This Attalus, after ruling for twenty-one years, dies1 an Attalus (Philadelphus), brother
of Eumenes, ruled 159–138 BCE
old man, having achieved much: he fought on the side of
Alexander (son of Antiochus) in the defeat of Demetrius
(son of Seleucus); fought on the Roman side in the battle
against Pseudo-Philip; while campaigning in Thrace, gained
the upper hand over Diegylis, king of the Caenians; killed
Prusias, having incited Prusias’s son (Nicomedes) to rebel
against him. He left the kingdom to the Attalus whose guard-
ian he had been. This Attalus ruled for five years, was called Attalus Philometor, ruled
138–133 BCE
“Philometor,” and died of disease. He left the Romans as his
heirs. The Romans organized the territory into a province,
which they named “Asia,” like the continent.
624 C, 31-33 The Caecus flows past Pergamum, across what is called the Caecus, Bakır Çay
“Caecus plain.” The country through which it passes is truly

blessed, virtually the best in Mysia. |
625 C, 1-15 Men from Pergamum who w ere eminent in our times in- Pergamum, Bergama (Tky.) 13.4.3
clude Mithridates, son of Menodotus and of Adobogiona (a

woman from the Galatian tetrarchical f amily,2 said to have
been kept as a concubine by king Mithridates, for which rea-
son the name was given to the boy by relatives claiming he
was the king’s son). Mithridates was a friend of the deified deified Caesar = Julius Caesar
Caesar and was so richly honored that he was appointed tet-

rarch on account of his maternal descent, and was made king
over various regions, including Bosporus. (He was annihilated Bosporus = kingdom on e ither
by Asander, who also killed king Pharnaces and took pos-
session of Bosporus.) Mithridates, then, won g reat fame for
himself. So, too, did Apollodorus, expert in public speaking, Apollodorus of Pergamum
taught the f uture emperor
the author of Skills, and head of the “Apollodorian” school— Augustus, mid-1st c. BCE
whatever that is! (Many are the names 3 that once prevailed—
but with greater discrimination than in our day—including
the “Apollodorian” and “Theodorian” schools.) The friend-
ship of Caesar Augustus raised Apollodorus (who taught
Augustus how to make speeches) to exalted heights. Apol-
lodorus had an eminent pupil in his fellow citizen Dionysius
(surnamed “Atticus”), who was quite a good lecturer, author,
and speechwriter. |
625 C, 16-24 Proceeding from the plain and city eastward, you come 13.4.4
to the city of Apollonia, perched up high; proceeding south- Apollonia, between Yerenice
and Duvarlar (Tky.)
ward, you come to a mountain ridge. Crossing the mountain
(in the Sardis direction), on your left is the city of Thyatira, a Thyatira, Akhisar (Tky.)
[ 1 ] The present tense is used, perhaps for vividness; cf. 623 C, 34–624 C, 9n.
[ 2 ] The rulers of Galatia were called “tetrarchs”: 566 C, 31–567 C, 10.
[ 3 ] The word “names” is not in Strabo’s narrative but is implied by the content of
his statement.
716
Macedonian settlement said by some to be the farthest-flung

of the Mysian holdings; on your right is the city of Apollonis Apollonis, nr. Mecidiye (Tky.)
(three hundred stades from Pergamum, the same number

from Sardis), named after the Cyzicene woman Apollonis.1
Then there’s the Hermus plain, and Sardis. North of Per-
gamum, most places are Mysian-held, the right-hand parts
belonging to t hose p eople called “Abaeitians,” next to whom
lies Epictetus as far as Bithynia.2 |
625 C, 25–626 C, 10 Sardis is a great city (post-Trojan, but ancient nevertheless) Sardis, Sart (Tky.) 13.4.5
LYDIA with a well-defended citadel. It was the royal city of the Lyd-
w. Turkey
ians, who are called Meionians by the poet, and “Maeonians”
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE)
by later writers (some claiming the Maeonians and Lydians
are one and the same, o thers claiming they are d ifferent—
it is best to say they are the same). Looming over Sardis is
Tmolus, a mountain blessed by nature. At its peak t here is Tmolus, Boz Dağ
a lookout, an edifice of white marble made by the Persians, Persians, 6th–4th c. BCE
with a view over all the surrounding plains, especially the Cay-
strian plain. All around live Lydians, Mysians, and Macedo-
nians. The Pactolus river runs down from Tmolus. Long ago, Pactolus, Sart Çay
it carried down a large quantity of gold dust, from which is

said to have been derived the fabled wealth of Croesus and Croesus and forefathers, kings
of Lydia, 7th–6th c. BCE
his forefathers—but the gold has now been exhausted. The
Pactolus flows into the Hermus, which is also joined by the Hermus, Gediz Çay
Hyllus, now called the “Phrygius.” T hese three rivers unite Hyllus/Phrygius, Kum Çay
(together with other less significant rivers) and flow into the
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) sea at Phocaea, as Herodotus notes. The Hermus starts out sea at Phocaea = Med. Sea
from Mysia (from a mountain sacred to Dindymene), flow- mountain sacred to Dindymene,
Murat Daği (Tky.)
ing across the Catacecaumene (into the Sardian region and
connecting plains, as noted) 3 and out to sea. Situated below
the city is the Sardian plain, also the plain of the Cyrus and
the plain of the Hermus, and the Caystrian plain. All connect
with each other and are the most fertile of plains.
626 C, 10-19 At a distance of forty stades from the city is a lake called
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) Gygaea by the poet, the name of which was later changed Gygaea/Coloe, Marmara Gölü
to “Coloe,” whence the t emple to “Coloene” Artemis. (The

temple has great religious significance: the baskets that are
used t here in festivals are said to dance. How that is so, I
do not know, the story being told by people who recount
miracles rather than searching after the truth!) | There are 13.4.6
some lines from Homer thus—leading the Meionians were
[ 1 ] I.e., wife of Attalus, the king of Pergamum: 624 C, 9-22.

[ 2 ] Phrygia Epictetus: 563 C, 10-15n; 564 C, 12–565 C, 27; 566 C, 23-30n; 571 C, 17–
576 C, 25.
[ 3 ] Strabo adds to his e arlier statement (625 C, 16-24, where the Hermus plain and
Sardis are noted).
717
4.1. Northern Asia
esthles and Antiphus, / the two sons of Palaemenes, begotten by

M
lake Gygaea, / and they led the Meionians, who were born at the
foot of Tmolus.
626 C, 20-33 Some people add a fourth line, at the foot of snowy Tmolus,
in the fertile land of Hyda, although no “Hyda” has been dis-
covered among the Lydians. They represent as being from
here the Tychius who, the poet says, lives in Hyda, far the best
leatherworker; and they additionally locate here the Arimians,
on the grounds that the place is wooded and prone to light-
ning, inserting a fter among the Arimians, where Typhon is said to
have his resting place,1 the line in a wooded place, in the fertile land
of Hyda. O thers put the Arimians in Cilicia. Some set the myth
in Syria, others set it on Pithecussae (Ape-shaped), saying that
the Tyrrhenian word for apes is arimi.2 The name “Hyda” is
applied by some to Sardis, by others to its citadel.
626 C, 33–627 C, 14 The Scepsian considers that those who locate the Arimians
Scepsian = Demetrius (2nd c. in the Catacecaumene region of Mysia are most deserving of belief.
BCE)
Pindar connects what happened on Pithecussae (lying off
Pindar (5th c. BCE)
the coast of Cumaea) and in Sicily with events in Cilicia: he
says that beneath Etna lies Typhon, who once / took shelter in a
famous Cilician cave; now / the sea-fenced heights beyond Cumae,
/ and Sicily press down upon his shaggy breast; and again, whom
the weighty shackles of Etna / ensnare; and furthermore, the mon-
strous / fifty-headed Typhon once was struck a mighty blow, by f ather
Zeus, alone of gods, / among the Arimians. Others believe that the
Arimians are the Syrians whom people now call “Aramaeans,”
and that the Trojan Cilicians migrated to Syria and resettled
there, taking from the Syrians what is now called “Cilicia.”
Callisthenes (late 4th c. BCE) Callisthenes believes that the Arimians are near Calycadnus and
the Sarpedon headland, by the Corycian cave, and that the nearby
mountains are called “Arima” after them. |
627 C, 15-22 Around lake Coloe are the royal tombs. Alyattes’s tomb Coloe, Marmara Gölü 13.4.7
is near Sardis, a huge mound on a steep-sided base. It was

Herodotus (5th c. BCE) built, according to Herodotus, by the common people of Sardis,
with most of the work done by prostitutes. He says that all girls were
prostitutes. Some say that the tomb is a memorial to prosti-
tution! There are reports that lake Coloe was man-made
in order to cope with the high w ater levels when the rivers
flooded. As you descend from Tmolus in the direction of the Tmolus, Boz Dağ
Cayster plain, you come to the city of Hypaepa. | Hypaepa, Datbey (Tky.)
[ 1 ] Typhon was a monster from Greek myth, associated with storms and volcanic
eruptions.
[ 2 ] Pithecussae (Ischia) lies off the w. coast of Italy; the Tyrrhenians were the early
inhabitants of Italy.
718
627 C, 23-30 Callisthenes says that Sardis was conquered first by Cimme- Sardis attacked by Cimmerians, 13.4.8
7th c. BCE
Callisthenes (late 4th c. BCE), rians, and then by Trerians and Lycians, which is something that
citing Callinus (7th c. BCE)
Callinus (the elegiac poet) shows; she was most recently conquered in
Scepsian = Demetrius (2nd c. the time of Cyrus and Croesus. Those associated with the Sceps- Croesus’s Lydian kingdom fell
BCE), citing Callinus to Cyrus, Persian king, mid
ian1 conjecture that when Callinus says “the Cimmerian incursion, 6th c. BCE
during which Sardis was conquered, took place against the Esioni-
ans,” the Ionian form “Esionians” means “Asionians.” He says that He = Demetrius
perhaps Meionia was called “Asia,” given that Homer says, “in the
Asian meadow, by the waters of the Caystrius.”
627 C, 31-35 Sardis, b
ecause of her territorial strength, made a remark-
able comeback and was unsurpassed by any of her neighbors,
but recently she lost much infrastructure through earthquake hese earthquakes occurred
T
in 17 CE
activity. The consideration of Tiberius, the leader of our
times, enabled the restoration of Sardis through his gener-
ous donations, and the restoration of many other cities that
shared in the same calamity at around the same time. |
627 C, 36–628 C, 7 Eminent individuals from here are the two Diodori, from here = Sardis, Sart (Tky.) 13.4.9
the same f amily and both of them public speakers. The elder
Diodorus, who made many a speech in support of Asia, was
called “Zonas.” At the time of king Mithridates’s attack,
Zonas was accused of inciting the cities to rebel against him,
defended himself against the charges, and was acquitted. As
for the younger Diodorus (a friend of mine), his historical
researches, songs, and other poems are rather good examples
of the antique style. The Xanthus who engaged in historical Xanthus, 5th c. BCE
research a long time ago is called the “Lydian”—but w hether

he was from Sardis, I do not know. |
628 C, 8-13 After the Lydians come the Mysians, and the city of Phil- Philadelphia, Alaşehir (Tky.) 13.4.10
MYSIA adelphia, with its constant earth tremors. There are always
sw. Turkey
cracks in the walls of the h ouses, and one part or another of
the city is always suffering trauma. Consequently, few people
live within the city. Most earn their livelihood by farming in
the countryside, taking advantage of the fertile soil. In the
case of the few who do stay on, in houses that are liable to fall
down, one marvels at their love of the place—and one marvels
even more at the p eople who founded the city! |
628 C, 14-30 After this comes what is called the “Catacecaumene” terri- 13.4.11
tory (as much as five hundred stades in length and four hun-
dred in width), which we can designate either “Mysian” or
“Meionian”—both labels being in use. It is completely bare
[ 1 ] “Those associated with the Scepsian” is idiomatic, meaning simply Demetrius

of Scepsis.
719
4.1. Northern Asia
of trees, except for a vine, which produces Catacecaumenite

wine (as good as any of the famous wines!). There is an ashy
layer covering the plains; the mountainous and rocky part is
black, as if from being burned. Some p eople conjecture that
this is the result of thunderstorms and high winds. They do
not doubt that the Typhon myth should be located here;1
Xanthus (5th c. BCE) and Xanthus adds that a certain “Arimous” was a local king. It
is not plausible, however, that t hese phenomena caused such
widespread burning; more likely, it was the result of flames
emanating from the earth, the sources of which are now
extinguished. Also, three pits, called the “Blowholes,” are
identified some forty stades distant from each other; and it
is likely that the uneven mounds above them are piles of vol-
canic stone. One would deduce that this type of soil is good
for vines on the basis of the Catanaea region, which is covered
with piles of ash and produces large quantities of fine wine.
Some people joke that Dionysus is probably called “fire-born”
on the basis of places like these! |
628 C, 31–629 C, 11 The areas south of these as far as the Taurus are mixed in 13.4.12
with each other, making it difficult to distinguish Phrygian,

Carian, Lydian, and even Mysian areas from one another.
Increasing this confusion, to no small degree, is the Roman
practice of splitting p eople not along tribal lines but according
to a diff erent method, whereby they are organized into dioceses
for the purposes of court sessions and the administration of
justice. Tmolus, being quite self-contained and moderate in Tmolus, Boz Dağ
circumference, is distinctly within the Lydian part. The Me-

sogis extends in the opposite direction as far as Mycale, from its start Mesogis, Aydın Dağları (Tky.)
Theopompus (4th c. BCE) in Celaenae, according to Theopompus, so that part (viz., the Mycale, Samsun Dağ (Tky.)
part toward Celaenae and Apamia) is occupied by Phrygians, Celaenae/Apamia, Dinar (Tky.)
part by Mysians and Lydians, and part by Carians and Ionians.

Likewise the rivers, particularly the Maeander, act as bound Maeander, Menderes r.
aries between some nations but flow right through the middle
of other nations, making precise distinctions difficult.
629 C, 11-21 It is the same with the plains on e ither side of the moun-
tain and of the riverland. It is perhaps not for me to focus on
this as much as . . . * “chorometers” (territory-measurers). I need
only outline what has been transmitted by earlier writers. |
Immediately east of the Caystrian plain (which falls between 13.4.13
the Mesogis and Tmolus) is the Cilbian plain, which is large,
[ 1 ] The mythical monster Typhon lived in the land of the “Arimians”: 626 C, 20–
627 C, 14.
720
with settlements of high quality and territory that is seriously

good. Then t here’s the Hyrcanian plain, the Persians giving it
the name and bringing colonists from there; likewise, the Per-
sians gave the Cyrus plain its name. Then there’s the Peltenian
plain—we are now in Phrygian territory—and the Cillanian
and Tabenian plains. The plains have small towns1 with semi-
Phrygian populations containing a P isidian element. |
629 C, 22–630 C, 9 Once you have crossed over the Mesogis . . . * the area be- 13.4.14
tween the Carians and the Nysaïd (i.e., the territory on the
“far side of the Maeander” as far as Cibyratis and Cabalis),
the cities include Hierapolis-toward-Mesogis 2 (opposite Hierapolis, Pamukkale (Tky.)
Laodicia), with her hot springs and a plutonium,3 both of plutonium, sanctuary sacred to
Pluto, god of underworld
which have amazing phenomena associated with them. The
springwater quickly solidifies into stone, so people channel it
through trenches to create seamless walls. The plutonium is an
opening beneath a small overhang of the mountain above: it
is large enough to admit a man and extremely deep. In front
of it, t here’s a four-angled wooden guardrail (some half-cubit 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
in circumference). This is full of a mist so dense and dark that

one can scarcely see the floor. T hose in the vicinity who ap-
proach the guardrail find the air harmless, devoid of the mist
(at least in windless conditions, when it stays within the en-
closed area). However, any living creature who goes past the
rail meets instant death. For example, bulls are driven in, col-
lapse, and are dragged out as corpses. I dispatched some spar-
rows, and they immediately suffocated and dropped down
dead. The eunuchs—the “Galli”—can go past the rail with-
out suffering ill effects, so they approach the mouth, stoop
down, and go in for as long as they can hold their breath (I saw
that they had a look on their faces as if they were choking)—
whether this is so for all men maimed in this way or only for
those associated with the t emple, and whether it is the result
of divine providence (as is likely in cases of religious ecstasy)
or of certain powerful antidotes.
630 C, 9-14 The phenomenon of solidification into stone is said to be
a feature of the rivers in Laodicia, too, although their waters
are potable. The water at Hierapolis is good for wool dyeing,
so that root-dyed wools rival those dyed with coccus and with coccus = scarlet dye obtained
from oak trees
sea-purple. So unstinting is the supply of water that the city
is full of natural baths. |
[ 1 ] Presumably t hese include Peltae and Tabae: 570 C, 13-15; 576 C, 26-33.
[ 2 ] Strabo visited Hierapolis (Pamukkale), as evident from his comments later in
this paragraph. Hierapolis lies just off the Euphrates–Ephesus road: 663 C, 19-
33nn. Cities other than Hierapolis: 630 C, 15-19n.
[ 3 ] See 578 C, 31–579 C, 11.
721
4.1. Northern Asia
630 C, 15-19 After Hierapolis, the far side of the Maeander—the re- far side of Maeander = south of 13.4.15
Menderes r.
gion of Laodicia and Aphrodisias, and as far as Carura—has
been described.1 The next parts are, to the west, the city of the
Antiochans on the Maeander (counted as part of Caria); to
the south, Great Cibyra, Sinda, and Cabalis as far the Taurus
and Lycia.
630 C, 19-25 Antioch is a moderately large city, situated right on the Antioch, Aliağaçiftliği (Tky.)
Maeander near Phrygia. A bridge has been built, and the city
holds much territory—all of it truly blessed—on e ither side
of the river. It produces large quantities of what are called
“Antiochian” dried figs; some call them “Triphyllian” (Three-
leafed) figs. This is another area that is subject to a lot of seismic
activity. Diotrephes was a famous Antiochian intellectual.

Hybreas, the greatest public speaker of our times, studied
under him. |
630 C, 26–631 C, 4 The inhabitants of Cabalis are said to be Solymians.2 At Cabalis, Golhisar plain (Tky.) 13.4.16
least, the peak overlooking the Termessian citadel is called

“Solymus”; and the Termessians are themselves called “Soly-
mians.” Nearby, there’s the palisade of Bellerophontes and the
tomb of his son Pisander, who fell fighting against the Solymi-
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) ans. This conforms to the words of the poet, who says, of Bel-
lerophontes, then next he did battle with the illustrious Solymians;
and says, of his son, Ares, greedy for war, killed his son Pisander /
as he fought against the Solymians. Termessus 3 is a Pisidian city,
which lies directly above and very close to Cibyra. | Cibyra, Horzum (Tky.)
631 C, 5-18 The inhabitants of Cibyra are said to be descendants of 13.4.17
the Lydians who occupied Cabalis. Subsequently, when the

neighboring Pisidians colonized her, moving to a diff erent and
very well-defended site with a perimeter of approximately one
hundred stades, she flourished through good governance, and
her villages extended from Pisidia and neighboring Milyas as
far as Lycia and the Rhodian Peraea. Three neighboring cities
(Bubon, Balbura, and Oenoanda) w ere added, the conglom- Bubon, Ibecik (Tky.)
erate being called a tetrapolis. (Each city had one vote, except Balbura, Çölkayaği (Tky.)
that Cibyra had two votes, since she fielded thirty thousand Oenoanda, İncealiler (Tky.)
infantry and two thousand cavalry.) She was continuously sub-

ject to tyrants, but they ruled with moderation. In the reign of
Moagetes, the tyranny came to an end. Murena destroyed it,
adding Balbura and Bubon to Lycia. Nevertheless the Ciby-
ratic diocese is among the largest in Asia.4 The inhabitants of
[ 1 ] 577 C, 20–580 C, 10.

[ 2 ] Strabo’s identification of Homer’s Solymians: 6 C, 10-16; 21 C, 19-28; 34 C, 23-36;
554 C, 24–555 C, 2; 573 C, 1-13; 666 C, 20-26; 667 C, 5-13; 677 C, 33–678 C, 16; 680 C,
9-24.
[ 3 ] Strabo either mislocates Termessus (on Güllük Dağ) or conflates her with the
city known also as “Oenoanda” (İncealiler, Tky.); cf. 631 C, 19-21.
722
Cibyra speak four languages—Pisidian, Solymian, Greek, and

Lydian (of which t here is no trace in Lydia!). Adeptness in
ironworking is a Cibyran specialty.
631 C, 19-21 Milyas is the mountain range stretching from the Termes-
sus gorge,1 and from the mountain pass running through it part inside Taurus = north of
Taurus
into the part inside the Taurus (in the direction of Isinda),2
Isinda, Alaettin Mahalle,
as far as Sagalassus and Apamian territory. | Korkuteli (Tky.)
632 C, 1-4 What remains 3 is to describe the Ionians and Carians, and 14.1.1
the coastal region outside the Taurus, occupied by Lycians,

Pontic sea, Black Sea
Pamphylians, and Cilicians.4 My tour of the entire peninsula
Issian sea, Gulf of İskenderun
(the isthmus of which I defined as going from the Pontic sea (recess of Med. Sea south of
to the Issian sea)5 will thus be complete. | Turkey)
632 C, 5-17 The distance along Ionia’s coast is—because of the bays 14.1.2
IONIA and the fact that the territory consists largely of peninsulas—
sw. Turkey
some three thousand four hundred and thirty stades. If
measured along a straight line, however, its length is not very
great: the road from Ephesus to Smyrna6 goes in a straight Ephesus, Selçuk (Tky.)
line for three hundred and twenty stades (one hundred and Smyrna, Izmir (Tky.)
twenty stades to Metropolis, the remaining two hundred to Metropolis, Yemiköy (Tky.)
Smyrna), while the distance along the coast is almost two

thousand two hundred [stades]! The Ionian coast runs from
Milesian Posidium and the Carian boundary to Phocaea and Milesian Posidium, Tekagaç
Burnu
Pherecydes (early 5th c. BCE) the Hermus. | Pherecydes says of this stretch of coastline that 14.1.3
Phocaea, Foça (Tky.)
Miletus and Myus, and the region of Mycale and Ephesus, were once
Hermus, Gediz Çay
held by Carians, while the succeeding stretch as far as Phocaea, Chios,
and Samos (where Ancaeus reigned) was held by Lelegians; both
groups, driven away by the Ionians, took refuge elsewhere in Caria.
632 C, 17–633 C, 10 He says that the Ionian colonization was started, after the Aeo- Ionians (from mainland Greece)
colonized coast of Asian
He = Pherecydes (early 5th c. lian colonization, by Androclus (legitimate son of Codrus, king of peninsula, late 2nd millennium
BCE)
Athens);7 that the latter was the f ounder of Ephesus. That explains, BCE
people say, why Ephesus was the Ionian royal city. Even now, Ephesus, Selçuk (Tky.)
the descendants of Androclus are called “kings” and retain

certain prerogatives—the front row at the games, the purple
as a sign of royal descent, the staff (rather than a scepter),
and the rites of Eleusinian Demeter. Miletus was founded by Miletus, Balat (Tky.)
Neleus, whose family was from Pylos. The inhabitants of Mes-

sene and Pylos claim kinship, so that the more recent poets
call Nestor “Messenian.” It is said that many Pylians joined
those associated with Melanthus 8 (father of Codrus) in set-
ting off for Athens; and that their entire population joined the
[ 1 ] See 630 C, 26–631 C, 4n.

[ 2 ] For the mountain pass: 666 C, 20-26.
[ 3 ] I.e., “what remains” to be described of the 4th section of n. Asia, as adumbrated
(more than 45,000 words earlier) at 492 C, 10-16nn. Strabo proceeds with his
description of the coast, which he left off at 623 C, 10-12.
[ 4 ] Ionians/Carians (sw. Turkey), 632 C, 5–664 C, 4. Lycians/Pamphylians/Cilicians
(s. Turkey), 664 C, 16–676 C, 28.
[ 5 ] Isthmus of Asian peninsula: 126 C, 3-11; 492 C, 10-16; 534 C, 8-20.
[ 6 ] For the road: 663 C, 14-19.
[ 7 ] As opposed to Codrus’s illegitimate sons—Cydrelus, Nauclus, and Cnopus:
633 C, 10-19.
[ 8 ] “Those associated with Melanthus” is idiomatic, meaning simply Melanthus.
723
4.1. Northern Asia
Ionians in their colonization. An altar on Posidium is identi-

fied as dedicated by Neleus.
633 C, 10-19 Myus was founded by Cydrelus (illegitimate son of Co-
drus). Lebedos was founded by Andropompus, who took
over a place called “Artis.” Colophon was founded by Andrae-
Mimnermus (7th c. BCE) mon the Pylian, according to Mimnermus in the Nanno. Pri-
ene was founded by Aepytus (son of Neleus), and then later
by Philotas, who brought with him p eople from Thebes. Teos
Anacreon (6th c. BCE) was founded initially by Athamas, which is why Anacreon
calls the city “Athamantis”; during the Ionian colonization,
by Nauclus (illegitimate son of Codrus); a fter him, by the
Athenians Poeces and Damathus and by Geren from Boeotia.
Erythrae was founded by Cnopus (another illegitimate son of
Codrus). Phocaea was founded by the Athenians accompany-
ing Philogenes. Clazomenae was founded by Paralus. Chios
was founded by Egertius, who brought a mixed population.
Samos was founded by Tembrion and later by Procles. |
633 C, 20-31 These are the twelve Ionian cities.1 Smyrna was a later Smyrna, Izmir (Tky.) 14.1.4
addition to the Ionian federation, brought in by the Ephe-

sians. In antiquity, they were co-colonists with them, back
Callinus (7th c. BCE) when Ephesus was called “Smyrna.” This is the name Callinus Ephesus/Smyrna, Selçuk (Tky.)
somewhere uses for the city, calling the Ephesians “Smyrnae-

ans” in his Address to Zeus (take pity on the Smyrnaeans; again,
remember those times when, in your honor, fine thigh bones of oxen
/ were burned in sacrifice by the Smyrnaeans). Smyrna was the
Amazon woman who took possession of Ephesus. The city
and its inhabitants were named after her. Likewise, some
Ephesians are called “Sisyrbitians,” after Sisyrba.
633 C, 31–634 C, 5 There was once an Ephesian location called “Smyrna,” as
Hipponax (6th c. BCE) Hipponax makes clear: living behind the city, in Smyrna, / be-
tween Trechea and Lepra Acta. “Lepra Acta” (Rough land-spur) was
the name for Preon, which rises over the current-day city and
has a section of the walled-city on it; at least, landholdings
behind Preon are still t oday said to be “in the Opistholepria
(Land-behind-Lepra).” “Trachia” was the name for the mountain-
side above Coressus. Originally, the city was situated around

the temple to Athena (which is nowadays outside the city,
at what is called the “Hypelaeus”). Consequently, “Smyrna”
was by the current-day gymnasium—behind the city (as it was
then) and between Trechea and Lepra Acta.
[ 1 ] Strabo proceeds to describe the 12 cities (summarized at 632 C, 17–633 C, 19),

together with Smyrna. Miletus (Balat): 634 C, 32–635 C, 28. Myus (Afşar): 636 C,
10-18. Priene (Güllübahçe): 636 C, 19-25. Samos: 636 C, 33–639 C, 2. Ephesus
(Selçuk), 640 C, 10–642 C, 11. Colophon (Degirmendere), 642 C, 21–643 C, 22.
Lebedos (Kisik), 643 C, 23-32. Teos (Sığacık), 644 C, 1-8. Chios (Khios), 645 C,
10-31. Erythrae (Ildır), 644 C, 11–645 C, 9. Clazomenae (Klazümen), 645 C, 32-36.
Smyrna (Izmir), 645 C, 36–646 C, 17. Phocaea (Foça), 647 C, 1-3.
724
634 C, 5-18 The Smyrnaeans left the Ephesians and journeyed to the
place where current-day Smyrna is located. They drove out “current-day” Smyrna, Izmir
(Tky.)
the Lelegians who occupied the place and founded the old
city of Smyrna (around twenty stades away from current-day
Smyrna). L ater on, they w ere driven out by the Aeolians, took
refuge in Colophon, and with the aid of the inhabitants of
Colophon, attacked and took back their city. This is just as
Mimnermus (7th c. BCE) Mimnermus says in his Nanno, noting that Smyrna was for-
ever being fought over: leaving Neleus’s city, Pylos, / when our
ships arrived in longed-for Asia, / with overweening might in lovely
Colophon / we set ourselves down, but unsurpassed in arrogant pride,
/ from t here we set off from the . . . * river and, / as was the w
ill of the
gods, we took Aeolian Smyrna.
634 C, 18-21 That’s enough about t hese m atters. I must revert to my
detailed description, starting with the preeminent places
(which are also the ones that w ere founded first)—I mean Miletus, Balat (Tky.)
Miletus and Ephesus, the best and most famous of the cities. | Ephesus, Selçuk (Tky.)
634 C, 22-32 What comes next after Milesian Posidium (if you go in- Milesian Posidium, Tekagaç 14.1.5
Burnu
land some eighteen stades) is the prophetic shrine of “Did-
Didymian = in Didyma, Didim
ymian” Apollo, among the Branchidians. It was set on fire by (Tky.)
Xerxes,1 as were the other temples, except the one at Ephesus.
The Branchidians, having surrendered the god’s t reasure to
the Persian, went away with him to avoid punishment for
their sacrilege and betrayal. L ater on, the Milesians con-
structed a temple, the largest of all (although it had to remain
without a roof because of its size!). Within the confines of
its precinct, a village has been built; and there is an exquisite
sacred grove both inside and out. Other precincts h ouse the
prophetic shrine and t emple possessions. This is the setting
for the myth Branchus and the Love of Apollo. The temple has a
most exquisite display of ancient artworks.
634 C, 32–635 C, 12 Thence to the city is not far, by road or sea. | Ephorus says city = Miletus, Balat (Tky.) 14.1.6
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) that she was originally a Cretan foundation; she was built overlook-
ing the sea, where Palaemiletus (Old Miletus) now is; Sarpedon, who
led the settlers from Miletus in Crete, named the new city after the
old; the place had originally been inhabited by Lelegians; those as-
sociated with Neleus2 later built the city as she is today. The city
today has four harbors, one of them large enough to hold a
fleet. The city’s achievements are many, the greatest being
the large number of colonies she has dispatched. The Euxine Euxine sea, Black Sea
[ 1 ] An error for “Darius” (Persian king, late 6th–early 5th c. BCE), as also at 517 C,
20–518 C, 4. Other such repeated errors: 517 C, 20–518 C, 4n.
[ 2 ] “Those associated with Neleus” is idiomatic, meaning simply Neleus.
725
4.1. Northern Asia
sea has been entirely colonized by the Milesians, as also the

Anaximenes (4th c. BCE) Propontis and many other places. Anaximenes of Lampsacus Propontis, Marmara Denizi
says the Milesians colonized Icarus island and Leros; Limnae (on
the Cherronesus side of the Hellespont), and Abydus, Arisba, and
Paesus (on the Asian side); Artaca and Cyzicus (on the island of
the Cyzicenes); Scepsis (in the interior of the Troad).1 I mention
other cities that were missed by Anaximenes as I describe
each place in turn.
635 C, 13-19 The Milesians and Delians have an Apollo called “Ulian”
since he is concerned with health and healing: ulein means “to
be healed,” from which come the word ule (scar) and the greeting
“ule (health) and g
reat joy.” Apollo is a god of healing. “Artemis”
comes from the fact that she makes people artemeis (safe). The
sun and moon, since they are responsible for keeping the envi-
ronment in balance, are closely associated with them. Epidem-
t hese gods = Apollo and
ics and sudden deaths are attributed to these gods. | Artemis
635 C, 20-24 Eminent Milesians included Thales (one of the Seven Sages, 14.1.7
he pioneered the study of science and mathematics among the

Greeks); Thales’s pupil Anaximander; Anaximander’s pupil
Anaximenes; also Hecataeus (he composed a History); and, in
our times, Aeschines, the public speaker (he lived out his life in
exile a fter being overly critical of Pompey the Great).
635 C, 25-28 The city suffered badly when it refused to let in Alexan- city = Miletus, Balat (Tky.)
der the Great and, like Halicarnassus, was stormed—just as

Callisthenes (late 4th c. BCE) earlier it had been stormed by the Persians. Callisthenes says
that Phrynichus (the composer of tragic plays) was fined one thou-
sand drachmas by the Athenians, a fter he produced the play “Miletus
Falls to Darius” !
635 C, 28-30 Lying off Miletus is the nearby island of Lada, and the Tragaean islets, Agathanisi (Gk.
Tragaean islets with their pirates’ anchorages. | islands)
635 C, 31–636 C, 4 Next, t here is the Latmian bay, in which is situated what is 14.1.8
called “Heraclia-beneath-Latmus,” a very small town with an Heraclia/Latmus, Kapıkırı (Tky.)
anchorage. Heraclia was previously called “Latmus,” like the

Hecataeus (6th–5th c. BCE) mountain above it. (Hecataeus indicates that he thinks this Latmus (mountain), Beşparmak
Dağ (Tky.)
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) is the same as the mountain called by the poet Phthiron (?Lice,
?Pine-nuts) mountain, given that he says, “Phthiron” is s ituated he = Hecataeus
above Latmus; others, however, make a claim for Grium, Grium, Ilbir Dağ (Tky.)
which, roughly parallel with the Latmus range, stretches

from Milesian territory eastward through Caria to Euromus
and Chalcetores, and rises above this territory within visual
[ 1 ] Strabo has described, or will describe later, the places listed, albeit without
reference (except in the case of Abydus and Paesus) to their Milesian coloni-
zation. Icarus/Icaria (Ikaria, Gk. island): 639 C, 3-14; 488 C, 2-8. Leros (Leros, Gk.
island): 487 C, 32–488 C, 1. Abydus (Maltepe, Tky.): 590 C, 34–591 C, 25. Arisbe/
Arisba: 590 C, 3-33. Paesus (nr. Çardak, Tky.): 589 C, 9-23. Cyzicus (Belkiz Kale,
Tky.), Artaca (Erdek, Tky.): 575 C, 18–576 C, 19. Scepsis (Kurşunlu Tepe, Tky.):
607 C, 6–610 C, 7. It is likely that Strabo described Limnae (nr. Eçeabat, Tky.) as
part of his now-lost description of northern Greece and Macedonia, called in
this translation the “eastern European gap”: 329 C, 15–332 C, 1.
726
range.) Not far away, across a little river near Latmus, there
lies within a cave a tomb identified as Endymion’s.
636 C, 5-9 Then, if you hug the coast, it is a voyage of some one hun-
dred stades from Heraclia to the small town of Pyrrha; | it Pyrrha, ?Sarıkemer (Tky.) 14.1.9
is little farther from Miletus to Heraclia. If you sail a direct

course, it is thirty stades from Miletus to Pyrrha. Such is the
distance added by sailing along the coast. It is necessary, in the
case of well-known places, to endure the tortuous ins and outs
of such a coastal depiction!1 |
636 C, 10-18 From Pyrrha to the outlet of the Maeander, it is fifty Meander, Menderes r. 14.1.10
[stades]. The place is shallow and marshy. If you voyage up-
stream by rowboat for thirty stades, you come to the city of

Myus, one of the Ionian twelve, which has now, b ecause of Myus, Afşar (Tky.)
its lack of population, been made part of the city of Miletus. Miletus, Balat (Tky.)
The story is that Xerxes 2 gave to Themistocles Myus for

his dinner, Magnesia for his bread, and Lampsacus for his
wine! | At a distance of four stades from Myus is the Carian 14.1.11
village of Thymbria, alongside which is Aornum (Birdless), a charonium, cave sacred

to Charon (in Greek myth,
sacred cave called a charonium, which emits toxic vapors.3 ferryman to the underworld)
Above Thymbria is Magnesia-on-the-Maeander (a colony Magnesia-on-the-Maeander,
of Thessalian Magnesians and of Cretans) of which I w ill Tekke (Tky.)
soon speak.4 |
636 C, 19-25 After the outlet of the Maeander is the Priene shoreline. Priene/Cadma, Güllübahçe 14.1.12
(Tky.)
Above it is Priene, and Mycale mountain with its many wild
Mycale, Samsun Dağ (Tky.)
animals and trees. It overlooks the Samian island and forms,
together with the island, on the far side of the headland called
“Trogilius,” a strait of some seven stades in width. Priene is Trogilius, Dip Burnu
called by some “Cadma,” since her founder, Philotas, was from

Hipponax (6th c. BCE) Boeotia. Bias, one of the Seven Sages, was from Priene. Hip-
ponax refers to him in saying, to plead a case even better than
Bias of Priene. |
636 C, 25-33 Lying off the Trogilian [headland] is a small island of the Trogilian [headland], Dip Burnu 14.1.13
same name. The shortest sea crossing to Sunium is from

here—one thousand six hundred stades. To begin with, you
have Samos, Icaria, and the Corsian islands on your right,
and the Melantian rocks on your left; the rest of the voy-
age passes through the midst of the Cyclades islands. The
Trogilian headland is actually a sort of foothill of Mycale. Mycale, Samsun Dağ (Tky.)
Pactyes is another mountain (part of Ephesia) joining My- Pactyes, Ovacık Dağ (Tky.)
cale, which is where the Mesogis ends. |
[ 1 ] The tone is grumpy and sarcastic. Pyrrha was hardly a “well-known place.”
The Greek word periskeles, translated here as “tortuous ins and outs,” literally
means “something that winds in and out around the legs” or “loincloth” (in
modern parlance, “underwear”). The Greek word geographia, translated h ere
as “coastal depiction” (in line with ge meaning “coast” in the preceding sen-
tence), could equally well apply to Strabo’s work. Double entendres abound.
[ 2 ] An error for “Artaxerxes” (Persian king, 5th c. BCE), as at 587 C, 24–588 C, 2. Other
such repeated errors: 517 C, 20–518 C, 4n.
[ 3 ] Similar effects on birds elsewhere: 244 C, 15-23; 629 C, 22–630 C, 9. Charonia:
578 C, 31–579 C, 11n.
[ 4 ] 647 C, 7–648 C, 28.
727
4.1. Northern Asia
636 C, 33–637 C, 12 From Trogilius, it is forty stades to Samos. The city faces 14.1.14
SAMOS south, as does her harbor with its shipyard. Although the
Samos (Gk. island)
city lies mostly on the seagirt plain, a part is on the moun-
tain slope behind. On your right as you sail t oward the city
is Posidium (a headland that, together with Mycale, creates Posidium, Posidonio (Samos)
the seven-stade strait), with its t emple to Posidon; lying

offshore from the temple is the tiny island of Narthecis. On Narthecis, Bogaz Ada
(Tk. island)
your left is the suburb-by-the-Heraeum, and the Imbrasus
river, and the Heraeum (temple to Hera)—a long-established
sanctuary with a huge t emple, now a repository for pic-
tures. Quite apart from the g reat number of pictures stored
in the temple, there are further repositories and some lesser
temples full of ancient artworks. Even the outside areas
are crammed full of the very finest statues, three of which
were the colossal works by Myron, all set on the same base.
Antony took them away; Augustus Caesar returned two of
them (the Athena and the Heracles) to the original base but
transferred the Zeus to the Capitol,1 where he had built a
little temple for it. |
637 C, 13-23 It is a voyage of six hundred stades around the Samian is- 14.1.15
land. In e arlier times, when it was inhabited by Carians, the

island was called “Parthenia”; then it was called “Anthemus,”
then “Melamphyllos,” then “Samos” (perhaps a fter an indig-
enous hero, perhaps after the man who led the colony out
from Ithaca and Cephallenia). “Ampelus” (Vine) is the name of Ampelus (headland), Aspro
Kabo (Samos)
one headland, roughly opposite Drepanum in Icaria; but the
Icaria, Ikaria (Gk. island)
range that makes the whole of the island mountainous also
Ampelus (mts.), Karbounis
bears the same name. Yet the island is not good for wine, even (Samos)
though the surrounding islands are good wine-producers,
and virtually all the nearby mainland area produces wines that
are superb (e.g., Chios, Lesbos, and Cos; wines from Ephesus
and Metropolis are very fine; the Mesogis, Tmolus, Catace-
caumene, Cnidus, Smyrna, and other less significant places all
produce good honest wines for your drinking pleasure—or
for your medical regimen!).
637 C, 23-28 While Samos is not at all fortunate in her wine, in other
respects she is truly blessed, as is evident from her being
much fought over and the fact that t hose who sing her
praises do not hesitate to apply to her the proverb that goes,
Menander (late 4th–early 3rd c.
BCE) it yields bird milk (so says Menander in his work). This was
[ 1 ] Strabo has undoubtedly seen this colossal statue in the Capitol in Rome: 236 C,
25-28n.
728
the cause of the island’s subjection to tyrants and hatred of

the Athenians.1 |
637 C, 29–638 C, 13 Tyrannical rule reached its peak under Polycrates and Polycrates ruled Samos, late 14.1.16
6th c. BCE
his brother Syloson. Polycrates achieved so much success
through his good luck and his military prowess that he es-
tablished a thalassocracy. A story is told that exemplifies
his good luck. Polycrates intentionally cast his ring, with
its gemstone and exquisite engraving, into the sea; not
long afterward, a fisherman presented him with a fish that
had swallowed the ring! (When the fish was cut open, the
ring was found). It is said that the Egyptian king, on hear-
ing what had happened, declared, somewhat prophetically,
that anyone whom success had raised so high would shortly
come to an unhappy end. This is precisely what happened—
Polycrates was caught by means of subterfuge and strung up
Anacreon (6th c. BCE) by the Persian satrap. Anacreon (the songwriter) was Poly-
crates’s companion, and all his songs are full of his praise.
In Polycrates’s time, too, historians say that Pythagoras, Pythagoras, 6th c. BCE
seeing how the tyranny was going, left the city and traveled
to Egypt and to Babylon in his quest for knowledge; when
Pythagoras returned, he realized that the tyranny was still
going strong and sailed on to Italy, where he spent the rest
of his life. That’s enough about Polycrates. |
638 C, 14-18 Syloson was left by his b rother as an ordinary citizen. 14.1.17
However, Syloson had graciously given to Darius (son of

Hydaspes), before Darius became king, some garments for
which Darius had conceived a desire when he saw Syloson
wearing them. Darius returned the f avor when he became
king by a grant of the tyranny. Syloson’s rule was so harsh
that the city became depopulated, whence the proverb thanks
to Syloson, there’s plenty of space! |
638 C, 19–639 C, 2 The Athenians first dispatched as their general Pericles (ac- Pericles, Sophocles, 5th c. BCE 14.1.18
companied by Sophocles, the poet) and treated the recalcitrant

Samians badly, taking their city by siege; then they sent two
thousand cleruchs2 from their own citizen body. Among t hese
cleruchs was Neocles—said to have been a schoolteacher—who
he/him = Epicurus was the father of Epicurus, the philosopher. It is said that he Epicurus, 4th–3rd c. BCE
grew up in Samos and Teos, and served as an ephebe 3 in Athens;

Menander, late 4th–early 3rd c.
and that Menander ( composer of comic plays) served with BCE
him. Also from Samos was Creophylus, of whom it is said that Creophylus, ?8th–7th c. BCE
[ 1 ] Samos’s subjection to tyrants: 637 C, 29–638 C, 18. Samos’s relationship with

Athens: 638 C, 19–639 C, 2.
[ 2 ] Cleruch (lit., “allotment holder”) is the name for an Athenian citizen granted a
piece of newly conquered land.
[ 3 ] Ephebe (lit., “adolescent”) is the name for a youth who, at around 18 years of
age, undergoes military training in Athens.
729
4.1. Northern Asia
he once received Homer as a guest and received in thanks the

Callimachus (3rd c. BCE) ascription of the poem known as the Fall of Oechalia. Callima-
chus clearly states the converse in an epigram (namely, that the
fellow wrote the poem but ascribed it to his guest, Homer, as a fellow = Creophylus
gift): I am the labor of the Samian who once welcomed into his house
the divine Homer. / I tell of Eurytus, whose sufferings w
ere many, / and
of flaxen-haired Iolia. I am described as “written / by Homer.” Dear
Zeus, what g reat praise for Creophylus! Some say that this man was this man = Creophylus
the teacher of Homer. O thers deny it was him, saying rather

that it was Aristeas of Proconnesus. | Aristeas, 7th c. BCE
639 C, 3-14 The island of Icaria lies alongside Samos. The “Icarian” Icaria, Ikaria (Gk. island) 14.1.19
sea is named after the island. The island is itself named after
Icarus (son of Daedalus). This is said to be where Icarus—
when both he and his father, with whom he was escaping,
took winged flight from Crete—lost control and fell to earth.
Icarus flew too close to the sun, and his wings disintegrated
when the wax melted. The total circumference of the island is
three hundred stades. It has no harbors but some anchorages,
the finest of which is called “Histi” (Ship-masts), where t here’s
a westward-jutting headland. On the island there’s a temple
(called the “Tauropolium”) to Artemis, a very small town
called “Oenoe,” and another one called “Dracanum”1 (with
a mooring place), bearing the same name as the headland
on which it sits. The distance between this headland and the
Samos headland called “Cantharium” is eighty stades, which
is the shortest crossing. Now that the island is depopulated,
it is largely used by the Samians as animal pasture. |
639 C, 15-27 After the strait between Samos and Mycale, on your right 14.1.20
(as you sail t oward Ephesus) is the coastline belonging to the

Ephesians, although the Samians hold a stretch of it. First on
the coastline is the Panionium, set back from the sea by a dis- Panionium, Güzelçamlı (Tky.)
tance of three stades. This is the center for the celebration of

the Panionia (All-Ionia), a festival in which all Ionians share, and
where sacrifices are held in honor of “Heliconian” Posidon;
the priesthood is held by the Prienians (as described in the
Peloponnesiaca).2 Then there’s the city of Anaea, formerly Anaea, Kadikalesi (Tky.)
an Ephesian possession, now Samian, having been swapped

for Marathesium (the nearer exchanged for the farther).
Then t here’s the small town of Pygela (with its temple—an Pygela, Kuşadası (Tky.)
Agamemnon construction3—to “Munychian” Artemis),
[ 1 ] Strabo corrects his earlier statement (637 C, 13-23, where he gives the name as
“Drepanum”).
[ 2 ] See “Note (639 C, 15-27)” on next page.
[ 3 ] “Agamemnon construction”: 605 C, 9-14n.
730
which was settled by a band of Agamemnon’s men. The

story goes that some of them became, and w ere called, pyg-
algeis (afflicted-by-buttock-pain). They had to stay where they were
because of their affliction, and the place got its peculiar name!
Then come the harbor called “Panormus,” with its t emple to
“Ephesian” Artemis, and then the city itself.
Note (639 C, 15-27)
The Peloponnesiaca (lit., “Stuff about the Peloponnese”) is the section of

Strabo’s narrative (335 C, 1–389 C, 42) in which he deals with the Pelopon-
nese (s. Greece) and within which he discusses the Prienians (384 C, 16-26);
cf. 438 C, 16-21.
Strabo regularly uses such “titles” to refer to subsections of his work, as
well as to works by other writers or subsections thereof: Indica (43 C, 13-20);
Persica (75 C, 31–76 C, 4; 546 C, 2-20; 655 C, 29–656 C, 11); Italica (272 C,
10-16; 543 C, 25–544 C, 4); Tyrrhenica (327 C, 29–328 C, 1); Helladica (332 C,
4-13); Carica (374 C, 17-21; 661 C, 28–662 C, 6); Troica (374 C, 17-21); Achaïca
(365 C, 20-23); Aetolica (429 C, 15-20; 444 C, 8-11; 462 C, 28-30); Boeotiaca
(435 C, 32-39); Macedonica (442 C, 35–443 C, 9; 550 C, 26-32); Acarnanica
(444 C, 8-11); Curetica and Cretica (466 C, 9-18); Mithridatica (496 C,
26–497 C, 4); Medica (531 C, 16-23); Thracia (595 C, 28-34); Assyrica (655 C,
29–656 C, 11); Parthica (117 C, 35–118 C, 14; 509 C, 11-25; 685 C, 20–686 C,
9); Armeniaca (745 C, 8-17); Syriaca (747 C, 20-23); Aegyptiaca (838 C, 19-23).
See also: On the Strips of Habitation (12 C, 9-13n); Activities of Alexander
(70 C, 16-20nn); About the Zones (133 C, 22-25n); Introduction (553 C, 12-21n;
579 C, 27–580 C, 5; 583 C, 34–584 C, 11); After Polybius (515 C, 24-29n).
Strabo perhaps also uses the term “detailed description” as a quasi-title:
104 C, 1-5n. Cf. Strabo’s use of “titles” to refer to subsections of Homer’s
works: 4 C, 14-20n.
639 C, 28–640 C, 9 On the same shoreline and slightly inland from the sea is
Ortygia, a sacred grove of striking beauty, containing trees of all Ortygia, nr. Kirazlı (Tky.)
kinds but particularly cypresses. Running through it is the Cen- Cenchrius, Değirmendere r.
In Greek myth, Leto was the
mother of Apollo and Artemis chrius river, where Leto is said to have bathed a fter giving birth.
731
4.1. Northern Asia
This is where p eople set the myth of the l abor, the nurse Ortygia,
the sacred place where the labor occurred, and the nearby olive
tree—against which they say the goddess first rested a fter giv-
ing birth. Above the grove is Solmissus mountain, on which the
Curetes are said to have stood; clashing their weapons together,
they scared away Hera, jealously lying in wait, and helped Leto
to keep her labor secret. T here are several t emples at the site,
some ancient, some more recent. In the ancient t emples, t here
are ancient cult statues. In the newer t emples, t here are works
by Scopas: Leto, holding a scepter; Ortygia, standing alongside, Scopas, 4th c. BCE
a babe in each arm. Every year, a festival is celebrated at Ortygia.

There is a tradition whereby young people enthusiastically vie
for distinction, particularly in regard to the festival fare; at that
time, symposia and certain mystical sacrifices are organized by
the college of the “Curetes.” |
640 C, 10-20 The city was once inhabited by Carians and Lelegians, city = Ephesus, Selçuk (Tky.) 14.1.21
but Androclus drove them out and established a settlement

of his fellow colonists, most of them around the temple to Colonizers from Greece arrived,
late 2nd millennium BCE
Athena and the Hypelaeus. Part of the Coressus mountain-
side was included, the resulting pattern of habitation lasting Croesus, king of Lydia, took
up u ntil the time of Croesus. Later, people came down from Coressus, 560 BCE
Old city taken by Alexander the the mountainside and, up to Alexander’s time, lived around
Great, 334 BCE
the current-day temple. The walled city of today was built by New city built by Lysimachus
(one of Alexander’s successors),
Lysimachus. The people were unhappy about moving into early 3rd c. BCE
it, so Lysimachus waited u ntil there was a downpour of rain
(himself compounding the problem by blocking the sewers
so that they flooded the city)1—then they moved willingly
enough! Lysimachus renamed the city “Arsinoe” a fter his
wife, although the e arlier name prevailed. T here was a coun-
cil of qualified elders, with whom consultations were held
by the Epicleti (as they w ere known), who w ere the overall
administrators. |
640 C, 21–641 C, 5 Work on the temple to Artemis was begun by Chersiph- Old temple to Artemis built in 14.1.22
stages, early 6th c. BCE; burned
ron (a different individual expanded the temple). When down, 356 BCE
one Herostratus set fire to the temple, the citizens funded Ephesus u
nder Persian control,
the building of a new and better one by pooling their wives’ 387–334 BCE
jewelry as well as their own resources—they even sold the

original t emple columns! This is backed up by contemporary
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early decrees. Artemidorus says that Timaeus of Tauromenium—a
1st c. BCE) disputes Timaeus
(4th–3rd c. BCE) bad-mouthing liar, which is why he was called “Epitimaeus”
[ 1 ] I.e., the old, pre-Lysimachus city.
732
(Snitch)—must not have been aware of these decrees in claiming that

“the temple construction was funded from its store of Persian valu-
ables.” No valuables w ere t here at the time, and if they w ere, they
would have gone up in smoke along with the temple; and a fter the fire,
the temple roof having disappeared, who would have wanted to keep
the valuables stored in an unprotected sanctuary? When Alexander
promised the Ephesians that he would pay past and future costs in
return for inscription rights, and they w ere unwilling to accept the
offer, they would have been even more unwilling to earn a reputation
for sacrilege and fraud! He praises one of the Ephesians for say- He = Artemidorus
ing to the king that “it was not right for a building to be dedicated
by a god to the gods.” |
641 C, 5-14 After the completion of the t emple, which, he says, was the work he = Artemidorus 14.1.23
of Chirocrates, who was the same man who was responsible for the New t emple to Artemis
completed, late 4th c. BCE
design of Alexandria1 (and the same man who promised Alexan-
der that he would develop Athos in his image as if he were pouring
a ceremonial offering from a jug into a receptacle, by building two
cities, one on the right-hand side of the mountain and one on the
left-hand side, with a river running between them)—so then, a fter
the t emple, a host of dedications was acquired out of reverence for
their creators, but the altar was full to overflowing with the works Praxiteles, Athenian craftsman
(4th c. BCE)
of Praxiteles. Also pointed out to me 2 were some works by
Thrason, including the Hecatesium, the . . . * Penelope, and
the Old Euryclia.
641 C, 14-23 The Ephesians had, as priests, eunuchs whom they called
megabyxi (the practice being to send abroad for individuals
worthy of such distinction) and held in the highest honor. It
was stipulated that young unmarried girls w ere to help the
eunuchs in performing the rites. Currently, some of these cus-
toms are preserved, and o thers not. The t emple remains now,
as earlier, a place of asylum. It often happened that the limits
of the asylum w ere altered. Alexander extended the limits by
one stade. Mithridates shot an arrow from the corner of the Ephesus came u nder control
of Mithridates, king of Pontus,
roof, seemingly exceeding the one stade by a l ittle. Antony 89/88 BCE; given to M. Antony,
doubled the distance and incorporated part of the city within 42 BCE; came u nder Augustus’s
control, 30/29 BCE
the asylum, but when it became clear that this was a really bad
idea (since it turned the city over to rogues), Augustus Caesar
reversed the decision. |
641 C, 24–642 C, 1 The city has shipyards and a harbor. The builders of the city = Ephesus 14.1.24
harbor designed it with a narrow mouth. They w ere sadly
[ 1 ] Alexandria in Egypt was founded by Alexander the Great (331 BCE).

[ 2 ] Ephesus is only some 50 miles (80 km) from Nysa, where Strabo went to school:
650 C, 24-32n. Strabo may have visited Ephesus while at school (?40s BCE) and
surely passed through Ephesus when leaving Nysa in order to travel by ship
to Rome (?ca. 40 BCE). For the road from Ephesus to Nysa and beyond: 663 C,
19-33nn.
733
4.1. Northern Asia
deceived, as was the king who gave the order, namely Atta- Ephesus was u nder control of
kings of Pergamum, 188–133
lus Philadelphus. Attalus thought that if a mole w ere built BCE; Attalus ruled 159–138 BCE
in the (extremely wide) harbor entrance, the entrance would
in f uture be deep enough to accommodate huge cargo ships,
as would the harbor (which had been shallow up until then
because of the sediment brought down by the Cayster). So
Attalus gave o rders for the construction of the mole. In the
event, the reverse was true. The sediment was trapped inter-
nally, turning the w hole harbor including its mouth into a
shallow reef (whereas, previously, the tidal ebb and flow had
carried away the sediment and taken it out to sea). That’s
enough about the harbor. The city nevertheless grows big-
ger by the day b ecause of its opportune situation in other re
spects. It is the largest of the trading centers in Asia within
the Taurus.1 |
642 C, 2-11 With regard to eminent men from the city, those from city = Ephesus, Selçuk (Tky.) 14.1.25
antiquity include the Heraclitus called “Scotinus” (Dark-one), Heraclitus, Hermodorus,

6th–5th c. BCE
and Hermodorus—of whom this fellow himself says that
the Ephesians should to a man suffer death by hanging, for they
banished Hermodorus, their most valuable asset, saying “let none
of us qualify as the most valuable—unless in another place, for
other people” ! This man was apparently the author of certain
Hipponax, 6th c. BCE
Roman laws. Also from Ephesus are Hipponax (the poet),
Parrhasius, 5th–4th c. BCE
Parrhasius (the p ainter), and Apelles. Eminent men from
Apelles, 4th c. BCE
more recent times include the Alexander surnamed “Lych-
Alexander Lychnus, 2nd–1st c.
nus” (Lamp), the public-speaking expert. He was involved in BCE
politics, compiled a historical work, and left to posterity epic
verses in which he deals with celestial matters and gives a ter-
restrial description of the continents, publishing one poem
for each. |
642 C, 12-20 After the Cayster’s outlet, there’s a lagoon fed from the 14.1.26
sea—it is called “Selinusia”—and, beyond and confluent with

it, another lagoon. These lagoons bring in huge revenues, ex-
propriated (though sacred) from the goddess by the kings
but restored by the Romans. When tax farmers again forcibly
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early diverted these payments into their own coffers, Artemidorus
1st c. BCE)
went on an ambassadorial mission and, he says, not only re-
turned the lagoons to the goddess but also won a case in Rome against
the secessionary Heracleotis. In recognition of these achievements,
the city dedicated a golden statue in the temple. At the innermost
[ 1 ] “Asia within the Taurus” = Asian peninsula: 534 C, 8-20n.
734
recess of the lagoon there is a temple to the King. It is said to

be an Agamemnon construction.1 |
642 C, 21–643 C, 9 Then there are Gallesium (a mountain) and the Ionian Gallesium, Alaman Dağ 14.1.27
city of Colophon. In front of the city is the grove of “Clar- Colophon, Degirmendere (Tky.)
ian” Apollo, where there was once an ancient seat of proph-

ecy. The story goes that the prophet Calchas, together with Calchas, Amphilochus, mythical
characters from Trojan period
Amphilochus (son of Amphiaraus), traveled h ere overland (late 2nd–early 1st millennium
on the way back from Troy; when, at Clarus, Calchas hap- BCE)
pened upon Mopsus (son of Manto, who was the d aughter

of Tiresias), a more powerful prophet than himself, he was
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) so dismayed that he died! Hesiod’s version of the myth is
roughly as follows: Calchas says the following to Mopsus: “I am
overcome with wonder at how many figs this wild fig tree / bears,
small though it is—could you tell me their number?” He replies, “ten
medimnus, largest volume thousand in number, but in m easure one medimnus, with / one fig
system left over for which you cannot find room.” T hose were his words, and
when the number in the m easure was seen by them to be true, / the
Pherecydes (early 5th c. BCE) sleep of death shrouded Calchas. Pherecydes says that what Cal-
chas asked was “how many young a pregnant sow was bearing”; he
[Mopsus] replied, “ten, one of them female”; when he [Mopsus] turned
out to be right, he [Calchas] was so dismayed that he died. Some say

that, while it was Calchas who put the question about the
sow, it was the other [Mopsus] who put the question about the
fig tree; the one [Mopsus] answered correctly, the other [Calchas]
did not; he [Calchas] died of dismay, and because it was fore-
ordained. The prophecy (that he was fated to die after en-
countering a prophet better than himself ) is mentioned by
Sophocles (5th c. BCE) Sophocles in Helen Reclaimed, but Sophocles puts the com-
petition and the death of Calchas in Cilicia. That’s enough
about antiquity. |
643 C, 9-21 The Colophonians once possessed considerable maritime 14.1.28
power and equestrian power, too. They so far exceeded every

one else in regard to the latter that, upon the arrival of the
Colophonian cavalry, wars that had dragged on were brought
to an end, so as to give rise to the proverb that states he put a
Colophon to it, when someone brings a matter to a definite con-
clusion. Famous men from Colophon include Mimnermus Mimnermus, 7th c. BCE
(flautist and composer of elegiac poetry) and Xenophanes

(natural p hilosopher), who wrote his Silli (Satires) in verse.
Pindar (5th c. BCE) Pindar mentions Polymnastus, a respected musician—do you
[ 1 ] “Agamemnon construction”: 605 C, 9-14n.
735
4.1. Northern Asia
recognize the universal 1 voice / of the Colophonian, Polymnastus?

And some say Homer is from Colophon.
643 C, 21-22 The straight-line distance from Ephesus is seventy stades, Ephesus, Selçuk (Tky.)
one hundred and twenty stades if you hug the coast. |

643 C, 23-32 After Colophon, there’s Coracium mountain, and a small Coracium, Siğindı Dağ 14.1.29
island sacred to Artemis—it is believed that deer swim across

to it and give birth. Then, one hundred and twenty stades
from Colophon, t here’s Lebedos. Dionysian artists from Ionia Lebedos, Kisik (Tky.)
right up to the Hellespont come together at Lebedos and have

a colony t here, where an annual festival is held with games
in honor of Dionysus. The artists once resided in Teos—the
next Ionian city along—but when there was internal dissent,
they fled to Ephesus. Attalus settled them in Myonnesus—
between Teos and Lebedos—but the Teians sent representa-
tives to ask the Romans not to turn a blind eye, as Myonnesus
was fortified against them. The artists relocated to Lebedos,
where they were warmly welcomed by the Lebedans, who
were suffering from underpopulation.
643 C, 32-35 Teos is one hundred and twenty stades from Lebedos— Teos, Sığacık (Tky.)
between them is the island of Aspis, sometimes called “Ar- Aspis/Arconnesus, Doganbey
Adası (Tk. island)
connesus”; and Myonnesus is situated on some heights that
Myonnesus, Çıfıt Kale (Tky.)
form a peninsula. |
644 C, 1-8 Teos, with its harbor, is also situated on a peninsula. Ana- Anacreon, 6th c. BCE 14.1.30
creon (songwriter) is from there. In Anacreon’s time, unable

to bear the brutality of the Persians, the Teians left their city Teians departed, ca. 543 BCE
and moved to the Thracian city of Abdera (whence the phrase

Abdera, beautiful Teian colony); some of them went back again Apellicon, early 1st c. BCE
at a l ater time. It has already been said that Apellicon was a Hecataeus, late 4th–early 3rd c.
Teian; 2 Hecataeus (writer) was from the same city. BCE
644 C, 8-11 There is yet another harbor—Gerrhaeïdae—to the north,

thirty stades from the city. | Then there’s Chalcidis and the 14.1.31
isthmus of the peninsula that belongs to the Teians and

Erythraeans.
644 C, 11-15 The Erythraeans live inside the isthmus; the Teians and inside the isthmus = west of
isthmus
Clazomenians live on either side of it. The south side of the
isthmus, viz. Chalcidis, belongs to the Teians. The north side
Erythraea = region of Erythrae,
belongs to the Clazomenians, where they border on Ery- Ildır (Tky.)
thraea. At the start of the isthmus is a place, Hypocremnus, Hypocremnus, Gülbahce (Tky.)
which marks off Erythraea on the inside and Clazomenian Clazomenae, Klazümen (Tky.)
territory on the outside.
[ 1 ] The Greek word pankoinon (“universal”) plays on the idea of the Ionian koinon
(“federation”): 633 C, 20-31.
[ 2 ] 609 C, 3-15.
736
644 C, 15-22 Above Chalcidis is a sanctuary dedicated to Alexander

(son of Philip)—the games held h ere are proclaimed by the
Ionian federation as the “Alexandrians.” The journey across
the isthmus, from the Alexandrium (temple to Alexander) and
Chalcidis to Hypocremnus, is fifty stades. The voyage around
the coast is more than one thousand. At the approximate
midpoint of the voyage is the Ionian city of Erythrae, with Erythrae, Ildır (Tky.)
a harbor and four islets lying offshore called the “Hippi.” |

644 C, 23-36 Before you get to Erythrae, first there’s the small Teian 14.1.32
town of Aerae, then Corycus (a lofty mountain at whose foot Aerae, Aşağı Demirci (Tky.)
is the harbor of Casystes, and another harbor called “Erythras Corycus, Kiran Dağ
Harbor,” and several other harbors thereafter). It is said that

the waters off Corycus are the haunts of pirates called “Cory-
caeans,” who have discovered a new way of preying on sailors.
They disperse among the harbors, befriend the traders whose
ships lie at anchor, and listen out for what their cargo is and
where they are headed; then they regroup and attack and
plunder t hese fellows a fter they have put to sea. This is why we
say of someone who is a busybody, and who tries to eavesdrop
on private conversations that are not meant for him, that he
is a “Corycaean”; and why, too, we use the proverbial saying
a Corycaean heard him, when a person—who imagines that he
is acting or speaking privately—has his secrets unearthed by
spies who acquire information not intended for them. |
644 C, 37–645 C, 5 After Corycus is the small island of Halonnesus, then Halonnesus, Çarufa Ada (Tk. 14.1.33
island)
Argennum—an Erythraean headland very close to Chian
Argennum, Ak Burun
Posidium, forming a strait some sixty stades across. Between
Erythrae and Hypocremnus, t here’s Mimas—a mountain Mimas, Boz Dağ
that is very high, rich in game, and densely forested. Then

Melaena, Kara Burnu there’s the village of Cybelia, and a headland called “Melaena,” Cybelia, ?Badembükü (Tky.)
with a quarry from which millstones are hewn. |

645 C, 6-9 Erythraeans include Sibylla of ancient times, a divinely 14.1.34
inspired woman of prophetic gifts. In the time of Alexander, time of Alexander, late 4th c.
BCE
there was another w oman (called “Athenaïs”), who was simi-
larly gifted in prophecy, from the same city; and in my own
time, Heraclides, a Herophilian doctor and a fellow student Heraclides, Apollonius, 1st c.
BCE–?early 1st c. CE
of Apollonius Mys (Mouse). |
645 C, 10-21 The sailing distance around Chios is nine hundred stades 14.1.35
CHIOS (if you hug the coast). Chios has a city with a good harbor and Chios (city), Khios (Khios)
Khios (Gk. island)
a dock for eighty ships. As you sail from the city (keeping the
737
4.1. Northern Asia
island to your right), first t here’s Posidium; then the deep

harbor of Phanae, and a temple to Apollo and a sacred grove Phanae, Kato Phana (Khios)
of date palms; then Notium, a beach with a mooring place;

then . . . * another beach with mooring place, from which to
the city the isthmus measures sixty stades, while the sailing
distance along the coastline (as per my description) is three
hundred and sixty [stades]. Then t here’s Melaena headland, off Melaena, Melainos (Khios)
which (fifty stades from the headland) sits the lofty island of
Psyra, with its city of the same name; the island has a circum- Psyra, Psara (Gk. island)
ference of forty stades. Then t here’s Ariusia, a rugged and

harborless territory of some thirty stades, which produces the
very best of the Greek wines. Then there’s Pelinaeum, the is-
land’s highest mountain. The island also has a marble quarry.
645 C, 22-30 Eminent Chians include Ion (composer of tragic plays), Ion, 5th c. BCE
Theopompus (writer), Theocritus (public intellectual); the Theocritus opposed (and

Theopompus supported)
two latter were involved in politics on opposing sides. The Alexander the G
reat, late 4th c.
Chians lay claim to Homer, putting forward as important evi- BCE
dence the “Homeridae,” named because of their descent from

Pindar (5th c. BCE) Homer. Pindar refers to them: whence the Homeridae, / singers Homer, 8th c. BCE
of patched poems, many a time . . .”. The Chians once possessed

a fleet; they achieved both dominion of the sea and freedom.
645 C, 30-31 The distance from Chios to Lesbos with a south wind is with a south wind = heading
north
some four hundred stades. |
645 C, 32-36 After Hypocremnus t here’s Chytum, the place where 14.1.36
Clazomenae was formerly situated. Then there’s the current- “current-day” city = Clazomenae,
Klazümen (Tky.)
day city, with eight small but arable islands lying offshore.
Anaxagoras (a natural p hilosopher, student of Anaximenes Anaxagoras, Euripides, 5th c.
BCE
of Miletus) was a famous Clazomenian; Archelaus (natural
philosopher) and Euripides (poet) studied under him.
645 C, 36–646 C, 11 Then t here’s a t emple to Apollo, and hot springs, and the
Smyrnaean bay and city. | This is followed by another bay, Smyrnaean city = Smyrna, Izmir 14.1.37
(Tky.)
where Palaea (Old) Smyrna is located, some twenty stades from
Palaea Smyrna, Bayraklı (Tky.)
the current-day city. When Smyrna was razed by the Lydians,
her inhabitants lived village-style for around four hundred
years. Then the city was rebuilt by Antigonus and later by Antigonus, controlled much
of Asian peninsula, 323–301
Lysimachus. Now, she is the most beautiful of all cities, with BCE; Lysimachus controlled it,
a walled section on the mountain but the greater part on the 301–281 BCE
plain, near to the harbor, to the Metroon (temple to the M other
[god]), and to the gymnasium. The street plan is exceptional,
laid out with straight lines as far as possible; the roads are
738
paved with stone; t here are huge, rectangular porticoes, both

at ground level and one level up. T here is a library and the
Homerium (temple to Homer)—a rectangular portico containing
a temple to Homer and his cult statue. The Smyrnaeans are
strenuous in claiming ownership of the poet, and one of their
bronze coins is called a Homerium.
646 C, 11-17 The Meles river runs close to the city wall. The city’s Meles, Halkar Pınar
infrastructure includes a harbor that can be sealed off. The

engineers made only one error, but it was not a small one.
When they built the roads, they did not provide them with
underground drainage! The sewers run at surface level, and
their contents overflow, particularly when it rains. Smyrna is
where Dolabella besieged, and made away with, Trebonius Julius Caesar (= deified Caesar)
was assassinated, 44 BCE;
(one of the men who assassinated the deified Caesar) and dis-
Trebonius (governor of Asia)
assembled many parts of the city. | was killed by Dolabella, 43 BCE
646 C, 18-33 After Smyrna, t here’s the small town of Leucae, which 14.1.38
Aristonicus caused to rebel after the death of Attalus Philome- Rome inherited Pergamum from
its king, Attalus Philometor,
tor. Aristonicus, supposedly of royal birth, intended to bring 133 BCE
the kingdom under his control. Driven from Leucae after
being defeated by the Ephesians in a sea battle off Cymaea,
Aristonicus headed into the interior. He quickly assembled
an army of destitutes and slaves (bound to him in exchange
for their freedom), whom he called “Heliopolitans” (Citizens of
the Sun). He swooped down on Thyatira, then took Apollonis,
and then attacked various other forts. He did not last long.
The cities immediately dispatched an army; the Bithynian
Nicomedes, and the Cappadocian kings,1 supported them. Nicomedes ruled Bithynia,
149–128/127 BCE
Next, five Roman representatives arrived, then an army
under the consul, Publius Crassus, and then Marcus Peperna, Crassus arrived, 131 BCE; was
defeated and killed, 130 BCE
who brought the war to a close, took Aristonicus prisoner,
and sent him to Rome. (Aristonicus died in prison; Peperna
succumbed to disease; Crassus fell in battle after being at-
tacked near Leucae.) Manius Aquillius arrived as consul with Aquillius organized the new
province of Asia, starting 129
ten state officials; he set up the province in the political for- BCE
mat it enjoys to this day.
647 C, 1-3 After Leucae, there’s Phocaea in its bay (I have already Phocaea, Foça (Tky.)
mentioned this city in my account of Massalia); 2 then there’s

the boundary (already described) between Ionia and Aeolia.3
647 C, 4-6 Inland from the Ionian coast, what remains to be described
is associated with the road from Ephesus to Antioch and the Ephesus, Selçuk (Tky.)
[ 1 ] “Cappadocian kings” = Mithridates Euergetes (ruled Pontic Cappadocia,

152/151–120 BCE) and Ariarathes (ruled G reat Cappadocia, 163–130 BCE), who
was killed in the fighting.
[ 2 ] Phocaea (Foça): 179 C, 10-25.
[ 3 ] Ionian-Aeolian boundary (sw. Turkey): 581 C, 13–582 C, 3.
739
4.1. Northern Asia
Maeander.1 These areas have a mixed population of Lydians,

Carians, and Greeks. |
647 C, 7-17 The first city a fter Ephesus is the Aeolian city of Magnesia, Magnesia, Tekke (Tky.) 14.1.39
said to be “on-the-Maeander.” She is situated near it, but the

Lethaeus lies much nearer—it is a tributary of the Maeander Lethaeus, Derbent Çay
and rises on the Ephesian mountain of Pactyes. (The “Le- Pactyes, Ovacık Dağ
thaeus” in Gortyna is a different river, as is the “Lethaeus”

near Tricca—where Asclepius is said to have been born—and
the “Lethaeus” that runs among the Hesperitan Libyans.)
The city lies on a plain next to the mountain known as “Tho- Thorax, Gümüş Dağ
Daphitas (?2nd c. BCE) rax” (Breastplate), where, it is said, Daphitas (the literary expert)
was crucified for verbally abusing the kings in his couplet: kings = of Pergamum, who
rebelled from Lysimachus,
O stripes of purple, mere leavings from the treasury / of Lysimachus, 282/281 BCE
you rule over only Lydians and Phrygia. It is said that a prophecy
had been given to him: be breastplate-aware! |
647 C, 18-30 The Magnesians are supposed to be descendants of those 14.1.40
Delphians who colonized the Didyman mountains in Thes-

Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) saly (mentioned by Hesiod—or like she who, dwelling in the sa-
cred Didyman hills, / on the Dotian plain facing vine-rich Amyrus,
/ in the Boebian lake, as a young virgin, bathed her feet). In Mag-
nesia, there was once a t emple to the Divine Mother, Dindy-
mene. Tradition has it that Themistocles’s wife (or, according Themistocles, Athenian naval
commander, defeated Persians,
to some, d aughter) was priestess h ere. The t emple no longer 480 BCE; was accused of
exists because the city was moved to a different site. In the treason; fled to Magnesia, 465
BCE; died ca. 459 BCE
current city, there’s a temple to “Leucophryene” Artemis,
which is inferior to the temple at Ephesus in terms of the size
of its temple building and its collected offerings but far supe-
rior in regard to the sensitivity and skill with which the inner
sanctum is constructed.2 Even in terms of size, the temple
exceeds all those in Asia 3 but two (the temple at Ephesus and
the one at Didyma).
647 C, 30–648 C, 5 What happened in antiquity was that the Magnesians,
after a long period in which they experienced good fortune,
suffered total destruction at the hands of the Treres, a Cim- Cimmerians/Treres made
incursions into Asian peninsula,
merian nation. The following year, the Milesians occupied the 7th c. BCE
Callinus, Archilochus (7th c. BCE) site. While Callinus refers to the Magnesians as still enjoying
good fortune and succeeding in their war against the Ephesians, Ar-
chilochus is apparently already aware of the fate that befell
them (to weep for the Thasians’ misfortune, not the Magnesians’).
It is possible to use this as evidence for the fact that he is more
[ 1 ] For this famous road, running all the way from Ephesus to the Euphrates: 663 C,
19-33n. Strabo is interested h
ere in the stretch from Ephesus to Antioch, in order
to round out his description of Ionia.
[ 2 ] Strabo’s comparison of the temple at Magnesia (Tekke, Tky.) with the temple at
Ephesus (Selçuk. Tky.), which Strabo visited (641 C, 5-14n), seems to be derived
from personal experience and suggests that he visited the Magnesian temple
as well: 663 C, 19-33nn.
740
recent than Callinus. A different, and older, Cimmerian in- Cimmerians took Sardis (Sart,
Tky.), mid-7th c. BCE
cursion is referred to by Callinus when he says: now the mighty
Cimmerian army draws near (in reference to the fall of Sardis). |
648 C, 6-15 Famous men from Magnesia have included Hegesias Hegesias, 4th–3rd c. BCE 14.1.41
(expert in public speaking), who, as the leading pioneer of

what is called the “Asian” style, made established Attic usage
obsolete; Simus (songwriter), who rendered obsolete e arlier
songwriting styles by introducing simodia, just as to an even
greater extent did the Lysiodi, Magodi, and Cleomachus the
boxer, who, falling in love with a cinaedus and with a young
girl kept by a cinaedus, imitated the expressions and charac-
terizations current among the cinaedi. Cinaedus-talk was first
employed by Sotades, then by Alexander the Aetolian; but Sotades, Alexander the
Aetolian, 3rd c. BCE
they employed words alone, whereas Lysis (and before him,
Simus) used song to accompany the words.1
648 C, 15-28 Anaxenor (cithara player) received plaudits from his fans
but particular honor from Antony, who made him the tax col- M. Antony was active in Asian
peninsula, late 40s–30s BCE
lector for four cities and gave him soldiers for his protection.
Anaxenor’s home city elevated his status considerably, award-
ing him the purple stripe as the priest of “Sosipolis” Zeus, as
is evident from the painting of him that is in the marketplace.
There’s also a bronze statue of him in the theater, with the
Inscription taken from Homer inscription: it is surely a beautiful thing, to listen to a singer / such
(8th c. BCE)
as this man is, godlike [in] voice. The engraver miscalculated and
left out the final letter of the second line, the statue base being
insufficiently wide to accommodate it, laying the city open to
the charge of ignorance b ecause of ambiguity as to w hether
the final noun is to be understood in the nominative case or
the dative—many write the dative without an “i” and reject
accepted practice b ecause it does not have a natural explana-
tion. |
648 C, 29–649 C, 10 After Magnesia, the road leads to Trallis, with travelers Trallis, Aydın (Tky.) 14.1.42
having the Mesogis to their left, while the Maeander plain

is at the road itself and to the right, inhabited by Lydians and
Carians, and by Ionians from Miletus and Myus, as well as by
Aeolians from Magnesia. (The same topography persists as
far as Nysa and Antioch.) The Trallian city is situated on a sort
of table shape with a sheer-sided summit, and is extremely
well defended around the perimeter. She is as well consti-
tuted as any city in Asia 2 and is controlled by men of means,
[ 1 ] This discussion concerns various obscure types of pornographic songs and

performers.
741
4.1. Northern Asia
and there are always some of her citizens who are among the
foremost in the province (they call them “Asiarchs”). These
included Pythodorus, originally from Nysa, who relocated to Pythodorus supported Pompey,
probably 60s BCE; assets
Trallis b ecause of its distinctive reputation. He achieved rare confiscated by Julius Caesar
eminence in his friendship with Pompey, and built up assets (= deified Caesar), ?50s BCE
fit for a king, valued at more than two thousand talents. The talent, largest unit in
deified Caesar confiscated the assets, but Pythodorus man- 1 talent = 6,000 drachmas
aged, through his friendship with Pompey, to buy them all
back and bequeathed them undiminished to his children.
(Pythodoris—reigning monarch in Pontus, whom I have de-
scribed1—is the d aughter of this man.)
649 C, 10-17 Pythodorus flourished in our times; also Menodorus,
an erudite man and generally well respected and dignified,
holding the priesthood of “Larisian” Zeus. Menodorus was a
victim of the faction supporting Domitius Ahenobarbus; this Ahenobarbus, opponent of
Julius Caesar, commanded fleet
man killed him, believing the informers who said that he was in Asia on behalf of Caesar’s
behind the naval revolt. There were also famous public speak- assassins, 44–42 BCE
ers from Trallis: Dionysocles and then Damas Scombrus (Mack- Damas Scombrus, 1st c. BCE
erel). Trallis is said to have been founded by the Argives and
by some of the Thracian Trallians (hence the name). During

Trallis capitulated to
the Mithridatic period, the city was for a short time subject Mithridates, king of Pontus,
to the tyranny of Cratippus’s sons. | 88 BCE
649 C, 18-24 Nysa is situated by the Mesogis, largely on the mountain Nysa, Sultanhisar (Tky.) 14.1.43
slopes themselves, and is, so to speak, a double city. A moun-

tain stream r unning through the city forms a ravine, which
in one place is spanned by a bridge joining the two cities,
and in another place boasts an amphitheater concealing the
waters of the mountain stream beneath. The theater . . . * two
mountain spurs. At the foot one of the spurs is the gymna-
sium for youths, while at the foot of the other are the market-
place and the senate. The plain lies to the south of the city, as
in the case of Trallis. |
649 C, 25–650 C, 4 On the road between Trallis and Nysa, and not far from 14.1.44
the city, is the Nysaean village of Acharaca, in which are Acharaca, Salavatlı (Tky.)
a plutonium (with its exquisite sanctuary and its temple to plutonium, sanctuary sacred to
Pluto, god of the underworld
Pluto and Core) and a charonium (a cave—a natural wonder—
charonium, cave sacred to
lying above the sanctuary). It is said that p eople afflicted Charon (in myth, ferryman to
by disease, believing in the healing abilities of these gods, the underworld)
make a pilgrimage t here and stay in the village near the cave
with priests, whose skill lies in staying overnight on the pil-
[ 1 ] Pythodoris: 498 C, 26–499 C, 9; 555 C, 31–556 C, 10; 557 C, 3-13; 559 C, 20–560 C, 11.
742
grims’ behalf and prescribing cures based on their dreams.

These men summon the healing abilities of the gods: they
often take p eople into the cave and leave them t here un-
disturbed, without food for several days, as if hibernating.
The sick sometimes have their own dreams but neverthe-
less rely on these men, inasmuch as they are priests, for
interpretation and advice. The site is inaccessible—a nd
deadly—to others.
650 C, 4-9 There is an annual festival held at Acharaca, at which
time the celebrants can see and hear about such m atters. At
that time, youths and young men from the gymnasium1 strip
down, anoint themselves with oil and then, around noon, take
a bull, which they drive enthusiastically into the cave: after
they let it go, it manages only a few steps before it falls down
and breathes its last.2 |
650 C, 10-16 Thirty stades from Nysa . . . * a site called “Limon” Limon, Kızılkaya (Tky.) 14.1.45
(Meadow), to which the Nysaeans and all their neighbors go in
procession during the festival. Not far from Limon is the en-
trance to a cave (sacred to the same gods) said to run as far as
Acharaca. P eople say that Limon is the “meadow” to which
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) the poet refers when he says, in the Asian meadow; they identify
shrines to the heroes Caystrius and Asius and point to the
Cayster r unning nearby. |
650 C, 17-23 History tells us that t here were three brothers (Athym- 14.1.46
brus, Athymbradus, and Hydrelus) who came from Lacedae-

mon and founded cities, which they named after themselves;
when their populations decreased, Nysa was constituted
out of them. The Nysaeans now treat Athymbrus as their
original founder. | Near Nysa, there are settlements of some 14.1.47
significance—Coscinia and Orthosia on the far side of the Orthosia, Ortas (Tky.)
Maeander; inside the Maeander, Briula, Mastaura, Acha- Mastaura, Mastavra (Tky.)
raca, and (on the mountain above Nysa) Aroma, which is the Acharaca, Salavatlı (Tky.)
source of the best Mesogitan wine, the Aromean. | Aroma, Kavaklı (Tky.)
650 C, 24-32 Famous men from Nysa include Apollonius (Stoic Apollonius, Menecrates, 14.1.48
2nd–1st c. BCE
philosopher, the best of Panaetius’s students); Menecrates,
disciple of Aristarchus; Aristodemus (Menecrates’s son), Aristodemus, Sostratus,
Aristodemus (cousin), 1st c. BCE
under whom in his extreme old age I studied for the w hole
period of my youth in Nysa.3 Sostratus (Aristodemus’s Pompey shared power with
brother) and another Aristodemus (his cousin, who taught Julius Caesar, 50s BCE; was
involved in civil war with Caesar
Pompey the Great) w ere also eminent teachers of literature. and defeated by Caesar, 48 BCE.
[ 1 ] Presumably, the gymnasium at Nysa (649 C, 18-24), with the corollary that t hese
“young men” included the young Strabo, who attended school in Nysa (650 C,
24-32n).
[ 2 ] Compare Strabo’s description of similar events (in which he personally took
part) at Hierapolis (Pamukkale, Tky.): 629 C, 22–630 C, 9.
[ 3 ] Strabo’s studies in Nysa (probably 40s BCE) preceded his sojourn in Rome (30s
BCE): 273 C, 2-14n.
743
4.1. Northern Asia
But my Aristodemus taught public speaking, too; and—in

both Rhodes and his home city—had two schools, with public
speaking taught in the morning, literature l ater in the day; in
Rome, charged with the oversight of Magnus’s sons,1 Aris-
todemus contented himself with teaching literature. |
650 C, 33–651 C, 14 Finally, regarding the far side of the Maeander, the part far side of Maeander = south of 14.2.1
Menderes r.
CARIA that is left to be described 2 is wholly Carian. There, Carians
sw. Turkey
are no longer mixed with Lydians but are at last pure Carian
(except that the Milesians and Myusians have sectioned off a
part of the coastline). Maritime Caria starts with the Rhodian Rhodian Peraea = stretch of
mainland coast (sw. Turkey)
Peraea and ends with Milesian Posidium; inland Caria consists belonging in antiquity to Rhodes
of the extremities of the Taurus as far as the Maeander. The Milesian Posidium, Tekagaç
mountains that loom over what are called the “Chelidonian” Burnu
islands (lying offshore at the Pamphylia/Lycia boundary) are Chelidonians, Beş Adalar
(Tk. islands)
said to represent the start of the Taurus, since this is where
Strabo argues that Taurus range they rise to g reat height. In truth, however, the Taurus moun-
begins farther west than was
traditionally assumed to be tain range runs through the w hole of Lycia and walls off, into
the case the outside (and southern) part, the stretch from Cibyratica
to the Rhodian Peraea. What comes next, although moun-
tainous, is much lower. It is no longer considered part of the
Taurus, nor are places considered to be “outside” or “inside”
it, since the troughs and peaks are scattered throughout the
entire territory (which is equal in terms of width and length),
and they in no way resemble a dividing wall.
651 C, 14-24 While the entire sailing distance is four thousand nine
RHODIAN PERAEA hundred stades (following the coast the entire way), the Rho-
sw. Turkey
dian Peraea accounts for nearly one thousand five hundred
Rhodia = Rhodian Peraea stades. | It begins with Daedala, a place in Rhodia; it ends with Daedala, İnlicı Asarı (Tky.) 14.2.2
the mountain called “Phoenix,” also part of Rhodia; offshore Phoenix, Karayüksek Dağ
lies Elaeussa, an island one hundred and twenty stades from Elaeussa, Kızıl Ada (Tk. island)
Rhodes. In between, if you sail west from Daedala (continu-

ing on in a straight line from the coast of Cilicia, Pamphylia,
and Lycia), you come first to a bay called “Glaucus” with ex- Glaucus, Fethiye Körfezi
cellent harbors, then to Artemisium (headland and temple), Artemisium, ?Akça Burnu
then a sanctuary sacred to Leto (and sixty stades inland from Calynda, Kozpınar (Tky.)
it and from the coast, the city of Calynda), then Caunus and Caunus, Dalyan (Tky.)
the nearby Calbis (a deep river, which can be sailed up) and, Calbis, Dalyan Çay
in between them, Pisilis. | Pisilis, Babadağ (Tky.)
651 C, 25–652 C, 5 The city has shipyards and an enclosed harbor; perched city = Caunus, Dalyan (Tky.) 14.2.3
high above the city is Imbrus (a stronghold). Although the
[ 1 ] Gnaeus, elder son of Magnus (= Pompey), was born in 80–76 BCE. Sextus, the
younger son, was once believed by scholars to have been born ca. 75 BCE but
is now believed to have been born in 68–66 BCE. Sextus’s studies under Aris-
todemus probably took place in the 50s BCE.
[ 2 ] The far side of the Maeander has been described piecemeal: 576 C, 26–581 C,
1; 628 C, 31–631 C, 21; 647 C, 4–650 C, 32 (continuing to 663 C, 33).
744
territory is naturally blessed, all agree that the city’s air is fetid
in summer and autumn, as a result of the heat and overabun-
dance of seasonal produce. The following anecdote is told.
Stratonicus (4th c. BCE) cites Stratonicus, the lyre player, seeing that the Caunians w ere
Homer (8th c. BCE)
sickly green in color, quoted the poet’s comment: men are like
the leaves on the trees! When people objected to the city being
made fun of for its sickliness, Stratonicus replied, Would I dare
call this city sickly, where even the corpses can walk? The Caunians
at one time rebelled against the Rhodians but, after Roman
arbitration, w ere reinstated; t here is a speech by Molon,
Against the Caunians. It is said that, although they speak the
same language as the Carians, they originated in Crete and
have their own customs. |
652 C, 6-9 Next, there’s Physcus (small town with harbor) and a Physcus, Marmaris (Tky.) 14.2.4
temple to Leto; then Loryma (rugged stretch of shore) and

Phoenix (highest mountain in the region, with a stronghold Phoenix, Karayüksek Dağ
on its summit having the same name as the mountain). The

island of Elaeussa is situated four stades offshore; its perim- Elaeussa, Kızıl Ada (Tk. island)
eter is some eight stades. |

652 C, 10-33 The Rhodian city sits on the eastern headland. She is so Rhodian city = Rhodos, Rhodos 14.2.5
(Gr.)
RHODES much better than other cities in regard to harbors, roads,
Rhodos (Gk. island) eastern headland = of Rhodos
walls, and other constructions, that I cannot name another (Gk. island)
that is her equal, let alone her superior. Her good governance
is inspiring, as is her focus on the state, especially the navy. In
consequence, she dominated the seas for a long time, elimi-
nated piracy, and was a friend of Romans and kings (both
philoroman kings and philhellene kings). As a result, she
retained her autonomy and was much decorated with gifts
(mostly in the Dionysus temple and gymnasium but else-
where, too). The best one is the colossal statue of Helius, of
whom the iambic poet says, seven times ten / cubits high, made by 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
Chares of Lindus. Now it lies felled by an earthquake, broken at

the knees. (As a result of a prophecy, it was never resurrected.)
This—by consensus one of the Seven Wonders—is the best of
the gifts. There are also paintings by Protogenes—his Ialysus
and his Satyr by a Pillar. In the latter, t here had been a par-
tridge perched atop the pillar. Apparently, when the picture
was first displayed, p eople w ere so awestruck by the partridge
that they marveled at the bird and paid no attention to the
satyr, although he was exceptionally well executed! Partridge
745
4.1. Northern Asia
breeders, in particular, were astounded when, bringing their

birds and setting them opposite the picture, their partridges
called out to the painting, attracting quite an audience! When
Protogenes saw that the true subject of his work was being
overlooked, he asked the sanctuary managers for permission
to go and erase the bird, which he did.
652 C, 34–653 C, 8 The Rhodians take care of their people (albeit not set up
as a democracy), their policy being to include the masses. The
people are given an allowance. The wealthy support the needy
in accordance with long-established custom; there are certain
obligations to provide rations, with the twofold result that
the poor man has sustenance and the city has manpower (in
particular, for naval expeditions). Some shipyards are hidden,
and access to them by ordinary folk is forbidden. The penalty
for spying on them, or entering them, is death. Here, as in
Massalia and Cyzicus, anything to do with building projects, Massalia, Marseille (Fr.)
arms manufacturing, and stockpiling weapons, and so forth, Cyzicus (city), Belkiz Kale (Tky.)
has been taken very seriously (in fact, even more so than else-
where). |
653 C, 9-33 The people—like the people of Halicarnassus, Cnidus, 14.2.6
and Cos—are Dorian. The Dorians founded Megara after the

death of Codrus. Some Dorians stayed in Megara; others took
part in the colonization of Crete, together with Althaemenes
of Argos; and others were split between Rhodes and the other
cities just mentioned. T hese events postdate the situation de-
scribed by Homer, when Cnidus and Halicarnassus w ere not
yet in existence, and Rhodes and Cos existed but w ere inhab-
ited by the Heraclids. Tlepolemus, as soon as he had reached
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) adulthood, killed his father’s dearly beloved uncle, / Licymnius, now
an old man . . . / quickly built some ships, gathered a great host, /
and fled. He continues, in his wanderings, he came to Rhodes / and He = Homer
they were settled in three places, one per tribe. He names the cities
at that time as Lindus, Ielysus, and white-shining Camirus, the
Rhodian city being as yet unfounded. He makes no mention
of Dorians but rather, so it seems, Aeolians and Boeotians (if
that was where Heracles and Licymnius dwelt). If, as some
say, Tlepolemus hailed from Argos and Tiryns, colonization
from t here would not be considered Dorian (since it hap-
pened before the return of the Heraclids). With regard to
the people of Cos, their leaders were Phidippus and Antiphus, / the
746
two sons of Thessalus, the Heraclid commander. T hese were appar-

ently of Aeolian, rather than Dorian, descent. |
653 C, 34–654 C, 8 Rhodes was previously known as “Ophiussa,” “Stadia,” and 14.2.7
then “Telchinis,” after the Telchinians who settled on the is-

land. Some say that the Telchinians w ere evil sorcerers . . . *
who killed animals and plants by sprinkling them with the
waters of the Styx; others, on the contrary, say they were
skilled workmen whose competitors bad-mouthed them
and gave them their evil reputation. They are said to have left
Crete for Cyprus, in the first place, then Rhodes; and to have
been the first men to manufacture with iron and bronze (in
particular, to have fabricated Cronus’s scythe!). I have already
described them,1 but the sheer amount of information means
I have to look back and fill in the gaps. |
654 C, 9-18 According to myth, the Heliads occupied the island a fter 14.2.8
the Telchinians; one of them (Cercaphus) had children (by

Cydippa), who founded cities named a fter themselves—
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) Lindus, Ielysus, and white-shining Camirus. Others say that the
founder was Tlepolemus, who used for the cities the names
of certain d aughters of Danaus. | The current-day city was 14.2.9
built at the time of the Peloponnesian war by (so it is said)

the same man who built the Piraeus. The Piraeus is no longer
standing, having been destroyed by, first, the Lacedaemo-
nians (who pulled down the double walls) and by Sulla, the
Roman commander. |
654 C, 19–655 C, 2 History tells us this, too, about the Rhodians. They w ere 14.2.10
successful at sea, not only from the time when they founded
the current city but from many years before the institution
of the Olympics, when they ventured far from home to en-
sure the safety of the people. Thus they sailed as far as Iberia,
where they founded Rhoda (later occupied by the Massali-
otes); among the Opicians, they founded Parthenope; among
the Daunians, together with the p eople of Cos, they founded
Elpiae.2 Some say that the Rhodians, after departing from
Timaeus (4th–3rd c. BCE) Troy, settled the Gymnesian islands. Timaeus says that the Gymnesian/Balearic islands,
Mallorca and Menorca (Sp.
larger of the two is next biggest after the seven—Sardo, Sicily, Cy- islands)
prus, Crete, Euboea, Cyrnus, and Lesbos. (Timaeus is wrong, as
there are o thers that are larger.) It is said that baleareis is the
Phoenician word for gymnetes (light-armed soldiers), which is why
the Gymnesians were called the “Balearic” islands.3 Some of
[ 1 ] 472 C, 6-12
[ 2 ] Rhoda (Ciutadella de Roses, Sp.): 159 C, 29–160 C, 4. Parthenope =?Neapolis
(Napoli/Naples, It.): 246 C, 4-15. Elpiae (Lupara, It.): 283 C, 29-34 (if “Elpiae” is
to be identified with “Salapia”).
[ 3 ] Strabo adds information omitted at 167 C, 15-18.
747
4.1. Northern Asia
the Rhodians settled in Chonia, in the Sybaris region.1 The

poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) poet seems to bear witness to the good fortune that attended
the Rhodians in antiquity, from the initial foundation of the
three cities: they w ere settled in three places, one per tribe, and
were beloved of / Zeus, Cronus’s son, ruler of gods and men, / who
inundated them with heavenly gold. Others have interpreted this
verse in mythical terms, claiming that the island’s “shower
of gold” dates to the birth of Athena from Zeus’s head (as
Pindar (5th c. BCE) Pindar relates).
655 C, 3-10 The island has a circumference of nine hundred and twenty
stades. | As you sail out from the city (keeping the island on 14.2.11
your right), you come first to Lindus (a city on a mountain), Lindus, Lindos (Rhodos)
which stretches a long way south, directly t oward Alexandria.

In Lindus, t here’s a famous t emple (dating back to the Da-
naïds) to “Lindian” Athena. The people of Lindus, like the
people of Camirus and Ialysus, w ere at first autonomous; l ater
on, they were all amalgamated with Rhodes. Cleobulus, one
of the Seven Sages, was from Lindus. |
655 C, 11-16 After Lindus, there’s the small territory of Ixia, and Ixia, Plenmuri (Rhodos) 14.2.12
Mnasyrium, then Atabyris (the highest mountain in the re-

gion, sacred to “Atabyrian” Zeus), then Camirus, then the vil- Camirus, Kamiros (Rhodos)
lage of Ialysus (and above it, there’s an acropolis called “Ochy- Ialysus, Ielysos (Rhodos)
roma”). Then, some eighty stades later, there’s the Rhodian

city. In between is Thoantium, a land spur; lying out to sea
directly off the land spur are the Sporades associated with
Chalcia, which I mentioned e arlier.2 |
655 C, 17-28 Eminent men have included a large number of military 14.2.13
commanders and athletes (among them the forefathers of

Panaetius the philosopher). With respect to t hose involved in
politics, in public speaking, and in philosophy, t here was Pan-
aetius himself, also Stratocles, Andronicus (the Peripatetic),
Leonides (the Stoic), and even e arlier, Praxiphanes, Hierony-
mus, and Eudemus. Posidonius, although an Apamian from
Syria, was politically and academically active in Rhodes, as
were Apollonius Malacus and Molon (Arriving) (who were from
Alabanda and were students of Menecles, the expert in pub-
lic speaking). Apollonius came first, followed by Molon, and
the former said to him that he was “late arriving”! Also from
Rhodes was Pisander (composer of the Heraclia), Simmias Simmias, late 4th–early 3rd c.
BCE
(literary expert), and in our own times, Aristocles. Diony-
[ 1 ] ?Sybaris (Sibari/Copia, It.): 264 C, 19-24. ?Or Sybaris (on-the-Traeis) (nr Trionto
r., It).
[ 2 ] The “Sporades associated with Chalcia” is an idiomatic expression, meaning
simply Chalcia (Khalki, Gk. island). Strabo describes the Sporades at 488 C,
11–489 C, 17 (esp. 488 C, 24-29 for Chalcia).
748
sius of Thrace and Apollonius (composer of the Argonauts),

although they w ere Alexandrians, w ere called “Rhodians.”
That’s enough about Rhodes. |
655 C, 29–656 C, 11 Picking up with the Carian coastline after Rhodes,1 there 14.2.14
is a sharp bend to the north, starting at Elaeussa and Lor- Elaeussa, Kızıl Ada (Tk. island)
yma. (Thereafter, it is a straight-line voyage to the Propon- Loryma, Bozuk (Tky.)
tis, marking an approximate meridian, measuring some five

thousand stades or a l ittle less and including the rest of Caria,
the Ionians and Aeolians, Troy, and the region of Cyzicus and
Byzantium.)2 After Loryma, there’s Cynos Sema and the is- Cynos Sema, Karaburun (Tky.)
land of Syme, | and then Cnidus, with its two harbors (one Syme, Syme (Gk. island) 14.2.15
of them, suitable for triremes, can be closed) and a naval Cnidus, Tekir (Tky.)
station for twenty ships. Lying offshore is an elevated and theatroid, shaped like a Greek
amphitheater
theatroid island, approximately seven stades in perimeter,
which is joined to the mainland by a spit, making Cnidus in
some sense a double city: a large part of the city occupies the
island, which overlooks both harbors. Facing Cnidus, in the
open sea, is Nisyros. Men of note from Cnidus include, in the Nisyros, Nisyros (Gk. island)
first place, Eudoxus (the mathematician, one of Plato’s fol- Eudoxus, 4th c. BCE
lowers), then Agatharcides (the Peripatetic and writer), and

in our times Theopompus (the friend of the deified Caesar deified Caesar = Julius Caesar
and an extremely powerful man) and his son Artemidorus.

Ctesias (the doctor for Artaxerxes and author of the Assyrica Artaxerxes (II), ruled Persia
404–358 BCE
and Persica)3 was also from Cnidus. |
656 C, 12-23 Then, after Cnidus, t here are Ceramus and Bargasa (small Ceramus, Ören (Tky.) 14.2.16
towns back from the sea), then Halicarnassus, the capital of Bargasa, Gökbel (Tky.)
the Carian rulers and formerly called “Zephyria.” In Halicar- Halicarnassus/Zephyria,

Bodrum (Tky.)
nassus is Mausolus’s tomb (one of the Seven Wonders) . . . *
a work that Artemisia constructed for her husband; and
the Salmacis spring, which has the reputation—I know not
why—of making t hose who drink from it effeminate. It seems
that the p eople’s effeminacy is blamed on climate or w ater,
but what c auses effeminacy are not t hese t hings but rather
wealth and dissolute habits. Halicarnassus has an acropolis;
lying offshore from the city is Arconnesus. The city’s coloniz- Arconnesus, Kara Ada (Tk.
island)
ers are several but include Anthes with people from Troizen.
Among t hose from Halicarnassus are Herodotus (historical Herodotus, 5th c. BCE
writer, l ater called “Thurian” b ecause he was part of the colo-

nization of Thurii), Heraclitus (the poet, friend of Callima-
chus), and, in our times, Dionysius (the historical writer). |

[ 2 ] Rest of Caria: 655 C, 29–663 C, 7. Ionians: 632 C, 5–647 C, 3. Aeolians: 605 C,
15–623 C, 9. Troy and Cyzicus region: 581 C, 1–605 C, 14.
[ 3 ] For Strabo’s use of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
749
4.1. Northern Asia
656 C, 24–657 C, 11 This city suffered a setback when Alexander took it by city = Halicarnassus, Bodrum 14.2.17
(Tky.)
force. The Carian king, Hecatomnus, had three sons (Mau-
solus, Idrieus, and Pixodarus) and two daughters. The el-
dest brother (Mausolus) was married to the elder sister
(Artemisia); the second brother (Idrieus) to the other sister
(Ada). Mausolus became king; d ying without issue, he be-
queathed the kingdom to his wife (who constructed the
aforementioned tomb). After she died, wasting away in grief
for her husband, Idrieus succeeded. When he succumbed
to a disease, his wife Ada inherited the kingdom. She was
overthrown by Pixodarus (last of Hecatomnus’s sons), who
Persified and sent for a satrap with whom to share his king-
dom. When Pixodarus departed this life, the satrap seized
Halicarnassus and, upon the arrival of Alexander, withstood
the siege together with his wife, Ada (the d aughter of Pixo-
darus by Aphneis, a Cappadocian woman). The Ada who was
Hecatomnus’s daughter (whom Pixodarus had overthrown)
makes overtures to Alexander and presses him to restore her
to the kingdom taken from her, promising him help against
those areas in revolt, on the grounds that they are under the
control of her relatives. (She also handed over Alinda, where
she was staying.) Alexander was much obliged and made her
queen; when the city (in two parts) had been taken except
for the citadel, he entrusted her with the siege. Shortly af-
terward, the citadel was taken, the siege engendering much
anger and hatred. |
657 C, 12-14 Next, t here’s a headland—Termerium—belonging to the Termerium, Koca Burun 14.2.18
people of Myndus; opposite it, forty stades from the main- Scandarian headland, Skandari
land, is the Scandarian headland in Cos. There is also a small (Kos)
place, Termerum, set back from the headland. | Termerum, Asarlık (Tky.)
657 C, 15–658 C, 4 The Coans’ city was called in antiquity “Astypalaea” and 14.2.19
was settled in a different location, albeit still on the coast.

Then, b ecause of civil strife, they moved to the current-day “current-day” city = Cos, Kos
(Kos)
COS city near Scandarium and changed the name to Cos, the same
Kos (Gk. island) Scandarium, Skandari (Kos)
as the island. The city is not large, but of all cities, she is the
most beautifully constructed and the most pleasant to behold
as you sail in. The island measures some five hundred and fifty
stades. All of it is fruitful; like Chios and Lesbos, its wine is su-
perb. To the south, there’s a headland, Laceter, from which the
distance to Nisyros is sixty stades; on Laceter is the small terri- Nisyros, Nisyros (Gk. island)
750
tory of Halisarna. To the west, t here’s Drecanum and a village

called “Stomalimna” (Lake-at-the-mouth). Drecanum is some two
hundred stades from the city: Laceter adds thirty-five stades
to the length of the voyage. In the city outskirts, there’s the
Asclepium (temple to Asclepius), a famous t emple packed with
many dedicatory gifts, including Apelles’s Antigonus. Also Apelles, 4th c. BCE
there was Aphrodite Emerging, now in Rome1 as a dedication

to the deified Caesar—the family progenitrix being gifted by deified Caesar = Julius Caesar
Augustus to his father. (The Coans are said to have received a

talent, largest unit in tax exemption of one hundred talents in return for the paint-
1 talent = 6,000 drachmas ing.) Hippocrates is said to have made particular use of the Hippocrates, 5th c. BCE
therapies at the Asclepium for his regimens. This fellow, then,

is included among Coan celebrities, as also are Simus (the phy-
sician), Philitas (the poet and critic), and in our times Nicias Philitas, late 4th–early 3rd c. BCE
(who ruled over the Coans and was the student and successor
of Ariston the Peripatetic). T here was also Theomnestus (the
renowned harpist), who opposed Nicias politically. |
658 C, 4-12 On the mainland coast, in the region of Myndus, there’s Myndus, Gümüslük (Tky.) 14.2.20
the promontory of Astypalaea, and Zephyrium; immediately Astypalaea, Kızıl Burun
thereafter, Myndus (with harbor); a fter that, Bargylia (an- Bargylia, Varvıl (Tky.)
other city). In between, t here’s Caryanda—a harbor, a city, Caryanda (city), Göl (Tky.)
and an island (with the same name as the city) where the Caryanda (island), Karybağlar
Adasi (Tk.)
Scylax (6th c. BCE) Caryandians used to live. Scylax (the historical writer from
antiquity) was from there. Next to Bargylia is the temple to
“Cindyas” Artemis upon which, p eople believe, it never rains
(and there was once a place, “Cindya”). An eminent man from
Bargylia was the Epicurian Protarchus (the teacher of the De-
metrius surnamed “Laco”). |
658 C, 13-25 Then there’s Iasus, on an island near the mainland. It has Iasus, Asınkalesi (Tky.) 14.2.21
a harbor, and the locals earn their living largely from the sea,
which abounds with fish; its territory is of rather poor quality.
Apocryphal stories are told about it, such as the following. A
certain lyre player was giving a show. Everyone listened for
a while, but as soon as the bell for the fish market rang, off
they all went to get their fish—except for one man, who was
hard of hearing. The lyre player went up to him and said, I
am very thankful to you, sir, for the honor you have shown me and
for your appreciation of my m usic—the others all got up and left as
soon as they heard the sound of the bell! The man said, What’s that?
Has the bell already rung? When the lyre player affirmed it had,
[ 1 ] Strabo had undoubtedly seen this artwork when he was in Rome: 236 C, 25-28n.
751
4.1. Northern Asia
the man bid him farewell and left. The logician Diodorus was
from Iasus. He was surnamed “Cronus”: at first, this was done
in error, since this fellow’s teacher (Apollonius) was called
“Cronus”; the name was, however, transferred to him because
of the true Cronus’s lack of repute. |
658 C, 26 After Iasus, there’s Milesian Posidium.1 14.2.22
658 C, 26–659 C, 5 In the interior are three significant cities—Mylasa, Stra- Mylasa, Milas (Tky.)
tonicia, and Alabanda.2 The other cities are satellites of these

or of the coastal cities. They include Amyzon, Heraclia, Euro-
mus, and Chalcetor. T here is l ittle to be said concerning t hese. |
Mylasa, however, is situated on a plain with many natural 14.2.23
blessings. Towering above it is a mountain . . . * with a very

fine quarry of white marble. The quarry is not an inconsider-
able asset, being so close and providing such limitless amounts
of marble for construction—in particular, for the construction
of temples and other city buildings (hence the city is beauti-
fully adorned, as no other, with colonnades and temples). Yet
it is surprising that her f ounders irrationally chose to build the
city at the foot of a sheer vertical drop. One of the governors,3
expressing his surprise over the fact, is said to have remarked:
If the city’s founder had no fear, did he have no shame?
659 C, 5-16 The Mylasians have two temples to Zeus, under the names
of “Osogos” and “Labrayndene.” The former is within the city,
while Labraynda is a mountain village situated on the pass Labraynda, nr. Beypınar (Tky.)
from Alabanda to Mylasa and is far away from the city. There
is an ancient temple there, and a carved image of “Stratian”
Zeus, which is revered both by t hose who live around about
and by the Mylasians. A road has been laid out, nearly sixty
stades long, reaching the city and called the “Sacred Road,”
along which the sacred artifacts are carried in procession. The
most distinguished citizens oversee the sacred rituals, hold-
ing the office for life. (While t hese temples belong to the city,
there is a third temple—to “Carian” Zeus—which belongs to
all Carians jointly and is shared by the Lydians and Mysians as
their brothers.) History tells us that, in antiquity, Mylasa was
a village, the ancestral home and royal seat of those associated
with Hecatomnus.4 The sea is nearest to the city at Physcus,
which provides the Mylasians with a naval base. |
659 C, 17-32 Eminent men produced by Mylasa in our times included 14.2.24
Euthydemus and Hybreas, experts in public speaking as well
[ 1 ] Strabo describes the coastline north of Milesian Posidium (Tekagaç Burnu, Tky.)
at 634 C, 22–647 C, 3.
[ 2 ] Mylasa (Milas, Tky.): 658 C, 26–660 C, 14. Stratonicia (Eskihisar, Tky.): 660 C, 15-29.
Alabanda (Araphisar, Tky.): 660 C, 30–661 C, 4.
[ 3 ] I.e., governors of the Roman province of Asia.
[ 4 ] “Those associated with Hecatomnus” is idiomatic, meaning primarily Hecatom-
nus but including in this context his descendants: 656 C, 24–657 C, 11.
752
as leaders of the citizen body. Euthydemus (heir to great

wealth and status from his f amily, to which he added his own
intelligence) not only achieved greatness in his home city
but was considered worthy of the highest honor in Asia.1
Hybreas’s f ather (as Hybreas himself told the story in class,
and as confirmed by his fellow citizens) left him a mule for
carrying loads of wood, and a mule driver. Supported by these
means, Hybreas studied for a short while u nder Diotrephes
of Antioch; then he returned and surrendered himself to a
job as an official in the marketplace. Having drifted around
in his job t here and made a little money, he began to engage
in political m atters in support of the people of the market.
Hybreas’s rapid ascent during Euthydemus’s lifetime was
amazing but was even more so after the latter’s death, when
Hybreas became city leader. (During his lifetime, Euthyde-
mus retained a great deal of control, being very powerful but
at the same time serving the city well, so that if there was
an element of the tyrant about him, he compensated for this
with his diligent s ervice. At any rate, p eople approve of the
following statement, made by Hybreas at the end of a populist
speech: Euthydemus, you’re a necessary evil for the city. We can’t live
with you, can’t live without you!)
659 C, 32–660 C, 14 Despite Hybreas’s g reat success and his reputation as a
good citizen and speaker, he nevertheless stumbled in op-
posing Labienus. All others (unarmed and wanting peace)
yielded to Labienus when he arrived (armed, and aided by
the Parthians who now controlled Asia). Zeno of Laodicia
and Hybreas, the two orators, did not yield. Instead, each in-
cited his own city to rebellion. In addition, Hybreas verbally
provoked the lad, who was quick to anger and very ignorant:
when Labienus proclaimed himself Parthian emperor, Hy-
breas replied, then I, too, call myself emperor—of Caria! At this,
Labienus launched his attack on the city, his legions (belong-
ing to the Romans in Asia) already drawn up for battle. Labi-
enus did not apprehend Hybreas, who had already departed
for Rhodes, but completely ransacked and looted Hybreas’s
house, with its lavish furnishings; and similarly mistreated the
whole city. A fter Labienus’s departure from Asia, Hybreas
came back, rehabilitating himself and the city. That’s my de-
scription of Mylasa. |
[ 1 ] “Asia” = Roman province of Asia (840 C, 13-26n), where the post of “Asiarch” was
the highest honor: 648 C, 29–649 C, 10.
753
4.1. Northern Asia
660 C, 15-29 Stratonicia is a Macedonian settlement. This city was Stratonicia, Eskihisar (Tky.) 14.2.25
beautifully and expensively constructed by the kings. There

are two t emples in Stratonician territory. In Lagina, there’s Lagina, Turgut (Tky.)
the very famous temple to Hecate, which draws huge crowds

to its annual festival. Near the city, t here’s the t emple to
“Chrysaoreus” Zeus. It is shared by all Carians, who come
together there to make sacrifices and to hold council meet-
ings about federal m atters. Theirs is called the “Chrysaorian”
federation and is made up of villages. T hose who represent
the greatest number of villages (e.g., the Ceramietes) have a
voting advantage. The Stratonicians are part of the federation
(even though they are not of Carian descent) b ecause they
control villages that belong to the Chyrsaorian federation. An
eminent man from t here in our fathers’ times was the public
speaking expert Menippus, surnamed “Cotocas.” Cicero, of
all the Asian orators u nder whom he studied, reserves the
highest praise for Menippus, as he says in one of his works,
where he compares him to Xenocles and his contemporaries.
(There is another Stratonicia, called “Stratonicia-by-Taurus,”
a small town situated near the mountain.) |
660 C, 30–661 C, 4 Alabanda lies at the foot of twin crests, which are so situ- Alabanda, Araphisar (Tky.) 14.2.26
ated that they appear like a laden pack ass. Apollonius Ma-
lacus, making fun of the city because of this feature and also
because of her infestation of scorpions, said she was a pack
ass laden with scorpions! (Alabanda and the Mylasians’ city are
full of these creatures, as also the mountainous area between
them.) She is a city of pleasure-loving debauchees; many of
the w omen are harp players. Noteworthy men from Alabanda
included two brothers who were public-speaking experts—
Menecles (whom I just mentioned)1 and Hierocles—as well
as Apollonius and Molon, who moved to Rhodes. |
661 C, 5-16 Many stories are told about the Carians, but the story 14.2.27
most widely agreed upon is as follows. The Carians w ere

subject to Minos; at that time they w ere called “Lelegians”
and lived on the islands. Then, moving to the mainland, they
took possession of much of the coast and interior, displacing
the previous occupants (various Lelegians and Pelasgians). In
turn, the Carians w ere partially displaced by the Greeks (Ioni-
ans and Dorians). Proof of their warrior lifestyle is that shield
straps, escutcheons, and helmet crests are all called “Carian.”
[ 1 ] 655 C, 17-28.
754
Anacreon (6th c. BCE)

Alcaeus (late 7th–early 6th c.
Anacreon says, come, taking the Carian-made / shield strap in your
BCE) hands; and Alcaeus says, shaking his Carian crest. |
661 C, 17-28 The poet says the following: Masthles was in command 14.2.28
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) of the barbarophone Carians. It is not obvious why, being fa-
miliar with so many barbarian nations, he calls only the
Carians “barbarophone” and calls no p eople “barbarians.”
Thucydides (5th c. BCE) Thucydides is incorrect in stating that the word “barbarians”
was not used because “Greeks” w
ere not yet set apart exclusively u
nder
one name. That there w ere not yet “Greeks” is false, as witness
the poet himself: a man whose fame spreads wide through Greece
and Argos. Again: Do you want to travel through Greece and Argos?
If “barbarians” was not yet a word, how could he expect the
term “barbarophone” to be a meaningful expression? So,
Thucydides’s explanation does not work.
661 C, 28–662 C, 6 Nor is the explanation by the literary expert Apollodorus
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) any good. He says that the common noun was used as an abusive
proper name for the Carians by the Greeks (in particular by the Ioni-
ans, who hated the Carians for their hostility and endless campaigns).
The Carians should thus be called “Barbarians.” Why then, I
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) ask, does the poet call them “barbarophone” but never once
“Barbarians”? It is, he says, because the plural noun does not fit the he = Apollodorus
meter—that is why he does not say “Barbarians.”1 But while this

Greek poetry relies on particular form does not fit the meter, the nominative form is Strabo objects to Apollodorus’s
meter—i.e., the interplay of long explanation, claiming that
and short vowels no diff erent from “Dardanians,” as in Trojans and Lycians and “Barbarians” is metrically
Dardanians, and, similarly, such Trojan2 horses. Nor is it true equivalent to other Homeric
names, such as “Dardanians”
that the Carian language is particularly rough. It is not so, and
even has a great many Greek words mixed in with it, according to
Philippus (?3rd c. BCE) Philippus (author of the Carica).3
662 C, 6-19 My theory is that the word “barbarian” was initially used
onomatopoeically (in cases where people’s speech was ca-
cophonous, hard to listen to, and rough sounding), just like
the words “stutter,” “lisp,” and “mumble.” We are predisposed,
when choosing names for sounds, to choose words that, on ac-
count of their similar formation, make a similar sound. Which
is why, in the case of sounds, onomatopoeic words abound
(e.g., “gurgle,” “twang,” “din,” “wail,” “clap”), most of which
are ultimately used in a specific sense. So, all people who
spoke with a thick tongue were described as “barbarian,” but
when it became apparent that this applied to other (by which
I mean “non-Greek”) nations, t hese nations came to be called
[ 1 ] Apollodorus’s statement is true for the inflected form (barbarous) required by

his sentence structure, but not true for the nominative form (barbaroi).
[ 2 ] The Greek word translated here as “Trojan” is metrically equivalent to “Barbar-
ians” and “Dardanians.”
[ 3 ] For Strabo’s use of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
755
4.1. Northern Asia
“barbarians” in a specific sense. Initially it was a term of abuse,

implying that they had “thick” (or “rough”) tongues; we then
adopted it as a general term denoting any ethnicity other than
Greek. With greater familiarity and more frequent dealings
with the barbarians, it gradually became clear that this was due
not to a thick tongue, nor to any other defect of the speech or-
gans, but to the peculiar characteristics of diff erent languages.
662 C, 19-31 Within our own language, a diff erent sort of bad pronuncia-
tion or barbarostomia is apparent, namely, when someone does
not speak proper Greek but pronounces words as barbarians
do when learning to speak Greek but not yet being very good
at it (as is the case for us when learning their language). This
was particularly so for the Carians. Other nations did not yet
have much to do with the Greeks, nor w ere they trying to live
like Greeks or learn our language (except for those few who,
by chance, w ere brought into individual contact with a l imited
number of Greeks). The Carians, however, roamed throughout
Greece working as mercenaries. The word “barbarophone” was
already commonly applied to them as a result of their campaigns
to Greece. It became much more frequently applied when they
became fellow settlers with Greeks on the islands. Leaving the
islands for Asia, even t here they could not live separately from
Greeks because of the arrival of the Ionians and Dorians.
663 C, 1-7 The word barbarize has the same origin. We have become
accustomed to use this word of p eople who speak bad Greek,
not those who speak it with a Carian accent. (It is the same
with “to be a barbarophone”: we should understand “bar-
barophones” to be t hose who speak bad Greek.) By analogy
with carianize and barbarize, the word soloecize—whether de-
rived from “Soli” or some other word—has become applied
to competence in the Greek language. |
663 C, 8-14 Artemidorus says that going from Physcus (on the Rhodian Physcus, Marmaris (Tky.) 14.2.29
Strabo uses Artemidorus Peraea) toward Ephesus, it is eight hundred and fifty stades as far Ephesus, Selçuk (Tky.)
(late 2nd–early 1st c. BCE) to
establish the north–south as Lagina; thence to Alabanda, another two hundred and fifty; to Lagina, Turgut (Tky.)
dimension of Caria Trallis, one hundred and sixty. However, the segment to Trallis Alabanda, Araphisar (Tky.)
is where the limits of Caria are, where you cross the Maeander Trallis, Aydın (Tky.)
at around the halfway point. So, the total from Physcus to

the Maeander along the Ephesus road is one thousand one
hundred and eighty [stades].1
[ 1 ] 850 + 250 + 80 = 1,180 stades. Strabo halves Artemidorus’s figure of 160 for
Alabanda to Trallis, in order to arrive at the distance from Alabanda to the
Maeander river. The resulting total of 1,180 stades represents the distance from
Physcus to the Maeander river, which Strabo takes as the north–south dimen-
sion of Caria.
756
663 C, 14-19 Again, if you go along the length of neighboring Ionia, from the
Strabo uses Artemidorus to Maeander along the same road, it is eighty [stades] from the river to river = Maeander, Menderes r.
establish the north–south
dimension of Ionia Trallis; then one hundred and forty to Magnesia; one hundred and Magnesia, Tekke (Tky.)
twenty to Ephesus; three hundred and twenty to Smyrna; less than Smyrna, Izmir (Tky.)
two hundred to Phocaea (and the end of Ionia). So, the length Phocaea, Foça (Tky.)
of Ionia measured in a straight line would be—according to
him—only a l ittle more than eight hundred stades.1 him = Artemidorus
663 C, 19-33 Since there is a shared road, well trodden by all 2 who make
the journey to the east starting from Ephesus,3 he proceeds
along this, too:
• To Carura (which marks the Caria/Phrygia boundary) Carura, Tekke (Tky.)
through Magnesia,4 Trallis, Nysa,5 and Antioch, is seven

hundred and forty stades.
• Then comes the Phrygian part, through Laodicia, Apamia,
Metropolis, and Chelidonia. It is around nine hundred and
twenty stades from Carura to Holmi (the beginning of
Parorius) and only a little more than five hundred through Parorius, region each side of
Sultan Dağ
Philomelium to Tyriaeum (marking the Parorian bound-
Tyriaeum, ?nr. Ilgın (Tky.)
ary with Lycaonia).
• Then there’s the Lycaonian part, via Laodicia Catacecau- Laodicia Catacecaumene, Ladik
(Tky.)
mene, to Coropassus, eight hundred and forty [stades].
• From Coropassus, in Lycaonia, to Garsaura (a small Cap- Coropassus, Akhan (Tky.)
padocian town situated on the Cappadocian border), Garsaura, Aksaray (Tky.)
one hundred and twenty [stades].

• Thence, via Soandus and Sadacora, to Mazaca (the Cap- Soandus, Soğanlı (Tky.)
padocian metropolis), six hundred and eighty [stades]. Mazaca, Kayseri (Tky.)
• Thence toward the Euphrates, via the town of Erpha, to Tomisa, ?nr. İzolu (Tky.)
Tomisa (part of Sophene), one thousand four hundred and

forty [stades].
663 C, 33–664 C, 4 The places specified by Artemidorus as continuous with

Artemidorus (late 2nd–early t hese, lying on a straight line as far as India, are the same as
1st c. BCE) cites Eratosthenes
(3rd c. BCE) those specified by Eratosthenes (whom Polybius, too, claims
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) commends to be an exceptionally trustworthy source for those regions).
Eratosthenes He starts from Commagenian Samosata,6 which lies toward He = Eratosthenes (followed by
Artemidorus)
the pass and the crossing point,7 and gives four hundred and
Samosata, Samsat (Tky.)
fifty stades for the distance to Samosata from the Cappadocian border
in the Tomisa region. |
[ 1 ] 80 + 140 + 120 + 320 + less than 200 = “a little more than 800 stades.” Strabo
takes this to represent the distance from the Maeander to Phocaea, which he
treats as the “length” (north–south dimension) of Ionia.
[ 2 ] Including, in all likelihood, Strabo (Pothecary, “A Road Trip with Strabo,” Mne-
mosyne 69 [2016], 202–225). Another probable example of Strabo’s use of “all”
to include himself: 282 C, 26–283 C, 8n.
[ 3 ] Strabo’s presence in Ephesus (Selçuk, Tky.): 641 C, 5-14n.
[ 4 ] Strabo’s presence in Magnesia (Tekke, Tky.): 647 C, 18-30n.
[ 5 ] Strabo’s presence in Nysa (Sultanhisar, Tky.): 650 C, 24-32n.
[ 6 ] Samosata lies farther down the Euphrates than Tomisa.
[ 7 ] I.e., the place to cross the Euphrates r. (?Kavunlu/Belkis, Tky.): 747 C, 3-10; 749 C,
21-27.
757
4.1. Northern Asia
Mediterranean Coast (s. coast of Turkey + Cyprus)

664 C, 5-15 Sailing eastward a fter the Rhodian Peraea, which ends at 14.3.1
Daedala,1 you come next to Lycia (extending as far as Pam-

phylia); then to Pamphylia (extending as far as the Rough
Cilicians); then to the country of the Rough Cilicians (ex-
tending as far as the other Cilicians, in the Issian gulf ).2 This Issian gulf, Gulf of İskenderun
region, although part of the peninsula whose isthmus I said

was the route from Issus to Amisus (or, according to some, Issus, Yeşil Hüyük (Tky.)
Sinope),3 is nevertheless outside the Taurus, on the narrow Amisus, Samsun (Tky.)
littoral stretching from Lycia to the region of Soli, current-day Soli/Pompey City, Viranşehir
(Tky.)
“Pompey City.” Starting at Soli and Tarsus, the littoral of the
Tarsus, Tarsos (Tky.)
Issian gulf eventually flattens out to form plains. A fter going
along this shore, I will have completed my verbal tour of the
outside Taurus = southern Asia
entire peninsula.4 Then I will switch to the other part of Asia, (chap. 4.2)
the part outside the Taurus; last of all, I w ill deal with Libya. | Libya = Africa (chap. 5)
664 C, 16-27 After Rhodian Daedala, t here’s the Lycian mountain with 14.3.2
LYCIA the same name as it, Daedala. The total sailing distance from Daedala (mountain), Kızıldağ
sw. Turkey
here is one thousand seven hundred and twenty stades along
the Lycian coast—rugged and rocky but with good harbors.
The p eople are very decent, given that their territory is
like that for the inhabitants of Pamphylia and Rough Cili-
cia. However, the latter used their localities as pirate bases,
either acting as pirates themselves or providing pirates with
markets and shipyards—for example, the Cilicians built ship-
yards in the Pamphylian town of Sida, where they auctioned
off their captives, all the while conceding that they w ere f ree
individuals. The Lycians, in contrast, conducted their lives
in a civilized and reasonable manner, with the consequence
that (although the former thrived and gained mastery over former = Pamphylians, Cilicians
the sea as far as Italy), they w ere unmotivated by base profit they = Lycians
and stuck to their traditional organization within the Lycian

federation. |
664 C, 28–665 C, 9 The cities that share the vote are twenty-three in number. vote = in the Lycian federation 14.3.3
From each individual city, they come together to hold a con-
gress in w hatever city is chosen. Each of the largest cities has
three votes, each of the medium-size cities has two votes, and
each of the remaining cities has one vote, with dues and other
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early expenses being paid proportionally. Artemidorus said, the
1st c. BCE)
largest cities are six in number: Xanthus, Patara, Pinara, Olympus,
Myra, and Tlos (which sits on the pass leading to Cibyra). In con-
[ 1 ] Strabo picks up the thread of his narrative from his description of the Rhodian
Peraea (sw. Turkey): 651 C, 14–652 C, 9.
[ 2 ] Lycia (sw. Turkey): 664 C, 16–667 C, 13. Pamphylia (s. Turkey): 667 C, 14–668 C,
6. Rough Cilicia (s. Turkey): 668 C, 7–671 C, 25. Level Cilicia (s. Turkey): 671 C,
26–676 C, 25.
[ 3 ] 534 C, 8-20. Strabo early on gives Tarsus rather than Issus as the southern
terminus of the isthmus: 126 C, 3-11. See 673 C, 5-16n.
[ 4 ] Definition of the peninsula: 492 C, 10-16; 534 C, 8-20; 632 C, 1-4.
758
Mediterranean Coast of Fourth Section + Hinterland
gress, first the Lyciarch, then other federal officers are elected,
and joint law courts are established. It used to be that matters
of war, peace, and treaty making w ere also on the agenda, but
this is no longer appropriate given that these necessarily lie
within Roman jurisdiction—except when the Romans, if it is
to their advantage, hand it over to them. Judges and officers
are similarly elected by proportional voting from each city.
665 C, 9-16 The Lycians, since they w ere so well governed, w ere allowed
by the Romans to live in freedom on their ancestral lands. They
saw the pirates totally annihilated: first by Servilius Isauricus,
when he razed Isaura; later by Pompey the Great, who burned
more than one thousand three hundred ships, laid waste the
pirate quarters, and settled some of those who survived these
battles in Soli (which he named “Pompey City”), some in de-
populated Dyma (which now h ouses a Roman colony).
665 C, 16-19 The poets (particularly the tragedians) confuse nations;
just as they use the name “Phrygians” for Trojans, Mysians,
and Lydians, so they call Lycians “Carians.” |
665 C, 20-30 Soon after Daedala (the Lycian mountain), there are Daedala (mountain), Kızıldağ 14.3.4
Telmessus (a Lycian town) and Telmessis (headland with Telmessus, Fethiye (Tky.)
harbor). Eumenes received this area from the Romans dur- Telmessis (headland), Çamlı
Burun
ing their war against Antiochus; on the kingdom’s dissolu-
tion, the Lycians got it back again. | Following on from there, 14.3.5
there’s Anticragus—a steep mountain on which is located

Carmylessus, built in a gorge; and after that, Cragus, with Carmylessus, ?Kaya (Tky.)
eight spurs and a homonymous city. (The Chimaera myth

is set in these mountains—Chimaera, a gorge running up Chimaera, Avlan valley
from the shore, is not far away.) Lying at the foot of Cragus
on the inland side is Pinara, one of the largest cities in Lycia. Pinara, Minare (Tky.)
In Pinara, Pandarus is worshipped, perhaps . . . * the Trojan,

who is said to have come from Lycia. |
665 C, 31–666 C, 8 Then t here’s the Xanthus river, e arlier called “Sirbis.” Xanthus river, Esen Çay 14.3.6
Ten stades upriver (traveling by small boat), you come to the

Letoium (temple to Leto); sixty stades inland from the temple,
you come to the Xanthian city, the largest in Lycia. After the Xanthian city = Xanthus, Kınık
(Tky.)
Xanthus, there’s Patara, a large city with a harbor and with a
Patara/Arsinoe-in-Lycia,
temple to Apollo, founded by Pataros. Patara was restored Gelemiş (Tky.)
by Ptolemy Philadelphus and named “Arsinoe-in-Lycia”—
but the ancient name prevailed. | Then there’s Myra, twenty Myra, Demre (Tky.) 14.3.7
stades inland from the sea, sitting high on a hill. Then there’s
759
4.1. Northern Asia
the outlet of the Limyrus river; twenty stades inland (travel-

ing by foot), you come to the small town of Limyra. Limyra, nr. Finike (Tky.)
666 C, 8-10 In between, on the said coast,1 there are many islands and
harbors, including the island Megista, with its city of the same Megista (island), Megiste (Gk.)
name . . . * Cisthena. Places in the interior include Phellus, Megista (city), Kastellorizon
(Megiste)
Antiphellus, and Chimaera (which I mentioned above).2 |
666 C, 11-19 Then t here are the Hiera headland and the Chelidonians— Hiera headland, Gelidonya 14.3.8
Burnu
three rugged islands of equal size (some five stades distant
Chelidonians, Beş Adalar (Tk.
from each other, six stades offshore), one of them with a islands)
mooring place. Many people assume that the Taurus starts
from here, owing to the height of the headland (an exten-
sion of the Pisidian mountains, which loom over Pamphylia)
and the way in which the offshore islands, lying in the open
sea, provide the mountain range with an obvious end point.
In actual fact, the mountain ridge runs in a continuous line
from the Rhodian Peraea to Pisidia, and this, too, is called the
“Taurus.” It is estimated that the Chelidonians are roughly
opposite Canobus—the distance between the two is said to Canobus, Abukir (Egy.)
be four thousand stades.

666 C, 20-26 The remaining distance from the Hiera headland to Olbia Olbia, Koruma (Tky.)
is three hundred and sixty seven stades. This includes Cram- Crambusa, Sula Ada (Tk. island)
busa, Olympus (a large city and a homonymous mountain, Olympus (city), Deliktaş (Tky.)
which is also known as “Phoenicus”), then Corycus (a stretch

of shoreline), | then Phaselis, a city of significance (with three Phaselis, Tekirova (Tky.) 14.3.9
harbors), and a lake. Inland from Phaselis are the Solymian

mountains and (in a gorge through which runs the mountain
pass to Milyas) the Pisidian city of Termessus. That is why Termessus, on Güllük Dağ (Tky.)
Alexander, wanting to open the pass, destroyed the city.

666 C, 26–667 C, 2 Near Phaselis are the coastal defiles through which Alex-
ander conducted his troops. T here’s a mountain, called “Cli-
max,” which sits above the Pamphylian sea, leaving along the
shore a narrow passage: when the weather is calm, the passage
is exposed and used by wayfarers, but when t here are heavy
seas, it is largely inundated by the waves. Since the pass across
the mountain is circuitous and hard going, wayfarers use the
shore when the weather is fine. Alexander met with stormy
conditions and, trusting in his usual good luck, set out before
the waves had receded. The result was that the journey was
through water for the entire day, the men underwater as far
as their navels!
[ 1 ] 665 C, 20–666 C, 8.
[ 2 ] 665 C, 20-30.
760
667 C, 2-4 This city is Lycian, although situated on the Pamphylian this city = Phaselis, Tekirova
(Tky.)
side of the mountains. She does not, however, belong to the
Lycian federation but is autonomous. |
667 C, 5-13 The poet represents the Solymians as being diff erent people 14.3.10
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) from the Lycians (since Bellerophontes, sent off by the Ly-
cian king on his second challenge, did b attle with the illustrious
Strabo argues against the Solymians). Some claim that the Lycians w ere early on called
identification of Homer’s
“Solymians” with Lycians “Solymians”; later named “Termilians,” a fter the Termilians
who accompanied Sarpedon out from Crete; later still were
named “Lycians,” a fter Lycus (son of Pandion), who, having
been banished from his home, was established by Sarpedon in
part of his kingdom. Their claim is inconsistent with Homer.
The better claim is that the p eople now known as “Milyans”
(about whom I have spoken)1 were called Solymians by the
poet. |
667 C, 14-33 After Phaselis, there’s Olbia, a huge fort marking the be- Olbia, Koruma (Tky.) 14.4.1
PAMPHYLIA ginning of Pamphylia; after Olbia, what is called the “Cata- Cataractes, Düden Çay
s. Turkey
ractes” (Crashing-down), a huge river, swollen with w ater, that
crashes down from a high cliff so that the din can be heard
from far away; then the city of Attalia, named a fter her Attalia, Antalya (Tky.)
founder Philadelphus (who also established a separate settle-

ment in the small nearby town of Corycus, around which he
put a bigger wall!). It is said that, between Phaselis and Atta-
lia, Thebe and Lyrnessus are identified—some of the Trojan Cili-
Callisthenes (late 4th c. BCE) cians, according to Callisthenes, fleeing from the Theban plain
to Pamphylia. | Then there’s the Cestrus river. Sailing sixty Cestrus river, Asku 14.4.2
stades up the river, you come to the city of Perga and, on an Perga, Aksu (Tky.)
elevated site nearby, the t emple to “Pergaean” Artemis, the
site of an annual festival; and some forty stades back from the
sea, the lofty city of Syllium, visible from Perga. Then t here’s Syllium, Asar Köy (Tky.)
Capria (a large lake), and a fter that the Eurymedon river. Sail- Eurymedon, Köprü Çay
ing sixty stades up the river, you come to the city of Aspendus, Aspendus, Belkis (Tky.)
a really quite well-populated city, founded by the Argives;

inland from Aspendus is Petnelissus. Then there’s another Petnelissus, Kozan (Tky.)
river, and many small islands off the coast. Then t here’s Sida, Sida, Selimiye (Tky.)
a Cymaean colony with a most remarkable t emple to Athena,

and nearby the stretch of shore belonging to the Little Ciby- Little Cibyra, Karaburun (Tky.)
ratans; then the Melas river with its anchorage; then the city
of Ptolemaïs; after that, the borderlands of Pamphylia and— Ptolemaïs, nr. Fiğla Burnu (Tky.)
marking the start of Rough Cilicia—Coracesium. The total Coracesium, Alanya (Tky.)
[ 1 ] Milyas, Milyans: 573 C, 1-13; 631 C, 5-21; 666 C, 20-26.
761
4.1. Northern Asia
sailing distance along the Pamphylian coast is six hundred

and forty stades. |
668 C, 1-6 Herodotus says, the Pamphylians w ere among certain diverse 14.4.3
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) peoples who left Troy in the retinue of Amphilochus and Calchas;
most of them stayed put in Pamphylia, although there were some who
Callisthenes (late 4th c. BCE) dispersed worldwide. Callisthenes says, although Calchas died in
Clarus, his people followed Mopsus across the Taurus, some settling
in Pamphylia, with splinter groups in Cilicia and in Syria as far as
Phoenicia. |
668 C, 7-14 As for Cilicia outside the Taurus, one part is called “Rough outside Taurus = south of Taurus 14.5.1
mts.
CILICIA Cilicia,” and one part is called “Level Cilicia.” Rough Cilicia
s. Turkey
is the one whose littoral is narrow, with none or hardly any
of it flat. Since the Taurus is immediately above her, she of-
fers a poor quality of life up to her northern side, which ex-
tends from the region of Isaura and the Homonadians far as
Pisidia. She also goes by the name of “Trachiotis” (Rough-land),
and her inhabitants by the name of “Trachiotes.” Level Cilicia
goes from Soli and Tarsus to Issus and t hose places imme- Soli, Viranşehir (Tky.)
diately above which are the Cappadocians (on the northern Tarsus, Tarsos (Tky.)
side of the Taurus); she has more by way of plains and fertile Issus, Yesil Hüyük (Tky.)
territory.
668 C, 14-16 Since some part of each is inside the Taurus and some inside Taurus = in n. Asia
part outside the Taurus, and since I have described the in- outside Taurus = in s. Asia
side parts,1 let me describe the outside parts, starting with

the Trachiotians. |
668 C, 17-26 The first Cilician stronghold is Coracesium, situated on a Coracesium, Alanya (Tky.) 14.5.2
ROUGH CILICIA/TRACHIOTIS steep cliff. It was used as a base by Diodotus (surnamed “Try-
s. Turkey
phon”) when he initiated Syria’s dissent from the kings and
fought a long war against them, sometimes gaining ground,
sometimes losing it. Antiochus (son of Demetrius) trapped
him in a certain location and forced him to commit suicide.
Tryphon was one reason that the Cilicians turned to piracy;
another reason was the incompetence of the kings who suc-
ceeded in both Syria and Cilicia at that time. When Tryphon
rebelled, o thers did too, and the dissension of brother against
brother made the territory vulnerable to attack.
668 C, 26–669 C, 5 The export of slaves, proving most profitable, was the
driver of such criminal activity. Slaves were easy to capture.
There was a huge and lucrative market for them not far away
at all, in Delos, which made possible the import and export
[ 1 ] Strabo classifies the mountainous part of Cilicia as belonging “inside the Tau-
rus”: 490 C, 13–491 C, 5. Strictly, therefore, only this mountainous part should
be categorized as part of n. Asia: 537 C, 29–539 C, 26. For Strabo’s inclusion of
Rough and Level Cilicia here: 664 C, 5-15.
762
of myriads of slaves each day (hence the proverb: trader, sail

in, unload, everything’s sold). The reason was that, in the wake
of the destruction of Carthage and Corinth, Roman wealth
increased, fueling demand for great numbers of household
slaves. The pirates, seeing their opportunity, went from
strength to strength, being both raiders and traders of slaves.
The Cypriot and Egyptian kings, being hostile to the Syr-
ians, were complicit in the matter. The Rhodians, who were
no friends of theirs, provided no assistance.
669 C, 5-11 All the while, the pirates masqueraded as slave traders and
continued their criminal activity unchecked. The Romans as
yet took l ittle notice of what went on outside the Taurus, but
they sent Scipio Aemilianus and then several o thers to keep
an eye on various national groups and cities. They concluded
that what had happened was the result of wrongdoing by the
rulers, even though they w ere too embarrassed to annul the they = Romans
hereditary succession (after Seleucus Nicator), which they

themselves had confirmed.
669 C, 11-19 These events allowed mastery of the territory to pass to
the Parthians (who w ere in possession of the territory on the
far side of the Euphrates) and finally to the Armenians (who
were acquiring territory outside the Taurus as far as Phoenicia
and who, so far as they w ere able to, annihilated the kings and
all their descendants). They handed over the sea, however, to
the Cilicians. Then the Romans were forced—by declaring
war and sending an army—to annihilate t hose whose rise to
power they had not checked. It is difficult to accuse the Ro-
mans of incompetence since, engaged with what was close at
hand, they were unable to keep an eye on what was distant. (I
thought that was worth a brief digression.) |
669 C, 20-32 After Coracesium, there’s the city of Arsinoe. Then 14.5.3
there’s Hamaxia, a settlement on a hill, with an anchorage

from which lumber for shipbuilding is exported. This lum-
ber consists mostly of cedar (apparently, this type of wood
grows in abundance in t hese parts, which is why Antony allo-
cated the area, useful for building fleets, to Cleopatra). Then
there’s Laertes (a fort, on a mastoid hill, with an anchorage); mastoid, breast-shaped
then Selinus . . . * river; then Cragus (a steep cliff overhanging

the sea); then Charadrus (a stronghold with an anchorage,
above which is the mountain Andriclus) and a rugged stretch
763
4.1. Northern Asia
of shore called “Platanistus.” Then t here’s Anemurium head- Anemurium, Eski Anamur (Tky.)
land, where the mainland is closest to Cyprus, the passage

across to the Crommyum headland being three hundred and
fifty stades. The sailing distance along the Cilician coast from
the Pamphylian border as far as Anemurium is eight hundred
and twenty stades.
669 C, 32–670 C, 8 The remaining distance to Soli is five hundred stades. . . . *
the first city after Anemurium is Nagidus; then there’s Ar- Nagidus, Bozyazı (Tky.)
sinoe, with its anchorage; then the site of Melania, and the city Arsinoe, Maraş Harabeleri (Tky.)
of Celenderis with its harbor. Some make Celenderis, rather Celenderis, Aydıncık (Tky.)
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early than Coracesium, the start of Cilicia. T hese include Artemi-
1st c. BCE)
dorus. He says that from the Pelusiac mouth it is three thousand six
hundred and fifty stades to Orthosia; one thousand one hundred and
thirty to the Orontes; next, five hundred and twenty to the Gates;1 one
thousand nine hundred to the Cilician border.2 |
670 C, 9-12 Then there’s Holmi, the former home of the current-day Holmi, nr. Taşucu (Tky.) 14.5.4
Seleucians (resettled when Seleucia-on-the-Calycadnus was

founded). Then you come to the Calycadnus’s outlet, im- Calycadnus river, Göksu
mediately on rounding a beach that forms a headland called

“Sarpedon.” Also near the Calycadnus is Zephyrium,3 an- Sarpedon, Incekum Burnu
other headland.
670 C, 12-30 The river offers passage upstream to Seleucia, which, in a Seleucia-on-the-Calycadnus,
Silifke (Tky.)
radical departure from the Cilician and Pamphylian norm, is
a well-managed city. Eminent individuals from Seleucia have
Peripatetic = Aristotelian
included, in our times, the Peripatetic p hilosophers Athenaeus
Athenaeus, Xenarchus, 1st c.
and Xenarchus. Of these, Athenaeus was a politician and, for BCE
some time, a populist leader in his home city. Then he got em-
broiled with Murena and was captured with him as he fled into
exile (a plot against Caesar Augustus having been uncovered).
Found to be not guilty, Athenaeus was acquitted by Caesar.
When, on his return from Rome, the first well-wishers greeted
Euripides (5th c. BCE) him with questions, Athenaeus quoted Euripides: I am here, the
vaults of the dead and the gates of darkness / behind me.4 But Ath-
enaeus lived only a short time longer, killed when the house in
which he was living collapsed in the night. On the other hand,
Xenarchus, under whom I studied 5 and who spent little time
at home but pursued a life of teaching in Alexandria, Athens,
and finally Rome, enjoying the friendship of Arius and, a fter
that, of Caesar Augustus, lived in honor to a ripe old age,
afflicted by blindness just before dying from a disease. |
[ 1 ] The (Cilician) Gates (nr. Sarıseki, Tky.): 676 C, 20-28n. [ 3 ] Zephyrium = ?Ovacık Adası (Tky.). Cf. 671 C, 33–672 C, 9n.
[ 2 ] Artemidorus’s distances are along the Med. coast from the Pelusian mouth of [ 4 ] This “quoted” quotation contains a rare criticism of Augustus. Murena, a Roman
the Nile (Egypt) anticlockwise to the border between Cilicia and Pamphylia (s. aristocrat, was absent from the trial at which he was found guilty of treason; he
Turkey) Strabo’s point seems to be that, when Artemidorus uses the term “Cili- was captured in the process of leaving Italy and killed. Athenaeus’s quotation
cian border,” he means Celenderis (Aydıncık, Tky.) rather than Coracesium (Al- of Euripides implies horror at the manner of Murena’s death.
anya, Tky.). Strabo later (760 C, 11-16n) re-cites (with slightly different wording) [ 5 ] Xenarchus, like Strabo, led an international life. Strabo may have been edu-
the same passage by Artemidorus, giving Melania/Melaena as the terminus. cated by Xenarchus in Alexandria or, more probably, Rome (548 C, 9-14n; 609 C,
Variations in the manuscripts suggest that successive scribes have altered the 16-22n).
distance figures given here to be consistent with those given by Strabo in the
later re-citation.
764
670 C, 31–671 C, 7 After Calycadnus, there’s what is called “Poecila cliff,” into 14.5.5
which stone steps are cut, leading in the direction of Seleucia;

then Anemurium headland 1 (with the same name as the earlier
one),2 Crambusa island, and Corycus headland. Twenty stades
inland from the headland is the Corycian cave, where the best
saffron is grown. (It’s a huge circular crater, entirely rimmed
by quite high cliffs; you can descend to a small space at the bot-
tom, which is a l ittle uneven and very rocky, thick with shrubs,
both evergreen and cultivated; scattered around are the plots
where saffron is grown.) In the same place, there’s a cave with
a bountiful spring, sending forth a river of pure, clear water,
which immediately drops beneath the surface and flows un-
seen into the sea. They call it “Bitter water.” |
671 C, 8-20 Then, facing the mainland a fter Corycus, t here’s the is- 14.5.6
ELAEUSSA land of Elaeussa, which Archelaus developed and made into

Ayaş (Tky.)
his royal residence when he was granted Rough Cilicia (all
bar Seleucia), in the same way as Amyntas and, even earlier,
Cleopatra. The place was well-suited to brigandage on land place = Rough Cilicia
and piracy by sea: on land, because of the size of the moun-

tains and b ecause the nations of the interior had plains and
plantations that were large and easy to overrun; by sea,
because of its abundant timber for shipbuilding, its harbors,
defenses, and sea coves. In the face of all this, it seemed bet-
ter for it to be ruled by kings than by Roman officials sent to
settle disputes, given that their presence was not intended
to be permanent and they were not armed. Thus it was that
Archelaus was granted Rough Cilicia along with Cappadocia.
Its border, between Soli and Elaeussa, is marked by the Lamus Lamus (river), Limonlu Çay
river (and village of the same name). |

671 C, 21-25 Among the peaks of the Taurus is the robbers’ lair be- 14.5.7
longing to Zenicetus, namely Olympus (the mountain and

the fortress of the same name), from which all of Lycia, Pam-
phylia, Pisidia, and Milyas can be seen. When the mountain
was captured by Isauricus, Zenicetus set fire to himself and
his household. Corycus, Phaselis, and many Pamphylian areas
also belonged to Zenicetus. All were captured by Isauricus. |
671 C, 26-32 After the Lamus, there’s Soli, a noteworthy city (mark- Soli/Pompey City, Viranşehir 14.5.8
(Tky.)
LEVEL/ISSIAN CILICIA ing the beginning of Issian Cilicia), founded by Achaeans and
s. Turkey
by Rhodians from Lindus. This was the city, suffering from
underpopulation, to which Pompey the Great transferred
[ 1 ] No “Anemurium” headland is known in this locality. The name is derived from

the Greek word for “wind.” Possibly there has been some confusion with “Zeph-
yrium” (670 C, 9-12), whose name is derived from the Greek word for “west
wind” and which also has a duplicate: 671 C, 33–672 C, 9n.
[ 2 ] Anemurium headland: 669 C, 20-32; cf. 682 C, 12-27. But see previous note.
765
4.1. Northern Asia
t hose pirates who had survived and who, in his opinion, de-
served safety and a degree of care. He changed its name to
Pompey City. Famous men from there are Chrysippus (the Chrysippus, Aratus, 3rd c. BCE
Stoic p hilosopher), whose f ather moved t here from Tarsus;

Philemon (the composer of comic poetry); and Aratus (who Philemon, late 4th–early 3rd c.
BCE
wrote the Phaenomena in epic verse). |
671 C, 33–672 C, 9 Then there’s Zephyrium (with the same name as the one Zephyrium, Mersin (Tky.) 14.5.9
near the Calycadnus).1 Then, a little inland, there’s Anchiala. Anchiala, Yümüktepe (Tky.)
Aristobulus (late 4th c. BCE) Aristobulus says, Anchiala was founded by Sardanapallus; Sar-
danapallus’s tomb is there, and a marble relief in which the fingers
of his right hand are brought together as if he is snapping them; and
the following inscription in Assyrian script—“Sardanapallus, son of
Anacyndaraxes, built Anchiala and Tarsus in one day; eat, drink,
and be merry; the rest is not worth this” (meaning a snap of the fin
?Choerilus (5th c. BCE) gers). Choerilus, too, records t hese words. This verse also sur-
vives: These I possess—the food I savored, the lusts I gratified, the
love / I felt. My many worldly goods are left behind. |
672 C, 10-22 Inland from Anchiala is Cyinda, a fortress once used as 14.5.10
a treasury by the Macedonians. (Its contents were taken by

Eumenes when he rebelled from Antigonus.) Still farther in-
land from this and from Soli are the mountains where Olba is Olba, Ura (Tky.)
situated, a city with a temple to Zeus, founded by Ajax (son

of Teucer). A priest from Olba became the overlord of Rough
Cilicia. Then the territory was subjected to a large number of
tyrannical rulers, and pirate gangs took hold. After the pirates
were destroyed, and right up to our times, people called both
the dominion and the priesthood “Teucrian”; and most of those
who presided over the temple were named “Teucer” or “Ajax.”
Aba, d aughter of Zenophanes (who was one of the tyranni-
cal rulers), married into the f amily, and herself seized power,
her father having previously been in control under pretense of
being her guardian. Later on, Antony and Cleopatra recognized
her claim (after strenuous lobbying on her part). When Aba fell
from power, political power remained in her family.
672 C, 23–673 C, 5 After Anchiala are the outlets of the Cydnus, at what is Cydnus [river], Tarsos Çay
called “Rhegma” (Broken-through), a place that has turned into a

lake (with old shipyards) into which the Cydnus issues (after
flowing through the m iddle of Tarsus from its sources in the
Taurus, which rises up behind the city). The lake is Tarsus’s Tarsus, Tarsos (Tky.)
seaport. | Up to this point, the w hole coastline (starting with this point = outlets of Cydnus r. 14.5.11
[ 1 ] Zephyrium near Calycadnus: 670 C, 9-12n.
766
the Rhodian Peraea) runs from due west to due east; then it
bends to the southeast as far as Issus, whereupon it immedi- Issus, Yesil Hüyük (Tky.)
ately turns south as far as Phoenicia; the remaining and final

stretch runs westward to the Pillars. Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
673 C, 5-16 In truth, from h ere (Tarsus and the outlet of the Cydnus)
to Amisus is the isthmus of the peninsula that has been tra- Amisus, Samsun (Tky.)
versed.1 For this is the shortest distance from Amisus to the

Cilician border, and from the Cilician border it is one hundred
Strabo argues that s. end of and twenty stades to Tarsus, and not many more from there to
isthmus is at Tarsus (Tarsos,
Tky.) rather than Issus (Yesil the outlet of the Cydnus. T here is no shorter route from Amisus
Hüyük, Tky.) to Issus (and the Issian sea) than the one through Tarsus, nor Issus, Yesil Hüyük (Tky.)
is it a lesser distance to Issus than to Cydnus. Clearly, therefore,

this is the a ctual isthmus,2 even though the isthmus is mislead-
ingly described as “going to the Issian gulf,”3 because the latter
has traditional significance. For that reason, I have no qualms
in treating the line I have drawn from Rhodia to the Cydnus as Rhodia = Rhodian Peraea, sw.
Turkey
identical with the line to Issus, and in stating that the Taurus
continues on from it in a straight line to India. |
673 C, 17-22 Tarsus is situated on a plain and was founded by the Ar- Tarsus, Tarsos (Tky.) 14.5.12
gives at the time of their wanderings under Triptolemus in

search of Io. The Cydnus runs right through Tarsus, where
the gymnasium for youths is located. The river has its source
not far away and runs through a deep ravine immediately
before flowing into the city, so its current is swift and cold.
When animals suffering from inflammation are ridden into
it, it brings relief to both animal and man. |
673 C, 23–674 C, 6 There is so much enthusiasm among the people of Tarsus 14.5.13
for philosophy, and for the other subjects that constitute a

complete education, that they have surpassed Athens, Alex-
andria, and any place you care to name where philosophers
run schools and teach courses.4 The difference is that in
Tarsus, all the students are locals. It is not easy for foreign-
ers to stay t here. Nor do the locals stay t here long, but they
go abroad to continue their education and, when finished,
happily stay abroad; only a few come back. In the other cities
that I just mentioned (except Alexandria),5 the opposite is
the case. Many students go to t hese cities and are delighted to
study t here, but you would not see many local students g oing
abroad to pursue their education, nor even being very keen to
study at home! (The Alexandrians engage in both activities:
[ 1 ] The Asian peninsula forms the framework of Strabo’s description of the 4th sec-
tion of n. Asia: 492 C, 10-16; 534 C, 8-20; 632 C, 1-4; 664 C, 5-15.
[ 2 ] I.e., from Amisus to Tarsus, as stated by Strabo at 126 C, 3-11. Cf. 676 C, 34–677 C,
15n.
[ 3 ] E.g., by Strabo himself, who gives “Issus,” the “Cilician sea,” the “Issian sea/gulf”
as the southern marker of the isthmus: 492 C, 10-16; 534 C, 8-20; 632 C, 1-4; 664 C.
5-15. “Issus” is also used by Apollodorus, for which he is taken to task by Strabo:
676 C, 34–677 C, 15.
[ 4 ] “Any place you care to name” = Rome.
[ 5 ] I.e., in Athens and Rome. With his comment on the lack of scholarly aptitude
among the locals, Strabo is perhaps making a jibe at Rome’s youth.
767
4.1. Northern Asia
they accept a large number of foreigners but also export their

own people.) There are all sorts of schools of public speaking.
Tarsus is very strong, being particularly well supplied with
manpower, and takes on the role of metropolis. |
674 C, 7-13 Men from Tarsus include the Stoic p hilosophers (An- Antipater, Archedemus, 2nd c. 14.5.14
BCE
tipater and Archedemus) and Nestor; as well as the two
Nestor, late 1st c. BCE
Athenodori. Of these, the Athenodorus surnamed “Cordyl-
Athenodorus Cordylion, 1st c.
ion” lived with Marcus Cato and died at the latter’s home. The BCE
Athenodorus (son of Sandon) called “Cananite” (after some Athenodorus (son of Sandon),
village) taught Caesar and achieved great distinction. Return- 1st c. BCE–early 1st c. CE,
Strabo’s contemporary
ing to his native city, by this time an old man, he got rid of the
existing government, which was in the incompetent hands of
Boethus (among others), a useless poet and a useless citizen
who r ose to power largely through his populist policies.
674 C, 13-26 Boethus owed his success initially to Antony, to whom
he sent a poem on the victory at Philippi (although Boethus
owed his success even more to the facility, which is widespread
among Tarsians, of speaking on the spur of the moment on any
given topic, extemporaneously and without a break). Antony
had promised the Tarsians the gymnasiarchy, but then set up
Boethus as an anti-gymnasiarch and entrusted him with the fi-
nances. Boethus was caught in the act of nicking, among other
things, the olive oil! Prosecuted by his accusers in front of Ant-
ony, Boethus appeased Antony’s anger with various entreaties,
including this one: As Homer extolled Achilles, Agamemnon, and
Odysseus, so I extolled you. It is not therefore right for me to be the
subject of such slanders, with you as the judge. To which his prosecu-
tor retorted: Homer did not—as you did—steal Agamemnon’s and
Achilles’s oil! You will face the consequences. Boethus nevertheless
parried Antony’s anger by means of certain f avors, and con-
tinued to plunder the city up until Antony’s fall.
674 C, 26–675 C, 6 This was the state in which Athenodorus found the city.
For a while, he tried using reason to get Boethus and his Strabo relates examples
of scatological wit in
partners to alter course, but when their abuses continued Athenodorus’s repartee with
unchecked, he resorted to the powers granted him by Caesar, Boethus
sentenced them to exile, and sent them away. Before this, they
Boethus and partners parody had written the following graffiti on Athenodorus’s wall: young
a line from Hesiod (late 8th–
7th c. BCE): “young men work, men work, middle-aged men counsel, old men fart!1 Athenodorus
middle-aged men counsel, old took this in good humour and gave orders for the follow-
men pray”
ing response: old men thunder. Someone, however, with no
[ 1 ] Athenodorus was, by this stage, an “old man”: 674 C, 7-13.
768
decency but with loose bowels, going past the house in the
middle of the night, liberally shat all over the door and wall.
Athenodorus, laying the charge of intrigue against them in
front of the assembly, said: you can see the city’s sickness and evil
constitution everywhere, but particularly in her shit!
675 C, 7-18 While the foregoing were Stoics, my Nestor 1—who
taught Marcellus, the son of Octavia (Caesar’s sister)—was
an Academic. Taking over as head of the city government
after Athenodorus, Nestor continued to merit honor, from
both state officials and the citizen body. | Other p hilosophers 14.5.15
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) whom I might know and name include, among t hose who trav-
eled widely and w ere good at setting up schools, Plutiades
and Diogenes; 2 Diogenes also composed poems (usually
tragic ones) as if by inspiration, on any topic handed to him.
Literary experts who left b ehind them written works include
Artemidorus and Diodorus. T here was also Dionysiades, the Artemidorus, 1st c. BCE
highly talented composer of tragic poetry, counted in the

Pleiad (Seven stars). Rome—packed with Tarsians and Alexan- Pleiad = group of seven tragic
poets, 3rd c. BCE
drians—is the best evidence for the number of scholars from
this city. That’s enough about Tarsus. |
675 C, 19–676 C, 5 After the Cydnus, t here’s the Pyramus (flowing out of Cata- Pyramus, Ceyhan Nehri 14.5.16
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early onia), which I mentioned previously.3 Artemidorus says that the
1st c. BCE)
straight-line sailing distance from there to Soli is five hundred stades. Soli, Viranşehir (Tky.)
On a nearby elevation is Mallus, founded by Amphilochus and Mallus, Kızıltahta (Tky.)
Mopsus (son of Apollo and Manto), about whom many myths

are told. I mentioned them myself,4 as part of the story about
Calchas and how Calchas and Mopsus competed with each
other in making prophecies; some authorities, Sophocles for
example, transfer the scene of this competition to Cilicia, al-
Sophocles (5th c. BCE) though Sophocles, as composers of tragic poetry do, calls Cili-
cia “Pamphylia” and likewise calls Lycia “Caria” and calls Troy
and Lydia “Phrygia”; various authorities, including Sophocles,
have Calchas dying here. According to myth, they competed
not only in prophecy but also for power. The story goes that
Mopsus and Amphilochus founded Mallus on their way back
from Troy; then Amphilochus left for Argos but, dissatisfied
with conditions there, came back to Mallus; deprived of his fair
share, he fought in single combat with Mopsus; they both fell
fighting and were buried out of each other’s sight. Their tombs
are identified near Magarsa, near the Pyramus.
[ 1 ] “My” (which can also be translated as “our”) implies that Strabo was an admirer
of Nestor, perhaps a student or friend. Cf. Strabo’s reference to “my” (or “our”)
Aristodemus, his teacher from Nysa: 650 C, 24-32.
[ 2 ] Strabo implies that he knew Plutiades and Diogenes personally.
[ 3 ] 536 C, 3-20, where Strabo describes the upper reaches of the Pyramus from
personal experience.
[ 4 ] 642 C, 21–643 C, 9.
769
4.1. Northern Asia
676 C, 5-6 Crates, the literary expert, said to have been a disciple of Crates, 2nd c. BCE
Panaetius, was from Mallus. |

676 C, 7-13 Inland from this stretch of coast is the Aleian plain, across 14.5.17
which Philotas led the cavalry for Alexander (while Alexander

took the infantry from Soli along the shore and through the
territory of Mallus to Issus and Darius’s forces). Alexander is
said to have made sacrifices commemorating Amphilochus’s
Hesiod (late 8th–7th c. BCE) death because of his Argos connections. Hesiod says, Amphi-
lochus was killed in Soli by Apollo; others, that he was killed in
the region of the Aleian plain; others, that he was killed in
Syria when, b ecause of the quarrel, he was in flight from the
Aleian plain. |
676 C, 14-19 After Mallus, there’s Aegaeae (a small town, with anchor- Aegaeae, Yumurtalık (Tky.) 14.5.18
age). Then there’s the Amanian Gates (with anchorage). Amanian Gates, Karanlıkkapı
(Tky.)
This marks the end of the Amanus mountain range (which
Amanus, Nur Dağları (Tky.)
stretches from the Taurus and lies inland from the eastern part
of Cilicia). This mountain range always used to be ruled by a
plethora of petty kings with their strongholds. In our times,
however, one celebrated man established himself as supreme
commander of all, and obtained the title of “king” from the
Romans in return for his good s ervice. This was Tarcondimo-
tus; and he handed the succession on to his descendants. |
676 C, 20-28 After Aegaeae, there’s Issus (a small town, with an anchor- Issus, Yesil Hüyük (Tky.) 14.5.19
age) and the Pinarus river. This is where the b attle between
Alexander and Darius took place. The gulf, too, is called
“Issian.” On the gulf are the cities of Rhosus, Myriandrus, Rhosus, Uluçınar/Arsuz (Tky.)
Alexandria, Nicopolis, Mopsu Hestia, and what are called Myriandrus, Ada Tepe (Tky.)
the “Gates,”1 marking the border between the Cilicians and Alexandria, Esentepe, in town
of İskenderun (Tky.)
oracle, both a center for divine Syrians. Also in Cilicia are the t emple and oracle of “Sarpe-
prophecy and a prophecy given Nicopolis, nr. Yesil Hüyük (Tky.)
in such a place donian” Artemis; the oracles are delivered by people in the
Mopsu Hestia, Yakapınar (Tky.)
grip of divine inspiration. | After Cilicia, the first Syrian city 14.5.20
is Seleucia-in-Pieria, with the mouth of the Orontes river

nearby. From Seleucia, it is a straight sail of only slightly less
than one thousand stades to Soli. | Soli, Viranşehir (Tky.)
676 C, 29-33 The Trojan Cilicians 2 that are mentioned by Homer are 14.5.21
very far away from the Cilicians outside the Taurus. Some say
that the latter have their origins among the Trojan Cilicians;
they adduce certain places in Cilicia, such as Pamphylian
Thebe and Lyrnessus. O thers, taking the opposite view, ad-
duce an “Aleian plain” in Troy.
[ 1 ] Usually referred to as the “Cilician Gates” (nr. Sarıseki, Tky.); cf. 669 C, 32–670 C, 8.
[ 2 ] Trojan Cilicians: 572 C, 21-30n.
770
Overview of Asian Peninsula
676 C, 34–677 C, 15 Now that the part1 of the said peninsula2 lying outside the
Taurus has been traversed, I must add the following. | In his 14.5.22
work About the Ships,3 Apollodorus includes these statements.

Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) claims He says, the Trojan allies from Asia are all enumerated by the poet Asia = Asian peninsula
that all Troy’s Asian allies come
from the Asian peninsula as residents of the peninsula, the isthmus of which is at its narrowest
between the Sinopean recess and Issus. He says, the outer sides of Issus, Yesil Hüyük (Tky.)
the peninsula (which is triangular in shape) are unequal, one side
stretching from Cilicia to the Chelidonians, one side stretching thence Chelidonians, Beş Adalar (Tk.
islands)
to the mouth of the Euxine, and one side stretching thence back to
Euxine, Black Sea
Sinope. His claim that the allies are restricted to residents of
Sinope, Sinop (Tky.)
the peninsula would be disproved by means of the same ar-
guments I used e arlier to prove that they are not restricted
to residents inside the Halys:4 the Pharnacia region, where I
placed the Halizonians, is not only outside the Halys but also
outside the isthmus, given that it is outside the narrow neck
Strabo quibbles over between Sinope and Issus. In fact, it is not only outside this
Apollodorus’s definition of
Asian peninsula but also outside the true neck between Amisus and Tarsus: 5
Apollodorus, having incorrectly defined the isthmus and the former = Sinope–Issus
narrow neck that marks it, confuses the former and the latter. latter = Amisus–Tarsus
677 C, 15-24 Worst of all is Apollodorus’s declaration that the penin-
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) sula, which he claims is triangular in shape, has three outer sides.
describes Asian peninsula as
triangular; Strabo disagrees The reference to outer sides is appropriate for someone who
discounts the side at the isthmus—which is a “side,” albeit
not an outer one and not on the sea. Now, if the neck were
so narrow that the side leading up to Issus and the side lead- Issus, Yesil Hüyük (Tky.)
ing up to Sinope missed touching each other by only a small Sinope, Sinop (Tky.)
amount, it would be acceptable to call the isthmus triangular

in shape. But since the sides miss each other by three thousand
stades, which is the distance across the neck as he defines it,
it is pure ignorance to state that such a quadrilateral is trian-
gular in shape. Nor is it proper to chorography. (Apollodorus
published a chorographic work—in the meter used for comic
verse—called a Description of the World.)
677 C, 24-32 The same charge of ignorance applies even if one reduces
the isthmus to the very shortest dimension, as claimed by the
greatest liars, namely to one half of the total (one thousand
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early five hundred stades, a figure also stated by Artemidorus).
1st c. BCE)
Even this reduction does not result in enough of a conver-
gence to produce anything like a triangular shape. Nor does
he correctly define the outer sides in speaking of the side from
[ 1 ] “Part” outside the Taurus: 664 C, 5–676 C, 28.

[ 2 ] “Said peninsula”: 673 C, 5-16n.
[ 3 ] The forces fighting at Troy are listed by Homer (8th c. BCE), in a section of the
Iliad referred to as the Catalogue of Ships; Apollodorus’s commentary on this
section of Homer’s work is referred to as About the Ships. Strabo often uses
“titles” for parts of Homer’s poems (4 C, 14-20n), as well as for parts of his own
work (639 C, 15-27n).
[ 4 ] 552 C, 9–555 C, 6.
[ 5 ] Discussion on the true neck of the isthmus: 673 C, 5-16n.
771
4.1. Northern Asia
Issus to the Chelidonians. This leaves out the whole of the Ly- Issus, Yesil Hüyük (Tky.)
cian coast (which provides a straight-line continuation of this Chelidonians, Beş Adalar (Tk.
islands)
side) and the Rhodian Peraea as far as Physcus, which is where
the mainland coast makes a turn to form the beginning of the
second (western) side as far as the Propontis and Byzantium. | Propontis, Marmara Denizi
677 C, 33–678 C, 16 Ephorus says that sixteen tribes inhabited this peninsula, three 14.5.23
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) lists tribes of them Greek, the rest (except for the hybrids) native. The Cilicians,
in Asian peninsula
Pamphylians, Lycians, Bithynians, Paphlagonians, Mariandynians,
Trojans, and Carians w ere coastal tribes; the Pisidians, Mysians,
Chalybians, Phrygians, and Milyans w ere interior tribes. In his
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) analysis of this description, Apollodorus says, there is a seven-
contrasts situation in his day
with situation described by teenth tribe, that of the Galatians, of more recent date than Ephorus.
Ephorus (4th c. BCE); and Of the tribes mentioned, the Greek ones had not yet been settled in the mentioned = by Ephorus
situation described by Ephorus
with the situation described by Trojan period, while the native tribes have become hybridized over
Homer (8th c. BCE)
time. The poet lists the tribes of the Trojans and of the (still so-named)
“Paphlagonians,” “Mysians,” “Phrygians,” “Carians,” and “Lycians”;
the “Meionians” (for the Lydians); other unknown tribes, such as the
“Halizonians” and “Cauconians”; and—outside the Catalogue1—the
“Cetians,” “Solymians,” “Cilicians” (from the plain of Thebe), and
“Lelegians.” He does not mention by name Pamphylians, Bithynians,
Mariandynians, Pisidians, Chalybians, Milyans, or Cappadocians—
some, because they had not yet settled these places, others because they
were included with other tribes (e.g., the Idrians and Termilians with
the Carians, the Dolionians and Bebrycians with the Phrygians). |
678 C, 17-31 Apollodorus is clearly insufficiently critical of Ephorus’s 14.5.24
Strabo claims Apollodorus statements (at the same time falsifying what the poet says and
should have objected
to Ephorus’s inclusion of throwing it into confusion).2 In the first instance, Apollodorus
Chalybians in Asian peninsula should have asked Ephorus why he locates the Chalybians
inside the peninsula (given how far east of Sinope and Amisus Sinope, Sinop (Tky.)
they are). T hose who draw a line from Issus to the Euxine Amisus, Samsun (Tky.)
as the isthmus of this peninsula treat this line as a meridian. Issus, Yesil Hüyük (Tky.)
Some consider it to be the Sinope meridian, some the Ami- Euxine, Black Sea
sus meridian, but no one considers it to be the Chalybian me-
ridian—it would be totally skewed. The Chalybian meridian
should be drawn through Little Armenia and the Euphrates,
and would leave all of Cappadocia—as well as Commagene, Amanus [mountains], Nur
Dağları (Tky.)
the Amanus, and the Issian gulf—inside. Were we to concede
inside = within Asian peninsula
that the skewed line demarcates the isthmus, most of these
places—in particular, Cappadocia and what is now known by
the specific name of “Pontus” (the part of Cappadocia on the
(639 C, 15-27n).
[ 2 ] Apollodorus’s misuse of the poet (= Homer): 679 C, 28–681 C, 24.
772
Overview of Asian Peninsula
Euxine)—would be left inside. If the Chalybians are to be con-

sidered part of the peninsula, so even more should the Cata-
onians, both sets of Cappadocians, and the Lycaonians (whom
he also omits).
678 C, 32–679 C, 10 Why did he classify the Chalybians (whom the poet called he = Ephorus
Halizonians, as I showed)1 among the interior tribes? Better to

divide the Chalybians into two groups, calling one of these
groups coastal and the other interior (which should be done,
too, in the case of Cappadocia and Cilicia, although he does
not mention the former and only refers to the Cilicians as
coastal). The p eople subject to Antipater of Derbe, and the
Homonadians and various others who share a border with the
Strabo cites Homer (8th c. BCE) Pisidians—how are they (“men with no knowledge of the sea, who
do not even sprinkle their food with salt”) to be classified? Nor did
he mention e ither Lydians or Meionians (whether two tribes
or one and the same, w hether i ndependent or counted in with
another tribe). It is not possible to conceal so significant a
nation, and he who keeps quiet about them would appear to
leave out one of the most important. |
679 C, 11-15 Who are the hybrids? I could not say what other places be- 14.5.25
yond t hose stated to have been named by him (or not named him = Ephorus
by him) might be assigned to the hybrids; nor can any of those

places that he did (or did not) name be assigned to them. Even
if there was intermingling, nevertheless the result would have
been either predominantly Greek or predominantly native. I
know of no third hybrid race. |
679 C, 16-22 In what sense is the peninsula inhabited by three Greek 14.5.26
tribes? If it is b
ecause in antiquity the Ionians and Athenians
were one and the same, then let Dorians and Aeolians be said
to be one and the same, too, in which case there would be two
tribes. If divisions are to be made in accordance with later cul-
ture (in accordance with, for example, language) then there
would be four tribes, just as there are four languages. This
peninsula is inhabited, specifically according to Ephorus’s
division, not only by Ionians but also by Athenians, as has
been shown in my detailed description.2
679 C, 23-27 It is worth raising such questions as these with regard to
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) Ephorus. Apollodorus, however, raised none of them, but adds
to the sixteen nations the seventeenth tribe, that of the Galatians, in
many ways a useful addition but irrelevant to the discussion of
[ 1 ] 549 C, 11-30.
[ 2 ] Athenian origin of some Ionian cities: 632 C, 17–633 C, 19. Cf. Adramyttium:
606 C, 27-33. Elaea: 622 C, 1-15.
773
4.1. Northern Asia
what was said or omitted by Ephorus. (As Apollodorus himself

explains, t hese events w ere of more recent date than him.) | him = Ephorus
679 C, 28–680 C, 9 Moving on to the poet,1 he correctly states that changing poet = Homer 14.5.27
circumstances have resulted in much intermingling of the native he = Apollodorus

tribes in the period from Trojan times up to the current day; some
new tribes have arisen while others have disappeared, some tribes
have fragmented while o thers have amalgamated. However, he
is incorrect in his twofold explanation for why the poet is
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) uses silent about some tribes, that e ither the place was not yet inhab-
Homer’s silence over some
tribes as evidence that those ited by the tribe, or the tribe was counted as part of another. (The
tribes w
ere not yet in existence poet’s silence over Cappadocia, Cataonia, and likewise Lyca-
in Homer’s day (8th c. BCE)
onia, can be explained by neither of these f actors: we have
Strabo considers Apollodorus’s no such record for them. It is laughable for him to enquire him = Apollodorus
methodology invalid re
Cappadocians, Cataonians, and into and defend Homer’s omission of the Cappadocians and
Lycaonians Lycaonians, but to be silent himself over their omission by
Ephorus (4th c. BCE) Ephorus, especially when he set out the man’s statement for man = Ephorus
the very purpose of reviewing and criticizing it! Laughable,

too, for him to teach that Homer uses Meionians for Lydians
but not to point out that Ephorus mentions neither Meio-
nians nor Lydians!) |
680 C, 9-24 In saying that the poet mentions some unknown tribes,2 he 14.5.28
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) argues is correct in regard to “Cauconians,” “Solymians,” “Cetians,”
that some tribes mentioned
by Homer no longer exist; “Lelegians,” and the “Cilicians of the plain of Thebe,” but mis-
Strabo objects as far as the leading as concerns the “Halizonians.”3 It is rather the case that,
“Halizonians” are concerned
early on, people who were unfamiliar with the “Halizonians”
emended the spelling in various ways and invented the birth-
place of silver and other metal mines that had been exhausted.
Scepsian = Demetrius (2nd c. To support this conceit, they cited research by the Scepsian,
BCE)
derived from Callisthenes and from other authorities (not
Callisthenes (late 4th c. BCE)
untainted by the false stories about the Halizonians), that the
wealth of Tantalus and of the descendants of Pelops came from mines
in the region of Phrygia and Sipylus; Cadmus’s wealth came from mines
in the region of Thrace and mount Pangaeum; Priam’s wealth, from
gold mines in Astyra in the Abydus region (where the deposits now
remaining are only small, but where the large piles of earth
and the shafts that were dug out provide evidence that min-
ing took place in the long-ago past); Midas’s wealth, from those Midas, Phrygian king,
?8th–7th c. BCE
around mount Bermium; the wealth of Gyges, Alyattes, and Croesus,
Gyges, Alyattes, Croesus,
from those in Lydia . . . * a small deserted town—between Atarneus Lydian kings, 7th–6th c. BCE
and Pergamum—whose lands have been mined to exhaustion. |

[ 2 ] I.e., unknown in Apollodorus’s day (some 6 centuries after Homer).
[ 3 ] Strabo believes Halizonians to be the Homeric name for the p eople l ater known
as “Chalybians” or “Chaldaeans”: 678 C, 32–679 C, 10n.
774
Cyprus
680 C, 25–681 C, 3 One might blame Apollodorus even more for this reason: 14.5.29
Apollodorus (2nd c. BCE) although usually very critical of later writers whose innova- later = post-Homeric
tive interpretations went beyond Homeric statements, in

the following m atter he was not only less critical but in fact
quite the reverse, joining together unconnected statements.
Xanthus (5th c. BCE) Xanthus of Lydia says that the Phrygians migrated from E urope
and the “Left-Hand Side of the Pontus” 1 after Trojan times; Sca-
mandrius took them from among the Berecyntians, from Ascania.
Apollodorus says in connection with these statements that
Xanthus’s “Ascania” is mentioned by Homer, too: “Phorcys and god-
like Ascanius led the Phrygians, / from far-off Ascania.” If this is
true, then the migration would have taken place a fter Trojan
times, and the allied force of Trojan times mentioned by the
poet would have come from the mainland opposite, from
among the Berecyntians and “Ascania.”
681 C, 3-24 But then who were the Phrygians, who, at that time, were
camped along the banks of the Sangarius, when Priam says, I was
reckoned an ally of theirs? How come Priam sent for the Phry-
gians among the Berecyntians, with whom he had no ties, but
left out the Phrygians on his borders whom he himself had
earlier helped? Moreover, what he goes on to say about the he = Apollodorus
Mysians is inconsistent with his statements about the Phry-

gians. He says t here is a Mysian village, “Ascania,” near a lake Ascania (lake), Iznik Gölü (Tky.)
of the same name, out of which flows the Ascanius river. The
Euphorion (3rd c. BCE) river is also mentioned by Euphorion (by the w aters of Mysian
Alexander (3rd c. BCE) Ascanius) and by Alexander of Aetolia (who have their dwellings
by the Ascanian stream, / on the banks of lake Ascania, where Do- Ascanius (river), Gemlik Dere
lion / lived, the son of Silenus and Melia). He says that “Dolionis” He = Apollodorus
and “Mysia” are names given to the Cyzicus region in the direction
of Miletus City. If all this is so, and the evidence is provided by
places identified in the current-day and by the poets, what is
there to prevent Homer from having meant this “Ascania”
rather than the one referred to by Xanthus? These matters
have been already dealt with, in the section on the Mysians
and Phrygians,2 so let me end h ere. |
681 C, 25-33 What remains 3 is the island of Cyprus, which lies alongside 14.6.1
CYPRUS this peninsula4 to the south. As has been noted, the part of the
Kypros
sea that is contained by Egypt, Phoenicia, Syria, and by the
remaining stretch of coastline to Rhodia, is more or less made Rhodia = Rhodian Peraea, sw.
Turkey
up of the Egyptian sea, the Pamphylian sea, and the sea in the
[ 1 ] “Left-Hand Side of the Pontus” (Black Sea coast of Eur. Tky, Bul., Rom., Ukr.,
Crim., Russ.): 289 C, 1-7n.
[ 2 ] 564 C, 27–565 C, 6.
[ 3 ] I.e., what “remains” to be described of 4th section of n. Asia, as adumbrated at
492 C, 10-16.
[ 4 ] “Peninsula” = Asian peninsula.
775
4.1. Northern Asia
Issian gulf.1 This is where Cyprus lies, close to Rough Cilicia in

the north—where the island is nearest to the mainland—and
to the Issian gulf in the east; washed by the Pamphylian sea in
the west and by the Egyptian sea in the south.
681 C, 33–682 C, 1 The one sea is confluent with the Libyan sea and the Car- one sea = Egyptian sea
pathian sea to the west; to its south and east are Egypt and the
coastline following on from there as far as Seleucia and Issus; Issus, Yesil Hüyük (Tky.)
to its north are Cyprus and the Pamphylian sea. This other sea other sea = Pamphylian sea
is enclosed to the north by the extreme end of Rough Cilicia

and by Pamphylia and Lycia as far as Rhodia; to the west, by
the Rhodian island; to the east, by the region of Paphos and
Acamas in Cyprus; and it is confluent with the Egyptian sea
to the south. |
682 C, 2-12 The circumference of Cyprus is three thousand four hun- 14.6.2
dred and twenty stades (including coastal indentations). Its

length, from the Cleides to Acamas, is one thousand four Cleides, Kleides (Tk. Cyp.)
hundred stades if you travel overland by road from east to Acamas, Cape Arnaoutis/
Akamas (Cyp.)
west. The Cleides are two small islands lying off Cyprus at
the eastern end of the island, seven hundred stades from
the Pyramus. Acamas is a headland, with two hills and lots
of trees, located in the west of the island, stretching north-
ward. It is closest to Selinus in Rough Cilicia (a crossing of Selinus, Kale Tepe (Tky.)
one thousand stades); the crossing to Sida in Pamphylia is one Sida, Selimiye (Tky.)
thousand six hundred [stades]; the crossing to the Chelidonians Chelidonians, Beş Adalar (Tk.
islands)
is one thousand nine hundred [stades]. The overall shape of the
island is oblong, with occasional isthmuses along the sides
that define its breadth.
682 C, 12-27 The following is a summarized place-by-place description,
starting with the point nearest the mainland. | I said elsewhere 14.6.3
that a Cyprian promontory, the Crommyum headland, lies op- Crommyum, Kormakitis (Tk.
Cyp.)
posite the Anemurium headland (part of Rough Cilicia) at a
Anemurium, Eski Anamur (Tky.)
distance of three hundred and fifty stades.2 From Crommyum,
keeping the island to your immediate right and the mainland
to your left, your course lies northeast t oward the Cleides, a Cleides, Kleides (Tk. Cyp.)
straight-line sailing distance of seven hundred stades. In the
interim, there’s the city of Lapathus—with its anchorage and Lapathus, N Karavas (Tk. Cyp.)
shipyards—founded by the Laconians and Praxandrus; Nagi- Nagidus, Bozyazı (Tky.)

Aphrodisium, NW Akanthou
dus lies opposite it. Then there’s Aphrodisium, where the is- (Tk. Cyp.)
land narrows (the pass across to Salamis being seventy stades);
Achaean Strand, N coast
then Achaean Strand, where Teucer—founder of Salamis-in- Karpass (Tk. Cyp.)
[ 1 ] 121 C, 21-28.
[ 2 ] 669 C, 20-32.
776
Cyprus
Cyprus—first dropped anchor after he was banished, so the

story goes, by his father, Telamon; then the city of Carpasia, Carpasia, Rizokarpaso/Ag. Filon
(Tk. Cyp.)
with its harbor. Carpasia lies opposite the Sarpedon headland.
Sarpedon headland, Incekum
The pass across the isthmus, from Carpasia to the Carpasian Burnu (Tky.)
islands and the southern sea, is thirty stades.
682 C, 27–683 C, 5 Then there’s a headland, and a mountain; the headland
is called “Olympus” and has an inner sanctum to “Acraean” Olympus (headland), Cape
Apostolos Andreas (Tk. Cyp.)
Aphrodite, to enter which, or even to look at, is forbidden for
women. Not far offshore are the Cleides and several other is- Cleides, Kleides (Tk. Cyp.)
lands. Then t here are the Carpasian islands and, a fter them,
Aristus, ?3rd c. BCE Salamis (the writer Aristus is from Salamis); then Arsinoe, Salamis, NW Ammokhostos
(Tk. Cyp.)
city and harbor; then Leucolla, another harbor; then Pedalium
Pedalium, Cape Gkreko (Cyp.)
trapezoid, table-shaped headland, overlooked by a rugged and steep trapezoid hill, sa-
cred to Aphrodite, to which the distance from the Cleides is six
hundred and eighty stades. Then the coastline is indented and
rocky as far as Citium, which has a harbor whose entrance can Citium, Larnaka (Cyp.)
be closed (Zeno, founder of the Stoic sect, and Apollonius, the Zeno, 4th–3rd c. BCE
physician, are from Citium); thence to Berytus is one thousand Apollonius, early 1st c. BCE
five hundred stades. Then t here’s the city of Amathus (with Berytus, Beirut (Leb.)
mastoid, breast-shaped a town called “Palaea” in the interim and a mastoid mountain, Amathus, NE Lemesos (Cyp.)
Olympus); then Curias headland, almost an island (the distance Curias, Akrotiri (Br. Cyp.)
to Curias from Throni is seven hundred stades); then the city

of Curium, which has a harbor and was founded by the Argives. Curium, SW Episkopi (Br. Cyp.)
683 C, 6-16 It is immediately possible to observe the silliness of the

composer of the elegiac poem beginning sacred to Phoebus,
running o’er the sea, / hinds fleeing arrows, swiftly we came (whether Strabo pokes fun at literary
reference to hinds swimming
Hedylus (3rd c. BCE) the poet is Hedylus or someone else). He has the hinds head- from Asian peninsula to south
ing out from the Corycian mountain ridge and swimming across side of Cyprus
from the Cilician shore to the Curiad shore; and declares it a mani-
fold wonder for men to know how, o’er the untraveled / deep, with a
spring wind from the west, we coursed ! From Corycus to the Cu-
riad shore is a sea voyage, not a channel crossing! Nor do you
make it with a westerly wind, nor with the island on your right
but rather on your left.
683 C, 17-27 Curium marks the start of the western coast, which f aces Curium, SW Episkopi (Br. Cyp.)
Rhodes. Immediately you come to a headland, where t hose

who have touched Apollo’s altar are hurled to their death;
then Treta, Boosura, and Palaepaphos (set back from the sea Palaepaphos, Kouklia (Cyp.)
by some ten stades, with an anchorage and an ancient t emple

to “Paphian” Aphrodite); then the headland Zephyria, with
777
4.1. Northern Asia
its mooring place, and another headland, Arsinoe, which

similarly has a mooring place and also has a t emple and a sa-
cred precinct; and Hierocepia, set a little back from the sea.
Then there’s Paphos, founded by Agapenor, with a harbor Paphos, Kato Paphos (Cyp.)
and beautifully appointed temples. Paphos is sixty stades dis-

tant from Palaepaphos by road. E very year, men and w omen
come together, from other cities as well, and go in procession
to Palaepaphos along this road. Some say it is three thousand
six hundred stades from Paphos to Alexandria.
683 C, 27-33 After Paphos, there’s Acamas; then, after Acamas, it is an Acamas, Cape Arnaoutis/
Akamas (Cyp.)
eastward sail to Arsinoe—the city and the precinct sacred to
Arsinoe, Polis tis Khrysokhou
Zeus. Then t here’s the city of Soli, with its harbor and river, (Cyp.)
and a temple sacred to Aphrodite and Isis. Soli was founded Soli, SW Morphou (Tk. Cyp.)
by Phalerus and Acamas, the Athenians; her inhabitants are
called “Solians.” Stasanor was from Soli: he was one of Alex-
ander’s companions who was considered fit for government.1
Lying in the interior is the city of Limenia. Then t here’s the
Crommyum headland. |
683 C, 34–684 C, 7 Why should we express astonishment at poets, particu- 14.6.4
larly t hose whose emphasis is on form, when we consider what

Damastes (5th c. BCE) is said by Damastes, who, giving the north–south length of
the island, claims it is from Hierocepia to the Cleides! Nor is
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) Eratosthenes correct. He disparages Damastes, saying that
Hierocepia is not in the north but in the south. Hierocepia is not
in the south but in the west or, at any rate, situated on the
western side on which Paphos and Acamas are also situated.
Such is the orientation of Cyprus. |
684 C, 7-17 In fertility, it is not inferior to any other island. It is good 14.6.5
for wine and olives, and self-sufficient in grain. The copper

mines in Tamassus are unstinting; chalcanthes is found in them Tamassus, SE Politiko (Cyp.)
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) and ios of copper, which is valued for its medicinal powers. Era- chalcanthes, copper sulfate
tosthenes says, in ancient times, the plains were overrun with trees ios of copper, verdigris
and were thus covered with forests rather than farms; mining was
somewhat helpful in this regard, as trees w ere cut down for the smelt-
ing of copper and silver; shipbuilding also helped, now that the seas
could at last be sailed without fear and were forcefully patrolled; since
this was not totally effective, anyone willing and able was permitted
to clear-cut and to take possession of the cleared land free of charge. |
684 C, 17-24 In early times, the Cyprians were subject to petty kings on 14.6.6
a city-by-city basis. When the Ptolemaic kings became the
[ 1 ] Stasanor probably governed Aria + Bactriana: 516 C, 1-11n.
778
Cyprus
masters of Egypt, Cyprus passed to them (with frequent inter-

ventions by the Romans). The last Ptolemy to rule t here (the
brother of the f ather of our 1 queen Cleopatra) was annihilated
because he was deemed to be error-prone and ungrateful to his
benefactors. The Romans took possession of the island; and it
became a praetorian province in its own right.2
684 C, 24–685 C, 5 The particular cause of the king’s downfall was Publius
Claudius Pulcher. Captured by the Cilician pirate bands (then
at their peak), and with a ransom demanded for him, he sent
instructions to the king to pay the ransom and get him re-
leased; the king paid the money, but in such a tiny amount
that even the pirates were embarrassed to take it; they returned
the money but released their captive anyway. Although saved,
he did not forget the services both parties had done him; as
the people’s tribune, he grew so powerful that he dispatched
Marcus Cato for the purpose of taking Cyprus away from its
possessor. The king committed preemptive suicide; Cato ar-
rived and took control of Cyprus, sold the king’s assets, and
transferred the money into the Roman public t reasury. From
that time onward the island was, as it still is, a praetorian prov-
ince. (For a short interlude, Antony handed the island over to
Cleopatra and her sister, Arsinoe, but after Antony’s annihila-
tion, all his dispositions w
ere annihilated with him.) |
[ 1 ] Strabo may refer to “our” Cleopatra b ecause she was his contemporary (born
69 BCE); or because he identifies with the people of Alexandria in Egypt (Is-
kandariya), where Strabo describes himself as “living . . . for a long time” (101 C,
14-24). Cf. “our Auletes”: 795 C, 28-33n.
[ 2 ] Roman “provinces of the people” were either praetorian (i.e., governed by a
man previously a praetor at Rome) or consular (i.e., governed by a man previ-
ously a consul): 840 C, 13-26.
779
Ca
spia
Azerbaijan
n
Turkmenistan China
Se
Tajikistan
a
Turkey
Syria
Cyprus
5
Lebanon Afghanistan
Iraq Iran
1
Israel 4
Jordan 2
Kuwait
6 3 Pakistan Nepal
Pe Bhutan
rsi
an
Egypt Gu
lf
Qatar Bangladesh
Saudi Arabia
Nile
UAE
Arabian
7 Oman Sea India
Re
d
Se
a
Sudan
Eritrea Yemen
Djibouti
Ethiopia Somalia
Sri
Lanka
?
M A P 6. Strabo’s “Southern Asia”

CH APT E R FOU R Southern Asia
PART 2
Strabo’s “southern Asia” includes areas that would hardly be considered part of the
southern world t oday. We are as guilty as Strabo in using a nomenclature that reflects our
vantage point rather than an objective standard. “North,” “south,” “east,” and “west” are
directions rather than places, and when used in geographical discourse, they tell us more
about the location of the speakers than about the areas of which they speak. Thus, a large
part of Strabo’s southern Asia is occupied by what we today refer to—using nomenclature
coined by western Europeans and reflecting their perspective—as the “Middle East.”
A further complication for the modern reader is that several of the names used by
Strabo in connection with southern Asia (e.g., “India,” “Egypt,” and “Ethiopia”) are still
in use t oday, albeit no longer denoting exactly the same areas as their Strabonian counter
parts. It is difficult to rid ourselves of the present-day connotations of such names as
nation-states, but this we must do, putting ourselves in Strabo’s shoes and adopting the
much wider connotations that t hese names have for him.

Strabo’s metaphorical journey through southern Asia is much more straightforward than
his virtual itinerary in the northern part of the continent. He simply starts in the east
and works westward. Strabo’s first port of call is India (1, on the accompanying map)—but
Strabo’s India is distorted by his historical perspective. The “India” that the Macedonian
Greeks under Alexander the Great had conquered more than three hundred years earlier
consisted largely of what we now think of as southern A fghanistan and Pakistan, and it
is on this region that Strabo focuses. In the generation a fter Alexander, Greeks on dip-
lomatic missions had ventured farther east along the Ganges, an area that gets second
billing in Strabo’s account. Southern India gets short shrift, which is perhaps surprising,
given that diplomatic relations between this part of the subcontinent and Rome had
opened up just a few decades before Strabo is writing. Paradoxically, t hese contacts seem
to have prompted comparisons with the glorious past u nder Alexander rather than lead-
ing to interest in the new parts of India now entering Roman consciousness.
Strabo’s “India” is followed by Ariana (2), straddling what we today think of as
western Pakistan and southern and eastern Iran, together with parts of Afghanistan;
then Persia (3), covering southern, southwestern, and central Iran; then Assyria (4)
781
4.2. Southern Asia
and Syria (5), approximating what we call the “Middle East” (sometimes, “Near East”).
Strabo’s Arabia (6) is vast, including Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, parts of southern Iraq, Bah-
rain, Qatar, United Arab Emirates (UAE), Yemen, Oman, Jordan, southern Israel, and
parts of eastern Egypt. Strabo’s description is complicated by the nomadic nature of
many Arabic groups in his day, making it difficult for him to fit them into rigidly defined
territories. The boundaries of the Arabs—as opposed to the boundaries of Arabia—are
fluid and include areas otherwise considered part of Syria or Assyria.
Strabo inserts into his account of Arabia descriptions of the Persian Gulf and of what
he calls the “Arabian gulf ” (Red Sea). The former is described from the point of view of
a navigator sailing anticlockwise from its mouth. As for the latter, Strabo only briefly
adumbrates the Arabian side, from what is now the Gulf of Aqaba to the mouth. He
focuses his attention on what he calls the Trogodyte side, from the Gulf of Suez to the
mouth, as well as the coastline beyond the mouth.
Strabo finishes his journey through southern Asia with a description of the Nile region
(7), which consists of present-day Egypt as far upstream as Syene (Aswan), and beyond
that Ethiopia (southern present-day Egypt, Sudan, South Sudan, present-day Ethiopia, Soma-
lia). The western seaboard of the Red Sea (Egypt, Sudan, Eritrea, Djibouti) and the coast of
what Strabo calls Cinnamonland (Somalia) form something of a transitional area between
Egypt and Arabia, inhabited by Trogodytes.
Strabo’s inclusion of what he calls “Egypt” and “Ethiopia” within the continent of Asia
is striking. Do these countries not lie firmly on the African continent? And should they
not therefore be included in that continent, which Strabo calls “Libya” and with which
he concludes his world description (chapter 5)? The Asian status of these areas well il-
lustrates the mindset of Strabo’s day. His inclusion of them within Asia reflects a cultural
attitude rather than a geographic al reality. In the twenty-first century, we might agree
with Strabo to the extent of seeing Egypt as at least ambiguous, but we would generally
categorize places such as Somalia, Sudan, and present-day Ethiopia as part of Africa.
Differences between Strabo’s mindset and our own illustrate the fluidity over time of
geographical categories.
India
It is worth looking in a l ittle more detail at why Strabo’s account of India is so backward-
looking and its tone so otherworldly. Strabo’s focus is on the conquests of Alexander the
Great, who, in what was partly an exploration and partly a military campaign, defeated
the Persian king and continued marching eastward, opening up parts of the world hith-
erto little known to the west. In 327–325 BCE, Alexander led his army through southern
Afghanistan and eastern Pakistan before famously turning back at the Hypanis (Beas,
Sutlej rivers), a tributary of the Indus. It is the Indus river basin that constitutes “India”
as far as Alexander is concerned. It was in nobody’s interest at the time to emphasize how
much land remained unconquered to the east.
782
More than three hundred years later, in Strabo’s day, connections between India and
the western world have been reestablished, with the arrival at Augustus’s court of a spec-
tacular embassy from India. Indeed, Strabo ends his account of India with a powerful
picture of this embassy and its retinue of unusual gifts. By this stage, power in India has
shifted from the north, where it had been located in Alexander’s day, to the south and
east. Strabo’s account makes little of this fact. As far as Rome is concerned, there is more
political mileage to be gained from emphasizing continuity with the glorious past than
in stressing new developments. This partly explains why Strabo makes so much use of
writers who accompanied Alexander on his campaign as far as the Hypanis river, and of
writers who went beyond the Hypanis and visited northern India in the following years,
even though their accounts are centuries out of date by the time Strabo cites them.
The writers used by Strabo in his account of India are primarily Nearchus, Onesicritus,
and Aristobulus (late fourth century BCE); Patrocles and Megasthenes (late fourth–early
third c entury BCE); and Deimachus (third c entury BCE). None of their works is available
today. Strabo, in citing them frequently and sometimes at g reat length, has done us a f avor
by preserving at least some of their content. This f avor is somewhat marred by Strabo’s
tendency to switch between references to “this fellow” and “that fellow,” without making
it clear which writer he means. Perhaps, if Strabo w ere delivering his narrative orally in a
lecture hall, his gestures would make his statements clearer. Readers in the twenty-first
century have to accept some ambiguity as to what content belongs to which writer.
Some of Strabo’s borrowings are by modern standards excessive. In one section,
Strabo uses Megasthenes as the basis of his narrative for some eleven pages. Admittedly,
further content by other writers is inserted, accounting for around two of these eleven
pages. (The inserted information contains instructions on how to hunt an elephant and is
provided in such a poignant and vivid manner that it should be required reading for any-
one studying Strabo.) Excluding this insertion, Strabo’s borrowing from Megasthenes in
this one section amounts to some three thousand words, or one percent of the total length
of Strabo’s work. It would be unthinkable, or unpardonable, for writers t oday to include
such a large excerpt from someone else’s work. Strabo perhaps considers that he is doing
his bit to ensure the future enjoyment of Megasthenes’s work by subsequent generations.
In an age when written works had to be constantly recopied from papyrus roll to papyrus
roll (or, for mega-works like Strabo’s own, from one set of such rolls to another), extensive
quotation helped to ensure at least the partial transmission of works that otherwise might
not survive into the future—as indeed the work of Megasthenes did not.
Stories derived from Megasthenes and other writers who visited northern India in the
immediate wake of Alexander’s conquests betray glimmers of knowledge about China.
Strabo refers, for example, to a people called the “Seres” (the name by which the Chinese
were known in l ater times). However, there is no room in Strabo’s lived-in world for the
physical landmass of China, and the Seres are implicitly placed vaguely in some part of
northern India.
783
4.2. Southern Asia
Southern India is something of a confusing concept in Strabo’s account. Strabo some-

times uses the term to describe the southern part of Alexander’s India (Pakistan around
the mouth of the Indus). At other times, he uses “southern India” to mean the southernmost
point of what we t oday call India. Strabo’s statement that Taprobane (Sri Lanka) lies
“seven days’ southward sail” from the southernmost point of India is probably the result
of conflating these two concepts, being more appropriate if the southernmost point of
India w
ere taken to mean the coast of Pakistan rather than the southernmost tip of the
Indian subcontinent.
Remember

reader.
784
CH APT E R FOU R Southern Asia
PART 2
685 C, 6-10 What remains of Asia1 are the parts outside the Taurus outside Taurus = s. Asia 15.1.1
Strabo segues from his (with the exception of Cilicia, Pamphylia, and Lycia),2 the
description of northern Asia to
his description of southern Asia parts stretching from India to the Nile, between the Taurus
and the outer sea in the south. (Libya, which I will describe Libya = Africa (chap. 5)
later, comes a fter Asia.)
India (India, s. Afghanistan, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh,

Sri Lanka)
685 C, 11-19 At this point, I will start with India, since it is the first
territory (starting in the east) and the largest. | One should 15.1.2
study it with some degree of objectivity, as it is extremely far

away, and few have set eyes on it. Even t hose who have seen
it, have seen only certain parts; and most of what they say
is derived from hearsay. What they saw was observed in the
course of rapid military transits. As a result, writers say dif
ferent t hings about the same places (even though they write
as if on the basis of thorough research!). Some of them were
fellow campaigners and lived alongside each other (e.g., t hose
who joined Alexander in his conquest of Asia), but neverthe- Alexander the Great
campaigned in India
less frequently contradict one another. If eyewitness reports (= Afghanistan, Pakistan),
differ from each other, what should we expect in the case of 327–325 BCE
descriptions based on hearsay? |

685 C, 20–686 C, 9 Nor is any accurate information provided by t hose who 15.1.3
wrote a long time afterward about these places, nor by sail-

Apollodorus (1st c. BCE) ors who currently head t here. Apollodorus, author of the currently = early 1st c. CE
Parthica,3 mentioning the Greeks who incited Bactriana to rebel Bactrian kings (n. Afghanistan)
invaded India, late 3rd–early
from the kings of Syria, who w
ere descended from Seleucus Nicator, 2nd c. BCE
says that once they had grown strong, they attacked India. Apol-
lodorus adds nothing to what was already known. He even
contradicts it, claiming they conquered more of India than the
Macedonians did, with Eucratidas alone holding one thousand cities
[ 1 ] I.e., what “remains” of Strabo’s description of Asia, as per his division of n. and
s. Asia at 490 C, 1–492 C, 19.
[ 2 ] Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia (s. Turkey): 664 C, 16–676 C, 33.
[ 3 ] See 639 C, 15-27n.
785
4.2. Southern Asia
those people = Macedonian in subjection. Yet those p eople say that, between the Hydaspes and
writers accompanying Porus, a Punjab king, was
Alexander the Hypanis alone, t here were nine nations, with five thousand cities, defeated by Alexander in 326
BCE, then administered his
none of them smaller than Meropian Cos; Alexander conquered this former kingdom as Alexander’s
whole territory and handed it over to Porus. | representative
686 C, 10-16 As for those merchants currently plying the route from 15.1.4
Egypt, via the Nile and the Arabian gulf, to India—only a few Arabian gulf, Red Sea
have sailed around the coast as far as the Ganges, and they are
commoners,1 who contribute nothing to our understanding
of these areas. Sent from there (from a single place and from from there = from the Ganges
region
a single king, Pandion—a second Porus)2 to Caesar Augustus
Augustus received embassy
were gifts, and ambassadors, and the Indian philosopher who from Pandion, end of 20 BCE
self-immolated in Athens (just like Calanus, who created such
a spectacle for Alexander).3 |
686 C, 17-25 Leaving these matters aside, if you focus on events prior to 15.1.5
Alexander’s campaign, you find them recorded even more ob-

scurely. It is reasonable to assume that Alexander put his faith
in such records b ecause he was blinded by his good fortune.
Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) Nearchus says that Alexander was motivated to lead his army
through Gedrosia—after he had learned that both Semiramis and Semiramis, a semi-legendary
Cyrus campaigned as far as India, but that Semiramis turned and 9th–8th c. BCE
fled with only twenty men left, and Cyrus with eight men—because it Cyrus founded Persian empire,
would be an illustrious thing if, where they had suffered losses, he led mid-6th c. BCE
his men safely to victory past the same nations and places.
686 C, 25–687 C, 8 Alexander believed t hese stories | but, as for us, how could 15.1.6
we possibly base our beliefs about India on Cyrus’s campaign

Megasthenes (late 4th–early or on that of Semiramis? Even Megasthenes is somewhat in
3rd c. BCE)
agreement with this statement. He bids us not to believe the
ancient histories of India, given that no army was ever sent abroad by
the Indians, nor w ere they ever attacked or conquered by any foreign
army other than t hose accompanying Heracles and Dionysus, and
the Macedonians of today. Sesostris of Egypt and Tearcon of Ethio- Tearcon ruled Ethiopia, early
7th c. BCE
pia advanced as far as Europe; Nabocodrosorus (more revered than
Heracles among the Chaldaeans) pushed on even as far as the Pillars; Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
Tearcon got that far as well, but this fellow led his forces onward from this fellow = ?Nabocodrosorus
Iberia into Thrace and the Pontus. Idanthyrsus of Scythia overran
Asia as far as Egypt. Not one of them, however, reached India; even
Semiramis died before she could make the attempt. The Persians sent
for mercenaries—the Hydracians 4—from India but did not cam-
paign t here, although they came close when Cyrus launched a strike
on the Massagetans. |
[ 1 ] The Greek word for “commoners” (idiotai) is the root of the English word “idiot”
and, in Strabo’s usage, has much the same connotation.
[ 2 ] This translation follows the manuscript reading rather than Radt’s emendation
(vol. 4, critical apparatus on 686 C, lines 13-14). Strabo’s presentation of Pandion
as a “second Porus” mirrors the usage of Strabo’s contemporary the writer Nico-
laus, who refers to Pandion as “Porus” (719 C, 21-29n).
[ 3 ] Strabo draws parallels between the relationship of Alexander the Great with
the Indian king Porus (late 4th c. BCE) and the relationship of Augustus with
Pandion (late 1st c. BCE).
[ 4 ] Probably the same as the “Sydracians”: 687 C, 31–688 C, 14; 701 C, 2-9.
786
India
687 C, 9-30 Megasthenes and a few o thers consider the stories told 15.1.7
Megasthenes (late 4th–early about Heracles and Dionysus to be credible. Most other
3rd c. BCE)
writers (including Eratosthenes) consider them devoid of
credibility and the product of myth, as likewise the stories
Euripides (5th c. BCE) told by the Greeks. In Euripides’s Bacchae, Dionysus says,
with swagger: traveling from the gold-rich fields of Lydians / and
Phrygians, to the sun-baked plains of Persians, / walled Bactrian
cities, the wintry land / of Medes, and blessed Arabia /—to the
Sophocles (5th c. BCE) whole of Asia. Sophocles has someone praise “Nysa” as being
a mountain sacred to Dionysus: whence I saw Nysa—filled with
the spirit of Bacchus / and famous among mortals—which the bull-
horned / Iacchus cherishes as his much-loved nurse. / What bird does
not sing there? and so on. He is also called “Merotraphes.” The He = Dionysus
poet refers to the Edonian Lycurgus in the following way: the

nursemaids of frenzied Dionysus / w ere once hunted down by him, on
the sacred Nysaean mountain. Such are the stories of Dionysus.
As for Heracles, some have him going only in the opposite
direction, to the western limits; others have him going in both
directions. |
687 C, 31–688 C, 14 Because of this, they called certain Nysaeans a “nation” and they = Megasthenes, etc. 15.1.8
their city of Nysa “founded by Dionysus,” and the mountain Nysaeans, lower Kunar valley
(Afg.)
above the city “Merus.” (Their reasoning was that ivy grows
there, and vines, albeit ones that produce no fruit—excessive
rains cause the grapes to drop off before they ripen.) They
called the Sydracians “descendants of Dionysus” because of
their vines and flamboyant processions—their kings march
out to b attle and hold other processions in a bacchic frenzy,
accompanied by drumbeats and brightly colored clothes (a
practice found among other Indians, too). When Alexan-
der took, at his first attempt, the cliff of Aornus (at the base Aornus, ?Pir Sar (Pak.)
of which flows the Indus after rising nearby), they exalted

him by saying that Heracles had thrice attacked the cliff and
had thrice been repulsed, and that the Sibans were descen-
dants of Heracles’s fellow campaigners, who preserved proof
of their descent by wearing animal skins as Heracles did,
wielding cudgels, and branding their cattle and mules with
clubs. They validate this myth by reference to the story of
Prometheus and the Caucasus, transferring the action h ere
(from the Pontus) on the slender pretext of a sacred cave they Pontus, Black Sea
saw among the Paropamisadians! They declared that this cave
787
4.2. Southern Asia
was Prometheus’s prison, that Heracles traveled hither to re-

lease Prometheus, and that this was the “Caucasus” that the
Greeks said was Prometheus’s prison.1 |
688 C, 15-24 That these are fictions thought up by Alexander’s flatter- 15.1.9
ers is clear, first of all, from the fact that writers do not agree
with each other (while some relate these events, others do not
even mention them, yet it is unlikely that they knew nothing
of such famous and contrived exploits, or that they knew of
them but considered them not worth mentioning, especially
when t hese are precisely the writers who are the most trust-
worthy); and, secondly, from the fact that the p eople in be-
tween (past whom t hose associated with Dionysus and Her-
acles would necessarily have traveled to get to the Indians)2
have no evidence of such passage through their lands. Also,
the Heraclian paraphernalia mentioned above postdates what
is written about the Trojan war and is a fiction created by the
Pisander (7th–6th c. BCE) authors of the Heraclia (Deeds of Heracles)—perhaps Pisander,
perhaps someone e lse. The ancient cult statues are not so
adorned. |
688 C, 25–689 C, 2 In such matters, one has to accept what is the most cred- 15.1.10
ible. I developed a methodology of these things, insofar as

possible, in my opening words concerning geography.3 Now,
I will unhesitatingly use what was said there, adding whatever
else might seem necessary for clarity. It seemed from my dis-
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) cussion that the most trustworthy data was provided by Era-
tosthenes in the third of his geographical [volumes],4 albeit in
summary fashion, concerning India as it was conceived at the
time when Alexander arrived, at which time the Indus acted
as the border between India and Persian-controlled Ariana Ariana, w. Pakistan, s.
Afghanistan, s. + e. Iran
immediately to its west. (Later, the Indians held a large part
of Ariana, too, taking it from the Macedonians.)
689 C, 3-7 Such are the statements that Eratosthenes makes.5 | India 15.1.11
is bounded to the north, from Ariana to the eastern sea, by eastern sea, Bay of Bengal
the end of the Taurus, the various subsections of which are

called by the local inhabitants “Paropamisus,” “Emodum,” Paropamisus, Hindu Kush
(n. Afg.)
“Imaum,” and so forth, but which is called the “Caucasus” by
Emodum, w. Himalayas
the Macedonians. To the west, India is bounded by the Indus.
Imaum, e. Himalayas
689 C, 7-12 The southern and eastern sides are much longer than
the other sides and protrude into the Atlantic ocean, result-
ing in the territory’s rhomboid shape, each of the longer
[ 1 ] 505 C, 19–506 C, 3.
[ 2 ] “Those associated with Dionysus and Heracles” is idiomatic, meaning simply
Dionysus and Heracles.
[ 3 ] General discussion concerning sources: 14 C, 5–109 C, 11.
[ 4 ] Strabo discusses Eratosthenes as a source: 15 C, 1–94 C, 20, with particular
reference to Eratosthenes’s 3rd geographical volume (which Strabo defends
against the criticisms of Hipparchus, 67 C, 7–94 C, 20). For India in particular:
68 C, 9–78 C, 18; 84 C, 3-9.
[ 5 ] From 689 C, 3 to 690 C, 35, Strabo seems to use Eratosthenes as his main source.
788
India
sides exceeding its opposite side by three thousand stades,

the amount by which the end point common to the eastern
coastline and to the southern one juts equally in each direc-
tion compared to the rest of the coastline.
689 C, 13-17 The western side—from the Caucasian mountains to the
southern sea, Bay of Bengal southern sea—is said to m easure around thirteen thousand min. width (north–south
dimension) = 13,000 stades
stades along the Indus river as far as its outlets. Thus the op-
posite and eastern side, including the three thousand stades
of the cape, will be sixteen thousand stades.1 This, then, is the max. width = 16,000 stades
width of the territory at its minimum and maximum.
689 C, 17-26 The length is measured from west to east. One might give
with some certainty the distance to Palibothra, which has Palibothra, Patna (Ind.)
been calculated with m easuring lines; it is a royal road of

ten thousand stades. Beyond that, one can h azard a guess
based on voyages from the sea up the Ganges river to Pal-
ibothra, which would be a distance of something like six
thousand stades. The total length, at its minimum, w ill be min. length (east–west
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) sixteen thousand stades, as Eratosthenes says, on the basis of
both the most reliable record of stopping points . . . *, and
Megasthenes (late 4th–early
3rd c. BCE) as Megasthenes concurs (but Patrocles gives one thousand
less).
689 C, 26-31 Again, the three thousand stades of the cape (which points
more to the east),2 when added to this figure, give the maxi- max. length (east–west
mum length, namely from the outlets of the Indus river along
the following coastline to the aforementioned cape and its Coniacians = inhabitants of
eastern extremity, inhabited by people called “Coniacians.” | Cape Comorin (Ind.)
689 C, 32–690 C, 6 From this, it can be seen how different the assertions of 15.1.12
Ctesias (late 5th c. BCE) other writers are. Ctesias says that India is no smaller in size than
Onesicritus, Nearchus (late the rest of Asia; Onesicritus says that India amounts to a third of
4th c. BCE)
the lived-in world; Nearchus says that it is a four-month march
Megasthenes (late 4th–early through the plain alone. Megasthenes and Deimachus are more
3rd c. BCE)
moderate, in that they give as more than twenty thousand stades
Deimachus (3rd c. BCE)
the distance from the southern sea to the Caucasus (with Deima-
chus saying it is more than thirty thousand in some places). These
writers have been countered in my introduction.3 It suffices
now to say that their statements validate the claim for for-
giveness by those who cannot be sure of anything they say
about India! |
690 C, 7-18 All India is traversed by rivers. Some of them are tribu- 15.1.13
taries of the largest two rivers, the Indus and the Ganges;
[ 1 ] Strabo perhaps corrects his earlier figures of 12,000 stades (w. side of India) and
15,000 stades (e. side of India): 68 C, 9-17; 69 C, 31–70 C, 5.
[ 2 ] Strabo’s words are ambiguous. See “Translator’s Note on Strabo’s ‘India,’ ” at end
of chap. 4.2.
[ 3 ] 67 C, 7–77 C, 25 (esp. 70 C, 16-20).
789
4.2. Southern Asia
thers have their own outlets to the sea. All of them rise
o
in the Caucasus and flow south to begin with. Some then
continue onward in that direction, particularly t hose that
feed into the Indus; o thers, like the Ganges, curve eastward.
The Ganges comes down from the mountains; reaching the
plains, it curves to the east and flows past Palibothra (a very Palibothra, Patna (Ind.)
large city); it continues in that direction to the sea, where it

has one outlet; it is the largest of the Indian rivers. The Indus
Patalene, area enclosed by
flows into the southern sea through two mouths, embracing two principal mouths of Indus
territory called “Patalene,” which is similar to the Egyptian r. (Pak.)
Delta.
690 C, 19-21 According to Eratosthenes, it is because of evaporation from
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) these rivers, combined with the Etesian winds, that India has heavy Etesian winds = summer
monsoon
rainfall in the summer and her plains get flooded.1
690 C, 21-27 The rainy season sees the sowing of flax, millet, sesame,
rice, and bosmorum; wintertime sees the sowing of wheat,
barley, pulses, and other edible crops of which we have no
experience. What is grown in India is virtually the same as
in Ethiopia and Egypt; and as for river animals, Indian rivers
Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE) feature all but hippopotami (although Onesicritus says there
are hippos).2
690 C, 27-30 As for the people, those in the south resemble Ethiopians
in the color of their skin but resemble o thers in their facial
features and hair (because of the humidity, their hair is not
woolly); t hose in the north resemble the Egyptians.3 |
690 C, 31-34 Taprobane is said to be an island lying out to sea, a seven Taprobane, Sri Lanka 15.1.14
days’ southward sail from the southernmost part of India,

where the Coniacians live.4 It extends approximately five where Coniacians live = Cape
Comorin (Ind.)
thousand stades in the direction of Ethiopia, and it has
elephants.
690 C, 35 Such is what Eratosthenes says.5
690 C, 35–691 C, 8 Statements added by others,6 if in any way accurate, will
sweeten my description. | For example, concerning Taprobane, 15.1.15
Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE) Onesicritus says that it is five thousand stades in size—he does not
distinguish between length and breadth; it is twenty days’ sail
from the mainland, but the ships are hardly seaworthy, poorly rigged,
and constructed without rounded wooden beams on either side; there
are other islands between Taprobane and India, but Taprobane is the
most southerly; around it are amphibious sea monsters, some looking
like bulls, some like horses, some like other animals. |
[1] Further discussion: 691 C, 18–692 C, 19; 692 C, 30–693 C, 18.

[2] Further discussion: 692 C, 19-29; 693 C, 19–695 C, 9.
[3] Elaboration of the argument: 695 C, 22–696 C, 13.
[4] The 7-day sail may be counted from the mouth of the Indus river, territory
called the “most southerly in India” at 694 C, 5-14 (meaning the most southerly
part of India visited by Alexander the G reat). If so, it is here conflated with the
most southerly part of India as delineated by Strabo at 689 C, 3-31.
[ 5 ] 689 C, 3–690 C, 34.
[ 6 ] The other writers (late 4th c. BCE–early 3rd c. BCE) cited by Strabo (690 C, 35–
696 C, 28) predate Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE). T
hese e arlier writers did not “add”
to Eratosthenes’s comments in the chronological sense. Rather, it is Strabo who
retrospectively “adds” their comments to those of Eratosthenes. For a similar
use of “add”: 322 C, 28–323 C, 3n.
790
India
691 C, 9-17 Nearchus, in discussing the sediment deposited by the riv- 15.1.16
Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) ers, draws the following parallels, noting that the plain “of the
Hermus,” the plain “of the Cayster,” the plain “of the Maeander,” Hermus, Cayster, Maeander,
Caecus, rivers in w. Turkey
and the plain “of the Caecus” are similarly so labeled because the sedi-
ment that is carried into the plains c auses them to expand, or rather
the sediment brought down from the mountains—since it is earthy
and friable—creates them; since the rivers carry the sediment, the
plains are their offspring, so to speak, and it is well said that the plains
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) “belong to them.” This is the same as what is said by Herodo-
tus in the case of the Nile and the land on its banks, that it is
the river’s gift. Nearchus says, this is the reason the Nile is correctly
known by the same name as Egypt. |
691 C, 18-25 Aristobulus1 says, it rains and snows only in the mountains and 15.1.17
Aristobulus (late 4th c. BCE) hill country; in the plains, it neither rains nor snows, and the plains
flood only b ecause the rivers overflow; in the mountains, it snows dur-
ing the winter and begins to rain with the onset of spring, the rain
getting heavier and heavier as time progresses; during the Etesians, Etesians = summer monsoon
the rain pours down incessantly and violently, day and night, u ntil
the rising of Arcturus; 2 the rivers, now swollen by snow and rain,
water the plains.
691 C, 25-34 He says that these observations were made by himself and others, He = Aristobulus
for they set out for India from the Paropamisadians, but after the set-
ting of the Pleiades,3 they spent the winter in the mountainous coun-
try of the territory of the Hypasians and of Assacanus, and then,
when spring began, they descended to the plains and to the huge city of
Taxila, and thence to the Hydaspes and to Porus’s territory; during
the winter, no rain was seen, only snow, but it first rained in Taxila, Taxila, Taxila (Pak.)
and during the descent to the Hydaspes and the conquest of Porus, Hydaspes, Jhelum r.
when their route was eastward to the Hypanis and thence back to the Hypanis, Beas, Sutlej r.
Hydaspes, it rained continuously (particularly during the Etesians) Etesians = summer monsoon
and only let up at the rising of Arcturus.4
691 C, 34–692 C, 9 After spending some time on the Hydaspes constructing ships, they
began their voyage not many days before the setting of the Pleiades;5
with the voyage occupying the entire autumn, winter, following
spring, and summer, they arrived at Patalene around the time of the
rising of the Dog Star;6 in the ten months of the voyage, no rain was
ever seen, not even at the height of the Etesians, yet the rivers r ose and Etesians = time of summer
monsoon
flooded the plains; it was impossible to voyage across the sea in the face
Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) of opposing winds, with no offshore breezes to help them. | Nearchus 15.1.18
says the same things but does not agree about the summer
[ 1 ] Strabo uses Aristobulus as his main source, 691 C, 18–693 C, 13. below the western horizon just before the sun rises above the eastern horizon.
[ 2 ] The “[dawn] rising” of the star Arcturus was used in antiquity to denote the time The exact date was different in antiquity than now, and also depended on the
of year when, a fter a short period of being invisible in the night sky, Arcturus latitude of the observer. For Aristobulus, the date is in November.
first becomes visible again, rising over the eastern horizon shortly before [ 4 ] [Dawn] rising of Arcturus: 691 C, 18-25n.
sunrise. The exact date was different in antiquity than now, and also depended [ 5 ] [Dawn] setting of the Pleiades: 691 C, 25-34n.
on the latitude of the observer. For Aristobulus, the date is in September. [ 6 ] The “[dawn] rising” of a star: 691 C, 18-25n. For Aristobulus, the “rising of the
[ 3 ] The “[dawn] setting” of the Pleiades star cluster refers to the time of year when Dog Star” denotes a date in July.
the constellation, having been visible all night, can first be observed to sink
791
4.2. Southern Asia
rains—he says, it does rain on the plains in the summer, but there
is no rain in the winter.
692 C, 9-19 Both writers refer to the rivers overflowing. Nearchus says Both writers = Aristobulus,
Nearchus
that when they set up camp near the Acesines, they were forced to
Acesines, Chenab r.
move to another site higher up b ecause the river r ose; this occurred at
Aristobulus (late 4th c. BCE) the time of the summer solstice. Aristobulus gives the amount of
the rise as forty cubits: twenty cubits, the amount by which the river 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
rose above its previous level to the tops of its banks, and twenty the
amount by which it overflowed into the plains. Both writers agree
that the cities, built on high points of land, become islands (as also
happens in Egypt and Ethiopia); after Arcturus,1 the flooding stops,
and the w ater recedes; the earth, a fter being furrowed by the simplest
plowshare, is seeded while still only half-dry—but the crop ripens,
and the yield is good.
692 C, 19-29 Aristobulus says, the rice plant stands in a watery enclosure;
Aristobulus (late 4th c. BCE) it is contained within beds; the plant has a four-cubit height, is 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
multi-eared and multi-grained; it is harvested around the time of

the setting of the Pleiades 2 and winnowed like wheat; it is also grown
in Bactriana, Babylonia, and Susis (it grows, too, in Lower Bactriana, Babylonia, Susis,
Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran
Syria). Megillus says that the rice is sown before the rains, but it
needs irrigation and transplanting (getting watered from the en-
Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE) closures). Concerning bosmorum, Onesicritus says, its grain is
smaller than wheat, and it grows in interfluvial places; it is roasted
after threshing, p eople having to swear in advance that they w ill not
take it unroasted from the threshing floor, so that the seed cannot
be exported. |
692 C, 30–693 C, 5 Aristobulus compares and contrasts this territory with 15.1.19
Egypt and Ethiopia. He asks: Given that the rise in the level of
the Nile is caused by rainfall in the south, and given that the rise in
the level of the Indian rivers is caused by rainfall in the north, why
is t here is no rainfall in the places between—neither in the Thebaïs Thebaïs as far as Syene . . .
Meroe = s. present-day Egypt,
as far as Syene and places near Meroe, nor in the part of India from n. Sudan
Patalene to the Hydaspes? He said, the territory above t hese parts, part of India from Patalene to
where it both rains and snows, supports farming just like any other Hydaspes = s. Pakistan
place outside India; it gets water from both rain and snow.
693 C, 6-13 It is reasonable to assume, on the basis of what this fellow this fellow = Aristobulus
says, that the ground, hollowed out and fractured by the great
quantity of water, suffers from seismic activity so that even riv-
ers change their course. He says that once, dispatched on some
mission, he saw a territory containing more than a thousand cities
[ 1 ] I.e., after the [dawn] rising of Arcturus: 691 C, 18-25n.

[ 2 ] [Dawn] setting of the Pleiades: 691 C, 25-34n.
792
India
(with their villages) that had been abandoned when the Indus left its
customary course and had been diverted into a diff erent channel on the
left that was much deeper and like a cataract; the abandoned territory
on the right no longer benefited from floodwater, being higher not only
than the new river course but also than its flood levels! |
693 C, 14-18 Also consistent with the flooding of rivers and with the 15.1.20
absence of winds blowing from the land is the statement made

Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE) by Onesicritus: he says, the shoreline, particularly at the mouths of
the rivers, is full of reefs caused by sedimentation and flood tides and
by the force of the winds that blow in from the sea.
693 C, 19–694 C, 4 Megasthenes explains India’s fertility by its double crop
Megasthenes (late 4th–early and harvest—as Eratosthenes likewise stated, saying, there
3rd c. BCE)
is one sowing in the winter and one in the summer, similarly for
rainfall—since he says he is not aware of any year in which rain he (says) = ?Megasthenes
did not fall in both seasons, with the result that growing conditions
are good since the ground is never unproductive; much tree-borne
fruit is produced, as also roots (especially the roots of the g reat reed)
that are sweet by nature and by “hepsesis” (being boiled), since the
water is warm, whether it is sent from Zeus or whether it is river
water. He sort of means to say that what other p eople refer He = ?Eratosthenes,
?Megasthenes
to as pepsis (ripening) of fruit and its juice, they call hepsesis (being
boiled)—since it contributes as much to the flavor as does
cooking over the fire. It is the same thing, he says, that enables he = ?Eratosthenes,
?Megasthenes
the branches of trees from which wheels are made to be bent into a
curve; and for the same reason, some trees are able to sprout wool.
Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) Nearchus says, fine cottons are woven from this wool; the Mace- wool = cotton wool
donians use it instead of stuffing and for pack saddles. Such, too,
Serian material = Chinese silk is “Serian material,” fine material carded from some type of
reeds = bamboo fiber. He also says, in connection with reeds, that they produce He = ?Nearchus ?Eratosthenes,
?Megasthenes
honey even though there are no bees: for there is a tree that produces
fruit, and honey is concocted from the fruit; people who eat the raw
fruit become intoxicated. |
694 C, 5-14 Many amazing trees grow in India, including one tree 15.1.21
that has downward-bending branches with leaves no smaller

Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE) than shields. Onesicritus,1 in his rather elaborate treatment
of things in the territory of Musicanus (which he claims is territory of Musicanus =
s. Pakistan
the most southerly in India!),2 describes certain giant trees whose
branches, after reaching a span of up to twelve cubits, then start grow- 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
ing downward until, bent over, they touch the ground; then, spreading
underground, they form roots like sunken piles; then, heading upward
[ 1 ] From 694 C, 7–696 C, 13, Strabo uses Onesicritus as his main source.
[ 2 ] I.e., the most southerly part of India reached by Alexander the Great: see 690 C,
31-34n.
793
4.2. Southern Asia
again, they form a trunk, from which again the branches, similarly
bending over as they grow, form another sunken pile, and another,
and so on; thus, from one tree, a long shaded canopy is produced, like
a tent with many supports.
694 C, 14-26 He also talks of giant trees so large that the trunks can scarcely He = Onesicritus
Aristobulus (late 4th c. BCE) be encircled by five men. Aristobulus, too, describes trees on the
Acesines, and where it joins the Hyarotis, with branches that bend Acesines, Chenab r.
over and are of such size that fifty cavalrymen can spend the noon hour Hyarotis, Ravi r.
in the shade of one tree (whereas this fellow says four hundred!). this fellow = Onesicritus
Aristobulus says, there is another tree, not big, but with large pods
(like the bean), ten fingers long and full of honey; those who ingest
the honey rarely survive. With regard to trees of giant size, no-
body beats those who claim to have seen, on the far side of the
Hyarotis, a tree that casts at noon a shadow five stades long!
This fellow says, too, concerning the wool-bearing trees, that This fellow = Onesicritus
the flower contains a seed and, once this is removed, the rest can be
combed in the same way as fleece. |
694 C, 27-35 He says that, in Musicanus’s territory, there is also a wild grain He = Onesicritus 15.1.22
(similar to wheat) and vines, so that wine is produced. Other au- Musicanus’s territory = s.
Pakistan
thorities say India produces no wine, with the consequence,
as described by Anacharsis, that there are no flutes nor any
other type of musical instrument except cymbals, drums, and clap-
pers, which are the perquisites of showmen. This fellow says, as do This fellow = Onesicritus
others, that India is rich in medicinal herbs and roots, curative and
otherwise, and likewise in dyes. This fellow adds that it is the law
for anyone who discovers a fatal poison to be put to death, unless they
additionally discover the cure; if they do discover the cure, they receive
high honor from the kings!
695 C, 1-9 Cinnamon, nard, and other aromatic spices are found in southern
India, as similarly in Arabia and Ethiopia, which India somewhat
resembles in respect of the sun’s rays. India, however, is exceptionally
well supplied with w ater, with the result that the atmosphere is humid
and consequently more nourishing and fecund, and so too are the soil
and water, with the result that animals in India, both those that
live on land and those that live in the sea, are larger than those in
other places. The Nile, too, is more fecund than other rivers, produc-
ing various mega-creatures, including amphibians; and Egyptian
women sometimes give birth to quadruplets.
695 C, 9-21 Aristotle records that one woman gave birth to septuplets;
Aristotle (4th c. BCE) and he even calls the Nile multi-generative and nourishing, as a
794
India
result of the sun’s rays having quite a “hepsesis” (boiling) effect, burning
off what is superfluous and leaving behind the essential nutrients. | It 15.1.23
is reasonable to assume that the same cause underlies the fact

mentioned by this fellow, that water from the Nile heats up with this fellow = Onesicritus
only half as much flame as water from other rivers. He says that to
the extent that the w ater of the Nile flows in a straight line over an
extensive and narrow territory and passes through many different
climata and climatic conditions, whereas Indian rivers spread over climata, bands of latitude
plains that are wider and flatter, and they spend a long time pass-
ing through the same climata—to this extent, those rivers are more those rivers = Indian rivers
nourishing than this river; therefore, the creatures in them are larger this river = Nile
and more plentiful; also, the rain that falls from the clouds is already
Aristobulus (late 4th c. BCE) heated. | Those associated with Aristobulus1—who say that the 15.1.24
plains do not get rain—would not agree with this!

695 C, 22-31 Onesicritus thinks this water is the cause of the animals’ dis-
Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE) tinctive characteristics. He cites as evidence the fact that the skin
color of imported animals that drink the water changes into that of
the local animals. He is correct in this, but incorrect in attribut- Onesicritus attributes Ethiopian
characteristics (black skin,
ing to the water alone the fact that the Ethiopians are black and woolly hair) to quality of
Theodectes (4th c. BCE) have woolly hair and in censuring Theodectes for giving the drinking water; denies claims
that they are attributable to the
sun as the cause, quoting him as follows: near them, the sun in sun’s proximity
his chariot / gave men soot-dark / skin and kinked their hair / tightly
into coils, shriveling it with fire.
695 C, 32–696 C, 2 He is right, up to a point, when he claims that the sun is Strabo agrees with Onesicritus
to the extent that Ethiopian
no closer to the Ethiopians than to any other p eople, although being characteristics (black skin,
higher overhead, it is hotter, and it is therefore wrong to say, “near to woolly hair) are not caused
directly by the sun
them, the sun . . . ,” as the sun is an equal distance from all people;
nor are t hese characteristics the result of the sun’s heat, since babies
are not affected by the sun while they are in the womb.
696 C, 2-8 The stronger case is made by those who make the sun and Strabo believes that Ethiopian
characteristics (black skin,
its scorching the cause of the extreme deficiency of simple woolly hair) are caused
moisture (in accordance with which I also say that the Indi- indirectly by the sun
ans do not have woolly hair and do not have such extremely
sunburnt skin, b ecause they enjoy a humid climate). Babies
in the womb are already like their progenitors, because of the
transfer of sperm; these characteristics, and other similarities,
are thus said to be hereditary.
696 C, 8-13 The statement that the sun is an equal distance away from Strabo argues that the sun
feels stronger in Ethiopia than
all people is made not by deduction but by perception. This in places farther north, even
“perception” is not of things as they are, but it is in accor- though it is not technically closer
[ 1 ] “Those associated with Aristobulus” is idiomatic, meaning simply Aristobulus:

691 C, 18–692 C, 6.
795
4.2. Southern Asia
dance with what we say about the earth being proportionally

a point relative to the sphere of the sun. Since, in accordance
with such “perception,” we apprehend heat more when closer
and less when farther away, the distance is not equal. In this
sense—not in the sense that Onesicritus has taken it—the sun
is said to be near to the Ethiopians. |
696 C, 14-26 This, too, is agreed upon and consistent with the similarity 15.1.25
to Egypt and Ethiopia, namely that where the plains are not
Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) flooded they are barren through lack of water. Nearchus says,
rivers in India provide the answer to the question asked e arlier, in
connection with the Nile, as to the cause of its flooding—namely, the
flooding is caused by summer rains; Alexander, seeing crocodiles in the
Hydaspes and Egyptian beans in the Acesines, believed he had discov- Hydaspes, Jhelum r.
ered the sources of the Nile and prepared for an expedition to Egypt, Acesines, Chenab r.
on the assumption that he could sail all the way t here by means of this
river; shortly thereafter he learned that his hopes were not justified.
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) “For t here are huge rivers in between, and mighty streams, /
and first there’s Ocean,” into which flow the rivers of India,
then there’s Ariana, and the Persian gulf, the Arabian gulf, Arabian gulf, Red Sea
Arabia itself, and Trogodyte country.1

696 C, 27-28 The foregoing is what is said about winds and rainfall,
heightened river levels and flooded plains.2 |
696 C, 28–697 C, 3 I should also provide a systematic account of the rivers to 15.1.26
the extent that it is useful for my world description—and to

the extent that I have been able to obtain the information.
Rivers, acting as natural boundaries, particularly in regard to
sizes and shapes of territory, are extremely apposite to the
present project in its entirety. The Nile and the rivers of India
are particularly beneficial compared to other rivers, in that
territory that would not support habitation without them can
be both accessed by boat and used for farming—territory that
otherwise would be incapable of being traveled through and
would be totally uninhabitable.
697 C, 4-17 We know about the significant rivers that flow into the Indus
and the territories through which they pass. (As for the rest, our
ignorance is greater than our knowledge.) Alexander, largely
responsible for this knowledge, decided in the first place that
it was imperative to follow and destroy Darius’s assassins when
they headed off to stir up revolt in Bactriana. Approaching Bactriana, n. Afghanistan
India via the Arianans, he then (with India to his right) crossed
[ 1 ] This sentence, which is mirrored in Strabo’s ensuing narrative (720 C, 8–785 C,

12), is probably his own addition to Nearchus’s remarks.
[ 2 ] 691 C, 18–696 C, 26.
796
India
the Paropamisus into the north and into Bactriana. Destroy- Paropamisus, Hindu Kush (n.
Afg.)
ing everything there that was subject to the Persians and more
besides, he now set his sights on India—the subject of much
discussion but l ittle certainty. He turned around and recrossed
the same mountains (with India on his left), using diff erent and
shorter passages; then turned directly t oward India and her
western borders, toward the Cophes river and the Choaspes, Cophes, Kunar-Kabul r. system
which joins the Cophes at the city of Plemyrium, flowing past Choaspes, ?Swat r.
another city (Gorys) and traversing Bandobene and Gandaritis.

697 C, 17-26 He was advised that the mountainous north was the most He = Alexander
habitable and fertile; part of the south was waterless, and part
was watered by rivers but was searing hot, better suited to
wild beasts than men. He set out to take possession first of
the region that was desirable, at the same time taking into ac-
count that rivers had to be forded (since, lying at right a ngles,
they cut off the country to which he was headed) and could
be crossed more easily near their sources. At the same time,
he heard that many rivers merged into one, and that this hap-
pened again and again, with the consequence that the farther
one went, the more difficult the crossing, especially without
ships. Fearing this, he crossed the Cophes and proceeded to Cophes, Kunar-Kabul r. system
conquer the mountainous region to the east. |

697 C, 27–698 C, 2 After the Cophes came the Indus, then the Hydaspes, then 15.1.27
the Acesines and the Hyarotis, and finally the Hypanis.1 He

was prevented from further advance in part through compli-
ance with certain prophecies and in part through refusal by
his soldiers—already exhausted by their labors, they w ere
particularly tired of continually getting drenched in down-
pours. Consequently, these are the parts of eastern India that
have been made known to us—the parts this side of the Hy-
panis, together with w hatever parts beyond the Hypanis were
further researched by t hose who, after Alexander, proceeded
as far as the Ganges and Palibothra.2 Palibothra, Patna (Ind.)
698 C, 3-7 After the Cophes comes the stream of the Indus. Between
Between Cophes (Kunar-Kabul r.) these two rivers, the area is occupied by Astacenians, Masian-
and upper Indus
e. Afghanistan, n. Pakistan
ians, Nysaeans, and Hypasians. Then there’s the territory be-
longing to Assacanus, the location of the city of Masoga (the
territorial capital), and, right next to the Indus, yet another
city, Peucolaïtis, where he took his army across at a preexist-
ing crossing point. |
[ 1 ] Cophes (Kunar-Kabul r. system) to Indus: 698 C, 3-7. Indus to Hydaspes (Jhe-

lum r.): 698 C, 8-23. Hydaspes to Acesines (Chenab r.) and Hyarotis (Ravi r.):
698 C, 24–699 C, 17. Acesines and Hyarotis to Hypanis (Beas, Sutlej r.): 699 C,
18–700 C, 16.
[ 2 ] Beyond the Hypanis: 702 C, 27–714 C, 4; 718 C, 1–719 C, 20.
797
4.2. Southern Asia
698 C, 8-14 Between the Indus and the Hydaspes is the city of Taxila, Taxila, Taxila (Pak.) 15.1.28
Between Indus and Hydaspes which is large and well governed; the surrounding territory is
(Jhelum r.)
n. India, e. Pakistan
extensive and extremely productive, reaching right down to
the plains. The populace and their king, Taxiles, gave Alexan-
der a warm welcome. The gifts these people received exceeded
those they gave; consequently, the Macedonians w ere jealous,
saying that Alexander apparently had no one on whom to be-
stow his favors—until he crossed the Indus! It is said by some
that this territory is larger than Egypt.
698 C, 14-23 In the mountains above Taxila is the territory belonging to Taxila, Taxila (Pak.)
Abisares, said by his ambassadors to have kept two serpents,

one of them eighty cubits long and the other, one hundred 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE) and forty cubits long! This is according to Onesicritus, whom
one might call the chief p ilot of natural wonders rather than
of Alexander! All of Alexander’s associates preferred what
was amazing to what was true, but Onesicritus seems to stand
out from the rest in his tales of marvelous things. Neverthe-
less, some of what he says has sufficient credibility and merit
that one should not omit it, even if one is skeptical. As for
serpents, others, too, say that p eople hunt them in the Emoda Emoda mountains, w. Himalyas
mountains and keep them in caves. |

698 C, 24–699 C, 2 Between the Hydaspes and the Acesines lies Porus’s ter- 15.1.29
Between Hydaspes (Jhelum r.) ritory, extensive and of good quality, supporting some three
and Acesines (Chenab r.)
n. India, e. Pakistan hundred cities; and, up against the Emoda mountains, the
forest from which Alexander cut and transported down the
Hydaspes great quantities of fir, pine, cedar, and other types
of lumber used in shipbuilding. Out of this, he constructed
a fleet on the Hydaspes, between the cities founded by him
on either riverbank, at the point where he crossed over and
achieved victory over Porus. Alexander called one of these
cities “Bucephalia,” in honor of his horse, who fell in the battle Bucephalia, ?Jalilpur (Pak.)
against Porus: the horse, called “Bucephalas” (Ox-head) because

of its broad forehead, was a brilliant warrior, and Alexander
always rode him into battle. He called the other city “Nicaea”
(Victorious) after his victory there.
699 C, 3-17 Reference is made to the excessive number and size of cer-
copitheci (apes-with-tails) in the abovementioned forest, such that
on one occasion the Macedonians, seeing a host of them on
some bare hilltops in a line facing them (this creature is no less
human in its thought process than the elephant) and mistak-
798
India
ing them for an army, were all set to go into battle against
them as if against e nemy troops, and s topped only when Tax-
iles (at that time in the king’s retinue) informed them of the
true state of affairs. The hunting of this creature takes place in
two ways (given that the creature is a mimic and takes refuge
in trees). The huntsmen, if they see one sitting up in the trees,
put down within the creature’s sight a bowl containing water,
with which they anoint their own eyes; then, putting down a
bowl of birdlime instead of water, they retreat quite a distance
and lie in wait; the creature, jumping down and anointing its
eyes with birdlime, closes its eyes, and its eyelids stay shut;
then the huntsmen come and take it alive. That’s one way of
hunting it. The other way is this: wearing sacks as trousers,
they go away, leaving behind other sacks that are rough and
smeared inside with birdlime; the creatures put them on and
are easily captured. |
699 C, 18-21 Some put Cathaea,1 and the territory of Sopithes (a state 15.1.30
Beyond Acesines (Chenab r.) official),2 in this interfluvial area. Others put it beyond the
and Hyarotis (Ravi r.)
n. India, e. Pakistan Acesines and the Hyarotis, next to the territory belong-
ing to the other Porus (the cousin of the Porus captured by “Other” Porus, defeated by
Alexander the G reat, fled in
Alexander)—they give the name “Gandaris” to the territory 326 BCE
subject to this man. Gandaris, Afghanistan, Pakistan
699 C, 21-30 In Cathaea, the strangest report is that beauty is held in
Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE) exceptionally high esteem, as with horses and dogs. Onesicri-
tus says, the most handsome man is chosen to be king; two months
after birth, a baby is subjected to public judgment as to w hether or
not he has the beauty legally required for his continued existence;
after judgment by the appointed magistrate, the baby is allowed to
live or is killed; men dye their beards with the brightest colors with the
same aim of beautification; many other Indians—the territory yields
amazing dyes—assiduously do the same thing with their hair and
clothes; the p eople are thrifty in other ways but are adornment-loving.
699 C, 31–700 C, 2 The following Cathaean peculiarities are also reported: a
bride and groom choose each other; the reason women are
burned along with their husbands when their husbands die, is
that w omen, taking young lovers, might leave or poison their
husbands; this law is in place to prevent poisoning. (Neither
the law nor its justification is credibly described.)
700 C, 2-16 They say that in Sopithes’s territory, there is a moun-
tain containing rock salt capable of supplying all India. It is
[ 1 ] Cathaea: 699 C, 21–700 C, 2.

[ 2 ] Sopithes’s territory: 700 C, 2-16.
799
4.2. Southern Asia
reported, too, that not far away, among different mountains,

there are gold and silver mines—good ones, according to Gor-
gus, the mining expert. Indians, lacking experience in mining
and smelting, do not appreciate the resources they have, and
they conduct the business in a rather simpleminded way. |
There are also reports of the astounding abilities of dogs in 15.1.31
Sopithes’s territory. Alexander was given one hundred and fifty

dogs by Sopithes. For the purposes of demonstration, two dogs
were let loose against a lion; when they were overpowered, two
more were let loose; now that the match was equal, Sopithes or-
dered someone to drag one of the dogs away by the leg, and to
cut off its leg if the dog did not obey; Alexander at first objected
to the amputation out of consideration for the dog but, when
Sopithes said, “I w ill compensate you with four,” Alexander
withdrew his objection and looked on as the dog suffered a slow
amputation of its leg before releasing its grip. |
700 C, 17-27 The march as far as the Hydaspes was largely southward; Hydaspes, Jhelum r. 15.1.32
from there to the Hypanis, it was rather more to the east. The Hypanis, Beas, Sutlej r.
entire march was through foothills rather than plains. Alex-

ander, on turning back from the Hypanis and retreating to the
Hydaspes and its shipyard, fitted out his fleet and launched it
on the Hydaspes. All the rivers mentioned above—the Hy-
panis being the farthest-flung—join into one, the Indus. It
is said that t here is a total of fifteen tributaries of significant
size. Swollen by all these tributaries (so that writers who know
no m easure say that it reaches a breadth in some places of
one hundred stades, while more moderate writers say that it
reaches a maximum of fifty stades and a minimum of seven,
and that many nations and cities surround it), it then flows
Patalene, area enclosed by
into the southern sea through two mouths forming the island two principal mouths of
known as “Patalene.” Indus r. (Pak.)
700 C, 28–701 C, 2 Alexander got this idea after abandoning the east, in the
first place because he was prevented from crossing the Hypa- Hypanis, Beas, Sutlej r.
nis, and secondly because experience showed him the falsity

of the idea previously entertained, that the plains w ere burn-
ing hot, more suitable for habitation by beast than by man.1
He therefore set out for the plains, abandoning the eastern
regions (which is why the former are better known than the
latter). | The area between the Hypanis and the Hydaspes is area between Hypanis and 15.1.33
Hydaspes = cen. Pakistan
said to h ouse nine nations and up to five thousand cities, each
[ 1 ] 697 C, 17-26.
800
India
Meropian Cos, city on Kos no smaller in size than Meropian Cos (although their number
(Gk. island)
seems to be exaggerated).
701 C, 2-9 An approximate description has been given of the sig-
nificant nations inhabiting the area between the Indus and
the Hydaspes.1 Next in order below them are p eoples known
as the “Sibans” (whom I previously mentioned),2 the “Mal-
lians” and the “Sydracians”—all great nations. It was among
the Mallians that Alexander nearly died a fter being wounded
during the capture of a small town. I mentioned the Sydra-
cians as being related in myth to Dionysus.3 It is said that,
right next to Patalene, there’s the territory of Musicanus and territory of Musicanus =
s. Pakistan
of Sabus . . . * Sindomana, and the territory of Porticanus and
others.
701 C, 9-20 Alexander conquered all the nations in the Indus river-
lands and last of all Patalene, formed by the Indus as it splits Patalene, in s. Pakistan
Aristobulus, Nearchus, into two mouths. Aristobulus says that the mouths are one thou-
Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE)
sand stades apart from each other; Nearchus adds another eight
hundred [stades]. Onesicritus says that each side of the enclosed,
triangle-shaped island, formed in this way, measures two thousand
[stades], and the width of the river where it splits into the two mouths
is some two hundred [stades]. He calls the island Delta and says
that it is equal in size to the Egyptian Delta (incorrectly, since the
Egyptian Delta is said to have a base of one thousand three
hundred stades, and each of the other sides is shorter than
the base). In Patalene t here is a significant city, Patala, after Patala, ?Bahmanabad (Pak.)
which the island takes its name. |

701 C, 21–702 C, 4 Onesicritus says, most of the shoreline in this region has large 15.1.34
Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE) reefs; this is particularly the case at river mouths on account of sedi-
mentation, flooding, and the absence of winds blowing from the land;
in most places, the wind blows from the sea. He also describes Mu- Musicanus’s territory =
s. Pakistan
sicanus’s territory, eulogizing it at length. Some of what he
describes are qualities reported to be shared by other Indians:
a long life, as much as thirty years more than a century (it is said by
some that the Seres live even longer than this), and an abste- Seres, ?Chinese
mious and healthy lifestyle, even though their territory provides an

abundance of everything. Distinctive characteristics are the eating
of communal meals, consisting of fish and game, in Laconian-style
dining halls; the nonuse of gold and silver, although mines exist; the
use, instead of slaves, of young men in their prime, as the Cretans use
the Aphamiotes and the Laconians the Helots. They do not specialize
[ 1 ] 698 C, 8-23.
[ 2 ] 687 C, 31–688 C, 14.
[ 3 ] 687 C, 31–688 C, 14. Cf. 686 C, 25–687 C, 8n.
801
4.2. Southern Asia
in any discipline but medicine; in the case of some disciplines (military

studies and the like), too much training is considered a bad thing.
There is no l egal redress except in the case of murder and assault, from
which no man can ensure his protection—whereas each individual is
responsible for his own contractual issues—so that one has to put up
with agreements being broken and be cautious about whom one trusts,
rather than filling the city with lawsuits. |
702 C, 5 The foregoing is what is said by people who were present 15.1.35
on Alexander’s campaign.1
702 C, 5-10 There has also been published a certain letter by Craterus
Craterus (late 4th c. BCE) to his mother, Aristopatra, describing many strange phe-
nomena uncorroborated by anyone e lse and also stating that
Alexander advanced as far as the Ganges. He says that he himself
saw the river and the creatures in it . . . * in length, width, and
depth a long way away from being credible, not approaching
credibility at all!
702 C, 10-26 There is general agreement that the Ganges is the larg-
est of the known rivers on the three continents; that it is fol-
lowed by the Indus, with the Ister and Nile in third and fourth Ister, Danube r.
place. As for specifics, different p eople say different t hings.

Some say its minimum width is thirty stades; others, three
Megasthenes (late 4th–early stades. Megasthenes, even when m easured in his statements,
3rd c. BCE)
says that it gets as wide as one hundred stades, with a depth of at
least twenty orguiae; | at the confluence of the Ganges and another 1 orguia = 6 ft. 15.1.36
river lies Palibothra, a city eighty stades long and fifteen stades wide, Palibothra, Patna (Ind.)
parallelogram-shaped, surrounded by a wooden palisade that is per-
forated so that arrows can be discharged through the apertures; in
front of the palisade is a ditch used both for defense and as a receptacle
for the city’s waste; the nation in which this city is situated is by far
most highly developed of them all—they are called “Prasians”; the Prasians = inhabitants of ne.
India
reigning king is required to take the name of the city, being called
“Palibothrus” in addition to his individual f amily name, as was the
case with Sandracottus, to whom Megasthenes was sent on
an ambassadorial visit. The same thing happens among the
Parthians, who are all called “Arsaces,” but individually called
“Orodes,” “Phraates,” and so on. |
702 C, 27-33 There is a consensus view that all the territory beyond the 15.1.37
BEYOND THE HYPANIS Hypanis is excellent. It is not, however, described accurately. Hypanis, Beas, Sutlej r.
present-day India, Nepal,
?Bhutan, ?s. China, Bangladesh
Incomplete knowledge and extreme remoteness mean that
stories get exaggerated or are fictional—for example, stories
[ 1 ] 690 C, 35–702 C, 4.
802
India
of gold-mining myrmeces,1 and of other beasts and men of

peculiar shape and extraordinary powers. For example, it is
said that the Seres are long-lived, surviving for more than two Seres, ?Chinese
hundred years; also described is an aristocratic state compris-

ing five thousand counselors, each of whom supplies the state
with one elephant.
703 C, 1-9 Megasthenes 2 says that, among the Prasians, the tigers grow Prasians = inhabitants of
ne. India
Megasthenes (late 4th–early to an i mmense size, almost twice as large as a lion, and so strong that
3rd c. BCE)
a tame tiger, being conveyed by a team of four, grabbed a mule by its
back leg, forcibly overcame it, and hauled it in; the “cercopitheci”
(apes-with-tails) are larger than the largest dogs, are white except for
the face (which is black, while the reverse is the case elsewhere), have
tails measuring more than two cubits, and are very tame, with no 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
maliciousness behind their attacks and thieving; stones are dug

up that have the color of frankincense and are sweeter than figs or
honey.
703 C, 9-18 Elsewhere there are two-cubit-long serpents, with membrane-
like wings such as bats have; also, they fly about by night, discharg-
ing drops of urine (some say sweat) that will putrefy the skin if you
don’t take precautions; t here are winged scorpions, too, of i mmense
size; ebony is grown; t here are dogs so brave of heart that they do not
release what they have in their mouths unless water is poured into their
nostrils (some of them bite so enthusiastically that their eyeballs get
twisted and in some cases even fall out); lions and bulls are caught by
dogs—the bulls are grabbed by the nose and are killed before being
let go. |
703 C, 19-27 In the mountains is the Silas, a river in which nothing floats; 15.1.38
Megasthenes (late 4th–early Democritus—having, of course, visited so large a part of Asia—is

3rd c. BCE) cites Democritus
(5th–4th c. BCE)
skeptical. Aristotle is skeptical, too, even though t here are
Aristotle (4th c. BCE)
environments with air so thin that they cannot support any
flying creature; and t here are vapors that, as they rise, attract
and suck in, so to speak, w hatever flies overhead, just as amber
does with chaff and lodestones with iron. Perhaps some such
powers might be present in water, too. These m atters belong
to natural philosophy and to the science of floating bodies,
and should be studied in that context. For present purposes,
the following should be added, and other m atters more rel-
evant to my world description. |
703 C, 28–704 C, 1 He says that the Indian population is divided into seven He = Megasthenes 15.1.39
Indian social divisions: 1st group groups.3 First, in terms of esteem although fewest in number, are the
[ 1 ] The word myrmeces means “ants” but is applied by Strabo to a variety of fan-
tastical beings: 705 C, 33–706 C, 11n.
[ 2 ] From 703 C, 1 to 714 C, 4, Strabo uses Megasthenes as his main source, with
selections from other writers at 704 C, 15–707 C, 9.
[ 3 ] 1st group: 703 C, 28–704 C, 1. 2nd group: 704 C, 2-8. 3rd group: 704 C, 9-14.
4th group: 707 C, 10-17. 5th–7th groups: 707 C, 18-27.
803
4.2. Southern Asia
p hilosophers. They are employed privately, on an individual basis, by

people making sacrifices to the gods or the dead. They are employed
publicly by the kings, at what is called the “great synod,” where at
the beginning of the new year, the philosophers assemble at the king’s
court, and each of them brings up for discussion w hatever he thinks
is useful or whatever he observes as conducive to healthy crops and
animals or m atters of state. Whoever is found to have spoken
on three occasions inaccurately is condemned to silence for
life; the p
hilosopher who corrects him is granted exemption
from tax and tribute. |
704 C, 2-8 He says the second group consists of the farmers, who are the He = Megasthenes 15.1.40
2nd group most numerous and the luckiest, since they are exempt from military
duty and able to work f ree from fear and do not enter the city for any
purpose including public gatherings. It often happens that, in the
same place and at the same time, one group is drawn up for
battle, facing extreme danger against the enemy, while this
group continues to plow and dig without risk, since they have
the former group to protect them. All the territory belongs to
the king: they work the land for a fee of one quarter the yield. |
704 C, 9-14 The third group comprises herdsmen and hunters. They alone 15.1.41
3rd group are allowed to hunt and to engage in animal husbandry and
to sell or rent out working teams. In return for ridding the
land of wild beasts and seed-stealing birds, since they live a
nomadic existence and dwell in tents, the king provides them
with an allowance of grain. No private individual is allowed to
rear h
orses or elephants—they are all considered to be royal
possessions, and there are attendants to look after them. |
704 C, 15-25 The hunting of the beasts takes place as follows. The hunt- beasts = elephants 15.1.42
How elephants are caught ers enclose an open space of some four or five stades by means
of a deep ditch, and they put an extremely narrow bridge at
the entrance. Then they send in three or four of their tamest
female beasts. (The hunters themselves lie low, concealing
themselves in hides.) The wild male beasts do not enter dur-
ing the day, but when night falls, in they go, one by one. Once
the wild beasts are inside, the hunters surreptitiously close
the entrance. Then the hunters ride in on the fiercest of the
trained beasts and fight it out with the wild beasts, at the same
time weakening them by starvation. Finally, when the wild
beasts are exhausted, the boldest hunters surreptitiously dis-
mount. Each man gets beneath the stomach of his own mount
804
India
and darts under one of the wild beasts and hobbles it. When
this has been done, the hunters command the tame beasts to
beat the hobbled ones u ntil they fall to the ground.
704 C, 26–705 C, 1 Then the hunters yoke the necks of the fallen beasts to the fallen beasts = captured wild
elephants
necks of the tame ones with leashes of raw oxhide. To pre-
vent the beasts from shaking off anyone attempting to get
up onto them, the hunters make incisions around the beasts’ beasts’ necks = necks of
captured wild elephants
necks just where the leash rests, so that the beasts tolerate
their bonds out of pain and are submissive. The hunters reject
beasts that are too old or too young to be useful. They take
the remaining ones away into stalls, where they tie the beasts’
feet together and their necks to a well-secured column, and
subdue them by hunger; then they revive them with the fresh
shoots of reeds and with grass.
705 C, 2-9 Then the beasts are taught to obey commands, some of beasts = captured wild
elephants
which are word commands, others commands in the form
of chanting and drumming. T hose that c an’t be tamed are
few indeed. They are by nature so gentle and mild that they
are almost a rational animal. If their riders are wounded
while fighting and fall to the ground, the beasts pick them
up and carry them away from the b attle to safety; and when
their riders sought cover between the beasts’ front feet, the
beasts continued to fight on their behalf and saved them. If
the beasts ever kill one of their feeders or trainers in anger,
they feel the loss so keenly that their grief keeps them from
eating—sometimes they even starve themselves to death. |
705 C, 10-20 The beasts mount and copulate like h orses do, mostly dur- 15.1.43
ing the spring season. The time is ripe (for the male) when
he is seized by a wild frenzy, at which time he also secretes an
oily substance through an opening on his forehead. The time
is ripe (for females) when their corresponding orifice opens
up; they are pregnant for a maximum of eighteen months, a
minimum of sixteen months; a mother nurses for six years.
Many of them live as long as the most long-lived of men, some
for as long as two hundred years! They are prone to many
diseases that resist treatment. The remedy for eye disease is
for cow’s milk, to be used as a wash. The remedy for most af-
flictions is a drink consisting of black wine. For battle wounds,
a drink . . . * butter (it draws out the pieces of iron); festering
wounds are treated with a poultice of pig meat.
805
4.2. Southern Asia
705 C, 20-32 Onesicritus says that they live u ntil they are three hundred
Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE) years old (a few, until five hundred years old); they are in top condi-
tion at two hundred years old; gestation lasts for ten years. He says
(as do o thers) that they are bigger and stronger than Libyan ones;
standing on their back legs and using their trunks, they tear down
Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) defenses and uproot trees. Nearchus says that, in the hunt, traps are
put in places where the beasts congregate; the wild beasts are corralled
into them by the tame ones, who are stronger and driven by riders;
they are so readily trained that they learn to throw stones at a target
and use weapons; they are very fine swimmers; a team of elephants is
considered a very great possession, and they are yoked together . . . *
camels; a woman is held in high honor if she receives from her lover the
gift of an elephant. The latter statement is inconsistent with the
claim that h orses and elephants are owned only by kings.1 |
705 C, 33–706 C, 11 This fellow says that he saw the hides of gold-mining “myr- This fellow, ?Onesicritus, 15.1.44
?Nearchus
Megasthenes (late 4th–early meces,” 2 which are similar to t hose of leopards. Megasthenes says the
3rd c. BCE)
following about the myrmeces: that, among the Derdians, who are
a great nation of Indians dwelling in the eastern mountains, t here is a
plateau approximately three thousand stades in circumference; beneath
the plateau there are gold mines, and the “myrmeces” are the workers in
them; they are animals no smaller than foxes and possessed of extraordi-
nary speed, and they live by hunting. Like moles, they dig into the
ground in the winter and leave mounds at the entrances. This is
gold dust, requiring little in the way of smelting. Neighboring
people come searching for the gold dust with their beasts of
burden, but they do so clandestinely. If they do it openly, the
myrmeces fight the p eople vigorously and pursue them if they
flee; when the myrmeces catch them, they kill the people along
with their animals. In order not to be seen, people scatter pieces
of wild-animal meat about; the myrmeces are enticed away by
the meat, and the people snatch the gold dust and dispose of it
unwrought (since they do not know how to smelt it) to mer-
chants for a pittance. |
706 C, 12-24 Since I have mentioned in this account of hunters and 15.1.45
wild animals what Megasthenes and o thers said, I should add

Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) the following. Nearchus expresses amazement at the swarms
of dangerous snakes—they leave the plains for the settlements . . . *
when the floods come, and overrun the houses; on this account, people
raise their couches up and sometimes have to leave their homes as
a result of the infestation; w ere it not that many of the snakes get
[ 1 ] I.e., by Megasthenes: 704 C, 9-14.

[ 2 ] The word myrmeces literally means “ants.” Strabo uses it, however, for a vari-
ety of fantastical beings, their only shared feature being that they have noth-
ing in common with ants. The myrmeces alluded to h ere, in as much as they
have hides “like those of leopards,” have something in common with the lion-
myrmeces near the Red Sea: 774 C, 23-30. In their gold-mining activities, they
have something in common with the myrmeces of n. India: 702 C, 27-33. These
latter appear to be part animal and part human—perhaps originally human
mineworkers? A winged variety of myrmeces, also in India: 718 C, 15-28. The
irreconcilable nature of the reports from India on the myrmeces: 70 C, 20-27.
806
India
killed by the floodwaters, the place would be deserted; the smallness

of some snakes and the monstrous size of o thers are troublesome (the
former because they are difficult to detect, the latter b ecause of their
strength—snakes sixteen cubits long being seen in some places); t here
are peddlers of charms who are believed to provide cures, and this is
virtually the only form of medical treatment, given that t here is not
much in the way of disease because of the simplicity of their lifestyle
and the absence of wine; when diseases do arise, they are cured by
the wise men.
706 C, 24–707 C, 9 Aristobulus says that he saw none of the fabled monstrosities, 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
Aristobulus (late 4th c. BCE) except one snake that was nine cubits and one span long (which is 1 span = 0.5 cubit
around the size of the snake brought from there that I saw in from there = from India
Egypt),1 but he says that he saw many much smaller vipers and
asps, and also large scorpions; none of these is as troublesome as the
slender l ittle snakes, m
easuring no more than one span in length, since
they are found in tents, among equipment, and in reeds, and since
victims of their bite bleed painfully from every orifice then die, unless
someone comes to their aid forthwith; helping them is, however, easy
because of the excellent qualities of Indian roots and cures. He says
that crocodiles (neither numerous nor harmful to man) are found in
the Indus; the other animals that breed t here are also mostly the same
as those that live in the Nile, except the hippopotamus (although
Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE) Onesicritus says that it breeds t here, too). Aristobulus says
that, because of the crocodiles, no creatures from the sea (except the
“thrissa,” “cestreus,” and dolphin) swim up the Nile, but many do in
the Indus; small crustaceans get up as far as . . . * while large ones go
as far up as the confluence of the Indus and the Acesines. Acesines, Chenab r.
707 C, 9-10 That was my account of the wild animals.2
707 C, 10-17 Returning to Megasthenes, let me pick up where I left
Megasthenes (late 4th–early off.3 | Megasthenes says that, after the hunters and herdsmen, 15.1.46
3rd c. BCE)
there’s a fourth group comprising skilled artisans, s hopkeepers, and
4th group
manual laborers, some of whom pay tax and perform designated
public services, while weapons makers and shipbuilders receive wages
and upkeep at a set rate from the king, since they work for him alone.
The army chief supplies the soldiers with weapons; the com-
mander of the fleet rents and supplies ships to sailors and
merchants. |
707 C, 18-27 The fifth group is that of the warriors, who spend the 15.1.47
5th, 6th, and 7th groups rest of their time in leisure and drinking, living . . .* at the
treasury’s expense so that when the need arises they can
[ 1 ] The snake seen by Strabo “in Egypt” and brought “from [India]” is probably the
“ten-cubit-long serpent” sent from India (via Egypt) as a gift to Augustus (20
BCE): 719 C, 29-34nn; 775C, 16-25.
[ 2 ] 704 C, 15–707 C, 9.
[ 3 ] 704 C, 9-14.
807
4.2. Southern Asia
be rapidly deployed, having nothing of their own but their

bodies. | Sixth are the watchmen. Their mandate is to keep 15.1.48
an eye on what is happening and to report back secretly to

the king, using prostitutes as accomplices (the city watchmen
using city prostitutes, and the army watchmen using the pros-
titutes t here). They include the most competent and trust-
worthy men. | Seventh are the king’s counselors and advisers, 15.1.49
responsible for offices of state, courts of law, and management

of the whole.
707 C, 28-31 It is not permitted for a man to marry outside his class nor
exchange one business or livelihood for another; nor may one
individual engage in several activities u nless he is one of the
philosophers—allowance is made for p hilosophers b ecause of
their excellent character. |
707 C, 31–708 C, 5 As for the state magistrates, t here are agronomi and asty- 15.1.50
Indian state magistrates: nomi 1 and military officials. Of these, the first take care of the
“agronomi” (country
magistrates)
rivers; make new measurements (as in Egypt) of the land; and
inspect the gated canals through which the w ater is meted
out into conduits in order that everyone has an equal share
of it. T hese same officials look a fter the hunters, and have
the authority to decide who deserves to be rewarded and
who punished; they collect tax and oversee the skilled, land-
based work done by tree cutters, carpenters, metalworkers,
and miners; they construct roads, erecting stone pillars every
ten stades showing turnoffs and distances. |
708 C, 6-20 The astynomi have been divided into six pentads. One pentad, group of five people 15.1.51
“Astynomi” (city magistrates) pentad monitors craftsmanship. Another pentad monitors

resident foreigners by allocating accommodation, keeping
track of their lives through the provision of assistants, repa-
triating foreigners (or their possessions if they die), tending
them if they are ill, and burying them if they die. A third
pentad records births and deaths—when and how—for
taxation purposes and so that births and deaths among high
and low alike might not pass unnoticed. A fourth pentad is
associated with retail and trade, looking after weights and
measures and monitoring produce so that it might be sold
under certification; it is not permitted for one individual to
trade in more than one type without paying twice the tax.
The fifth pentad has charge of what is made by the craftsmen,
selling t hese with certification, too (new products and antiq-
[ 1 ] Strabo uses familiar Greek terms (agronomi, astynomi, etc.), and applies them
to India.
808
India
uities being sold separately—there is a penalty for anyone

who mixes them up). The sixth and last pentad takes a tithe
of the sales, with death being the punishment for stealing.
These things are what each pentad does individually. Col-
lectively, they look after both private and public matters,
the renovation of public buildings, prices, the marketplace,
harbors, and t emples. |
708 C, 21–709 C, 7 After the city magistrates, the third administrative arm is 15.1.52
Military officials the military one. This, too, is divided into six pentads. One pentad, group of five people
pentad is assigned to the fleet commander. Another pentad is

assigned to the man in charge of the ox teams used for convey-
ing tools, provisions for soldiers and animals, and w hatever
else the army needs. The members of this pentad also supply
attendants—drum players, bell ringers, grooms, mechanics,
as well as their servants; they dispatch foragers to the sound
of bells, and ensure speed and safety through reward and pun-
ishment. The third pentad looks a fter the foot soldiers; the
fourth pentad looks a fter the h orses; the fifth, the chariots;
the sixth, elephants. The stalls for h orses and beasts belong to beasts = elephants
the king, as does the armory: the soldier hands in his equip-
ment to the armory, his horse (and likewise his beast) to the
stable. They ride without reins. During marches, the chariots
are drawn by oxen while the horses are led by their halters, so
that their legs are not chafed nor their enthusiasm for chariots
dulled. In each chariot, t here are two combatants in addition
to the driver. The elephant driver is the fourth person, with
three archers shooting from the elephant. |
709 C, 8-20 All the Indians—particularly when on campaign—lead 15.1.53
INDIAN CUSTOMS frugal lives and have no interest in too big a retinue, with the
result that their conduct is orderly. They show most restraint
Megasthenes (late 4th–early in regard to theft. Megasthenes says that, when he was in San-
3rd c. BCE)
dracottus’s camp, with its mass of forty thousand men, on no day did
he see the value of reported thefts exceed two hundred drachmas—
and this among p eople using only unwritten laws—for they have no
knowledge of letters and memorize each regulation; they nevertheless
do well as a result of their simplicity and frugality, drinking no wine
unless at sacrifices (their drink is made from rice instead of barley,
and their food consists largely of rice gruel); their simplicity in laws
and contractual obligations is evident from the small number of
lawsuits—there are no court cases concerning mortgages or deposits;
809
4.2. Southern Asia
they put no faith in witnesses or seals but assume risk based on trust;
they leave their household possessions unguarded.
709 C, 20-24 These habits are sensible, but others of their customs
could not be called acceptable: their custom of always liv-
ing solitary lives, with breakfast and dinner not eaten at one
communal hour but according to individual preference. The
former is better for social and political life. |
709 C, 25–710 C, 5 Their favorite form of bodily care is massage; they rub 15.1.54
down their bodies in various ways, including by means of

smooth rollers made of ebony wood. Funerals are simple af-
fairs, and burial mounds are small. In contrast to their sim-
plicity in other matters, they are well dressed. They wear gold,
have jewelry set with precious stones, wear colorful muslins,
and have parasols handy: since they revere beauty, they do
whatever they can to improve their appearance. They value
both truth and virtue: as a result, they give no priority to the
old, unless the old are especially wise. The men marry many
wives (who are purchased from their parents in exchange for
a team of oxen), some wives because of their docility, others
for the sake of p leasure and the purpose of procreation. If the
men do not force them to be modest, the w omen can pros-
titute themselves. They do not wear garlands when making
sacrifices, burning incense, or pouring a libation; they do not
cut the throat of sacrificial victims but strangle them, so that
when offered to the divinity they are unmutilated and w hole.
Anyone caught bearing false witness has his extremities cut
off; anyone who maims another not only endures the same
mutilation himself but also has his hands cut off; anyone who
takes out an artisan’s hand or eye is put to death.
710 C, 5-8 This fellow claims none of the Indians use slaves, while One- This fellow = Megasthenes
Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE) sicritus declares, this is something peculiar to the Indians in the
territory of Musicanus and is a good quality, just as he describes land of Musicanus = s. Pakistan
many other qualities as a feature of this extremely well-governed
territory. |
710 C, 9-25 The care of the king’s body is in the hands of his wives, who 15.1.55
are purchased from their fathers; outside the court are the
bodyguards and the rest of the army. If one of his wives kills
the king while he is drunk, she has the right to marry his suc-
cessor, and their children become the heirs. The king does not
sleep a fter daybreak; even during the night, he is compelled to
810
India
change the place where he sleeps from time to time, for fear of
conspiracies. One of the (nonmilitary) reasons for the king to
venture out is to attend the law courts, where he spends long
days in hearings, even if the time comes for his bodily therapy,
consisting of massage by means of rollers; during the hearing,
he is massaged by four therapists standing around him! The
second reason for venturing out is to make sacrifices. The third
is somewhat bacchic, namely hunting, surrounded by a throng
of women and, outside them, spear bearers; the route is roped
off, death the penalty for anyone passing within the ropes as far
as the women. The procession is headed by drum players and
bell ringers. The king hunts in enclosed areas by standing on a
platform to shoot his arrows, with two or three armed women
in attendance; in unenclosed hunting grounds, he hunts from
the back of an elephant, with some of the women riding in
chariots, and some on horses or elephants, as when they join
him on campaign, decked out with all sorts of weapons. |
710 C, 26–711 C, 2 The foregoing are very different from our customs, the 15.1.56
following even more so. He says that the occupants of the Cau- He = Megasthenes
casus1 have sex with their w omen in the open, and eat the flesh of their
relatives; there are rock-rolling “cercopitheci” (apes-with-tails) who,
from their haunts on high, send stones rolling down on their pursu-
ers; most of the creatures that we have domesticated are still wild in
their country. He talks of deer-headed and one-horned horses; reeds,
some reaching straight up for thirty orguiae, others creeping along the 1 orguia = 6 ft.
ground for fifty, and with so g reat a width that some have a three- 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
cubit diameter, o thers a diameter of double that amount. |
711 C, 3-10 Entering the realm of myth, he talks of five-span men and he = Megasthenes 15.1.57
even three-span, some of whom lack noses, having only two breathing 1 span = 0.75 ft.
holes above the mouth; against t hese three-span men, a war is con-
Homer (8th c. BCE) ducted by cranes (a war that features even in Homer) and by par-
tridges the size of geese; these men steal and destroy their eggs, for this
is where cranes lay their eggs, which explains why neither crane eggs
nor fledglings are found anywhere else; very often a crane escapes with
a bronze spear tip from the shooting there.
711 C, 10-17 Similar is what he says of enotocoetae (those-who-sleep-in-their-
ears) and of wild men and other wonders: the wild men could not
be brought to Sandracottus, since they starved themselves to death;

their heels w ere at the front of their feet, their s oles and toes at the
back; certain “astomi” (those-with-no-mouths) were brought to him,
[ 1 ] “Caucasus” is here used to mean the mountains of n. India (Himalayas) (689 C,

3-7).
811
4.2. Southern Asia
being tame men; they lived at the sources of the Ganges and drew
nourishment from the odor of roasting meat and the aromas of fruits
and flowers, having breathing holes in the place of mouths; bad odors
caused them pain, and for that reason they survived with difficulty,
especially in the army camp.
711 C, 17-24 The philosophers describe various others, mentioning ocy-
podes (those-who-are-swift-footed) . . . * more than h orses; enotocoetae
(those-who-sleep-in-their-ears), who, because their ears reach down
to their feet, can sleep in them and are so strong they can up-
root trees and tear apart bowstrings; o thers are monommati
(one-eyed), who have the ears of a dog, one eye in the m iddle of
the forehead, bristles, and shaggy breasts; the amycteres (those-
who-are-noseless) are pamphagi (omnivorous), omophagi (eaters-of-raw-
food), and short-lived, dying before they reach old age—and
their upper lip is by far the more protuberant.

711 C, 24-29 As for the thousand-year-old Hyperboreans, what he says is he = Megasthenes
Simonides (6th–5th c. BCE) the same as what Simonides, Pindar, and other mythologists
Pindar (5th c. BCE)
Timagenes (1st c. BCE) say. What Timagenes says is also the stuff of myth, that bronze
rains down in bronze droplets and is panned. Megasthenes says,
more plausibly, that the rivers carry gold dust (and that out of this
a portion is paid to the king), for this happens in Iberia, too.1 |
711 C, 30–712 C, 4 As for his description of the philosophers, he says that he = Megasthenes 15.1.58
those of them who dwell in the mountains are followers of Dionysus; as

proof, they point to the wild vine, which grows in their country alone,
and to the ivy, laurel, myrtle, boxwood, and various other evergreens,
none of which grow on the far side of the Euphrates, except for a few far side of Euphrates = east of
Euphrates r.
in gardens, which require much care to survive; the wearing of muslin
and use of headdresses, the massaging in of oil, the dyeing of clothes in
many colors, the bell ringing and drum playing that accompany royal
processions—these are all Dionysian, too; the p hilosophers who dwell
on the plains worship Heracles.
712 C, 4-8 This is all a myth, disproved on many grounds, particu-
larly in regard to vine growing and wine making. Much of Ar-
menia, all of Mesopotamia, followed by Media as far as Persia
and Carmania—these are all on the far side of the Euphrates,
yet a large part of each of these nations is said to be good for
the growing of vines and production of wine. |
712 C, 9-22 He makes another division, saying that there are two types He = Megasthenes 15.1.59
of philosophers, of which he calls one type Brachmanes and the

other type Sarmanes; 2 Brachmanes are held in higher regard, as
[ 1 ] Strabo uses the name “Iberia” both for territory in the west (Spain, Portugal)
and in the Caucasus (e. Georgia, w. Azerbaijan). Gold is panned in both places:
146 C, 10-17; 499 C, 12-27.
[ 2 ] Brachmanes: 712 C, 9–713 C, 18. Sarmanes: 713 C, 19-30.
812
India
t here is more consistency in their teachings; while as yet unborn, they

are looked after by sages, who visit the pregnant m other and who are
supposed to ensure the child’s good fortune by the recitation of spells,
but who in reality dispense wise advice and instruction; mothers
who listen most assiduously are supposed to have the most fortunate
children; a succession of teachers looks a fter the child once born—
the greater the age of the child the more advanced his teachers; the
philosophers spend their time in a sacred grove in front of the city,
living a simple life because of the modest size of the enclosure, on rush
mats and animal skins, abstaining from meat and sex, zealously
studying doctrine and passing it on to anyone willing; no student is
allowed to speak, hawk, or even spit—if he does, he is expelled from
company for the day because he lacks self-restraint.
712 C, 23-34 Living this way for thirty-seven years, each man then goes back to
his private property, where he lives with less indigence and more free-
dom, wearing muslin clothes and a modest amount of gold jewelry on
his ears and hands, partaking of the meat of those animals that serve
no function, abstaining from food that is strongly flavored or spicy;
he marries as many women as possible for the purpose of producing
many children, since the greater the number of children, the higher the
likelihood of their being zealous (and also because of the need, in the
absence of slaves, to get help from children near at hand); Brachmanes
do not engage in philosophical discussion with their wives—if their
wives are badly behaved, they might divulge unlawful m atters to the
uninitiated, and if they are zealous, they might leave their husbands,
since no one who spends their time thinking about pleasure and pain,
likewise life and death, wants to be subservient to another, and this is
true for both zealots and zealottes!
713 C, 1-7 Their most important doctrines concern death. They believe that
“life h ere is like that of c hildren still in the womb and that death
represents a birth into a true and happy life for p hilosophers,” which
is why they undergo rigorous training in death preparedness; and
that “good and evil are not inherent in the events that befall men,”
otherwise the same events would not cause some p eople to grieve and
others to rejoice—“their notions like dreams”—and p eople would not
sometimes be aggrieved by the very events that at other times cause
them joy.
713 C, 8-18 As for m atters associated with the physical world, he says, he = Megasthenes
in some respects they show their gullibility (they are better with regard they = Brachmanes
to action than logical arguments) and put a lot of trust in myths, but
813
4.2. Southern Asia
on many topics they agree with the Greeks, in that they too claim that
“the universe is subjected to creation and destruction, is spheroid, and spheroid, ball-shaped
is wholly permeated by the god who controls and creates it,” that “the
basic matter constituting the whole is varied but that water is the basic
matter underlying the creation of the universe,” that “in addition to
the four elements there is a fifth substance, the material from which the
heavens and the stars are made,” and that “the earth is at the center of
everything.” Similar statements, and o thers besides, are made
about the seed and the soul. They use myth in the same way as
Plato (late 5th–4th c. BCE) Plato does for the eternal soul, the judgments of Hades, and
so on. That is what he says about the Brachmanes. |
713 C, 19-30 As for the Sarmanes, he says that the most revered of them are he = Megasthenes 15.1.60
called “Hylobii” (Forest-dwellers), living in forests on a diet of leaves

and fruit that grow in the wild, their clothing made of tree bark,
abstaining from sex and wine; they confer with kings, who make
inquiry about the causes of things via messengers and who, through
these messengers, worship the divinity and perform rituals; second in
prestige a fter the Hylobii are the healers and, as it were, p hilosophers
of man, who live simply but not outdoors, their food consisting of rice
and barley meal, all of it given to them by anyone who is asked and
who honors his obligation of hospitality; they can make people produce
many children, or produce male children or female c hildren, by me-
dicinal means—but their healing is largely done through diet rather
than medicine; as for medicines, ointments and poultices are particu-
larly popular, while other medicines are strongly associated with evil.
713 C, 30-32 The latter as well as the former practice pain tolerance and en-
durance, such that they can stay in one position without moving for
the w hole day long.
713 C, 33–714 C, 4 T here are others—priests and enchanters and those who are
skilled in the rules and customs associated with the dead—who wan-
der as mendicants through village and city; and some who are more
accomplished and sophisticated than the aforementioned, but even
they do not hold back from the stories told about Hades, to the extent
it seems . . . * for piety and holiness; even women (who also abstain
from sex) engage in philosophical discussion with some of them. |
714 C, 5-13 Aristobulus says, regarding the sophists in Taxila, that he saw Taxila, Taxila (Pak.) 15.1.61
Aristobulus (late 4th c. BCE) two of them, both of them Brachmanes, the elder with a shaved head, the
younger with long hair; disciples accompanied both of them; they spent
much of their time in the marketplace, held in high esteem as counselors
and entitled to help themselves to w hatever market goods they wanted;
814
India
whomsoever they approached, that person poured sesame oil over them so
that it ran down into their eyes; with an abundance of honey and sesame
available to them, they made cakes and lived without expense; even when
they came to Alexander’s table, they dined standing up!
714 C, 13-24 They practiced endurance by retreating to a nearby place, where
the older one lay flat on his back and put up with the sun and the rain
(it was already raining, spring having arrived), while the younger
one stood on one leg, holding aloft with both hands a log some three 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
cubits in length, and when one leg got tired, transferring his weight
to the other leg, continuing in this way for the w hole day; the younger
one showed far greater self-discipline in that he accompanied the king king = Alexander
for a little while but soon went back home and, when the king sent for
him, bade him, “come himself if there was anything he wanted”!; the
other stayed on for life and, being in the king’s company, changed his
manner of dress and way of life; when he was reproached by certain
people, he replied that “he had fulfilled his forty years of asceticism as
promised”; Alexander gave presents to his c hildren. |
714 C, 25-33 With regard to customs in Taxila, he says, they are strange Taxila, Taxila (Pak.) 15.1.62
and unusual: men who are unable through poverty to marry off their he = Aristobulus
daughters bring them in the full flower of their youth to the market-
place, where a crowd is summoned by means of trumpet and drums
(which they also use to signal b attle); if a man approaches, the girl pulls
up her clothes to expose first her hind parts up to the shoulders, then her
front parts; if she is found pleasing and is amenable to the conditions he
sets, she is married to him; the dead are thrown to vultures; the taking
of more than one wife is a custom shared by others. He says that he
learned from some sources that women are willingly burned on
their husbands’ funeral pyres; women who do not acquiesce are held in
contempt. These customs are described by o thers, too. |
714 C, 34–715 C, 15 Onesicritus says that he himself was dispatched to engage in 15.1.63
Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE) dialogue with these sophists, as Alexander had learned that these
fellows—who always went about lightly clad, who practiced endur-
ance, and who w ere held in the greatest honor—would not visit o thers
when summoned but rather would bid those who sent the summons,
if they wished to take part in what the sophists did and said, to visit
them! He said that, since t hese t hings w ere so, and since it did not
seem fitting for him to visit them nor for them to be forced to do any- him = Alexander
thing against their w ill, in contravention of their traditions, he was he = Onesicritus
himself dispatched; he came upon fifteen of these men, at a distance of
twenty stades from the city, all standing or sitting or lying in diff erent
815
4.2. Southern Asia
positions, lightly clad and unmoving u ntil dusk, at which time they
returned to the city; it was extremely difficult to stay out in the sun, city = Taxila, Taxila (Pak.)
which was so hot that no one else could easily manage to walk barefoot
on the ground at midday; | he engaged in dialogue with one of them, 15.1.64
Calanus, who followed the king as far as Persia and ended his life by
being put on a funeral pyre in the traditional manner, but who hap-
pened at that moment to be lying on some stones.
715 C, 15-28 He said that, approaching them and giving them greetings, he He = Onesicritus
announced that he had been dispatched by the king “to learn their
wisdom and report back to him,” and if no one minded, he was ready
for his lesson; this fellow, on seeing him clad in cloak, hat, and boots, this fellow = Calanus
laughed out loud and said, “long ago, there w ere barley groats and
wheat meal everywhere, as now t here is dust; some springs ran with
water, o thers with milk and honey, or wine, or olive oil; b ecause of
this satiety and indolence, men fell into prideful ways; Zeus, hating
this state of affairs, destroyed the lot and decreed a life of toil; now
that virtue, including self-control, has made its reappearance, there
is again an abundance of good things, but we are approaching satiety
and pride, and t here is a danger that everything w ill be destroyed,”
and after speaking thus, bade him—if he wanted to learn—to take off him = Onesicritus
his garb, lie down lightly clad on the same stones, and start his lesson!
715 C, 28–716 C, 4 While he was wondering what to do, Mandanis, the oldest and he = Onesicritus
wisest of them, upbraided Calanus for being insolent while himself

making accusations of insolence, welcomed Onesicritus, and said
that “the king deserved praise for desiring wisdom while having such king = Alexander
an extensive kingdom to govern (for he saw that the king was singu- he = Mandanis
lar in pursuing wisdom while at arms); the best situation of all was
when t hose men were wise who had the power to persuade the willing
to be moderate, and to compel the unwilling; he begged forgiveness he = Mandanis
if, speaking through three interpreters who, except for their linguistic
ability, knew no more than the general public, he lacked the facility to
set out the benefits; it was as if someone expected that w ater running
through mud would be clear!” |
716 C, 5-11 He said that what was stated was, in essence, this: “The high- He = Onesicritus 15.1.65
est doctrine is that which aims at removing p leasure and pain from what was stated = by Mandanis
the soul; pain and toil are different, the former destructive, the latter
desirable, at least for t hose training their bodies through toil in order
to strengthen their minds, with the result that they might cease from
strife and give good counsel to everyone in public and private, and that
they would counsel Taxiles to receive Alexander, on the grounds that,
816
India
if the man received was his superior, then it would be well to comply,
while if the man received was his inferior, then he could treat him well.”
716 C, 11-18 After speaking thus, he inquired w hether such doctrines w
ere held he = Mandanis
by the Greeks. In response to his statement that “Pythagoras taught his = Onesicritus’s
such t hings, as well as bidding abstinence from meat, as did Socrates

Socrates (5th c. BCE) and Diogenes (under whom he himself studied),” Mandanis replied he = Onesicritus
that, “in his opinion, their views generally seemed sagacious but that in
one respect they erred, in placing custom before nature, otherwise they
would not be ashamed to go lightly clad, as he himself, and live off s imple
fare; the best h ouse was the one that required the least maintenance.”
716 C, 19-27 He said that they make inquiry into many aspects of nature, in- He = Onesicritus
cluding predictions, rain, drought, disease; on returning to the city,

they scatter in the marketplace and take (without paying for them)
the figs or grapes willingly donated by anyone they meet who has them;
if olive oil is available, they drizzle it over themselves and massage it
in; every wealthy household is open to them, as far in as the women’s
quarters; they go in and take part in the meals and conversation;
bodily disease is considered a most shameful t hing by them; anyone
who suspects it of themselves self-immolates—having built a funeral
pyre, anointed themselves with oil, and mounted the pyre, they give
orders that the fire be lit, and lie immobile as they burn. |
716 C, 28–717 C, 8 Nearchus says about the sophists that the Brachmanes en- 15.1.66
Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) gage in politics and accompany the kings as counselors; others of them
(Calanus included) study the nature of things; even women engage in
philosophical study with the men; all of them have a tough life. In re-
gard to customs followed by the others, he makes the following
declarations. Their laws are not written down, some of them commu-
nal, o thers private, being unusual compared to the laws of o thers—for
example, in some cases, young girls are set up as the victor’s prize in a
boxing match so that they get paired off without a dowry; in other cases,
after working their fields on a communal basis according to kinship,
when each man brings in the harvest, he takes enough produce to last
the year, and what remains is burned—for the sake of having to go
back to work and not be idle! Their weapons consist of a bow with
three-cubit-long arrows, or a javelin and shield and three-cubit-long 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
broad sword. Instead of bits, they use nose bands, which are only a little
different from muzzles; and the lips are pierced with studs. |
717 C, 9-16 He says, in illustration of their craftsmanship, that the In- He = Nearchus 15.1.67
dians copied the sponges that they saw in use among the Macedonians,
by piercing bits of wool with hairs and fine cords and threads, and
817
4.2. Southern Asia
a fter compressing it, by drawing some of these out and d yeing some
of them with many colors; there were soon “stlengis makers” and stlengis, skin scraper used by
Greeks after bathing or exercise
“lecythus makers” in large numbers; they write their missives on fine,
lecythus, oil flask used by
closely woven cloth (although other writers claim that they d on’t Greeks
use writing); they use bronze that has been cast rather than ham-
mered out. He gave no reason but noted the strange corollary
that, if the vessels fell, they shattered like earthenware.
717 C, 17-20 The following statement is also made about India, that it
is the custom to adopt an attitude of prayer, rather than pros-
tration, before kings and all who hold rank and power. The
territory also yields up precious stones, consisting of crystals anthraces = carbuncles, rubies,
and all kinds of anthraces . . . * as also pearls. | garnets
717 C, 21-34 Let the story of Calanus be an example of the lack of agree- 15.1.68
ment among writers. That he escorted Alexander and, while

with him, burned to death of his own f ree w ill, on this they agree;
but they vary in their accounts of how and why. Some writers
say this: he accompanied the king as his eulogizer beyond the
boundaries of India, contravening the custom among Indian
philosophers that they stay with the Indian kings (provid-
ing guidance in divine m atters, as did the Magi for the Persian
kings); in Pasargadae he fell ill—this being the first time he had
ever been sick—and committed suicide in his seventy-third year,
paying no heed to the king’s entreaties; the pyre having been
built and a golden couch set upon it, he lay down on it, covered
himself, and burned to death. Other writers say that a wooden
house was constructed; when the house had been filled with
leaves, and the pyre constructed on its roof . . . * as he had or-
dered after the procession that accompanied him, he threw him-
self like a log onto the fire and was burned along with the house.
718 C, 1-14 Megasthenes says, it is not accepted teaching among the
Megasthenes (late 4th–early philosophers to commit suicide, and suicides are judged to be juve-
3rd c. BCE)
nile, the hard-natured tending t oward the sword or cliff, t hose who
shy away from pain tending t oward w ater, t hose who embrace pain
hanging themselves, the fiery-tempered resorting to fire (such was
Calanus, a fellow who lacked restraint and was a slave to Al-
exander’s lavishness). The latter deserves censure, but Mandanis latter = Calanus
should be praised, because when Alexander’s messengers summoned

him to the “son of Zeus” with the promise of “gifts” if he complied and him = Mandanis
“punishment” if he d idn’t, he said that Alexander, who ruled over not

even the least portion of the earth, was not the “son of Zeus” and that
818
India
he did not have the least need of Alexander’s “gifts” (of which there
were never enough), nor did threats scare him—India would suffice
as his nurse while he lived, and when he died, he “would be f ree of flesh
that was wasted by old age and would pass on to a better, purer life.”
Alexander thought him praiseworthy, and acquiesced. |
718 C, 15-28 It is also said by writers that the Indians worship “Om- 15.1.69
brian” (Rain-bringing) Zeus, the Ganges river, and local spirits;

when the king washes his hair, a g reat festival is held and g reat
gifts sent, each man striving to show off his wealth. They say
that some of the gold-mining myrmeces even have wings;1 that
the rivers (like the rivers in Iberia) carry gold dust; that the
festival processions are accompanied by many elephants, dec-
orated with gold and silver, and many four-horse teams and
ox teams, followed by the army in full regalia; there are ves-
sels of gold (great caldrons, and bowls measuring one orguia) 1 orguia = 6 ft.
and of Indian bronze . . . * tables and chairs and drinking cups

and washbasins, most of them studded with jewels (emeralds,
beryls, and Indian anthraces). Their gaily colored garments are anthraces = carbuncles, rubies,
garnets
shot with gold and . . . * leopards and lions that are tame, and
a host of birds with colorful plumage and sweet songs.
718 C, 28-33 Clitarchus describes four-wheeled chariots, conveying large-
Clitarchus (late 4th–3rd c. BCE) leaved trees that hold species of tame birds. Of these, he says that
the sweetest-sounding is the “orion,” while the one that is the most
splendid to behold and has the most colorful plumage is called the
“catreus” (it resembles very closely a peacock). For the rest of the
description, go to the author’s own work! |
718 C, 34–719 C, 14 With regard to philosophers, writers treat the Pramnae— 15.1.70
who are fond of disputation and refutation—as separate from

the Brachmanes. They say that the Brachmanes practice natu
ral science and astronomy, and are ridiculed by the former former = Pramnae
as charlatans and fools; some of these are called “mountain

dwelling,” some of them “lightly clad,” and some of them
“urban and suburban”—the “mountain dwellers,” wearing
deerskins and carrying pouches full of roots and medicines,
claim to be healers, using magic, spells, and amulets; the
“lightly clad,” in accordance with their name, spend their lives
lightly clothed and largely out of doors, practicing the endur-
ance that I mentioned e arlier,2 until their thirty-seventh year;
women, too, are present among them, but do not have sex
with them; t hese p eople are the object of particular wonder; |
[ 1 ] For myrmeces: 705 C, 33–706 C, 11n.

[ 2 ] 713 C, 30-32; 714 C, 13-24.
819
4.2. Southern Asia
the “urban” wear muslin clothes and live in the city, or even in 15.1.71
the country, wearing the skins of fawns or gazelles. They say

that in general, Indians wear white garments, white muslins,
and cottons (in a way at odds with t hose who claim that they
wear brightly colored clothing); that all the men let their hair
and beards grow, braid their hair, and wear a headdress. |
719 C, 15-20 Artemidorus says, the Ganges flows down from the Emodum Emodum mountains, w. 15.1.72
Himalyas
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early mountains in a southerly direction; on reaching the city of Gange,
1st c. BCE) Gange, Allahabad (Ind.)
it bends around to the east as far as Palibothra and its outlet into
Palibothra, Patna (Ind.)
the sea (he calls one of its tributaries the Oedanes); it is home to
crocodiles and dolphins. He says other things, too, in a confused
and random manner, to which no attention need be paid.
719 C, 21-29 To the foregoing should be added the comments of Nico-
Nicolaus, contemporary with laus of Damascus. | This fellow says that he happened to be in 15.1.73
Strabo
Antioch-by-Daphne at the arrival of the Indian ambassadors on Antioch-by-Daphne, Antakya
(Tky.)
their way to Augustus Caesar; although their letter showed that there
had been more of them, only the three survived—whom he says he
saw1—whereas the o thers succumbed largely to the rigors of the long
journey; the letter was written in Greek on leather, and it stated that
the writer was Porus,2 “who, although his rule encompasses six hun-
dred kings, sets much store by friendship with Caesar and is ready to
provide safe passage to wherever Caesar wants and to work with him
to the extent that his honor allows.”
719 C, 29-34 He said that the foregoing is what the letter stated; the gifts that He = Nicolaus
had been brought were displayed by eight servants, lightly clad in loin-
cloths and bedewed with aromatic oils; the gifts included a “Hermes”
(a man whose arms had been cut off at the shoulder in infancy,
and whom I too saw),3 large vipers, a ten-cubit-long serpent,4 a 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
three-cubit-long turtle, and a partridge larger than a vulture.

719 C, 34–720 C, 7 People say that the man was also present who self-
immolated at Athens; while some men do this from a feeling
of failure and a desire to escape the present, o thers act from
a sense of well-being, and such was the case with this man—
everything having gone according to plan up u ntil now, he
should make his departure lest anything unforeseen befall
him if he lingered; with a laugh, anointed with oil, and lightly
clad in a loincloth, he leapt onto the funeral pyre; the epigraph
on his tomb reads, Here lies Zharmanochegas, an Indian from
Bargosa who, in traditional Indian fashion, immortalized himself ! | Bargosa, ?Broach (Ind.)
[ 1 ] In a typically Strabonian moment, the embassy is described through the eyes earlier, was still resident: 101 C, 14-24n; 117 C, 35–118 C, 14n. The embassy’s pas-
and words of Strabo’s contemporary Nicolaus, even though Strabo himself saw sage through Alexandria may also have provided the occasion for Strabo to
at least some of the embassy’s gifts and perhaps the embassy itself: 719 C, 29- see an Indian rhino: 774 C, 23–775 C, 2n.
34nn, Cf. 686 C, 10-16nn; 706 C, 24–707 C, 9. [ 4 ] This is probably the snake “from [India]” that Strabo says he “saw in Egypt” and
[ 2 ] “Porus” is the name attributed by Nicolaus to the Indian king Pandion, perhaps that was “around the size” of the snake “nine cubits and one span long” seen by
in order to flatter Augustus: 686 C, 10-16nn. Aristobulus in India: 706 C, 24–707 C, 9n. “Egypt” is often used by Strabo as a
[ 3 ] Where did Strabo see this odd gift? It is likely that the embassy passed through synonym for Alexandria; if that is the case h ere, Alexandria is likely to be where
Alexandria (20 BCE), where Strabo, who had arrived in Alexandria some years Strabo also saw the armless man (previous note).
820
India
Translator’s Note on Strabo’s “India”
With assistance from Ian Johnston
In chapter 4.2, “Southern Asia,” Strabo depicts India as a four-sided geomet-

ric figure with its southern and eastern sides longer than its northern and
western sides.1 He states that the extra length of the southern and eastern
sides causes the corner that is common to those two sides to jut out into
the ocean. He additionally states that the resultant cape points “more to
the east.”2 This expression is ambiguous. Does Strabo mean that the cape
reaches a more easterly meridian than any other part of India, or does he
simply mean that the overall direction in which it extends is eastward?
Scholars have often assumed the former and have represented India thus
on maps of Strabo’s lived-in world.3 This interpretation, however, is incon-
sistent with Strabo’s clear belief that the end of the Taurus mountain range
(which, according to him, forms the northern side of India) is the eastern-
most point of the lived-world.4
We should perhaps pay attention to Strabo’s admonition that the plane
geometric shapes he uses in his geographical descriptions are representa
tions of shapes that actually sit on the curved surface of the earth.5 The
extra length of India’s southern side could be accounted for simply by the
fact that the distance between two meridians in southern India is greater
than the distance between the same two meridians farther north. The ac-
companying diagram illustrates how this could work with the figures pro-
vided by Strabo for the northern, western, and eastern sides of India. Strabo
gives 16,000 stades for the distance along India’s northern side. He says that
3,000 stades is “the amount by which the end point common to the eastern
coastline and to the southern one juts equally in each direction compared
to the rest of the coastline.”6 To get a figure for the southern side of India,
he adds—to the figure just given for the northern side—this figure of 3,000
stades. Strabo’s total figure for the distance along the southern side would
thus be 19,000 stades.
In the accompanying diagram, the distance from the equator to the north
pole is assumed to be 63,000 stades.7 On this basis, distance β in the dia-
gram (the southern side of India) would be ca. 20,130 stades. In Strabo’s
[ 1 ] 689 C, 3-31; cf. 78 C, 15-18. [4] 67 C, 7-14 (following Eratosthenes); 116 C, 12-19.
[ 2 ] 689 C, 26-31 (specifically, line 27). [5] 116 C, 29–117 C, 11.
[ 3 ] E.g., frontispiece of H. L. Jones, The Geography of Strabo, vol. 1 (Harvard Uni- [6] 689 C, 7-12.
versity Press, 1917); map at end of G. Aujac, Strabon: Géographie, vol. 2, Budé [7] 113 C, 25–114 C, 1.
ed. (Les Belles Lettres, 1969); map on p. xvii of D. Roller, The Geography of
Strabo (Cambridge Univeristy Press, 2014).
821
NORTH POLE
35,200
16,000
16,000
13,000
INDIA
3,000
11,800 EQUATOR
MAP 7. Strabo’s “India”

The linear distance between
any two meridians on the
earth’s surface is greater the
closer to the equator the
measurement is made. In the
diagram, α is 19,906 stades,
compared to a linear distance
of 16,000 stades between
the same meridians at a more
northerly latitude.
Key
α = 19,906 stades
β = 20,131 stades
Ariana and Carmania
description, as we have seen above, the southern side of India amounts to

19,000 stades, which would mean that the southern side extends no farther
to the east than the northern side of India does, and that, in saying that the
cape points “more to the east,” Strabo simply means that it extends in an
eastward direction.
When all is said and done, it is perhaps fair to say that Strabo’s descrip-
tion of India is, at the very least, ambiguous. Ambiguity is very difficult to
represent on a map. We should treat with caution modern reconstructions
of Strabo’s lived-in world in which the southeast corner of India is repre-
sented as its easternmost point, bearing in mind that such reconstructions
are inconsistent with what Strabo says elsewhere in his work and are based
on one interpretation of an ambiguous expression, an interpretation that
is at odds with the distances given by Strabo for India’s southern side when
the curvature of the earth’s surface is taken into account.
Ariana and Carmania (w. Pakistan, s. Afghanistan, s. + e. Iran)
720 C, 8-14 fter India comes Ariana, the initial section of Persian-
A Persian-controlled, ?6th–4th c. 15.2.1
BCE
controlled territory a fter the Indus, and included among the
upper satrapies outside the Taurus. Ariana is delineated by outside Taurus = south of Taurus
mts.
the same sea and the same mountains as India to the south
and the north, and by the same Indus river between it and
India, and stretches from there westward to the line drawn
from the Caspian Gates to Carmania, so as to make a four- Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
sided figure.
720 C, 14-24 The southern side begins with the outlets of the Indus
ARIANA and with Patalene, and ends with Carmania and the mouth Patalene, area enclosed by two
w. Pakistan, s. Afghanistan, principal mouths of Indus r.
s. + e. Iran
of the Persian gulf, with a considerable southern projection, (Pak.)
after which it curves around into the gulf toward Persia. The
inhabitants are, first, the Arbians—bearing the same name as
the Arbis river, which is the boundary between them and the Arbis, ?Hab r.
Oritians, who come next—with a coastline of some one thou-

Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) sand stades, according to Nearchus. (This, too, belongs to the
Indians).1 Then come the Oritians, an autonomous nation. The
[ 1 ] Strabo updates his source material. Cf. 725 C, 6-16n.
823
4.2. Southern Asia
distance along their coast is one thousand eight hundred [stades];

along the coast of the Ichthyophagi (Fish-eaters), who come next,
seven thousand four hundred; along the Carmanian coast,
three thousand seven hundred, as far as Persia. Thus the total
distance is twelve thousand nine hundred [stades].1 |
720 C, 25–721 C, 6 The territory of the Ichthyophagi lies at sea level and is 15.2.2
ICHTHYOPHAGI largely devoid of trees other than the date palm, the thorn
s. Pakistan, s. Iran
tree, and the tamarisk. It has little in the way of water and
cultivated food, but they (and their animals) make use of fish
and also of water from the rain and from wells. The meat of
their animals gives off a fishy odor. They make their dwellings
largely by using whale bones and oyster shells, using ribs for
beams and supports, and jawbones for doorways. Vertebrae
serve them as mortars, on which they pound fish that they
have dried in the sun. Then they make bread by adding to the
mixture a small amount of flour: they have grindstones, even
in the absence of iron. What is surprising is not this (since they
could have imported them from elsewhere) but the means by
which they whet the grindstones when they get worn down
(with stones, they say, by means of which they also sharpen
their arrows and spears a fter hardening them by fire). They
bake some of their fish in earthenware ovens but eat most of
it raw. They catch fish in nets made out of date-palm fiber. |
721 C, 7-17 Gedrosia is situated inland from these people. Gedrosia, 15.2.3
GEDROSIA not as hot as India, is nevertheless hotter than the rest of Asia:
w. Pakistan, e. Iran
it lacks crops and water (except in the summer), being little
better than the territory of the Ichthyophagi. It does produce
spices, particularly nard and myrrh—so much so that Alexan-
der’s army, on its way through, made use of these for shelter
and bedding, thereby enjoying an atmosphere of considerable
fragrance as well as healthiness! It happened that the return
march from India was specifically planned for the summer,
which is when the rains fall in Gedrosia, and the rivers and
cisterns are full (although they run dry in the winter); the
rain falls in the upper (northern) regions, which are near the
mountains; then, as the rivers swell, even the plains near the
coast get irrigated, and there is plenty of water in reserve.
721 C, 17-28 The king sent men into the desert ahead of him to dig cis- king = Alexander the Great
terns and prepare naval stations for him and his fleet. | Divid- 15.2.4
ing his forces into three, he himself set out with one division
[ 1 ] Area next to Indus (by Strabo’s day, part of India): 724 C, 9-16. Ichthyophagi
(s. Pakistan, s. Iran): 720 C, 25–721 C, 6. Gedrosia (w. Pakistan, e. Iran): 721 C,
7–732 C, 14. Carmania (s. Iran): 726 C, 18–727 C, 10.
824
Ariana and Carmania
through Gedrosia, staying at most five hundred stades from

the coast, so that as he marched he might prepare the coast
to receive his fleet, frequently reaching the sea even though
the shoreline was trackless and rugged. Another division he
Craterus, Nearchus, Onesicritus sent via the interior, with Craterus, who subdued Ariana as
(late 4th c. BCE)
he marched toward the same destination as that to which Al-
exander was headed. He handed the fleet over to Nearchus
and Onesicritus (the chief pilot), with instructions that they
should take the opportunity as soon as conditions were right
to follow after him, sailing along the coast and mirroring his
overland march. |
721 C, 28-34 Nearchus, furthermore, says, he started the voyage just as the 15.2.5
Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) king was completing the overland march, in autumn at the evening
rising of the Pleiades;1 the winds w
ere not yet favorable, but the na-
tives were attacking them and driving them away (the natives being
encouraged by the king’s departure to make f ree). Craterus, after
starting from the Hydaspes, was making his way through the Hydaspes, Jhelum r.
Arachotians and Drangians toward Carmania.

721 C, 34–722 C, 8 Many w ere the hardships faced by Alexander, whose entire
march lay through unforgiving territory; he managed to get
supplies from afar, but so scantily and so seldom that his army
was starving; he dispensed with the pack animals and left the
baggage along the roadside and in the camps; salvation came
in the form of date palms—both the fruit and the heart. He He = Nearchus
says, Alexander, despite knowing about the supply difficulties, in the

belief that Semiramis survived her flight out of India with perhaps
only twenty men, and Cyrus with only seven, was gripped by an ambi-
tion—to see whether he could safely take an army through the same
territory and to do so having been victorious. |
722 C, 9-17 In addition to the lack of supplies, difficulties w ere pre- 15.2.6
sented by the heat and the depth of the sand and the high
temperatures. In some places, the sand dunes were so high
that, as well as making it difficult to lift one’s legs (as when
walking through deep w ater), ascents and descents had to be
made. B ecause of the watering places, long marches had to
be made of two hundred or three hundred stades (sometime
even six hundred), generally by night. Camp was struck at a
distance (often thirty stades) from the water, so that the men
might not overdrink in their thirst. Many w ere t hose who,
falling in while fully armored, drank . . . * as underwater; their
[ 1 ] “Evening rising of the Pleiades” denotes a date in October–November, only a

few days from the “[dawn] setting of the Pleiades”: 691 C, 25-34n.
825
4.2. Southern Asia
bloated corpses floated up and polluted what scanty w ater

there was.
722 C, 17-30 Some men, u nder the glare of the sun and in mid-march,
lay down, overcome by thirst, and then, in a fit of trembling
and with quivering hands and legs, died as if by an attack
of the shivers. What happened in some cases was that men
turned aside and fell asleep, overcome by fatigue and ex-
haustion. When they got left b ehind, some went astray and
perished through starvation and heat; o thers survived after
suffering many hardships. There was huge loss of men and
equipment, deluged one night by a torrential flood, and many
of the king’s possessions w ere washed away. When the guides,
through ignorance, went so far inland that the sea was no lon-
ger visible, the king, appraising the situation, immediately
set out to look for the shore; when he found it and, a fter dig-
ging down, saw that there was drinkable water, he sent for the
army; he stayed close to the shore for the next seven days, with
a good supply of water, then went inland again. |
722 C, 31–723 C, 12 There was a plant similar to the bay tree. After tasting it, 15.2.7
the pack animals died, seized by epileptic fits, foaming at the

mouth. A prickly plant that, like the cucumber, had its fruit
trailing over the ground was full of juice, and any creature
that got drops of the juice in its eye was blinded. Many men
choked on unripe dates. Snakes posed a threat: the dunes had
grass growing on them, under which the snakes hid, and their
bite was deadly. They said that the Oritians’ arrows—made of
wood and hardened by fire—were smeared with a lethal drug,
and that Ptolemy had been wounded and was in mortal dan-
ger; some apparition showed Alexander, while he was asleep, a
root together with its stem and ordered him to crush the root
and apply it to the wounded man; Alexander, awaking from
his sleep and remembering the vision, looked for the root and
found it growing in abundance; he and o thers made use of it;
when the natives saw that the antidote had been discovered,
they surrendered to the king. (It is reasonable to assume that
someone with expert knowledge gave him the information,
and the mythical stuff was added to flatter him!)
723 C, 12-14 Arriving at the Gedrosian royal residence on the sixtieth
day after leaving the Orians, after giving the troops a short
rest, he set off for Carmania. |
826
Ariana and Carmania
723 C, 15-24 Ariana’s southern side is of such a nature, consisting of 15.2.8
ARIANA the coast combined with the Gedrosian and Oritian country
w. Pakistan, s. Afghanistan,
s. + e. Iran
just inland. However, Gedrosia is large and stretches into the
interior, linking up with the Drangians, Arachotians, and Drangians, Arachotians,
Paropamisadians, w. + n.
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) Paropamisadians. Eratosthenes gives the following account Afghanistan
of these areas (I can say it no better). He says, Ariana is de-
lineated to the east by the Indus; to the south, by the great sea; to the
north, by the Paropamisus and by the mountains that continue as far Paropamisus, Hindu Kush
(n. Afg.)
as the Caspian Gates; to the west by the same boundary as that which
divides Parthyene from Media, and Carmania from Paraetacene pass (Iran)
and Persia.
723 C, 24-26 The width of the territory is equivalent to the length of the width = north–south dimension
Indus, from the Paropamisus to its outlets, twelve thousand

stades (some say thirteen thousand).
723 C, 26–724 C, 6 Its length from the Caspian Gates, as recorded in the Asian length = east–west dimension
Stations, is given in two ways. From the Caspian Gates through

Parthia to Alexandria-among-the-Arians is one and the same Alexandria-among-the-Arians,
?Herat (Afg.)
road. Then, one branch continues in a straight line via Bactri-
ana and the mountain crossing to Ortospana, where the three Ortospana, ?Kabul (Afg.)
roads from Bactra meet (this is among the Paropamisadians). Bactra, Balkh (Afg.)
The other branch turns from Aria a little toward the south,
toward Prophthasia in Drangiana, and then finishes by turning Prophthasia, ?Farah (Afg.)
back toward the Indian boundary and the Indus. This road,
running through the Drangians and the Arachotians, is slightly
the longer one, at fifteen thousand three hundred stades in
total. If you subtract one thousand three hundred [stades], you
could consider the balance—fourteen thousand [stades]—as the
straight-line length of the territory. The distance along the
coast is not much less, although some augment it by adding, to
the ten thousand [stades], Carmania’s six thousand [stades]. They
apparently include in their reckoning either the coastal inlets
or the part of the Carmanian coastline inside the Persian gulf.
724 C, 6-8 The name “Ariana” is extended as far as some of the Per- Persians, Medes, Iran
sians and Medes, and even as far as the Bactrians and Sogdi- Bactrians, Sogdianans,
n. A
fghanistan, s.
anans in the north, since they all speak more or less the same Uzbekistan,Tajikistan
language with minor variants. |
724 C, 9-16 The nations are disposed as follows. Along the Indus are 15.2.9
the Paropamisadians (above whom rises the Paropamisus); Paropamisus, Hindu Kush (n.
Afg.)
then, to the south, the Arachotians; then, south of them, the
Gedrosenians along with the other occupants of the coastline.
827
4.2. Southern Asia
In all cases, the Indus runs down the width of each of their width = north–south dimension
territories. Some of these territories are partially owned by

Indians, although formerly belonging to Persians. Alexander
took them from the Arianans and founded his own settle-
ments; Seleucus Nicator gave them to Sandracottus as part of
a marriage treaty, receiving in return five hundred elephants.
724 C, 16-23 To the west of the Paropamisadians are the Arians; to the
west of the Arachotians and the Gedrosians are the Dran-
gians. The Arians are both north and west of the Drangians,
encircling them to a small degree. Bactriana is north of Aria
and north of the Paropamisadians, the people through whom
Alexander passed when pressing onward across the Caucasus
in the direction of Bactra. Next to the west, a fter the Arians, Bactra, Balkh (Afg.)
are the Parthians and the region of the Caspian Gates. South Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
of them is the Carmanian desert, then the rest of Carmania
and Gedrosia. |
724 C, 24-32 One would get a better understanding of the aforemen- 15.2.10
tioned mountains1 if one were to study the route followed

by Alexander as he pursued Bessus in the direction of Bac- Bactra, Balkh (Afg.)
tra from Parthyene. He came to Aria, then to the Drangians, Parthyene, n. Iran,
s. Turkmenistan
where he killed Philotas, son of Parmenio, a fter uncovering
Drangians, e. Iran,
his conspiracy. He sent men to Ecbatana to kill the f ather, too, w. Afghanistan
on the grounds that he was complicit in the conspiracy; it is Ecbatana, Hamadan (Iran)
said that the men completed on only the eleventh day what
was a thirty-day or even forty-day camel trek, and carried out
their task. The Drangians, who in other respects follow a Per-
sian lifestyle, lack wine; tin is found in their territory.
724 C, 32–725 C, 6 Leaving the Drangians, he came to the Euergetians he = Alexander
(Benefactors)—thus named by Cyrus—and to the Arachotians; Arachotians, w. Afghanistan
then, at the setting of the Pleiades,2 he passed through the

midst of the Paropamisadians. Their territory is mountain- Paropamisadians,
n. Afghanistan
ous and at that time was snow-covered, which made the jour-
ney arduous. T here w
ere villages everywhere, which took him
in and, since they w ere well supplied with everything except
olive oil, assuaged his troubles. They kept the mountain peaks
to their left. (The southern side of the Paropamisus mountain
range is Indian and Arian; the northern side is, in the west,
Bactrian . . . *3 natives, to the Bactrians.)
725 C, 6-16 He wintered h ere, with India . . . * and founded a city, He = Alexander
then crossed the summit into Bactriana by means of roads
[ 1 ] 723 C, 15–724 C, 6.
[ 2 ] “[Dawn] setting of the Pleiades” = November: 691 C, 25-34n.
[ 3 ] The sense appears to be that the northern part of the Paropamisus range is
held to the west by the Bactrians, to the east by the natives next to the Bactri-
ans. Strabo considers Bactria part of n. Asia (516 C, 17–518 C, 4, with reference
to the neighboring Sogdians and nomads). Aria is also described by Strabo as
part of n. Asia: 516 C, 1-11.
828
Ariana and Carmania
that were bare except for a few prickly terebinths. Food was
so short that they had to eat the flesh of their own animals—
and had to eat it raw, b ecause of the lack of firewood. The
silphium that grew everywhere aided in the digestion of this
raw food. On the fifteenth day a fter leaving his newly founded
city and his winter quarters, he came to Adrapsa, a city in Adrapsa, Qunduz (Afg.)
Bactriana. | (It happens that Choarene, too, is in these parts 15.2.11
of the territory that borders on India; Choarene is the near-

est Parthian-controlled territory to India.)1 The distance
from . . . * through the Arachotians and the aforementioned
mountains 2 is nineteen thousand stades.
725 C, 16-21 This is the territory through which Craterus passed, sub-
duing t hose who w ere recalcitrant as he went, e ager to make
his rendezvous with the king as soon as possible. In fact, the
two infantry forces met up in Carmania at about the same
Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) time; and a l ittle l ater, t hose associated with Nearchus 3 sailed
into the Persian gulf, having met with many difficulties, in-
cluding monstrous whales! |
725 C, 22-32 It is reasonable to assume that the sailors have exagger- 15.2.12
ated many of their stories. Nevertheless, their tales illustrate

how terrifying the experiences w ere for them—it was a matter
of apprehension by the inexperienced, rather than a case of
actual danger. What caused the most terror in them w ere the
monstrous spouting whales, which sent out so much water
and mist from their blowholes that you c ouldn’t see what was
right in front of you! The navigators explained to the men,
who were scared by the phenomenon and did not understand
its cause, that these were only creatures and would soon go
away if they heard the sound of trumpets and clashing nois-
es.4 Thereupon Nearchus instigated clanging sounds on the
ships against whatever creatures blocked the way and scared
them with trumpet blasts. The creatures dived down, then
reappeared to the aft so as to appear ready to do b attle, but
then they disappeared forthwith. |
725 C, 32–726 C, 5 Those who currently sail to the Indians also tell of the 15.2.13
monstrous size and appearances of these creatures (albeit not

present in large numbers and seldom aggressive) but say that
they go away when scared by loud noises and trumpet blasts.
They say that the creatures themselves do not approach the
shore, but when the creatures die, their bare bones easily wash
[1] Strabo updates the information in his source. Cf. 720 C, 14-24n.
[2] 724 C, 24-32n.
[3] “Those associated with Nearchus” is idiomatic, meaning simply Nearchus.
[4] An example of a navigator with local knowledge is Mazanes: 767 C, 3-14.
829
4.2. Southern Asia
ashore, providing the Ichthyophagi with the aforementioned

material for building their shelters.1 Nearchus puts the size of
the beasts at twenty-three orguiae. 1 orguia = 6 ft.
726 C, 6-17 Nearchus says, one t hing that was quite readily believed by the
Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) crew—namely, that there was an island en route that caused those who
anchored there to disappear—was shown to be false; a small boat sailing
there, on reaching the island, disappeared from view; a search party was
sent out but dared not put in at the island; staying offshore, they called
out loudly to the men, and came back a fter getting no response. He said
that, although everyone blamed the island, he sailed up to it, anchored,
disembarked with some of his fellow sailors, and walked around the is-
land; finding no trace of the men being looked for, he gave up, came back,
and announced to the men that the island had been falsely accused—
otherwise, he and those who had disembarked along with him would
similarly have been lost—and that the small boat had disappeared in
some other way, there being ten thousand possible explanations. |
726 C, 18-28 Carmania forms the last stretch of the coastline that begins 15.2.14
CARMANIA with the Indus, but it is much farther north 2 than the outlet of
s. Iran
the Indus (its first point 3 juts southward into the great sea).
Forming, together with the promontory that can be seen ex- promontory, Ras Musandam
(Oman)
tending from Blessed Arabia, the mouth of the Persian gulf, it
bends around toward the Persian gulf and joins up with Persia.
A large part of Carmania is in the interior, stretching between
Gedrosia and Persia, and exceeding Gedrosia in its northern ex-
tent, as is apparent from its fertility—everything grows t here,
and it has large trees (except for the olive tree) and is crossed by
rivers. (Gedrosia is so little different from the territory of the
Ichthyophagi that its crops frequently fail, which is why they
guard the annual harvest closely, eking it out over several years.)
726 C, 28-35 Onesicritus says, there is a river in Carmania that brings down
Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE) gold dust; gold is mined, as is silver, copper, and ruddle; t here are
two mountains, one of arsenic and one of salt. It has, too, a desert
reaching ultimately to Parthia and Paraetacene. It has various
crops similar to Persian ones, include vines. The vine that we
call “Carmanian” comes from this place: it frequently yields
two-cubit-long bunches, thick with large grapes. It is reason- 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
able to suppose that the vine is even more fruitful there.

727 C, 1-9 Most of the people use asses, even in war, because of the
lack of h orses. They sacrifice an ass to Ares, who is the only
god they worship; and they are keen on war. No one marries
[ 1 ] Whale ribs, jawbones, and vertebrae: 720 C, 25–721 C, 6.

[ 2 ] I.e., on a much more northerly parallel.
[ 3 ] Strabo momentarily adopts the point of view of a navigator sailing from the
mouth of the Persian gulf toward the mouth of the Indus.
830
Persia and Susis
ntil he has cut off the head of an e nemy and presented it to

u
the king. The king leaves the skull in the royal quarters, but
he cuts up the tongue and mixes it with flour; having tasted it
himself, he gives it to the man by whom it was presented, and
to his f amily, to eat. The man who has the most heads stored
Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) up gets the most honor! Nearchus says that most of the customs
as well as the language of the Carmanites are Persian and Median.
727 C, 9-10 The mouth of the Persian gulf does not take more than a
day to cross. |
Persia and Susis (s. + w. + cen. Iran)
727 C, 11-21 Persia1 comes a fter Carmania, much of it lying on the coast of Carmania, s. Iran 15.3.1
the gulf named a fter it, but an even greater part—particularly

going lengthwise, from the south and from Carmania to the
north and the nations of the Media region—lying inland. It Media region, w. Iran
divides into three parts with regard to natural features and

climate. The coast is searingly hot and sandy, and nothing
grows t here apart from dates; it is estimated at some four
thousand four hundred (or three hundred) stades, ending at
the largest of the rivers in that region, called the “Oroatis.” Oroatis, ?Zoreh r.
Inland from the coast is a very fertile plateau, excellent for

rearing livestock, abounding in rivers and lakes. The third
part is in the north, wintry and mountainous. In its farthest-
flung regions live the camel herders.
727 C, 21-27 According to Eratosthenes, its length going north toward the length = north–south dimension
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) Caspian Gates is around eight thousand stades (nine thousand stades Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
in places where there are projecting land spurs).2 What remains is
not more than three thousand stades up to the Caspian Gates. Its
width in the interior is four thousand two hundred stades width = east–west dimension
from Susa to Persepolis; from Persepolis to the Carmanian Susa, Shush (Iran)
border, another one thousand six hundred. The tribes that in- Persepolis, Takht-e Jamshid
(Iran)
habit the territory are the “Patischorians,” as they are called,
the Achaemenidae, and the Magi. These live a life of religious
devotion, while the Curtians and Mardians are brigands, and
others are farmers. |
727 C, 30–728 C, 3 Susis, too, is virtually a part of Persia. Lying between Per- 15.3.2
sia and Babylonia, it has a very famous city, Susa. When the Susa, Shush (Iran)
[ 1 ] For Strabo, Persia and Susis are part of Eratosthenes’s 3rd sphragis: 78 C,
26–85 C, 5.
[ 2 ] Strabo re-cites a passage by Eratosthenes, first cited at 80 C, 16-20.
831
4.2. Southern Asia
SUSIS Persians and Cyrus, having conquered the Medes, saw that
Khuzistan, in sw. Iran
their own country was rather marginal and that Susis was
both more centrally located and nearer Babylonia and other
nations, they established the imperial capital t here, realizing
that the territory shared a border with them, that the city
was well known, and thirdly, that Susis had achieved no g reat
deeds in her own right but had always been subject to o thers
and part of a greater federation.
728 C, 3-13 The exception was the heroic period of ancient history.
The city is said to have been originally founded by Titho-
nus, father of Memnon, with a perimeter of one hundred
and twenty stades and an elongated shape. Her acropolis was
called “Memnonium.” The Susians are also called “Cissians”;
Aeschylus (5th c. BCE) and Aeschylus says that Cissia was the mother of Memnon.
Memnon is said to be buried in the Paltus region of Syria, Paltus, Arab el-Moulk (Syr.)
Simonides (6th–5th c. BCE) on the Badas river according to Simonides in his dithyramb
Memnon, part of the Deliaca. The city wall, as also the temples
and the royal residence, were constructed in a manner similar
to those of the Babylonians, namely out of baked brick and as-
Polyclitus (4th c. BCE) phalt, according to some. Polyclitus says, the perimeter m easures
two hundred [stades] and is unwalled. |
728 C, 14-19 Although they particularly focused on the embellishment 15.3.3
of the royal residence in Susa, they paid no small attention to Susa, Shush (Iran)
the residences at Persepolis and Pasargadae. H ere, the Per- Persepolis, Takht-e Jamshid
(Iran)
sians had their treasures, their storage vaults, and tombs—in
places easier to defend as well as hallowed by tradition. There
were other royal residences: in Gabae, somewhere in the Gabae, Isfahan Shahristan
district (Iran)
upper part of Persia; on the coast, at what is called “Taoca.”
728 C, 19-24 The foregoing was the situation at the time of the Persian
empire. T hose who came later used various other residences
because—it is reasonable to assume—they were less expen-
sive, Persian power having been diminished by the Macedo-
nians and, even more so, by the Parthians. Even though the
Persians are still now subject to monarchical rule and have
their own king, their power is much diminished, and they pay
service to the Parthian king. |
728 C, 25-33 Susa lies in the interior on the Choaspes river, on the far- Susa, Shush (Iran) 15.3.4
ther side at the crossing. Its territory stretches down to the

sea. Its coastline, m
easured from the border with the Persian
coast virtually to the outlets of the Tigris, is approximately
832
Persia and Susis
three thousand stades. Running through the territory, from

its sources among the Uxians, is the Choaspes, which ends
at the same coastline. A line of steep and rocky mountains
runs between the Susians and Persia, with gorges that can be
passed through only with difficulty, and populated by brig-
ands who used to demand payment from the kings themselves
on their way from Susa to the Persians.
728 C, 33–729 C, 5 Polyclitus says, the Choaspes, the Eulaeus, and also the Tigris
Polyclitus (4th c. BCE) meet in a lake, whence they flow into the sea; on the lake is a trading
center, since t here is no passage of goods up the river from the sea, or
indeed down the river, b ecause of strategically situated cataracts, and
the goods are transported overland; it is a distance of eight hundred
stades to Susa. Others say that the rivers r unning past the Su- Susa, Shush (Iran)
sians, and the canals cut through from the Euphrates, form
one stream, that of the Tigris; on this account, it is called “Pa-
sitigris” (All-Tigris) at its outlets. |
729 C, 6-18 Nearchus says, the voyage along the coast of Susis is full of shoals 15.3.5
Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) and ends with the Euphrates river; at its mouth, a village is estab-
lished, which receives imports from Arabia, given that the Arabian
coastline starts after the mouth of the Euphrates and the Pasitigris;
all the intervening space is occupied by the lake into which the Tigris
flows; if you sail up the Pasitigris for one hundred and fifty stades,
you come to a pontoon bridge, which leads to Susa from Persia, and Susa, Shush (Iran)
which is sixty stades from Susa; the Pasitigris is around two thousand
stades from the Oroatis; the voyage through the lake to the mouth Oroatis, ?Zoreh r.
of the Tigris is six hundred stades, and near the mouth, a village is
established belonging to Susiana and five hundred stades distant
from Susa; the voyage upstream from the mouth of the Euphrates to
Babylon, through countryside with good living conditions, is more Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
than three thousand stades.

729 C, 18-21 Onesicritus says, they all flow into the lake—the Euphrates, the
Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE) Tigris . . . *; the Euphrates flows back out of the lake and joins the sea
through its own mouth. |
729 C, 22-31 As you pass through the gorges among the Uxians, t here are 15.3.6
PERSIA AND SUSIS several o thers in Persia itself—at the Persian Gates and other
s. + w. + cen. Iran
places—through which Alexander forced his way. As he went
through the territory, he was eager to see its most strategi-
cally important parts, as well as the treasuries that had become
full to bursting over the long period of time during which the
Persians collected tribute from Asia. He crossed several of the
833
4.2. Southern Asia
rivers that run through the territory and flow into the Persian
gulf. A fter the Choaspes come the Copratas and the Pasiti- Copratas, ?Ab-i Diz
gris—it too flows out of Uxia. T here is a river Cyrus, which Pasitigris, ?Karun r.
flows through what is called “Coele Persia,” 1 in the Pasargadae Cyrus, ?Kur r.
region (the name of which the king took instead of his own, king = Cyrus, who founded
Persian empire, 6th c. BCE
calling himself “Cyrus” instead of “Agradates”).
729 C, 31–730 C, 7 He crossed the Araxes at Persepolis itself. Persepolis was, He = Alexander
after Susa, the most beautifully embellished city and the Araxes, ?Pulvar r.
largest, with a palace that was superb, especially in terms of Persepolis, Takht-e Jamshid
(Iran)
the lavish furnishings it contained. The Araxes flows from
Susa, Shush (Iran)
the Paraetacians and is joined by the Medus from its source
in Media; they pass through a fertile valley, which links up
with Carmania and the eastern parts of the territory, as does
Persepolis herself. Alexander set fire to the palace in Perse-
polis to avenge the Greeks, whose own temples and cities had
been thoroughly sacked by the Persians using both fire and
sword. | Then he came to Pasargadae—this, too, was an old- 15.3.7
established royal residence. T here, in a garden, he laid eyes

on the tomb of Cyrus, a tower of no g reat size hidden in a
stand of trees: its foundation was solid, while its upper level
consisted of a roofed enclosure and a burial chamber with a
very narrow entrance.
730 C, 8-18 Aristobulus says he went in through the entrance at the king’s he = Aristobulus
Aristobulus (late 4th c. BCE) bidding and adorned the grave; he saw a golden couch, a table with
cups, a golden sarcophagus, and many robes and jewel-studded or-
naments; this is what he saw on his first visit, but l ater the grave was
robbed; everything had been removed but the couch, which was only
broken, and the sarcophagus, from which the body had been taken;
this made it clear that the deed was done by robbers, rather than
the satrap, since they had left behind what could not easily be car-
ried away; this occurred despite the Magi who were posted as guards
around the place and who received an allowance of one sheep per day
and one horse per month. However, the departure of Alexander’s
army, to faraway Bactra and the Indians, prepared the way
for many rebellions, and this was one of those rebellious acts.
730 C, 18-21 The foregoing is what Aristobulus says. He also notes
down the epitaph, as follows: O fellow man, I am Cyrus, f ounder of
the Persian empire and king of Asia; begrudge me not this memorial.
730 C, 21-28 Onesicritus, however, says, the tower is ten stories high, and
Onesicritus (late 4th c. BCE) Cyrus lies on the top story; there is a Greek epitaph, engraved in the
[ 1 ] For the meaning of “Coele”: 336 C, 33-36n.
834
Persia and Susis
Persian alphabet—“H ere I lie, Cyrus, king of kings”—and a Persian

one expressing the same sentiment. | Onesicritus also records the 15.3.8
following inscription on the tomb of Darius: I was a friend to my

friends, a champion h orseman and archer, and a master huntsman;
I could do everything.
730 C, 28-31 Aristus of Salamis, albeit a much later writer than these,
Aristus (?3rd c. BCE) says, the tower is two stories high and of great size; it was built at
the time of the Persian succession and preserved; t here is the (afore-
mentioned) Greek epitaph and another in Persian expressing the
same sentiment.
730 C, 31-34 Cyrus valued Pasargadae highly, because it was the site
of his final victorious battle against Astyages the Mede, and
where the suzerainty of Asia was transferred into his hands;
and he founded a city and built a palace to commemorate his
victory. |
730 C, 35–731 C, 9 He carried off all the wealth in Persia to Susa, which was He = Alexander 15.3.9
also crammed full of treasure and stuff. However, he consid- Susa, Shush (Iran)
ered as his royal capital not Susa but Babylon; and he thought Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
long and hard about Babylon’s further development. T here

were t reasures stored in Babylon, too. It is said that, exclud-
ing what was taken in Babylon and at the camp in Gaugamela, Gaugamela, ?Tell Gomel (Iraq)
what was in Susa and Persia alone amounted to forty thou-

talent, largest unit in sand talents; some say fifty thousand; others report that
Greek accounting system; 1
talent = 6,000 drachmas everything was transported from all quarters to Ecbatana, Ecbatana, Hamadan (Iran)
amounting to one hundred and eighty thousand talents.

Darius’s assassins seized the eight thousand talents that he
took with him as he fled out of Media. |
731 C, 9-24 Alexander preferred Babylon, not only b ecause of its 15.3.10
greater size but also b ecause of its superiority in other re

spects, too. Susa, although blessed with fertility, has a hot
and burning climate, especially in the region of the city, as
that fellow says.1 He notes that in summer, when the sun is at its
high point on the meridian, lizards and snakes make it only halfway
across the city’s roads before they burn up, a thing that happens no-
where in Persia, although it lies on a more southerly latitude; cold
bathwater heats up immediately when it is put outside; barley spread
out in the sun jumps around like barley that is roasted in ovens; for
these reasons, earth is piled on top of roofs to a height of two cubits, 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
and because of this weight, people have to make their houses narrow
but long; they lack long roof beams but need large houses because of
[ 1 ] ?Aristus of Salamis, the last writer to whom Strabo has referred by name (730 C,
28-31).
835
4.2. Southern Asia
the stifling heat; lumber from the date palm has the peculiar quality
that, as it stiffens with age, it does not sag down but is forced into an
upward curve by the weight and provides the roof with better support.
731 C, 24-30 The cause of the heat is said to be the high mountains that
rise up in the north and provide shelter from all the north
winds. Blowing from the mountain peaks at a g reat height,
they do not touch the plains but pass them by on their way
to regions farther south than Susis. Susis itself is windless,
particularly at that time of year, when other land that suffers
from scorching heat is cooled by the Etesians. | Etesians = seasonal winds
731 C, 31–732 C, 2 It is so excessively rich in grain that it regularly yields both It = Susis 15.3.11
barley and wheat by the hundredfold, sometimes the two

hundredfold! For this reason, furrows are not plowed close
together (the crowding of the roots prevents growth). The
Macedonians introduced both there and in Babylon a vine
that did not grow t here before: they did not make ditches
but bored holes with iron-tipped stakes, which they then re-
moved and immediately replaced with vine cuttings.
732 C, 2 Such is the interior.1
732 C, 2-6 The coast has many shoals and no harbors. Nearchus
Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) says, the reason he found no local navigators 2 when he took his fleet
along the coast from India to Babylon was that t here w ere no anchor-
ages, and he was unable to find men who would provide experienced
guidance. |
732 C, 7-17 The part of Babylonia next to Susis was formerly called 15.3.12
SITACENE, ELYMAEA, “Sitacene,” subsequently “Apolloniatis.” Lying above both to

PARAETACENE
e. Iraq, sw. + w. Iran the north, on the eastern side, are the Elymaeans and Parae-
tacenians, raiders who rely on their rugged mountains.3 The
Paraetacenians dominate the Apolloniatians, so as to treat
them badly. The Elymaeans are at war with both them and the
Susians, and the Uxians are at war with the latter—less so now, latter = ?Susians
one supposes, on account of the strength of the Parthians to

whom everyone in the region is subject. When they are d oing they = Parthians
well, all their subjects do well, too. When there is dissent—a

frequent occurrence, even in our times—experiences vary at
diff erent times and are not the same for all. Confusion brings
benefits to some but an undesirable outcome to others. |
732 C, 18 Such is the territory of Persia and Susiana.4 15.3.13
732 C, 18-28 There are the same Persian customs for t hese people and
PERSIAN CUSTOMS for the Medes and various other p eoples. Several writers have
[ 1 ] 729 C, 22–732 C, 2.
[ 2 ] Macedonian use of local navigators: 725 C, 22-32n.
[ 3 ] Strabo elaborates on Sitacene (e. Iraq), Elymaea (e. Iraq, sw. Iran), Paraetacene
(w. Iran) at 744 C, 3–745 C, 4.
[ 4 ] 727 C, 11–732 C, 17.
836
Persia and Susis
spoken about them. I, too, must mention what is apposite.

The Persians build neither statues nor altars but make their
sacrifices in elevated locations, since they consider the heav-
ens to be Zeus. They also worship Helius (Sun), whom they call
“Mithres”; Selene (Moon); Aphrodite; Fire; Earth; Winds; and
Water. They sacrifice in purified locations, saying prayers and
crowning the sacrificial victims. The Magus in charge of the
ceremony cuts up the meat; they divide it among themselves
and depart without allocating a portion to the gods—they say
that the god requires only the soul of the victim and nothing
else. Nevertheless, according to some, they place a small piece
of the peritoneum on the fire. |
732 C, 28–733 C, 6 They sacrifice in particular to Fire and Water. In the case 15.3.14
of Fire, they offer up dry wood without the bark, placing some
fat on its upper side; then they pour olive oil over it and kindle
it (by using a fan rather than blowing on it—they execute any-
one who blows on it and anyone who puts a corpse or dung
onto Fire). In the case of Water, they visit a lake, a river, or a
spring; they dig a pit into which they slaughter the sacrificial
victim, taking care not to get blood in the nearby W ater, as
this would be pollution; then, spreading the meat on leaves
of myrtle or laurel, they touch it with slender wands, all the
while reciting incantations and pouring libations of olive oil
mixed with milk and honey—into neither Fire nor Water but
onto the ground; they continue their incantations for a long
time, holding a bunch of slender myrtle wands. |
733 C, 7-16 In Cappadocia, where the tribe of the Magi (also called 15.3.15
Pyraethi) is large and t emples to the Persian gods are numer-

ous, they slay sacrificial victims not with a sword but with a
sort of log, beating them as if with a cudgel. There are Pyra-
ethia, too—sacred chambers of g reat renown—with a central
altar on which there is a lot of ash and an ever-burning fire,
over which the Magi keep watch. Going in daily, they recite
incantations for something like an hour, holding in front of
their fire their bundle of wands. They wear felt headdresses,
which have cheekpieces hanging far enough down on e ither
side to cover the lips. These same customs are practiced in
temples sacred to Anaïtis and Omanus: they have their sacred
chambers, too, and a cult statue of Omanus carried in pro
hese things I have seen.1
cessions. T
[ 1 ] Strabo’s presence in Cappadocia (cen. + n. Turkey): 117 C, 12-20n; 535 C, 20–536 C,

20n. Strabo may have witnessed Persian rites in Pontus, too: 511 C, 28–512 C, 25;
559 C, 20–560 C, 11.
837
4.2. Southern Asia
733 C, 16-27 The prior information1 is derived from written research,

and likewise the following. | Persians do not urinate in rivers 15.3.16
nor wash in them; they do not bathe in them, nor do they
throw into them corpses or anything e lse considered unclean.
Whoever the god is to whom they offer sacrifice, Fire is the
one they pray to first. | They are ruled by hereditary kings. 15.3.17
Anyone who disobeys has his head and arms cut off, and his
corpse is cast out. They have many wives and at the same
time keep concubines, in order to produce many children.
The kings offer prizes every year for the begetting of many
children: but infants are not seen by their own parents until
they are four years old. Marriages are celebrated at the start
of the vernal equinox. They arrive at the bridal chamber hav-
ing first eaten apple or camel-marrow 2 and nothing else on
that day. |
733 C, 28–734 C, 8 From five years of age to twenty-four years of age, they 15.3.18
are taught how to shoot with a bow, throw the javelin, ride
on horseback, and tell the truth. They learn their lessons
from the wisest of teachers, who weave in mythical material,
making it useful and reciting the deeds of gods and heroes,
both without song and with it. The teachers assemble them
in one place, having woken them before dawn with an instru-
ment made of bronze as if for weapon practice or hunting,
and divide them into groups; appointing one leader per fifty
(the leader being one of the sons of the king or of a satrap),
they issue an order to follow him as he runs, having marked
out a course of thirty or forty stades. They demand an ac-
count of e very branch of learning, as well as practicing voice-
strengthening, breathing, and chest exercises, endurance
of heat and cold and rain, crossing torrential rivers without
getting weapons or clothing wet, tending flocks, living in
the open, and foraging for fruits that grow wild—terebinth,
acorns, pear. These individuals, who live by foraging, are
called cardaces (carda meaning “manly” and “warlike”).
734 C, 8-16 After their physical exercise e very day, they eat bread, bar-
ley cake, cress seed, granulated salt, and meat—either roasted
or boiled in w ater; they drink w ater. They hunt by shooting
javelins and arrows from horseback and slinging stones; in
the afternoon, they cultivate gardens, and they are trained
in root cutting, weapon making, and crafting linen and nets.
[ 1 ] Probably 732 C, 18–733 C, 6.

[ 2 ] Alternatively, with the change of one letter, “goat-or camel-marrow.”
838
Persia and Susis
The boys do not touch what they have caught; the custom is
to convey it home. Prizes are awarded by the king for r unning
and for the pentathlon. The boys wear gold, since people
value its fiery appearance highly, which is why people do not
use it (nor likewise fire) to honor the dead. |
734 C, 17-26 From twenty years to fifty, they serve in the army—and 15.3.19
hold office—as both infantrymen and cavalrymen. (They do

not engage in trade, for they neither buy nor sell.) They are
armed with a rhomboid shield; besides quivers, they have
sagareis and knives, and on their head a towerlike cap, made sagareis, machetes or
battle-axes
of felt; their breastplates are made of metal scales. The com-
manders wear trousers, made with three layers, and a sleeved,
knee-length tunic, made with two layers, white underneath,
with the outer layer brightly colored; their summer cloak is
purple or violet, while their winter cloak is brightly colored;
their headdress is similar to that of the Magi; their shoe is
curved and made of two layers. The rank and file wear a tunic
reaching down to mid-shin and a two-layered cloak and a
strip of muslin around their head; each man has a bow and
a sling.
734 C, 27–735 C, 3 The Persians dine in an extravagant fashion. They serve
whole carcasses of many and varied animals. They ornament
couches and drinking cups and so on with such splendor that
these things gleam with gold and silver. | They make their 15.3.20
most important decisions when drinking, and consider them

more unalterable than t hose made when sober. As for p eople
whom they meet on the street, they approach and kiss t hose
who are known to them and who are of equal rank; to those
who are of lower rank, they proffer their cheek to receive a
kiss; t hose of even lower rank do obeisance to them. At buri-
als, they encase the dead body in wax; they do not bury the
Magi but leave them to be eaten by birds. It is an ancient cus-
tom that these people may have sexual relations even with
their mothers.
735 C, 4 Such are their customs.1 |
735 C, 4-16 The following, as recorded by Polyclitus, are perhaps to be 15.3.21
Polyclitus (4th c. BCE) considered among their customs. For each of the kings, there was
built on the acropolis at Susa a private residence and—as memori- Susa, Shush (Iran)
als of their economic stewardship—treasuries and storage vaults for

the tribute the kings collected. From the coast, they collected money;
[ 1 ] 732 C, 18–735 C, 3.
839
4.2. Southern Asia
from the interior, whatever each place produced—for example, dyes,

medications, hair, wool, or anything else that was similar, and like-
wise livestock. The tribute was o rganized by Darius the Long-armed,
who was the most handsome of men except for the length of his upper
and lower arms—they reached his knees! Most of the gold and silver
was in the form of objects, not much in the form of coins. They con-
sidered those metals more valuable for gifts and storing up t reasure,
while coinage that met their immediate needs was enough; again, they
minted only what was commensurate with their expenses. |
735 C, 17-20 Their habits are largely moderate, but because of their 15.3.22
wealth, the kings fell into luxurious ways, seeking out wheat drachma, very small meaure of
weight in Greek metrical system
from Assus (in the Aeolis), Chalybonian wine from Syria, (equivalent to just over 4 g)
water from the Eulaeus—the lightest of all w aters, so light cotyla, small measure of volume
in Greek metrical system
that it is less heavy by the amount of one drachma per Attic (equivalent to a modern 1-cup
cotyla. | measure)
735 C, 21-28 The Persians were the barbarians best known to the 15.3.23
PERSIAN HISTORY Greeks. This is because none of the other barbarians who
ruled over Asia ruled over the Greeks—the former had not
even known anything of the latter, while the Greeks had
known nothing of the barbarians, except for snippets based
Homer (8th c. BCE) on long-distance rumor. (Homer knew nothing of the Syrian Syrian, Median empires,
9th–6th c. BCE
or Median empire—otherwise, when he mentioned Egyptian
Thebes, with its wealth, and the wealth in Phoenicia, he would
not have kept s ilent about the wealth in Babylon, Ninus, and
Ecbatana.)
735 C, 28–736 C, 2 The Persians were the first1 who ruled over the Greeks as
well. (The Lydians ruled over the Greeks, but they did not
rule all Asia—only a small portion of the region this side of
the Halys and only for a short time during the reigns of Croe- Croesus and Alyattes ruled
Lydia, 6th c. BCE
sus and Alyattes—and when they succumbed to the Persians
Persians defeated Medes, 550
were deprived by them of any glorious history they had.) The BCE, then Lydians, 547 BCE
Persians, a fter destroying the Medes, conquered the Lydians
and held the Asian Greeks in subjection, too. The Persians
even subsequently made the crossing to Greece, and w ere Darius (1) attacked Greece, 490
BCE; Xerxes attacked Greece,
worsted in many and frequent b attles, but they nevertheless 480/479 BCE
continued to hold Asia as far as its seaboard u ntil their con-
quest by the Macedonians. |
736 C, 3-11 The man who established their hegemony was Cyrus. He Cyrus, ruled 559–530 BCE; 15.3.24
Cambyses, 530–522 BCE
was succeeded by his son Cambyses, whose rule was ended by
[ 1 ] The first, i.e., of those barbarians who ruled over all Asia.
840
Assyria
the Magi. The Magi were overturned by the Seven Persians;

they handed the empire to Darius (son of Hystaspes), whose Darius (1), son of Hystaspes,
ruled 522–486 BCE
line ended with Arses. Bagoos the eunuch slew Arses and set
on the throne Darius (not of royal lineage). Alexander ended Darius (3) replaced Arses, 336
BCE
Darius’s rule, and himself ruled for ten or eleven years. Asian
Alexander the G reat defeated
hegemony, partitioned between his many successors and Darius, 330 BCE
their descendants, then disintegrated—it had lasted some
two hundred and fifty years.
736 C, 11-12 Even now, the Persians have a separate constitution and
their own kings (albeit subordinate to other kings, formerly
In Strabo’s day, Parthians have
Macedonian, now Parthian). | controlled Persia since 140 BCE
Assyria (Iraq, Kuwait, w. Iran, se. Turkey, e. Syria)
736 C, 13–737 C, 2 Next to Persia and Susiana are the Assyrians.1 This is the name 16.1.1
given to Babylonia and to a great deal of the surrounding

land, in which is classed Aturia (in which Ninus is located), Ninus, Kuyunjik (Iraq)
Apolloniatis, the Elymaeans and Paraetacians, Chalonitis

in the Zagrus mountain region, and the plains in the Ninus Zagrus, Zagros, mts. in n. Iraq,
w. Iran
region (Dolomene, Calachene, Chazene, and Adiabene); the
Mesopotamian nations associated with the Gordyaeans; 2 the
Nisibis, Nusaybin (Tky., on
Mygdonians around Nisibis as far as the Euphrates crossing; border with Syr.)
a great deal of the land beyond the Euphrates, which is in the Euphrates crossing, ?Kavunlu/
Belkis (Tky.)
possession of Arabs and the p eople specifically called “Syr-
beyond Euphrates = west of
ians” by men of today,3 as far as the Cilicians, Phoenicians, Euphrates r. (“beyond” from
Libyans, and the coast of the Egyptian sea and Issian gulf.4 | Babylonian point of view)
737 C, 3-8 It appears that the name “Syrians” extended in antiquity 16.1.2
on the one hand from Babylonia to the Issian gulf but on the
other hand from there to the Euxine. After all, both sets of Euxine, Black Sea
Cappadocians—the Taurean and the Pontic 5—are even now

called “Leucosyrians” (White Syrians),6 as if there w
ere also “Black
Syrians,” who are the ones “outside the Taurus.” (I extend the outside Taurus = south of mt.
range across s. Turkey
Amanus, Nur Dağları (Tky.) name “Taurus” to include the Amanus.)
737 C, 8-19 Whenever historians of the Syrian empire say that the
BABYLON + NINUS Persians got rid of the Medes, and the Medes got rid of
Iraq Ninus (city), Kuyunjik (Iraq)
the Syrians, they mean by “Syrians” none other than those
Ninus was legendary f ounder of
who established their royal residence in Babylon and Ninus. Assyrian empire
[ 1 ] Strabo’s concept of Assyria is based on Eratosthenes’s 3rd sphragis (84 C,

9–85 C, 5), which Strabo enlarges westward.
[ 2 ] “The Mesopotamian nations associated with the Gordyaeans” is idiomatic,
meaning simply the Mesopotamian Gordyaeans (se. Turkey): 747 C, 10-23.
[ 3 ] I.e., by Latin speakers; Strabo transliterates into Greek the Latin name Syri: 508 C,
10-18n. Strabo’s reference is to the inhabitants of the Roman province of Syria.
[ 4 ] Babylonia + surroundings (Iraq, Kuwait, w. Iran, se. Turkey): 737 C, 8–749 C, 7.
Arabs and Syrians (w. Iraq, se. Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, Israel, W. Bank, Jordan,
Gaza, Sinai, n. Saudi Arabia): 749 C, 8–765 C, 21.
[ 5 ] Taurean Cappadocia = Great Cappadocia. Pontic Cappadocia = Pontus. See
533 C, 5–562 C, 20; esp. 534 C, 20-25.
[ 6 ] Strabo, whose family came from Pontic Cappadocia, may have considered himself
a “Leucosyrian.” For an example of the use of the name “Leucosyrians”: 542 C, 17-30.
841
4.2. Southern Asia
Of these, Ninus was the founder of Ninus-in-Aturia. His

wife, Semiramis, took over from her husband; Babylon was Semiramis, a semi-legendary
founded by her. These p eople established mastery over Asia. 9th–8th c. BCE
As well as the constructions in Babylon, many others across
virtually all the land belonging to this continent are also at-
tributed to Semiramis: mounds, which people call “mounds
of Semiramis,” defensive walls, the building of forts (as well
as of pipes, w
ater supplies, and staircases inside them), canals
(in rivers and lakes), roads, and bridges. They left to their suc-
cessors an empire that lasted up to the . . . * of Sardanapallus
and Arbaces; l ater, it passed to the Medes. |
737 C, 20-33 The city of Ninus was destroyed when the Syrians fell. Ninus was conquered, 612 BCE 16.1.3
The city, much larger than Babylon, lay in the Aturian plain.
(Aturia borders on the Arbela region, with the Lycus river Arbela, Erbil (Iraq)
between them, but while Arbela is an autonomous prov- Lycus, ?Greater Zab r.
ince of Babylonia, the Aturian plains lie around Ninus on

the other side of the Lycus.) In Aturia is the village of Gau- Gaugamela, ?Tell Gomel (Iraq)
gamela, where it came to pass that Darius was conquered and Alexander the G reat conquered
Persian king Darius (3), 331 BCE
lost his empire. This is a famous place with a famous name,
which translates as “House of the Camel.” It was so named
by Darius, son of Hystaspes, when he donated the property Darius (1), son of Hystaspes,
ruled Persia, 522–486 BCE
to provide for the upkeep of the camel, which had been so
very helpful in carrying the baggage (including the king’s
provisions) on the march through the Scythian desert. The
Macedonians, seeing that it was a shabby l ittle village, while
Arbela was a noteworthy settlement (founded, so they say, Arbela, Erbil (Iraq)
by Arbelus the Athmonian), gave Arbela as the place of the

battle and the victory, and this is the tradition they handed
down to historical writers. |
737 C, 34–738 C, 4 After Arbela and Mount Nicatorium (Victorious), named by 16.1.4
Alexander a fter his victory at Arbela, at approximately the

same distance away as the Lycus, is the Caprus river. The ter- Caprus, ?Lesser Zab r.
ritory is called Artacene. In the Arbela region is the city of

Demetrias; then t here are the naphtha source, the fires, the
temple to Anaea, Sadracae (royal residence of Darius, son
of Hystaspes), the cypress grove, and the crossing over the
Caprus, which brings us finally to Seleucia and Babylon. |
738 C, 5-18 Babylon, too, lies in a plain. It has a wall three hundred Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq) 16.1.5
and eighty-five stades in perimeter and thirty-two feet thick.

The wall between the towers is fifty cubits high; the tow- 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
842
Assyria
ers are sixty cubits high. The passage along the top of the
wall is such that carriages drawn by four horses can easily
pass each other. That is why the wall is said to be one of the
Seven Wonders, as is the Hanging Garden, the sides of which
form a quadrilateral, each side m easuring four plethra. It is 1 plethrum = 100 ft.
composed of arched vaults, stacked one above the other on

cube-shaped bases. The bases are hollow, filled with enough
earth to accommodate the roots of the largest trees. They
are constructed of baked bricks and asphalt, as are the vaults
and arches. The highest level is reached by stairways, along-
side which are spiral screws, by means of which t hose ap-
pointed to the task once took a continual supply of water
for the garden from the Euphrates (the river, one stade in
width, runs through the m iddle of the city; the garden is on
the riverbank).
738 C, 19-25 Here, too, is the tomb of Belus. Now in ruins (demolished, Belus (Greek hero/god) is
equated with Assyrian god
so they say, by Xerxes), it was once a four-sided pyramid Bel-Marduk
(made, likewise, of baked brick) one stade high and with each
side measuring one stade. Alexander intended to rebuild it.
It was a huge and time-consuming undertaking, the clearing
away of debris alone being the work of ten thousand men for
two months, with the consequence that he did not see the
project through to completion: disease and death overtook Alexander the G
reat died,
323 BCE
the king forthwith. None of his successors attended to the
project.
738 C, 25-34 The remaining parts were also neglected. Some parts of
the city were destroyed by the Persians, others by the pas- city = Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
sage of time and by Macedonian neglect in such matters,

particularly after Seleucus Nicator built the fortified city of
Seleucia-on-the-Tigris, near Babylon (at a distance of some Seleucia-on-Tigris, Tell Omar
(Iraq)
three hundred stades). Seleucus and his successors paid a lot
of attention to this city and moved the royal residence t here.
Nowadays, Seleucia is bigger than Babylon and much of Baby-
lon is deserted, so that one would not hesitate to say of Baby-
Megalopolitans = inhabitants of
lon what a writer of comic plays said of the Megalopolitans territory of Megala Polis, “Great
in Arcadia: The Great City is a g reat desert! City,” Megalopolis (Gr.)
739 C, 1-8 On account of the scarcity of trees, houses are con-

structed of date-palm wood for beams and posts. The p eople
twist ropes made of reed around the posts, then coat them
with colorful paint, but they coat the doors with asphalt.
843
4.2. Southern Asia
The doors are high, like the houses, all of which are vaulted
because wood is lacking, given that much of the territory
is bare of trees and scrubby, except for the date palm. The
date palm is very common in Babylonia, and there’s a lot of
it, too, in Susa, on the Persian coast, and in Carmania. They Susa, Shush (Iran)
do not use roof tiles, as they get no rain; similarly in Susa

and Sitacene. | Sitacene, e. Iraq
739 C, 9-19 A sector has been set aside in Babylon for the native Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq) 16.1.6
philosophers called “Chaldaeans,” who largely concern them-

selves with astronomy. Some of them, who are not accepted
by the others, profess skill in casting horoscopes. (There is,
too, a “Chaldaean” tribe and a region of Babylonia inhabited
by them near the Arabs and near what is called the “Persian
sea.”)1 There are several types of Chaldaeans involved in
astronomy: there are some called “Orcheni” and “Borsip-
peni,” and there are various others, as if members of a sect
taking now one position and now another on the same issues
of dogma. The mathematicians make mention of several
individuals—for example, Cidenas, Naburianus, and Sudines;
and Seleucus from Seleucia is a Chaldaean, as are several other
noteworthy individuals. |
739 C, 20-22 Borsippa is a city sacred to Artemis and Apollo, and a Borsippa, Birs Nimrud (Iraq) 16.1.7
great center for the manufacture of linen. In the city, t here

are hordes of bats, much bigger than t hose elsewhere, which
are caught and preserved for eating. |
739 C, 23-28 The territory of the Babylonians is contained to the east 16.1.8
BABYLONIA by Susians, Elymaeans, and Paraetacenians; to the south by

s. + cen. Iraq
the Persian gulf and by the Chaldaeans as far as the Alasenian
Arabs; to the west by the Scenitae (Tent-dwelling) Arabs as far as
Adiabene and Gordyaea; to the north by the Armenians and Zagrus, Zagros, mts. in n. Iraq,
by the Medes as far as Zagrus and nations around it.2 | w. Iran
739 C, 29–740 C, 4 The territory is crossed by several rivers, the largest being 16.1.9
the Euphrates and the Tigris. These rivers are said to rank
second in southern Asia only to the rivers of India. They
provide upriver passages—the latter to Opis and what is now Opis, Tell Mujeili ' (Iraq)
Seleucia (the village of Opis being a center of trade for the Seleucia, Tell Omar (Iraq)
surrounding places), the former to Babylon—of more than Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
three thousand stades. The Persians, intentionally wanting

to block upstream access b ecause they feared invasion from
abroad, had constructed man-made cataracts; when Alexander
[ 1 ] Chaldaeans (s. Iraq, Kuwait): 739 C, 23-28; 765 C, 12-21; 767 C, 15-21.
[ 2 ] Susians, Elymaeans, Paraetacenians (e. Iraq, w. Iran): 727 C, 30–732 C, 17; 744 C,
4–745 C, 4. Chaldaeans, Alasenian Arabs (s. Iraq, Kuwait): 739 C, 9-19n. Scenitae
Arabs (e. Syria, se. Turkey, Iraq): 747 C, 24–748 C, 24; 765 C, 12-21n. Adiabene (n.
Iraq): 745 C, 8-18. Gordyaea (se. Turkey): 747 C, 10-23. Armenians, Medes (e.
Turkey, n. Iran, s. Azerbaijan): 522 C, 14–533 C, 4.
844
Assyria
arrived, he demolished as many as he could, particularly t hose

on the way to Opis.
740 C, 4-17 He also turned his attention to the canals. The Euphrates
floods at the beginning of the summer (from spring onward)
when the snowmelt from Armenia arrives. Inevitably, lakes
are formed and fields are flooded unless someone channels
the excess current and the rising w ater through ditches and
canals (as in the case of the Egyptian Nile). This is the origin
of the canals, but they require a lot of upkeep. Since the soil
is deep and soft and yielding, it easily gets swept away by the
current, denuding the plains; the silt fills up the canals and
easily obstructs their outlets. Again, this is the reason the
floodwater, overflowing the plains near the sea, creates lakes,
marshes, and beds of reeds from which all sorts of wicker
containers are woven—those designed for holding w ater are
coated with asphalt, while o thers are used without coating.
Sails, too, are made from reeds, like matting or wickerwork. |
740 C, 18-35 The total prevention of such flooding is perhaps not fea- 16.1.10
sible, but it is the job of good rulers to provide as much as-

sistance as possible. This is the aid required: to prevent water
from flowing out by means of a sluice gate and, conversely, to
prevent flooding caused through siltation by clearing out the
canals and opening their outlets. Clearing them out is easy,
but the erection of a sluice gate requires much manpower. The
ground, since it is soft and yielding, does not support the soil
deposited on it but caves in and takes the soil with it, mak-
ing the outlet difficult to close: speed is required, so that the
canals are rapidly closed up and so that all the water does not
drain out of them. If the canals dry up in the summer, they
dry up the river, too. If the river level is low, it fails to supply
irrigation just at the time in the summer when the territory
most needs it, owing to the burning sun and scorching heat.
(It makes little difference whether the crops are inundated
by massive flooding or are destroyed by lack of water in a
drought.) At the same time, it is not possible to improve the
very useful upriver passages—constantly hindered by both
the abovementioned factors—unless the outlets are swiftly
opened up and then swiftly closed, and u nless the canals are
constantly regulated so that the water in them is neither too
much nor too little. |
845
4.2. Southern Asia
741 C, 1-10 Aristobulus says that Alexander himself, piloting the vessel on 16.1.11
Aristobulus (4th c. BCE) the voyage upriver, inspected the canals and cleaned them out with
the help of his hordes of followers; likewise, he closed off some outlets
with sluice gates and opened up others. When he observed how one he = Alexander
canal (the canal r unning most directly to the marshes and the lakes
on the way to Arabia) had an outlet that required a lot of work
and was not easily barricaded because of its soft and yielding soil,
he opened up another outlet, a new one, having come across a place
thirty stades away that was rocky, and diverted the stream t here.
When he did t hese things, he was at the same time planning ahead,
so that Arabia would not be rendered completely inaccessible by lakes
and even by marshes, ultimately being made into an island by the
mass of water.
741 C, 10-22 He had in mind possession of this territory and had already He = Alexander
prepared fleets and bases. He had some ships built in Phoenicia territory = Arabia
and Cyprus, made with bolts so they could be disassembled, which

were transferred to Thapsacus in a seven-stage journey and then Thapsacus, uncertain point on
Euphrates r. (in present-day
conveyed downstream to Babylon; he had other ships constructed Syr.)
in Babylon, made out of the cypress trees growing in groves and gar- Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
dens. (This was because not much wood is available there,
although it is present in moderate quantities among the
Cossaeans and certain o thers.) The alleged cause of war, he
says, was that “the Arabs, alone of everyone, failed to send embas-
sies to him,” whereas the true cause was his yearning to conquer all.
When he learned that “two gods alone were worshipped by them,
namely Zeus and Dionysus, the gods who provided the chief requi-
sites of life,” he assumed they would worship him as a third god if he
conquered them and allowed them to hold autonomously the same
ancestral territory as before.
741 C, 22-24 Alexander busied himself with t hese m atters in connection with
the canals, and took stock of the kings’ and dynasts’ graves, most of
which were located on the lakes. |
741 C, 25–742 C, 3 Eratosthenes, mentioning the lakes t oward Arabia,1 says 16.1.12
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) that since their water lacks any outlets, it forces its way underground
through tunnels and flows through these as far as the Coelosyrians,2
and it erupts upward in the places associated with Rhinocorura and Rhinocorura, el Arish (Egy.)
mount Casium,3 where it creates lakes and pits. I am uncertain of

the credibility of this statement. The overflows of the Eu-
phrates that form the Arabian lakes and marshes are near the
Persian sea; the neck of land that divides them is neither wide
[ 1 ] These “lakes toward Arabia” may be the “marshes associated with Pelusium”
(50 C, 12-24n) and the “lakes called ‘Marsh-side’ . . . lying on the left-hand side
of the great river, above Pelusium, in Arabia” (804 C, 10-18n). For “Arabia” mean-
ing on the eastern side of the Nile: 806 C, 31–807 C, 3n. Strabo has perhaps
misunderstood Eratosthenes’s “lakes toward Arabia” as referring to lakes near
the mouth of the Euphrates. Cf. 759 C, 33–760 C, 10n.
[ 2 ] For ambiguity in the term “Coelosyrians”: 756 C, 16-18.
[ 3 ] It is probable that Eratosthenes speculated that water from the lakes near the
Nile feeds lake Sirbonis in Egypt (Sabkhat el Bardawil, Egy.), near which are
located Rhinocorura (el Arish, Egy.) and mount Casium (Ras Qasrun/Khatib el
Gals, Egy.): 38 C, 25-33; 50 C, 12-24; 55 C, 33–56 C, 5; 58 C, 24-32; 758 C, 16-30;
759 C, 9-18; 759 C, 33–760 C, 10; 760 C, 17-23.
846
Assyria
nor rocky. Consequently, it would be more likely for the w ater

to be forced into the sea here (whether underground or over-
ground) than to head through such waterless and arid land for
more than six thousand stades! This is particularly the case
Libanus, Jebel Lubnan (Leb.) given that t here are mountains in the way—the Libanus, the
Antilibanus, and Casium.1 | Antilibanus, Jebel esh-Sherqui
(Leb., Syr.)
742 C, 4 Such are the t hings they say.2 16.1.13
742 C, 4-10 Polyclitus says, the Euphrates does not flood, since the plains
Polyclitus (4th c. BCE) through which it flows are immense; as for the mountains, some are
two thousand stades away, while the Cossaeans, although scarcely one
thousand stades away, are not at all high, are not covered with much
snow, and do not produce snowmelt in any large amount. The high
mountain peaks are in the northern regions above Ecbatana, whereas Ecbatana, Hamadan (Iran)
in the south the mountains, diverging and flattening out, are very low.
Then again, the Tigris receives much of the water.
742 C, 10-26 The last statement is clearly absurd: the latter river flows latter river = ?Tigris
Strabo points out that down into the same plains. The said high mountain peaks betrays
Polyclitus’s rationale is faulty
ambiguity, in that in one place they are high (in the north) and
in another place flattening out (in the south), but snowfall is
determined not only by height but also by climata; and one and climata, bands of latitude
the same mountain receives more snowfall on its northern side

than its southern side, and the snow stays longer on the former
than on the latter. So, the Tigris, since it receives its meltwater
from the southernmost parts of Armenia, which are near Bab-
ylonia (but not much meltwater since it comes from the south
side), would flood less, while the Euphrates receives meltwater
from both parts and not from just one range but from many
ranges (as I showed in my treatment of Armenia).3 Add to
this the distances that the river flows when passing through river = Euphrates
Great Armenia and L ittle Armenia, and when leaving L ittle

Armenia and Cappadocia and going through the Taurus to
Thapsacus (where it acts as the boundary between Lower Syria Thapsacus, uncertain point on
and Mesopotamia), and the remaining distance to Babylon
and the river’s outlet. The total is thirty-six thousand stades.
742 C, 27 The foregoing described the canals.4 |
742 C, 27–743 C, 2 The territory produces barley like no other (three hun- territory = Babylonia 16.1.14
dred times as much, they say), and its other needs are met
by the date palm, which is used for bread, wine, vinegar,
honey, groats, and all sorts of woven material. Their metal-
smiths use date kernels instead of charcoal. The kernels are
[ 1 ] Strabo appears to confuse Eratosthenes’s “mount Casium” (previous note)

with the Syrian mountain of the same name (Jebel el-Akra, s. Tky., 751 C, 31-35).
Strabo’s account of this region is rife with name conflation: 755 C, 9-13n.
[ 2 ] 739 C, 29–742 C, 3.
[ 3 ] Strabo is perhaps thinking primarily of his account of the Euphrates and Tigris
rivers at 521 C, 6-25, as well as his treatment of Armenia (526 C, 34–533 C, 4, esp.
526 C, 34–527 C, 15; 529 C, 11-30).
[ 4 ] 740 C, 4–742 C, 26.
847
4.2. Southern Asia
soaked and used as feed for herds and flocks. (They say that
there’s a Persian song in which three hundred and sixty uses
are enumerated!) For oil, they generally use sesame. There
grows in Artemita . . . * called . . . *, but this is rare in other Artemita, ?Karastel (Iraq)
locations. |
743 C, 3-11 A large amount of asphalt is found in Babylonia. Concern- 16.1.15
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) ing asphalt, Eratosthenes says the following. The liquid kind
(which they call “naphtha”) is found in Susis, while the dry and po-
tentially solid kind is found in Babylonia. The source of the latter is
near the Euphrates and, when the snowmelt causes the river to flood,
the asphalt source likewise floods and overflows into the river, where
it hardens into great lumps that can be used for houses built of baked
brick. Other writers, however, say that the liquid kind, too, is
found in Babylonia. The fact that the dry kind is extremely
useful for building has already been noted.1
743 C, 11-20 They also say that boats are made of wicker and, when
Citation of the words of plastered with asphalt, become impermeable; 2 the liquid
Eratosthenes
kind (which they call “naphtha”) has an amazing characteristic—
namely, that when naphtha is brought near a flame, it attracts
the flame, and if you smear somebody with naphtha and
bring them near the flame, they catch fire; it is not possible
to quench the fire with water (it just burns more strongly)
unless in very g reat quantities, but if the fire is smothered
with mud, vinegar, alum, or birdlime, it goes out. They say
that Alexander, by way of experiment, poured naphtha over
a boy taking a bath and then brought a lamp close to him; that
the boy caught fire and nearly died. However, the bystanders,
dousing the boy with a huge amount of water, extinguished
the fire and saved his life.
743 C, 20-24 Posidonius says, the naphtha sources in Babylonia are, some of
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) them, sources of “White,” and some are sources of “Black”; of these,
some (I mean the sources of “White”) are sources of liquid sulfur,
and these attract flame; the sources of “Black” are sources of liquid
asphalt, which people burn in lamps instead of oil. |
743 C, 25-34 Long ago, Babylon was the Assyrian metropolis. Nowa- Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq) 16.1.16
days, the metropolis is Seleucia, the one called “on-the- Seleucia-on-the-Tigris, Tell
Omar (Iraq)
Tigris.” Nearby is a large village called “Ctesiphon.” The
Ctesiphon, al-Ma'aridh (Iraq)
Parthian kings established their winter quarters h ere out of
consideration for the Seleucians, to save the latter from being
overwhelmed by having the tribe of Scythian soldiers quar-
[ 1 ] 728 C, 3-13; 738 C, 5-18; 739 C, 1-8.

[ 2 ] Use of asphalt for waterproofing: 740 C, 4-17.
848
Assyria
tered among them. She is a Parthian city, rather than mere

village, in resources as well as in size: at least, she is able to
accommodate a great army; and she has been fitted out by
those men themselves with buildings, and provided with the those men
themselves = Parthian kings
goods and services they require. The kings are accustomed
to pass the winter here, on account of the good climate, but
they pass the summer in Ecbatana and Hyrcania, on account Ecbatana, Hamadan (Iran)
of their long-standing prestige.

743 C, 34–744 C, 2 Just as we call the territory “Babylonia,” so we call men
who come from there “Babylonians”—after the territory
and not a fter the city. They are not called after Seleucia, Seleucia, Tell Omar (Iraq)
even if they come from there, as witness Diogenes, the Stoic

philosopher. |
744 C, 3-4 Artemita, too, is a city of significance, five hundred stades Artemita, ?Karastel (Iraq) 16.1.17
distant from Seleucia, largely to the east, as is Sitacene.

744 C, 4-7 The latter, a large and fertile territory, falls between Baby- latter = Sitacene, e. Iraq
East of Babylonia lon and Susis, so that, for travelers going from Babylon to Susis, sw. Iran
e. Iraq, s. + w. Iran
Susa through Sitacene, the entire journey is eastward.
744 C, 7-9 Eastward, too, is the journey for travelers from Susa into Susa, Shush (Iran)
the Persian interior through Uxia, and for travelers from Uxia, sw. Iran
Persia into the interior of Carmania. Persia, being extensive, Carmania, Persia, s. Iran
encircles Carmania.
744 C, 10-13 Bordering this to the north as far as the Caspian Gates are Caspian Gates, ?Sar Darreh
pass (Iran)
Paraetacene and Cossaea, mountain-dwelling nations who
live by raiding; bordering on Susis is Elymais, also largely
mountainous and inhabited by raiders; bordering on Elymais Zagrus, Zagros, mts. in n. Iraq,
is the Zagrus region and Media.1 | w. Iran
744 C, 14-20 The Cossaeans fight largely with bow and arrow, as do the 16.1.18
COSSAEA, PARAETACENE neighboring mountain dwellers. They engage in continual

w. Iran
plunder: their territory is l imited, with few resources, so that
they necessarily live off the avails of o thers. Necessarily, too,
they are strong: all are warriors—thirteen thousand of them
joined forces with the Elymaeans when the latter were at war
with the Babylonians and Susians. The Paraetacenians are
more inclined than the Cossaeans to tend the land; neverthe-
less, even they do not refrain from raiding.
744 C, 20-33 The Elymaeans possess a larger and more varied territory
ELYMAEA than these p
eople. The fertile part supports its inhabitants
e. Iraq, sw. Iran
in farming. The mountainous part nurtures soldiers, mostly
bowmen; and being large, it furnishes a large army, with the
[ 1 ] For the arrangement of these peoples: 524 C, 15–525 C, 2; 732 C, 7-17.
849
4.2. Southern Asia
consequence that their king, with a large force at his disposal,

considers it beneath him to do as the others do and submit
to the Parthian king. He was similarly disposed, in e arlier Antiochus the G
reat, ruled
Macedonian Syria, 223–187 BCE
times, t oward the Macedonians who ruled Syria. When An-
Belus (Greek hero/god) is
tiochus the Great tried to plunder the temple to Belus, the equated with Assyrian god
nearby natives attacked and killed him by themselves. In later Bel-Marduk
Parthian [king] = Mithridates (1) times, learning from his experience, the Parthian [king], when him = Antiochus
he heard that they had sacred treasures but saw how insub- they = Elymaeans
ordinate they w ere, attacked with g

reat force. He took the
temple to Athena and the temple to Artemis (Azara), and
talent, largest unit in seized t reasure worth ten thousand talents. Also seized was
Greek accounting system; Seleucia/Soloca, ?Ja Nishin
1 talent = 6,000 drachmas Seleucia on the Hedyphon river, a great city, previously called (Iran)
“Soloca.” Hedyphon, ?Jarrahi r.
744 C, 33–745 C, 4 There are three natural passes into the territory. From territory = Elymaea
Media and the Zagrus region, the way is through Massa- Zagrus, Zagros, mts. in n. Iraq,
w. Iran
batica; from Susis, through Gabiana. (Gabiana and Massa-
batica are provinces of Elymaea.) The third pass leads from
Persia. Corbiana, too, is an Elymaean province. Bordering on
these p eople are the Sagapenians and the Silacenians, small
chiefdoms.
745 C, 5-7 Such are the size and the nature of the nations beyond
Babylonia to the east.1 To the north, as I said, are Media and
Armenia.2 To the west are Adiabene and Mesopotamia. |
745 C, 8-17 Most of Adiabene consists of flatlands and is part of 16.1.19
ADIABENE Babylonia, albeit with its own ruler; in places, however, it be-
n. Iraq
longs to Armenia. The Medes, the Armenians, and thirdly
the Babylonians—the greatest nations in the region—were
from the outset constituted in such a way that they continu-
ally attacked each other, at moments opportune to each, and
then reconciled. Such was the situation that prevailed up u ntil
the Parthian conquest. The Parthians have sovereignty over
the Medes and Babylonians, but they have never once had
sovereignty over the Armenians. There have been frequent
incursions, but they were never taken by force. Instead, Ti- they = Armenians
granes put up a strong resistance, as has been noted in my

Armeniaca.3 Such is Adiabene.
745 C, 17-18 The Adiabenians are also called “Saccopodes.”
745 C, 19-21 I will next describe Mesopotamia and the nations to its
south,4 after first summarizing what is said about Assyrian
customs. |
[ 1 ] 744 C, 4–745 C, 4.
[ 2 ] 739 C, 23-28. Media and Armenia are described in full at 522 C, 14–533 C, 4.
[ 3 ] Armeniaca (lit., “Stuff about Armenia”) is the section of Strabo’s work (526 C,
34–533 C, 4) in which he describes Armenia, and within which he mentions Ti-
granes (532 C, 7-25). Strabo’s use of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 4 ] 746 C, 14–747 C, 31.
850
Assyria
745 C, 21-32 In most respects, their customs are similar to Persian ones, 16.1.20
ASSYRIAN CUSTOMS but one peculiarity is that three wise men are appointed to rule
over each tribe. T hese men present in public the marriageable
virgins, auctioning them off to their future husbands, always
starting with the ones who fetch the highest price. The fore-
going is how marriages are brought about. Every time that the
couple has sex, however, each one of them individually gets
up to make an offering of incense, and at daybreak they wash
themselves before touching any vessel. (Just as it is customary
to wash after touching the dead, so too a fter having sex.) It is
the custom for all Babylonian w omen, in accordance with an
oracle, to have sex with a stranger, going to some Aphrodis- oracle, instruction from the
gods
ium (temple to Aphrodite) with a large retinue and crowd of people.
Each w oman wears a corded wreath. The stranger approaches
her, deposits in her lap as much silver as is appropriate, takes
her far away from the t emple, and has sex with her. The silver
is considered to be sacred to Aphrodite.
745 C, 32–746 C, 3 There are three groups of officials: one group of those who
have already done military service, one group of the most em-
inent individuals, and one group of elders (separate from the
group appointed by the king). It is the job of this last group
to give young girls in marriage and to judge cases involving
adultery . . . * involving violence.
746 C, 3-13 They lay out their sick at places where three roads meet
and inquire of passersby w hether they know any cure for the
affliction. T here is no passerby who is so horrible that he does
not, when he chances to fall in with them, suggest a remedy if
he knows one. Their dress is a linen tunic down to their feet,
an outer garment made of wool, a white cloak, long hair, and
slipperlike footwear. They carry both a seal and a staff, not
a plain one but one topped with a device such as an apple,
rose, lily, and so on. They use sesame oil to anoint themselves.
They sing dirges for the dead (as do the Egyptians and many
others), bury them in honey after smearing them with wax.
There are three clans composed of people who do not use
grain: these are marsh dwellers and ichthyophagi (fish-eaters), who
live lives similar to those in Gedrosia. |
746 C, 14-23 Mesopotamia (Between-rivers) is named after the facts of the 16.1.21
MESOPOTAMIA matter. It has been stated that Mesopotamia lies between

e. Syria, se. Turkey, n. Iraq
the Euphrates and the Tigris, and that the Tigris washes
851
4.2. Southern Asia
only the eastern side, the Euphrates the western side and
the southern side.1 To the north is the Taurus, which sepa- Taurus, mts. of se. Turkey
rates the Armenians from Mesopotamia. The greatest dis-

tance between the two rivers is in the mountains. This would
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) be the same as given by Eratosthenes for the distance from
Thapsacus (the site of the old Euphrates crossing) to the Thapsacus, uncertain point on
Tigris crossing that Alexander used, namely two thousand
four hundred stades.2 The shortest distance between the two
is slightly more than two hundred stades, around Seleucia Seleucia, Tell Omar (Iraq)
and Babylon. Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
746 C, 23-29 The Tigris flows through the lake known as “Thopitis”3— Thopitis, Van l. (Tky.)
through the m iddle of its width; when it has crossed over to

the bank, it sinks beneath the surface with much noise and
spray; a fter staying hidden from sight for a g reat distance, it
rises up not far from Gordyaea. According to Eratosthenes, it Gordyaea, se. Turkey
cuts through the lake with such force that, although the lake
water is salty and has no fish, in this part the water is fresh,
flowing, and full of fish.4 |
746 C, 30–747 C, 2 The lengthwise contraction of Mesopotamia extending a 16.1.22
considerable distance, it looks something like a boat.5 The

Euphrates forms the greater part of the outline: it is four thou-
sand eight hundred stades from Thapsacus to Babylon, according Euphrates r. (in present-day Syr.)
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) to Eratosthenes;6 and it is no less than two thousand stades Babylon, Tell Amran (Iraq)
from the crossing at Commagene (which marks the start of crossing at Commagene,
?Kavunlu/Belkis (Tky.)
Mesopotamia) to Thapsacus. |
747 C, 3-10 The mountainous part is really quite fertile. Toward the 16.1.23
Euphrates and its crossing point (both the current-day cross-

Thapsacus, at an uncertain ing point at Commagene7 and the old crossing point at Thap-
point on Euphrates r. (in
present-day Syr.) sacus), the area is held by the p eople called “Mygdonians” by
the Macedonians. In their territory is located Nisibis, which Nisibis/Antioch, Nusaybin (Tky.,
on border with Syr.)
they named “Antioch”8 (the one “in-Mygdonia,” at the foot
of the Masium mountain range), as well as Tigranocerta, the Tigranocerta, Arzan (Tky.)
areas around Carrhae and Nicephorium, and Chordiraza and Carrhae, Altınbaşak (Tky.)
Sinnaca, where Crassus was tricked into being captured by Nicephorium, Raqqa (Syr.)
Surenas (the Parthian general) and slain. | Chordiraza, ?nr. Qalaat Nadjm
(Syr.)
747 C, 10-20 Toward the Tigris is the region belonging to the Gordy- 16.1.24
GORDYAEA aeans (whom men of old called “Caduchians”), and their

se. Turkey
cities of Sarisa, Sitalca, and Pinaca. Pinaca is an extremely Sarisa, ?Şırnak (Tky.)
strong fortress with three citadels; since each citadel is en- Sitalca, Çağlayan (Tky.)
circled by its own wall, it is something of a triple city. Even Pinaca, Eski Yapı (Tky.)
[ 1 ] 79 C, 3-12; 80 C, 20-28; 521 C, 6-25; 526 C, 34–527 C, 15; 529 C, 11-30. [ 6 ] Strabo has cited Eratosthenes for the same distance at 80 C, 9-16.
[ 2 ] Strabo has cited Eratosthenes for the same distance at 79 C, 20-32. [ 7 ] This “current-day” crossing (?Kavunlu/Belkis, Tky.) had probably assumed more
[ 3 ] Strabo h ere corrects his statement 200 C-pages e arlier (529 C, 11-30, where importance following the Roman annexation of Commagene (17 CE).
he calls the lake “Thonitis”). The (mis)spelling in the earlier passage should be [ 8 ] “They” = Macedonians, whose various kings bearing the name “Antiochus”
allowed to stand, as a genuine Strabonian error. founded numerous cities in Asia named a fter themselves: Antioch in Margiana,
[ 4 ] Strabo’s belief that the Tigris runs through Lake Van is incorrect. 516 C, 12-16; Pisidian Antioch, 577 C, 1-10; Antioch-on-the-Maeander, 630 C, 15-
[ 5 ] Strabo may include Babylonia (s. + cen. Iraq) with Mesopotamia (e. Syria, se. 25; Antioch-by-Daphne, 750 C, 5–751 C, 4.
Turkey, n. Iraq) in comparing it to a boat: 79 C, 3-12; 80 C, 20-28.
852
Assyria
so, the Armenian [king] subjugated the city; then the Romans Tigranes, king of Armenia, ruled
95–ca. 55 BCE
took it from him, even though the Gordyaeans had a repu-
tation as exceptionally good engineers and experts in the
use of siege weapons, and this was what Tigranes had used
them for. The Romans subjugated the rest of the riverlands,
too. Pompey apportioned much of it—as much as was worth
having—to Tigranes. The territory has good pasture and is territory = Gordyaea (se. Tky.)
so rich in flora that even evergreens grow t here, as well as

amomum spice; it is a feeding ground for lions; and it pro-
duces naphtha and the gangitis stone, which is a reptile de-
terrent. |
747 C, 20-23 The story is that Gordyene was settled by Gordys (son 16.1.25
of Triptolemus) and, later on, by the Eretrians who w ere

snatched by the Persians. I will deal with Triptolemus shortly,
in the Syriaca.1 |
747 C, 24-31 The parts of Mesopotamia lying in the southern latitudes 16.1.26
SCENITAE ARABS and farther away from the mountains, being waterless and
e. Syria, se. Turkey, Iraq
wretched, are inhabited by the Scenitae (Tent-dwelling) Arabs.2
They spend their lives making raids and tending their flocks,
ready to move on to new places when the pastures and plun-
der dry up. It so happens that the mountain inhabitants
suffer from the depredations of both these p eople and the these people = Scenitae Arabs
Armenians—they live above them and dominate b ecause of

their strength. In the final analysis, they are in greater sub-
jection to them than to the Parthians—the latter live on the
edges, possessing Media and Babylonia. |
747 C, 32–748 C, 6 There is another river between the Euphrates and the 16.1.27
Tigris, called “Basilios”; and one, Aborras, in the vicinity of Aborras, Habur r.
Anthemusia. The route from Syria to Seleucia and Babylon Anthemusia, ?Suruc region
(Tky.)
passes among the Scenitae, whom some now call “Malians,”
and through their desert; t here is a place for them to cross place . . . to cross
Euphrates = ?Kavunlu/Belkis
the Euphrates at Anthemusia, in Mesopotamia. At a distance (Tky.)
of four schoeni away from the river is Bambyca, which people 1 schoenus = 40 or 60 stades
also call “Edessa” and “Hiera (Sacred) City,”3 where the Syrian
goddess Atargatis is worshipped.
748 C, 6-19 After they have made the crossing, the journey is through they = those en route to
Seleucia and Babylon
the desert as far as Scenae, a city of significance near the Bab-
ylonian border, situated on a canal. The journey from the
crossing to Scenae takes twenty-five days. T here are camel
drivers whose rest stops sometimes have a good supply of
[ 1 ] Syriaca (lit., “Stuff about Syria”) is the section of Strabo’s work (749 C, 8–765 C, 11)
in which he describes Syria; and within which he tells the story of Triptolemus
and Gordys (750 C, 5-24). Strabo’s use of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
[ 2 ] Cf. 765 C, 12-21n.
[ 3 ] Bambyca (or “Hiera City”) and Edessa are probably separate cities. Bambyca
(Membidj, Syr.) might be described as four schoeni from the Euphrates; Edessa
(Şanlıurfa, Tky.) as four schoeni from the Balissus r. (Balikh r). The latter is per-
haps the “Basilios” river to which Strabo refers at the start of this paragraph.
853
4.2. Southern Asia
ater (generally from cisterns), although they sometimes

w
rely on imported w ater. The Scenitae offer them security and
moderation in the m atter of fees, and b ecause of this they
avoid the riverside area and deviate through the desert (leav-
ing the river on their right-hand side) for a journey of nearly
three days. The people who live on either side of the river are
phylarchs, occupying territory that does not produce much
but is not completely useless. Each has his own individual
chiefdom and levies customs fees. These fees are not moder-
ate: it is difficult when there are so many parties involved,
and each so uncompromising, to establish an agreed standard
that is favorable to merchants. Scenae is e ighteen schoeni from
Seleucia. | Seleucia, Tell Omar (Iraq)
748 C, 20-24 The boundary of the empire of the Parthians is formed 16.1.28
by the Euphrates and its far bank. The area on this side as far on this side = west of Euphrates r.
as Babylonia belongs to the Romans and the phylarch Arabs,

some paying court to the former, and some paying court to former = Parthians
the Romans in whose vicinity they reside—less so the Sceni-

tae (Tent-dwellers) who live close to the river, more so t hose who
live farther away in the direction of Blessed Arabia.1
748 C, 24-28 Even in former times, the Parthians contemplated being
friendly t oward the Romans but defended themselves against Parthians defeated Roman
Crassus when he started a war against them; and when it was general Crassus, 53 BCE
they who started the fighting (namely, when they sent Pa- Parthian general Pacorus
invaded Syria and Asian
corus to attack Asia), they suffered similar consequences, peninsula, 40 BCE; defeated by
Romans, 39 BCE; invaded Syria
even though Antony, with the Armenian [king] as his coun- again, defeated by Romans, and
selor, was betrayed and fared badly in the war. killed, 38 BCE
748 C, 28–749 C, 7 Phraates, taking over from him, was so keen on friendly Phraates succeeded as Parthian
king, ca. 37 BCE
relations with Augustus Caesar that he returned the tro-
phies set up by the Parthians at the Roman defeat.2 Invit-
ing Titius, who was at that stage in charge of Syria,3 to a
conference, he delivered into his hands as hostages his four
legitimate sons (Seraspadanes, Rhodaspes, Phraates, and
Vonones), along with two of their wives and four of their
sons.4 He did this out of fear of insurrections and p eople
attacking him, having appreciated that no one would be
strong enough to defeat him without bringing an Arsacid
onside, given that the Parthians were true philarsacae. He
therefore got his sons out of the picture in order to deprive
evildoers of this opportunity. Those of his sons who survive
[ 1 ] For the Scenitae (Tent-dwellers) close to the Euphrates: 765 C, 12-21n. For sceni-
tae (tent-dwellers) in Blessed Arabia: 767 C, 31–768 C, 6.
[ 2 ] Phraates returned the trophies—Roman standards taken by the victorious Par-
thians (53, 36 BCE)—to the young Tiberius, sent by the emperor Augustus to
Armenia for the purpose (20 BCE).
[ 3 ] Strabo h ere uses “Syria” to mean the Roman province of Syria. Elsewhere,
Strabo uses it to mean Assyria in general (737 C, 3-33), or the part of Assyria
west of the Euphrates (749 C, 8-13).
[ 4 ] Phraates delivered his sons into Roman safekeeping at some point between 13
and 8 BCE.
854
Syria
are maintained in royal estate, out of public funds, in Rome;1

even the succeeding kings 2 have continued to send delega
tions and attend conferences.3 |
Syria (se. Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, West Bank,

Gaza, Sinai)
749 C, 8-13 Syria4 is defined to the north by Cilicia and the Amanus— Amanus [mountains], Nur 16.2.1
Dağları (Tky.)
the number of stades from the sea to the Euphrates crossing,
Euphrates crossing, ?Kavunlu/
which distance defines the aforesaid side, is not less than one Belkis (Tky.)
thousand four hundred; to the east by the Euphrates and the
Scenitae (Tent-dwelling) Arabs on this side of the Euphrates; to this side of Euphrates = ?west of
Euphrates r.
the south by Blessed Arabia and Egypt; to the west by the
Egyptian and Syrian seas as far as Issus.5 |
749 C, 14-21 We treat as its subsections, starting from Cilicia and the 16.2.2
Amanus: Commagene and what is called “Seleucid” Syria; Amanus [mountains], Nur
Dağları (Tky.)
then Coele Syria;6 finally, Phoenicia on the coast and Judaea
in the interior.7 Some people, dividing all Syria between
the Coelosyrians, Syrians, and Phoenicians, say that four
nations—Judaeans, Idumaeans, Gazans, and Azotians—are
mixed in with these; that some (e.g., Syrians and Coelosyr-
ians) practice agriculture, while others (e.g., Phoenicians) are
traders. | So much for the overview. 16.2.3
749 C, 21-27 As for details, Commagene is one small subsection. It

COMMAGENE features Samosata, a naturally fortified city, where the royal Samosata, Samsat (Tky.)
se. Turkey
residence once was. Now, it is a province. The territory round Romans annexed Commagene,
17 CE
about, though limited in extent, is blessed with great fertil-
ity. This is where the Euphrates crossing point currently Euphrates crossing/Seleucia,
?Kavunlu/Belkis (Tky.)
is. Situated at this place is Seleucia, a fortress belonging to
Mesopotamia but included by Pompey within the territory
of the Commagenian [king]. Tigranes imprisoned Cleopatra,
surnamed “Selene,” in this fortress for some time after she
was expelled from Syria, and then killed her. |
749 C, 28–750 C, 4 Seleucis is the best of the said subsections. It is called, and 16.2.4
SELEUCIS indeed is, a tetrapolis (four-city state) because of the outstanding Antioch-by-Daphne, Antakya
se. Turkey, w. present-day Syria (Tky.)
cities within it. Although t here are several, the four largest
are Antioch-by-Daphne, Seleucia-in-Pieria, Apamia, and Seleucia-in-Pieria, Kapısuyu/
Kaboussié (Tky.)
Laodicia, which are said to be each other’s “sisters” b ecause
Apamia, Qalaat el-Moudiq (Syr.)
of their commonality. All w ere founded by Seleucus Nica-
Laodicia, Lattaquié (Syr.)
tor. The largest city was named after his father; the city that
Seleucus Nicator, Macedonian
was the most natural fortress was named after himself; of the king of Syria, late 4th–3rd c. BCE
[ 1 ] Vonones had died in 19/20 CE. s. Iraq, Saudi Arabia, s. Jordan, Oman, Yemen, Bahrain, Qatar, UAE, s. Israel, Sinai,
[ 2 ] Phraataces, Orodes, Vonones, and Artabanus. Egypt): 765 C, 12–824 C, 21.
[ 3 ] Parthian deleg ations: 1 CE; in or before 9 CE (to request the return of Vonones); [ 6 ] For the meaning of “Coele”: 336 C, 33-36n. “Coele Syria” has two senses: 756 C,
19 CE. 16-18n.
[ 4 ] Strabo’s concept of Syria is based on an enlarged version of Eratosthenes’s [ 7 ] Commagene and Seleucid Syria (se. Turkey, w. Syria): 749 C, 21–754 C, 32. Coele
3rd sphragis: 84 C, 9–85 C, 5. Syria (Syria, Lebanon): 754 C, 32–756 C, 18. Phoenicia (coast of Lebanon, Israel,
[ 5 ] Cilicia/Amanus (s. Turkey): 535 C, 12-19; 671 C, 26–676 C, 28. Scenitae Arabs on Gaza, e. Egypt): 756 C, 22–760 C, 16. Judaea (Israel, W. Bank, Jordan): 760 C,
this side of Euphrates (e. Syria): 765 C, 12-21n. Blessed Arabia and Egypt (Kuwait, 17–765 C, 11.
855
4.2. Southern Asia
r emaining two, “Apamia” was called after his wife (Apama),

and “Laodicia” after his mother.1 Seleucis, appropriately
enough for a tetrapolis, had been divided into four satrapies,
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) according to Posidonius, the same number as Coele Syria,2
while Mesopotamia comprised just one satrapy.
750 C, 5-10 Antioch is herself a tetrapolis (four-city state), as she is con- Antioch, Antakya (Tky.)
stituted from four parts; each individual city is protected by

both a shared wall and its own wall. Nicator settled the first, Seleucus Nicator, late 4th–3rd c.
BCE; Seleucus Callinicus, 3rd c.
using colonists from Antigonia (the nearby city fortified BCE; Antiochus Epiphanes, early
shortly beforehand by Antigonus, son of Philip). The second 2nd c. BCE
was founded by the body of settlers; the third, by Seleucus

Callinicus; the fourth, by Antiochus Epiphanes. |
750 C, 11-24 This city is the metropolis of Syria; the royal residence for This city = Antioch 16.2.5
the territory’s rulers was established there. She is not much

inferior, in terms of power and size, to Seleucia-on-the-Tigris Seleucia-on-Tigris, Tell Omar
(Iraq)
and Egyptian Alexandria. Nicator also incorporated into the
Egyptian Alexandria,
city the descendants of Triptolemus (whom I mentioned Iskandariya (Egy.)
a little earlier).3 As a result, the Antiochans worship Trip-
tolemus as a hero, holding a festival on mount Casium near mount Casium, Jebel el-Akra
(Tky.)
Seleucia. They say that Triptolemus was sent by the Argives
Triptolemus, Io, Gordys,
in quest of Io, who first disappeared from sight in Tyrus; he characters from Greek myth
wandered around in Cilicia, where some of his Argives aban-
doned him and founded Tarsus; the remaining Argives fol-
lowed him along to the next stretch of coastline but, giving
up their quest, remained t here with him in the riverlands of
the Orontes; Gordys, the son of Triptolemus, with some of
his father’s people, went off to Gordyaea; the descendants of
those who w ere left settled down with the Antiochans. |
750 C, 25-29 Forty stades inland is Daphne, a settlement of moderate Daphne, Harbiye (Tky.) 16.2.6
size, and a large, well-shaded grove through which run the

waters of a spring. In the m iddle of the grove is a sacred pre-
cinct that offers sanctuary, and a t emple dedicated to Apollo
and Artemis. The Antiochans and their neighbors custom-
arily hold their public festivals here. The grove’s perimeter
measures eighty stades. |
750 C, 30–751 C, 4 Near the city flows the Orontes river. This river begins Orontes, Asi Nehri/Nahr el-Asi 16.2.7
in Coele Syria,4 then goes underground; after resurfacing,

it proceeds through Apamian territory to Antioch; running Antioch, Antakya (Tky.)
close by that city, it flows out to sea at Seleucia. Previously Seleucia, Kapısuyu/Kaboussié
(Tky.)
called “Typhon,” its name was changed to that of the man
[ 1 ] Antioch-by-Daphne (Antakya, Tky.): 750 C, 5–751 C, 4. Seleucia-in-Pieria

(Kapısuyu/Kaboussié, Tky.): 751 C, 26-30; Apamia (Qalaat el-Moudiq, Syr.): 752 C,
8–753 C, 12. Laodicia (Lattaquié, Syr.): 751 C, 35–752 C, 7.
[ 2 ] For the meaning of “Coele”: 336 C, 33-36n. “Coele Syria” has two senses: 756 C,
16-18n.
[ 3 ] 747 C, 20-23.
[ 4 ] Meaning of “Coele”: 336 C, 33-36n. “Coele Syria” has two senses: 756 C, 16-18n.
856
Syria
(Orontes) who built a bridge across it. This is the approxi-

mate vicinity in which are set the myths Typhon Struck by
Thunderbolts and the Arimians, which I talked about earlier.1
It is said that he, when struck by the thunderbolts (and being he = Typhon
a dragon), fled in quest of an underground entrance; cutting

into the earth with his coils, he created the river’s course, and
forcing a passage into the earth, he caused the spring to open
up; and the river was named after him.
751 C, 5-18 Down to the west of Antioch is the sea at Seleucia. Near
Seleucia, the Orontes flows out to sea (Seleucia being forty Seleucia, Kapısuyu/Kaboussié
(Tky.)
stades distant from the outflows and one hundred and twenty
from Antioch). The upriver sailing passage from the sea to
Antioch can be done in one day. To the east of Antioch are
the Euphrates, and also Bambyca, Beroea, and Heraclia— Bambyca, Membidj (Syr.)
small towns once subject to the tyrant Dionysius (son of Beroea, Alep (Syr.)
Heracleon). Heraclia is twenty stades from the temple dedi-

cated to “Cyrrhestian” Athena; | then, as far as Antiochis, is Antiochis = territory belonging 16.2.8
to Antioch
Cyrrhestia. Close by to the north is the Amanus and Com-
Amanus, Nur Dağları (Tky.)
magene. Cyrrhestia stretches to h ere and connects up with
them. H ere, t here’s the city of Gindarus—the acropolis of Gindarus, Jenderes (Syr.)
Cyrrhestia and a natural robber’s den—and nearby, what is

called a “Heraclium” (temple to Heracles). Pacorus, the eldest son
of the Parthian [king], while on campaign in Syria, was killed Parthian = Orodes, king of
Parthia, 57–ca. 37 BCE
near t hese places by Ventidius.
751 C, 18-26 Pagrae, part of Antiochis, is next to Gindarus. It is a natu Pagrae, Bağras (Tky.)
ral fortress situated on the pass through the Amanus, from

the Amanian Gates into Syria.2 At the foot of Pagrae is the
Antiochan plain, across which flow the Arceuthos river, the Arceuthos r., Nahr al-Qawshit
Orontes, and the Labotas. On this plain is Meleager’s Palisade Orontes r., Asi Nehri/Nahr el-Asi
and the Oenoparas river, where Ptolemy Philometer, although Labotas r., upper Kara Su
victorious in b attle against Alexander Balas, was wounded and Oenoparas r., Nahr Afrin
killed. Rising up over them is the hill, called “Trapezon” (Table-

shaped) because of what it resembles, where Ventidius fought a
battle against Phranicates, the Parthian general.

751 C, 26-30 On the seaward side of these are Seleucia, Pieria (a moun- Seleucia, Kapısuyu/Kaboussié
(Tky.)
tain that is part of the Amanus), and Rhosus, situated between
Pieria, Kızıl Dağ
Issus and Seleucia. Seleucia was formerly called Hydatos pota-
Rhosus, Uluçınar/Arsuz (Tky.)
moi (Rivers of water). She is an important fortress and so strong
Issus, Yesil Hüyük (Tky.)
that she cannot be taken by force. As a result, Pompey de-
creed her to be free, a fter she had resisted Tigranes.
[ 1 ] 579 C, 27–580 C, 5; 626 C, 20–627 C, 14.

[ 2 ] ?Belen Geçidi (Tky.), usually referred to as the “Syrian Gates.”
857
4.2. Southern Asia
751 C, 31-35 While Apamia is south of the Antiochans and lies inland
Casium, Jebel el-Akra (Tky.) from them, mount Casium and the Anticasium are south of
Anticasium, Kara Douran Dağ the Seleucians (even before t hese, following on from Seleucia,
(Syr.)
are the outflows of the Orontes, then the Nymphaeum—a Nymphaeum, el-Hammam,
S Miyadun (Tky.)
sacred cave—and then Casium). Next is the small town of
Posidium, and Heraclia.1 | Posidium, ?on Ras el-Bassit (Syr.)
751 C, 35–752 C, 7 Then there’s Laodicia-on-Sea, a beautifully located city Laodicia-on-Sea, Lattaquié (Syr.) 16.2.9
with a fine harbor and a territory that is rich in vines as well

as other crops. This is the city that provides the Alexan-
drians with most of their wine, since she has a mountain
rising up above her, the entirety of which is covered with
vines nearly as far as the peaks. T hese peaks are a long way
from Laodicia, sloping up from her in a gentle and gradual
manner, but they tower over Apamia as they stretch verti-
cally upward. Dolabella caused the city no small amount of
grief when he fled to her and was besieged by Cassius u ntil
he died, with many parts of the city suffering destruction at
the same time. |
752 C, 8-22 Apamia has a city that is, for the most part, well defended, Apamia = territory including city 16.2.10
of Apamia, Qalaat el-Moudiq
since t here is a beautifully walled hill sitting on an en- (Syr.)
closed plain, which is made into a peninsula by the Orontes
Orontes, Asi Nehri/Nahr el-Asi
as it spreads out to form a huge encircling lake and broad
marshes and meadows—providing pasture for cattle and
horses—that are exceedingly large. The city is therefore
securely located—she was called “Cherronesus” (Peninsula) as
a result—and benefits from the extremely fruitful territory
through which the Orontes runs; and in this territory t here
are many outposts. This is where Seleucus Nicator kept his
five hundred elephants, as well as the bulk of the army, as
did the l ater kings. The city was at one time (by the origi-
nal Macedonians) called “Pella,” because the majority of the
Macedonians who had been on the campaign settled t here
and because Pella, the home city of Philip and Alexander,
was likewise the Macedonian metropolis. H ere also was the
office of military logistics and the horse stud (the mares be-
longing to the king numbered more than thirty thousand,
with three hundred stallions for impregnating them); h ere,
too, w
ere p eople who broke h orses in and taught how to use
weapons, and whoever else was retained for the purposes of
military training.
[ 1 ] See 753 C, 20-28n.
858
Syria
752 C, 23-31 An example of this power is provided by the rise of Tryphon

(surnamed “Diodotus”) and his attempt on the Syrian throne,
using the city as his base. Tryphon was born in Casiana, a for-
tress in the land of the Apamians, but he was brought up in
Apamia in close association with the king and his men. So, Apamia, Qalaat el-Moudiq (Syr.)
when he launched his rebellion, he did so from this city and

from her satellites—Larisa, Casiana, Megara, Apollonia, and Larisa, Shaizar (Syr.)
other such cities, all of which paid tax to Apamia. Tryphon

received his proclamation as king from this territory and held
out for a long time.
752 C, 31–753 C, 10 Also, Caecilius Bassus caused Apamia to revolt with his Apamia, Qalaat el-Moudiq (Syr.)
two legions. He was besieged by two large Roman armies and

maintained his r esistance for so long that he did not yield to
their power u ntil he was in a position to choose the conditions
on which he voluntarily submitted to them: for the territory
supplied his army with provisions, and he had plenty of allies
phylarchs, Arab chieftains among the nearby phylarchs with their well-defended places.
These places include Lysias (located above the Apamian lake) Lysias, ?Bourzey (Syr.)
and Arethusa (belonging to Sampsiceramus and his son Iam- Apamian lake, Behiret et-Taqa
(Syr.)
blichus, phylarchs of the Emisenian nation). Not far away are
Arethusa, Restan (Syr.)
Heliu Polis (Sun city) and the Chalcis subject to Ptolemy (son
Heliu Polis, Ba'albek (Leb.)
of Mennaeus),1 who also held Massyas and the mountains of
Massyas, Biqa' (Syr., Leb.)
the Ituraeans. Included among Bassus’s allies was Alchaedam-
Ituraeans = Lebanon
nus, the king of the Rhambaeans—the nomads on this side
of the Euphrates. He used to have a friendly policy toward
the Romans but, considering himself to have been wronged
by the leaders 2 and withdrawing into Mesopotamia, at that
point he entered Bassus’s service.
753 C, 11-12 Posidonius the Stoic—the most erudite of our p hiloso-
phers 3—is from Apamia. |
753 C, 13-19 Bordering Apamian territory on the eastern side is the 16.2.11
territory—belonging to the phylarch Arabs—called “Para- Parapotamia, Syria
potamia” (Along-the-river), and also Chalcidice, which extends

from Massyas, and all . . . *. The territory to the south of Massyas, Biqa' (Syr., Leb.)
the Apamians belongs for the most part to the Scenitae (Tent-
dwelling) p eople—they are similar to the nomads in Meso-
potamia, but the closer they are to the Syrians, the more
civilized they become and the less Arabian and scenitae (tent-
dwelling),4 having better o rganized governments, like t hose of
Sampsiceramus, Gambarus, Themellas, and other such men. |
[ 1 ] Strabo perhaps conflates “the Chalcis subject to Ptolemy” (?Husn esh-Shadur,

Leb.) with a different Chalcis (‘Is, Qinnesrin, Syr.) nearer to Apamia. Strabo’s
account of this region is rife with name conflation: 755 C, 9-13n.
[ 2 ] “Leaders”: 159 C, 19-28n.
[ 3 ] The term “our philosophers” could mean Stoic philosophers, or philosophers
personally preferred by Strabo, or simply Greek p hilosophers. It could also
mean “philosophers of our times,” but this is unlikely given that Posidonius
(late 2nd–1st c. BCE) pre-dates Strabo.
[ 4 ] For the distinction between the Scenitae west of the Euphrates (Syria) and
those in Mesopotamia (e. Syria, se. Turkey, n. Iraq): 765 C, 12-21nn.
859
4.2. Southern Asia
753 C, 20 Such is the Seleucis interior.1 16.2.12
753 C, 20-28 The voyage from Laodicia along the remaining coast 2 is as
follows. Near Laodicia are the small towns of Posidium, Hera- Posidium, ?on Ras el-Bassit (Syr.)
clium, and Gabala.3 Immediately thereafter is the stretch of Heraclium, ?on Ras Ibn Hami
(Syr.)
Paltus, Arab el-Moulk (Syr.) mainland coast belonging to the Aradians: Paltus, Balanaea,
Gabala, Jebele (Syr.)
Balanaea, Baniyas (Syr.) and Caranus (the Aradian seaport with a small harbor). Then
Caranus, Tell Qarnoun (Syr.) comes Enydra, and Marathus (an ancient Phoenician city, in Enydra, Tell Ghamqe (Syr.)
ruins). The Aradians divided this territory up among them- Marathus, 'Amrit (Syr.)
selves, as they also did with Ximyra, the next place along. Ximyra, ?Tell Kazel (Syr.)
Orthosia, Khan ard Artuşi (Leb.) Next to these is Orthosia and also the nearby river Eleutherus
Eleutheru s, Nahr el-Kebir (which some p eople take as the boundary of Seleucis with
Phoenicia and Coele Syria).4 |
753 C, 29–754 C, 9 Aradus lies off a stretch of coast with many reefs and no Aradus, Rouad (Syr.) 16.2.13
harbor (i.e., the coastal stretch between her seaport and Mara- seaport = Caranus, Tell Qarnoun
(Syr.)
thus) and is twenty stades from the mainland. It is a rocky
outcrop with a circumference of some seven stades, packed
with dwellings: it has enjoyed such population growth, up to
and including the present, that the inhabitants live in h ouses
many stories high. People say that it was founded by refugees
from Sidon. The inhabitants get water partly from rainfall
and cisterns, partly from the mainland opposite. In w artime,
people get w ater from the sea channel, a l ittle distance in front
of the city, which is fed by a spring that has an unstinting sup-
ply of fresh water. An upside-down funnel is inserted into the
spring, made of lead and lowered down from the boat that
collects the water. The funnel is wide-mouthed but tapers to
a narrow base with quite a small hole. Tightly fitted around
the base is a leather pipe (perhaps one should say “hose”),
which acts as a conduit for the w ater forced up from the spring
through the funnel. What gets forced through at first is sea-
water, but p eople wait and collect the flow of pure and potable
water in specially designed vessels and deliver it to the city. |
754 C, 10-27 In antiquity, the Aradians w ere ruled by their own king, in 16.2.14
a manner similar to each of the other Phoenician cities. Then

the Persians, the Macedonians, and currently the Romans
made partial changes to arrive at the present arrangement.
The Aradians, along with the rest of the Phoenicians, w ere
subject to the Syrian kings inasmuch as the latter w ere al-
lies. Then, when t here was discord between the two b rothers
Seleucus Callinicus and the Antiochus known as “Hierax,”
[ 1 ] 751 C, 5-26; 752 C, 8–753 C, 19.

[ 2 ] I.e., “remaining” to complete Strabo’s description of Seleucis as previewed at
749 C, 14-21.
[ 3 ] Strabo clarifies and adds to his earlier reference to “the small town of Posidium,
and Heraclia” (751 C, 31-35).
16-18n.
860
Syria
the Aradians supported Callinicus and made agreements with

him that they could accept people fleeing to them from the
kingdom and did not have to return them if they didn’t want
to, but they could not allow t hose p eople to sail off without
the consent of the king. They gained g reat advantage from
this. The people who took refuge with them were not ordi-
nary folk but men who had been entrusted with the highest
office and who had the most to fear. These men, feeling wel-
comed by the Aradians, counted their hosts as benefactors
and saviors and remembered the f avor, particularly when they
returned home. In consequence, the Aradians acquired much
territory on the mainland shore (most of which they cur-
rently retain) and did well in other ways, too. They increased
their good fortune through prescience and through working
hard on their nautical skills. Seeing the neighboring Cilicians
setting up gangs of pirates, they never once associated with
the Cilicians in such an enterprise. |
754 C, 28-32 After Orthosia and the Eleutherus comes Tripolis (Triple- Tripolis, Tarabulus/Tripoli (Leb.) 16.2.15
Orthosia, Khan ard Artuşi (Leb.) city), named after the fact, as it was founded by the three cit-
Eleutherus (river), Nahr el-Kebir ies of Tyrus, Sidon, and Aradus. A fter Tripolis comes Theu Theu Prosopum, Ras Shaqqa
(Leb.)
Libanus, Jebel Lubnan (Leb.) Prosopum (Face of God), where the Libanus mountain range
terminates. Between the two is a place, Trieres.1 | Trieres, el Heri (Leb.)
754 C, 32–755 C, 6 These are the two mountain ranges forming what is 16.2.16
COELE SYRIA called “Coele Syria,”2 approximately parallel to each other:

present-day Syria, Lebanon
the Libanus and the Antilibanus. Both ranges start a little Libanus, Jebel Lubnan (Leb.)
inland from the coast, the Libanus starting from the coast Antilibanus, Jebel esh-Sherqui
(Leb., Syr.)
at Tripolis, more specifically at Theu Prosopum (Face of God),
Theu Prosopum, Ras Shaqqa
and the Antilibanus starting from the coast at Sidon. They (Leb.)
end—near the Arabian mountains above Damascene and Sidon, Saida (Leb.)
near the “Trachones” (as they are called locally)—in various Trachones, Lejja + Safa area
other mountains with fertile soil and good crops. (Syr.)
755 C, 6-9 Between the mountain ranges is an enclosed plain with a

width (at the coast) of two hundred stades and a length (from
coast to interior) of something like twice as much. The plain
is crossed by rivers, the largest being the Jordan,3 and these
rivers provide w ater to a territory blessed with fertility and
yielding crops of e very kind. The plain also has a lake, which
yields the aromatic rush and reed, and likewise has marshes;
the lake is called “Gennesaritis.” The plain also produces Gennesaritis, Sea of Galilee
balsam.
[ 1 ] Strabo gets ahead of himself here. He later categorizes the stretch of coastline
from Orthosia to Theu Prosopum as part of Phoenicia: 756 C, 18-21.
[ 2 ] The meaning of “Coele”: 336 C, 33-36n. “Coele Syria” has two senses: 756 C,
16-18n.
[ 3 ] By including this description of the Jordan valley here, Strabo perhaps con-
flates the two senses in which the name “Coele Syria” is used (756 C, 16-18n). For
Judaea: 760 C, 17–765 C, 11.
861
4.2. Southern Asia
755 C, 10-13 As for the rivers, the Chrysorrhoas (which starts in the Chrysorrhoas, Nahr Barada
city and territory of the Damascenians)1 is virtually drained city of Damscenians, Damascus
(Syr.)
by irrigation channels, for the territory it irrigates is extensive
and has deep soil. People—particularly the Aradians—sail up
the Lycus and the Jordan with merchandise. |
755 C, 14-19 As for the plains, the first (starting from the sea) is called 16.2.17
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) the “Macras,” or the “Plain of Macras.” This is where Posido- Macras, ?Buqeia plain (Syr.)
nius reports that a slain dragon was on view, its corpse nearly one
plethrum long and so bulky that horsemen standing on either side 1 plethrum = 100 ft.
of it could not see each other, its mouth gaping wide enough to admit
a man on horseback, each platelet of its scaly skin bigger than a
shield. |
755 C, 20-29 After the Macras is the Massyas, with some mountainous Massyas, Biqa' (Syr., Leb.) 16.2.18
parts in which is located Chalcis, something of an acropolis Chalcis, ?Husn esh-Shadur (Leb.)
for the Massyas. The plain starts with Laodicia-near-the- Laodicia-near-the-Libanus, Tell
Nebi Mend (Syr.)
Libanus. The whole of the mountainous region is occupied
by Ituraeans and Arabs, all of whom are troublemakers (while
the plains dwellers engage in agriculture and, harassed by the
former, need help of various kinds at various times). They They = Arabs, Ituraeans
have natural strongholds as their operational bases. For ex-

ample, those who possess the Libanus have Sinna, Borrama,
and other such fortified locations high up in the mountains
and, lower down, Botrys, Gigarta, the caves along the shore, Botrys, Batrun (Leb.)
and the fortress built on Theu Prosopum (Face of God)—places Gigarta, Zgharta, nr. Tripoli
(Leb.)
that Pompey razed to the ground. From these bases, they
Theu Prosopum, Ras Shaqqa
once used to descend on Byblus and Berytus (next to Byblus), (Leb.)
cities that are located between Sidon and Theu Prosopum.
755 C, 30–756 C, 4 Byblus, the royal residence of Cinyras, is sacred to Adonis. Byblus, Jebeil (Leb.)
The city used to be run by a tyrant but was freed by Pom-

pey, who killed the tyrant with an ax. It is situated on a high
point not far from the sea. | Then, a fter Byblus comes the 16.2.19
Adonis river and Climax (Ladder) mountain and Palaebyblus Adonis, Nahr Ibrahim
(Old Byblus). Then comes the Lycus river and Berytus. This city Climax mountain, nr. Junie (Leb.)
was razed by Tryphon and has now been restored by the Ro- Lycus, Nahr el-Kelb
mans. The city accommodates two legions, positioned t here Berytus, Beirut (Leb.)
by Agrippa, who added to the city much of the Massyas as Massyas, Biqa' (Syr., Leb.)
far as the sources of the Orontes (which are near the Libanus,
Paradisus (Pleasure garden), and the Egyptian Fort in the area Paradisus, ?Jusiye (Syr.)
around Apamian country).

756 C, 5 Such are the locations along the coast.2 |
[ 1 ] Strabo perhaps conflates the “Chrysorrhoas” that flows from Damascus with a
different “Chrysorrhoas” (nr. Gerasa, Le Basi Jerash, Jor.). This may be a f actor
in his confusion of the Jordan valley (755 C, 6-13) with Coele Syria. For other
examples of name conflation in this region: 741 C, 25–742 C, 3n; 759 C, 9-18n;
760 C, 17-23n; 764 C, 29-31n; perhaps also 752 C, 31–753 C, 10n.
[ 2 ] Again (cf. 754 C, 28-32), Strabo gets ahead of himself. He later categorizes the
coastline from Byblus (Jebeil, Leb.) to Berytus (Beirut, Leb.) as part of Phoenicia:
756 C, 18-21.
862
Syria
756 C, 5-15 Inland from Massyas is what is called the “Royal Valley,” 16.2.20
and also Damascene, an exceptionally praiseworthy territory.

The city of Damascus is also noteworthy, one of the most fa- Damascus, Dimashq/Damascus
(Syr.)
mous of the cities in that region during Persian times. Rising
over it are the two hills called the “Trachones” (Rockies). Then, Trachones, Lejja + Safa area
(Syr.)
near the parts belonging to the Arabs (with an admixture
of Ituraeans), t here are mountains difficult to access, with
deep-mouthed caves, one of which has the capacity to hold
four thousand men during the raids that the Damascenians
experience from many directions. Generally, however, the
natives rob the traders from Blessed Arabia, although this is
less common now that Zenodorus’s gang has been wiped out
through Roman good governance and the security provided
by the soldiers stationed in Syria. |
756 C, 16-18 The entire territory above Seleucis toward Egypt and 16.2.21
Arabia is called “Coele Syria,” but it is defined in a specific

sense by the Libanus and the Antilibanus.1
756 C, 18-21 As for what remains,2 the narrow and low-lying stretch of
coastline from Orthosia to Pelusium is called “Phoenicia”; 3 Orthosia, Khan ard Artuşi (Leb.)
the interior above this, between Gaza and the Antilibanus, as Pelusium, Tell el-Farama (Egy.)
far as the Arabs, is called “Judaea.”4 |

756 C, 22-31 Since I have traversed Coele Syria specifically so called,5 16.2.22
PHOENICIA I will proceed to Phoenicia. The stretch of Phoenicia from

coast of Lebanon, Israel, Gaza,
e. present-day Egypt Orthosia to Berytus has already been described.6 Some four
hundred stades beyond Berytus is Sidon; in the intervening Sidon, Saida (Leb.)
stretch, there’s the Tamyras river, and the Grove of Asclepius Tamyras, Nahr ed-Damur
and Leonton Polis (Lion city). After Sidon comes Tyrus, the larg- Grove of Asclepius, Bustan esh-
Sheikh (Leb.)
est and oldest of the Phoenician cities, rivaling Sidon in size,
Tyrus, es-Sur (Leb.)
reputation, and antiquity (as betokened in many a myth).
Homer (8th c. BCE) Whereas the poets talk rather of Sidon, and Homer does not
mention Tyrus at all, Tyrus is praised by the colonies she sent
to Libya and to Iberia, even to the parts beyond the Pillars.7
756 C, 31–757 C, 16 Both were in antiquity—and are still now—cities of great
splendor and renown. In both, there is an argument as to
which should be called the Phoenician metropolis. Whereas
Sidon is located in a natural harbor on the mainland, | Tyrus Sidon, Saida (Leb.) 16.2.23
consists of an entire island, nearly all of which is treated as a Tyrus, es-Sur (Leb.)
single p olitical entity, in a manner similar to Aradus. It is con- Aradus, Rouad (Syr.)
nected to the mainland by a mole, constructed by Alexander Alexander the G

reat, late 4th c.
BCE
when he was besieging the city. It has two harbors, one that
[ 1 ] Meaning of “Coele”: 336 C, 33-36n. Strabo uses “Coele Syria” in the sense of the [ 3 ] Phoenicia (coast of Lebanon, Israel, Gaza, e. present-day Egypt): 756 C,
territory between the Libanus and Antilibanus (Syria, Lebanon) in the forego- 22–760 C, 10.
ing (754 C, 32–756 C, 15); he seems to use it in the broader sense, including the [ 4 ] Judaea (Israel, W. Bank, Jordan): 760 C, 17–765 C, 11.
territory (Israel, West Bank, Jordan, e. Egypt) toward “Egypt and Arabia,” e
arlier [ 5 ] “Coele Syria” in the specific sense: 756 C, 16-18n.
(133 C, 32–134 C, 2). Eratosthenes probably used the term “Coelosyrians” in the [ 6 ] Orthosia (Khan ard Artuşi, Leb.)–Berytus (Beirut, Leb.): 754 C, 28-32; 755,
broader sense, although Strabo may be unaware of this when citing him (741 C, 30–756 C, 4.
25–742 C, 3). T here often seems to be some ambiguity in Strabo’s usage: 765 C, [ 7 ] For Tyrian/Phoenician colonies in Libya (= Africa) and Iberia (Spain, Portugal):
12-21; 749 C, 14-21. 170 C, 20-30nn.
[ 2 ] I.e., what “remains” to be described of Syria as previewed at 749 C, 8-21.
863
4.2. Southern Asia
can be closed and one—called the “Egyptian [harbor]”—that is

open. They say that the houses in Tyrus are multistory, more
so even than those in Rome. As a result, in the event of earth-
quakes, the city all but disappears. The city also suffered when
Alexander took her by siege. But she overcame such setbacks
and concentrated on her seamanship (in which the Phoeni-
cians are by common consent superior to any o thers who have
ever lived) and on her purple-dye industry. Of all purple dyes,
Tyrian purple is reckoned the finest. The place for catching
the creatures is nearby, as is an abundant supply of other
things necessary for the dyeing process. The great number
of dyeworks makes the city unpleasant to live in but prosper-
ous, because they put up with it. The Tyrians w ere declared
autonomous not only by the kings but also by the Romans,
when they confirmed (for a small fee) the kings’ policy. The
people worship Heracles above all others. The number and
size of the cities they have established as colonies bear witness
to their maritime power. Such are the Tyrians. |
757 C, 16-27 Tradition has it that the Sidonians were, as even the poet Sidon, Saida (Leb.) 16.2.24
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) demonstrates, skilled and versatile craftsmen. They w ere also
advanced astronomers and mathematicians, originally im-
pelled by the need to keep accounts and to undertake sailing
by night (relevant to merchants and captains, respectively). It
is similarly said that the Egyptian discovery of geometry arose
from the surveying skills required by the Nile’s obliteration
of land boundaries at its regular inundations. It is believed,
then, that geometry came to the Greeks from the Egyptians,
but that astronomy and mathematics came to them from the
Phoenicians. (Nowadays, it is possible to acquire from t hese
cities a very wide spectrum of advanced knowledge in other
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) subjects.) If Posidonius is to be believed, even the ancient
atomic theory is attributed to a Sidonian, Mochus, who lived
before the Trojan period. That’s enough about antiquity. Trojan period, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
757 C, 27-31 Men famous in our times include, from Sidon, Boethus
(with whom I studied Aristotelian philosophy)1 and his
brother Diodotus; from Tyrus, Antipater and, a little be-
fore our times, Apollonius, who published a catalogue of
philosophers and their volumes, from Zeno onward.
757 C, 32–758 C, 15 Tyrus is not more than two hundred stades from Sidon. In Tyrus, es-Sur (Leb.)
between, there’s a small town called “Ornithon Polis” (Bird City),
[ 1 ] Strabo’s study of Aristotelian philosophy included a stint under Tyrannio at

Rome (30s BCE): 609 C, 16-22n. Boethus may have been present in Rome at the
same time.
864
Syria
and then, near Tyrus, the outlet of a river. Thirty stades after
Tyrus, there’s Palaetyrus (Old Tyrus), | then comes the great city 16.2.25
of Ptolemaïs, formerly called “Ace,” used by the Persians as Ptolemaïs/Ace, Tell Acco (Isr.)
a base for their operations against Egypt. Between Ace and

Tyrus, there’s a sandy beach that provides vitreous sand. It is
said that the sand is not liquefied in loco but is transported to
Sidon and smelted t here. Some say that the Sidonians, too,
have vitreous sand that can be liquefied; o thers say that all
sand everywhere is liquefiable. I learned1 from the glassmak-
ers in Alexandria that t here’s also in Egypt a vitreous earthy
substance, without which it is not possible to produce highly
colored and luxury items, just as other additives are required
for other items. P eople say that t here are many innovations
with regard to color and efficient production—as in the case
of crystalware—in Rome, where it is possible to buy a cup and
bowl for a copper coin.2 |
758 C, 16-30 A strange phenomenon, one that happens only rarely, is 16.2.26
recorded in connection with this beach between Tyrus and Tyrus, es-Sur (Leb.)
Ptolemaïs. When the people of Ptolemaïs were defeated in Ptolemaïs/Ace, Tell Acco (Isr.)
this place, having joined battle against the general Sarpedon,
there was an utter rout, and a wave from the sea washed over
the fugitives like a flood tide. It carried some of the men out
to sea and caused their death. Some of the corpses stayed
in low-lying parts: the subsequent ebbing of the tide laid
things bare again and revealed men’s bodies scattered among
the dead fish. A similar event occurs near Egyptian Casium,
when the ground suffers a single sharp convulsion and experi-
ences a temporary shift in either direction, so that the raised
part loses the sea, and the lowered part gains it; then, when
it undergoes a reverse, the place reverts to its original state.
Sometimes the change is permanent but sometimes not. Per-
haps such activity is connected with certain cycles that are not
clear to us, as is said in the case of the Nile floodings, which
vary in nature but whose variations have no clear principle. |
758 C, 31–759 C, 9 After Ace comes Strato’s Tower, with its anchorage. In Strato’s Tower, Qesaria/ 16.2.27
Quaisariye (Isr.)
between are: Mount Carmel; towns of which there is nothing
Sycaminon Polis, Shiqmona, Tell other than the names—Sycaminon Polis (Mulberry city), Bouco- Boucolon City, 'Atlit (Isr.)
es Samak (Isr.)
lon City (Herdsman city), Crocodilon Polis (Crocodile city), and such-
Crocodilon Polis, Tell Tanninim/
Tell el Malat (Isr.) like; then a great forest. | Then there’s Iope, where the stretch great forest = Sharon (Isr.) 16.2.28
of coastline from Egypt makes a significant turn to the north Iope, Jaffa (Isr.)
[ 1 ] Strabo first visited Alexandria (Iskandariya, Egy.) in the early 20s BCE, and was
based t here for much of his life: 101 C, 14-24n; 117 C, 35–118 C, 14n.
[ 2 ] The comment on the low cost of crystalware in Rome is the result of Strabo’s
own observation. He appears to have recently revisited Rome at the time of
writing: 236 C, 13-22n.
865
4.2. Southern Asia
(having hitherto followed an eastward direction). This is the

mythical setting, according to some, of Andromeda’s expo-
sure to the sea monster. The place is sufficiently high that,
people say, Jerusalem—the Judaean metropolis—can be seen
from it. It was used as a port by the Judaeans when they got as
far as the sea. (Seaports belonging to pirates are, obviously,
pirate hideouts.) Carmel also belonged to these people, as did
the forest. Indeed, the place was so populous as to be able to
field forty thousand infantry men from the nearby village of
Iamnia and the settlements around about. Iamnia, Yibna (Isr.)
759 C, 9-18 From t here to Pelusian Casium, it is only slightly more

Pelusian Casium, Ras Qasrun/ than one thousand stades, and three hundred more to Pelu- Pelusium, Tell el-Farama (Egy.)
Khatib el Gals (Egy.)
sium itself. | In between is Gadaris (also expropriated by the Gadaris = territory of Gadara 16.2.29
Judaeans), then Azotus and Ascalon. It is some two hundred Azotus, Tel Ashdod (Isr.)
stades from Iamnia to Azotus and Ascalon. The territory of Ascalon, Ashkelon (Isr.)
the Ascalonians is good for onion growing, but the town is

small. Antiochus, the p hilosopher from slightly before our
times, was from t here. From Gadara are Philodemus the Epi-
curean, Meleagrus, Menippus the satirist, and Theodorus,1
the rhetorician of our times.2 |
759 C, 19-27 Then, nearby, is the harbor belonging to the Gazaeans; 16.2.30
and lying seven stades inland is their city. The city was once city = Gaza, el Ghazze/Gaza
(Gaza)
splendid but was razed by Alexander and remains abandoned.
Alexander the G
reat, late 4th c.
From there, it is said to be a passage of one thousand two BCE
hundred and sixty stades to Aelana, a city at the head of the Aelana, Aqaba (Jor.)
Arabian gulf. The head of the gulf is forked, one gulf (called Arabian gulf, Red Sea
“Aelanites” after the city located on it) leading to the part Aelanites, Gulf of Aqaba/Eilat
in Arabia and Gaza, and the other gulf leading to the Egyp-
tian part at Heroon Polis, with the overland crossing from Heroon Polis = Gulf of Suez
Pelusium to this latter part being shorter. These crossings are

made by camel, through sand and desert. They are home to a
huge number of reptiles. |
759 C, 28-33 After Gaza is Rhaphia, where there was a battle between Rhaphia, Tel el-Sheikh 16.2.31
Suleiman/Rafah (Gaza)
Ptolemy the fourth and Antiochus the G reat. Then t here’s
“Rhinocolura” (Noses-cut-off), which got its name from the origi- Rhinocolura, el Arish (Egy.)
nal settlers t here, men whose noses had been lopped off. A
certain Ethiopian,3 invading Egypt, did not kill malcontents
but instead cut off their noses and allowed them to settle
there, on the basis that their shameful aspect would prevent
them from being bold enough to cause further trouble. |
[ 1 ] Strabo conflates the Gadara (Umm Qeis, Jor.) that is the home of Philodemus,
etc., with the Gadara (Tell Jezer, Isr.) after which the region of Gadaris is named.
Strabo’s account of this area is rife with name conflation: 755 C, 9-13n.
[ 2 ] The expression “rhetorician of our times” could equally be translated as “our
rhetorician,” suggesting that Strabo in some sense follows Theodorus’s system
of public speaking. For competition between different systems of speaking:
625 C, 1-15. Cf. “our Zeno” (784 C, 20-30); “our philosophers” (753 C, 11-12n).
[ 3 ] I.e., an Ethiopian ruler (probably female): 770 C, 31–771 C, 4; 786 C, 15-19; 820 C,
15–821 C, 11.
866
Syria
759 C, 33–760 C, 10 The entire stretch of coast starting from Gaza is of poor 16.2.32
quality and sandy; and the stretch thereafter is even more so,
with lake Sirbonis, lying inland roughly parallel to the sea, Sirbonis, Sabkhat el Bardawil
(Egy.)
leaving a narrow passage between, as far as what is called
the “Ecregma” (Outlet), some two hundred stades in length
and with a maximum width of fifty. The Ecregma has been
blocked up. Then t here’s another contiguous stretch—the
stretch to Casium and thence to Pelusium—of the same qual- Casium, Ras Qasrun/Khatib el
Gals (Egy.)
ity. | Casium is a dry and sandy hill forming a promontory. It 16.2.33
Pelusium, Tell el-Farama (Egy.)
is where the body of Pompey Magnus (Pompey the Great) lies, and
there’s a temple to “Casian” Zeus; and nearby is where Mag-
nus was treacherously slaughtered by the Egyptians. Then
there’s the road to Pelusium, on which is situated Gerrha, and Gerrha, ?Tel Mahmudiyeh (Egy.)
what is called the “Palisade of Chabrias,” and the pits toward

Pelusium formed by the overflow of the Nile, the area having
natural hollows and marshes.1
760 C, 11 Such is Phoenicia.2
760 C, 11-16 Artemidorus says that to Pelusium from Orthosia is three Pelusium, Tell el-Farama (Egy.)
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early thousand six hundred and fifty stades, if you hug the coast; from Orthosia, Khan ard Artuşi (Leb.)
1st c. BCE)
Cilician Melaena (or Melania), near Celenderis, to the border
between Cilicia and Syria, one thousand nine hundred; thence to the
Orontes, five hundred and twenty; then one thousand one hundred
and thirty to Orthosia.3 |
760 C, 17-23 The western end of Judaea toward Casium is occupied by Casium, Ras Qasrun/Khatib el 16.2.34
Gals (Egy.)
JUDAEA Idumaeans and by the lake.4 The Idumaeans are Nabataeans
Israel, West Bank, Jordan
who, driven out from there by civil strife, went over to the from there = from Nabataea
their customs = Nabataean Judaeans and imparted a share of their customs to those people. those people = Judaeans
customs
On the seaward side, much of it is occupied by Sirbonis5 and
by the territory contiguous with it as far as Jerusalem. (This,
too, is toward the sea: it has been said that it can be seen from
the seaport of Iope.)6 This is the northern side.
760 C, 23-31 There are many individual parts, inhabited by tribes of
mixed descent that are blended from the Egyptian, Arabian,
and Phoenician nations. Such are the inhabitants of Galilaea, Galilaea = Galilee (Isr.)
Hiericus, Philadelphia, and Samaria (whose name Herod Hiericus, Jericho (W. Bk.)
changed to “Sebasta”). Despite this mixing, the most widely Philadelphia, 'Amman (Jor.)
accepted of the credible reports about the temple in Jeru- Samaria/Sebasta, Sebastiya
(W. Bk.)
salem states that the progenitors of the p eople now called
“Judaean” w ere Egyptian. | For Moses, an Egyptian priest, 16.2.35
possessing a part of the territory called . . . * being unhappy
[ 1 ] 741 C, 25–742 C, 3nn. give Melaena as the terminus and to present its correct spelling; and possibly
[ 2 ] 756 C, 22–760 C, 10. to correct some of the distance figures. Strabo’s two separate citations of the
[ 3 ] Strabo cites the same passage from Artemidorus earlier (669 C, 32–670 C, 8n), same passage of Artemidorus well illustrate how free-form his citations can be.
for the same stretches of coast. In the e arlier citation, the stretches are listed Cf. 829 C, 1-11n.
in the order they appear for a sailor traveling anticlockwise around the Med. [ 4 ] Strabo has earlier (759 C, 33–760 C, 10) called this lake “Sirbonis” (Sabkhat el
Sea. Here, at 760 C, 11-16, after first giving the stretch from Pelusium to Orthosia, Bardawil, Egy.).
Strabo reverses the order for the stretches from Cilician Melaena to Orthosia, [ 5 ] Strabo now applies the name “Sirbonis” to a different lake (Dead Sea) (763 C,
listing them in the order in which they appear for a sailor traveling clockwise. 24-33). Strabo’s account of this region is rife with name conflation: 755 C, 9-13n.
Strabo’s second citation of Artemidorus may be intended to correct the im- [ 6 ] 758 C, 31–759 C, 9.
pression given e arlier that Artemidorus uses Celenderis as the terminus; to
867
4.2. Southern Asia
there = Egypt with the situation, left there and came here; and many wor- here = Judaea
shippers of the divine accompanied him.

760 C, 31–761 C, 8 In his teaching, he said, the Egyptians are not correct to de- he = Moses
pict divinity with images of wild and domesticated animals, nor are
the Libyans, nor are the Greeks correct in giving divinity a h uman
form. For “god” is one thing alone, including all of us people and the
land and the sea, what we call “heaven” and “cosmos” and “physical
reality.” What sensible man would dare to make of this an image
resembling anything with which we are familiar? People should leave
image making b ehind. Marking out a precinct with an important
inner sanctum, they should engage in worship without the help of a
statue; rather, they should spend the night t here on their own behalf
(and other men with auspicious dreams should spend the night there
on behalf of o thers). Men who live in an upright and just manner
should always expect to receive a blessing from god and a gift—always
at least a sign—but o thers should not expect it. |
761 C, 9-17 With such statements, this fellow won over not a few men this fellow = Moses 16.2.36
of good sense and led them away to the place where currently
Jerusalem is located. He took this place easily, as it was not
a desirable spot nor one that anyone would be keen to fight
over, given that it is rocky and, although itself well supplied
with water, has poor and waterless territory on its perim-
eter and, within that for a distance of sixty stades, a rocky
substratum. At the same time, he relied for defense not on
weapons but on sacraments and divine power, believing that
it was worth seeking out a place for this and promising that
he would deliver the type of worship and sacramental ritual
that does not trouble its practitioners with high costs, divine
frenzies, or other weird things.
761 C, 18-30 This fellow was well regarded, and he established for his This fellow = Moses
people no ordinary form of government. All those from

around about happily complied with him b ecause he engaged
them in dialogue and offered inducements. | His successors 16.2.37
stayed the course for a while, acting honestly and being god-
fearing in the true sense of the word. Then the priesthood
was assumed, at first by men who were overly fearful of god,
then by men who were tyrannical. Out of fear of god, there
arose abstinences from foods that are still the custom today;
male and female circumcision; and other such customs. Out
of tyranny, t here arose bands of robbers. Some men seceded
868
Syria
and were a scourge on the territory and the neighboring ter-

ritory, too. Others acted in concert with the government and
seized the property of others, overrunning much of Syria and
Phoenicia. People nevertheless retained a certain regard for
their acropolis: they did not loathe it as a tyrant’s residence
but exalted and honored it as a temple. |
761 C, 31–762 C, 17 This is natural. It is something that is shared by Greeks 16.2.38
and non-Greeks since, being members of a state, they live

according to a shared commandment. If it w ere otherwise,
it would not be possible for the p eople to act in unison nor
to cooperate with each other (which is what it means to be-
long to a state) nor to share their lives in any other sense.
The commandment is of two types—emanating either from
gods or from man. In antiquity, people prioritized and exalted
commandments emanating from the gods. In consequence,
there was many an oracle-consulter who ran to Dodona to
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) learn from a lofty oak tree the counsel of Zeus—treating Zeus as
Citations of Euripides (5th c. his adviser—or to Delphi, anxious to find out whether the son who
BCE)
had been left out to die / was no longer alive. The son himself, desir-
ing to learn his parentage, set off / for the house of Phoebus. To the
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) Cretans, Minos was king, conversing e very nine years with g reat
Plato (late 5th–4th c. BCE) Zeus—Minos who, according to Plato, went up to the cave of
Zeus every nine years and received from him commandments, which
he delivered to his people. Lycurgus, who emulated Minos, used
to do the same t hing. He traveled abroad, frequently it seems,
and asked the Pythia what announcements he should make to
the Lacedaemonians. |
762 C, 18-30 These t hings, w hatever degree of truth they contain, 16.2.39
had been given credence by men and had been normal-

ized. Therefore prophets, too, w ere revered to such an
extent as to be deemed worthy of kingship, in that they
transmitted to us commandments and correctives received
from the gods—not only in life but also after death, as in
Citation of Homer (8th c. BCE) the case of Tiresias, to whom, though he was dead, Persephone
granted a mind: / he alone is conscious, while the others are fleet-
ing shadows. Such were Amphiareos, Trophonius, Orpheus,
Musaeus, and the “god” among the Getans (once upon a
time, Zamolxis,1 a Pythagorean; in our times, Decaeneus,
who prophesied for Byrebistas); among the Bosporenans,
Achaïcarus; among the Indians, the Gymnosophists;
[ 1 ] 297 C, 28–298 C, 12; 304 C, 7-11n.
869
4.2. Southern Asia
among the Persians, the Magi and necromancers and, fur-

thermore, what are called “lecanomancers” (dish-diviners)
and “hydromancers” (water-diviners); among the Assyrians,
the Chaldaeans; and among the Romans, the Tyrrhenian
astrologers.
762 C, 30–763 C, 5 Moses was such a man as this, as also his successors, who
were not bad to start with but degenerated. | By the time 16.2.40
Judaea was clearly a tyranny, the first man to declare him-

self “king” instead of priest was Alexander. His sons w ere
Hyrcanus and Aristobulus. When they quarreled over their
kingdom, Pompey arrived, overthrew them, and demolished Pompey, Roman commander,
conquered Judaea, 63 BCE
their fortifications, in particular taking Jerusalem itself by
force. Jerusalem was a rocky and well-defended fort—well
supplied with w ater inside, totally dry outside—with an ex-
cavated trench sixty feet deep, two hundred and fifty feet
wide. (The turrets on the temple wall had been built from
the quarried stone.) It is said that he took it after waiting
for the day of fasting, on which the Judaeans used to abstain
from all work; he filled in the trench and laid gangplanks
across it.
763 C, 5-10 So, he gave o rders that all the fortifications be razed, and he = Pompey
he destroyed as many pirates’ lairs, and tyrants’ treasuries,

Machaerus, Mekawer (Jor.)
as possible. Two of them—Threx and Taurus—were located Threx, ?Tel el'Aqabeh (W. Bk.)
Philadelphia, 'Amman (Jor.)

on the passes leading to Hiericus. O thers w
ere Alexan- Alexandrium, Sartaba (W. Bk.)
Scythopolis, Beisan Beth Shean

drium, Hyrcanium, Machaerus, Lysias, t hose in the region Hyrcanium, Khirbet Mird (W. Bk.)
(Isr.) of P hiladelphia, and Galilean Scythopolis. |
763 C, 11-23 Hiericus is a plain surrounded by a mountain ridge . . . * Hiericus, Jericho (W. Bk.) 16.2.41
and oriented something like an amphitheater with respect

to it. Here is the Phoenicon (Palm grove), with an admixture of
other cultivars and fruit trees but with a preponderance of
date palms. The grove is one hundred stades long, all of it
crossed with streams and packed with dwellings. There is a
royal residence h ere, as well as the Balsam Garden. Balsam is a
shrub, similar to cytisus and terminthus, with an aromatic smell.
People make incisions in the bark and collect the juice—which
is like thick milk—in jars. Kept in shell-size cups, it hardens;
it is a wonderful remedy for headaches, early-stage cataracts,
and failing vision. It therefore fetches a good price (as well as
because it is grown only h ere). The Phoenicon is similar, with
the caryotic palm grown only here (except for the Babylonian
870
Syria
region and the region farther east of it). It therefore brings

in a g
reat deal of revenue. P eople use wood-balsam, too, as
an aromatic. |
763 C, 24-33 Lake Sirbonis is very large (some say it is one thousand Lake Sirbonis, Dead Sea (Israel, 16.2.42
Jordan, W. Bank)
stades in perimeter), but as it stretches parallel to the coast, it
amounts to little more than two hundred stades in length; it is
deep at the sides, with water so heavy as to render swimming
unnecessary—rather, a bather who goes in up to his belly but-
ton is immediately buoyant. The lake is full of asphalt, which
erupts at irregular intervals from the central depths, accom-
panied by a bubbling, as if the w ater w
ere boiling. The lake’s
surface, taking on the appearance of a hill, bulges upward.
Carried up with the asphalt is a great deal of soot—smoky but
invisible to the eye—which tarnishes copper, silver, and every
shiny metal, even gold.
763 C, 33–764 C, 8 For the p eople who live round about, the tarnishing of
their metalware is a sign that the asphalt is about to rise.
They prepare for its collection by constructing rafts out of
reeds. Asphalt is an earthy solid. Liquifying when heated, it
erupts upward and outward. It changes back into a solid—
tough enough to require cutting and chopping—when sub-
jected to cold, such as the cold temperature of the lake w ater.
It then stays on top of the lake b ecause of the properties of
the water, in accordance with which, as I noted, swimming is
unnecessary and a bather entering the water does not sink but
is buoyed up. The people, sailing out in their rafts, chop the
asphalt up and take as much of it as they possibly can. | Such 16.2.43
are the facts of the matter.

764 C, 8-17 Posidonius says, the p eople are wonder-workers who make a
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) show of using urine and other smelly liquids as charms, which they
pour over the asphalt and squeeze out to solidify it, then break it up
(unless perhaps this r eally is a quality of urine, just as in the
bladders of those who suffer from stones, and just as chryso-
colla is formed from the urine of c hildren). It is understand-
able that the occurrence takes place in the m iddle of the lake,
because the source and bulk of the fire and asphalt is in the
middle. The eruptions are irregular b ecause the fire has no
regular pattern of activity that we can discern, as in the case of
many other exhalations. Such phenomena are also observed
at Apollonia in Epirus.1 |
[ 1 ] 316, 20-30.
871
4.2. Southern Asia
764 C, 18-27 Many other proofs of the territory’s vulcanicity are ad- 16.2.44
duced: people point to the burnt and jagged rocks in the

Moasada region, the cavities everywhere, the ashy earth, the Moasada, Masada (Isr.)
drops of pitch that trickle down smooth rock faces, the bad
odor of rivers detectable from far away, the buildings here
and t here that have been upended. In consequence, people
believe the local gossip, that thirteen cities t here w ere once
inhabited; the metropolis of these was Sodom, and the area
centered on it was preserved for a distance of sixty stades or
so; because of earthquakes, and volcanic eruptions of fire
and hot, asphalt-bearing, sulfurous w aters, the lake burst
its bounds, rocks w ere vulcanized, and as for the cities, some
were engulfed, although people escaped from others if they
had the capacity to flee.
764 C, 27-29 Eratosthenes says, in contrast, that the territory, having been
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) covered by water, was laid bare for the most part by a Thessalian-style
outrush of water.1 |
764 C, 29-31 In Gadaris, also, the lake water is foul: 2 livestock that drink 16.2.45
it lose their wool, hooves, and horns.

764 C, 31-32 At what are called “Taricheae” (Fish factories), the lake pro- Taricheae, Mejdel (Isr.)
vides excellent fish for preserving; 3 and fruit trees, similar to

apple trees, grow there.
764 C, 33 The Egyptians use asphalt for preserving corpses. |
764 C, 34–765 C, 11 Pompey trimmed off some of what the Judaeans had forc- 16.2.46
ibly expropriated, and awarded the priesthood to Hyrcanus.

Later, Herod (one of the f amily, and a local man) crept his way
into the priesthood. Herod so surpassed his predecessors,
especially in his diplomatic efforts and his political dealings
with the Romans, as to acquire the title of king: this author- Herod was awarded his royal
title, 40 BCE; died, 4 BCE
ity was bestowed on him in the first instance by Antony and
later by Augustus Caesar. As for his sons, he himself did away
with some of them, on the grounds that they w ere conspiring
against him, but the others he left as his successors and di-
vided the inheritance between them. Caesar honored Herod’s Herod’s sons: Archelaus, was
exiled, 6 CE; Antipas and Philip
sons, Herod’s s ister Salome, and Salome’s d aughter Berenice. are tetrarchs at the time of
The sons did not, however, turn out well. Accusations were writing, each ruling over a
subdivision of Herod’s kingdom
made against them. One of them lived out his life in exile
after taking up residence among the Gallic Allobrigans. The
others, despite strenuous lobbying, scarcely made a come-
back, each being awarded a tetrarchy. |
[ 1 ] The theory was that the Thessalian plain (Greece) had been covered by an
inland sea, which then broke through the surrounding mountains, causing an
outrush of water and exposing what had previously been the seabed: 430 C,
9-15.
[ 2 ] “Gadaris” may h ere be the territory of Gadara (Umm Qeis, Jor.), in which case
the lake water to which Strabo refers is that of Gennesaritis (Sea of Galilee),
mentioned by Strabo earlier (755 C, 6-9). For Strabo’s conflation of two places
called “Gadara”: 759 C, 9-18n. There is a third “Gadara” (Tell Jadur, Jor.) north
of the Dead Sea. If Strabo’s “Gadaris” h ere refers to this third Gadara, the lake
water to which he refers may be that of the Dead Sea.
[ 3 ] The “lake” to which Strabo here refers is Gennesaritis (Sea of Galilee).
872
Arabia
Arabia (s. + w. Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, s. Israel,

Sinai, Bahrain, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Yemen, Oman)
765 C, 12-21 Above Judaea and Coele Syria,1 to the south as far as Babylonia 16.3.1
and the Euphrates riverlands, is Arabia in its entirety,2 except

for the Scenitae (Tent-dwellers) in Mesopotamia.3 Mesopotamia
and the nations living t here have already been described.4 As
for the area beyond the Euphrates, on the one hand, the parts
near the river’s outlets are inhabited by Babylonians and by the
Chaldaean nation (these, too, have already been described).5 On Chaldaean nation, s. Iraq,
Kuwait
the other hand, regarding the parts that come a fter Mesopota-
mia as far as Coele Syria, the section next to the river and next
to Mesopotamia is in the possession of Scenitae (Tent-dwelling)
Arabs:6 they are distributed into small chiefdoms, live in places
made inhospitable by lack of water, practice no agriculture (or
only a little) but herd all types of animals, particularly camels.
765 C, 21-26 Above these people is a huge desert. The area farther south
BLESSED ARABIA is occupied by the inhabitants of what is called “Blessed Ara-
Saudi Arabia, s. Jordan, Oman,
Yemen, Gulf States bia.” Its northern side is formed by the said desert; its east-
ern side by the Persian gulf; its western side by the Arabian Arabian gulf, Red Sea
gulf; its southern side by the great sea outside these two gulfs, Erythra, Arabian Sea/Indian
called in its entirety the “Erythra.” | Ocean
Persian Gulf (coast of Iran, s. Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia,

Bahrain, Qatar, UAE + Oman)
765 C, 27–766 C, 6 The Persian gulf is also called the “Persian sea.” The following 16.3.2
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) is what Eratosthenes says about it.7 He says, the mouth is so nar-
row that, from Harmoza 8 (the promontory that is part of Carma- Harmoza, ?Ras Kunari (Iran)
nia), it is possible to see the promontory among the Macaeans (part Macaeans (part of Arabia), UAE,
Oman
RIGHT-HAND (NE.) COAST OF of Arabia). From the mouth, the right-hand coastline—being
PERSIAN GULF
Iran curved—initially heads slightly eastward from Carmania,
then northward and, a fter that, westward, as far as Teredon
and the outflow of the Euphrates. It includes the coastlines outflow of Euphrates, s. Iraq
belonging to Carmanians, Persians, Susians, and Babylonians,

respectively, over a distance of some ten thousand stades. (I
have already spoken of these.)9 Returning from there back to
the mouth, the distance is the same again, according, he says, he = Eratosthenes
Eratosthenes cites
Androsthenes (late 4th c. BCE) to the statements of Androsthenes of Thasos, who sailed as part of
Nearchus’s fleet and also sailed along the Arabian shore on his own
[ 1 ] For the meaning of “Coele”: 336 C, 33-36n. For “Coele Syria”: 756 C, 16-18n.
[ 2 ] Strabo’s concept of Arabia is based on Eratosthenes’s 4th sphragis: 85 C, 6-13.
[ 3 ] Scenitae (Tent-dwellers) in Mesopotamia (e. Syria, se. Turkey, n. Iraq): 747 C,
24–748 C, 24.
[ 4 ] 746 C, 14–748 C, 19.
[ 5 ] 739 C, 9-28 (esp. 739 C, 12-14).
[ 6 ] Scenitae (Tent-dwelling) Arabs west of Euphrates (cen. Syria): 748 C, 20-24;
749 C, 8-13; 753 C, 13-19.
[ 7 ] 765 C, 29–766 C, 36.
[ 8 ] Origin of present-day name “Straits of Hormuz” (Iran, Oman).
[ 9 ] 726 C, 18–744 C, 9.
873
4.2. Southern Asia
account. It is consequently clear that this sea is only slightly this sea = Persian Gulf
smaller than the Euxine sea. Euxine, Black Sea
766 C, 6-19 He says that this individual, who sailed with a fleet around the this individual = Androsthenes
Eratosthenes cites coast of the gulf, claims that, “as you voyage onward from Teredon
Androsthenes (late 4th c. BCE)
with the mainland on your right, you come to an island—Icarus—off Icarus (island), Failaka (Kuwaiti
island)
the coast and on the island a t emple sacred to Apollo and an oracle
oracle, center for divine
ARABIAN COAST OF belonging to Tauropolus.” | After coasting along Arabia for a prophecy
16.3.3
PERSIAN GULF
s. Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, distance of two thousand four hundred stades, you reach, in
Bahrain, Qatar, UAE + Oman a deep bay, the city of Gerrha, consisting of Chaldaean refu- deep bay, ?Jubayl Harbor
(Saud.)
gees from Babylon. Their land is salty, and their houses are
Gerrha, ?Thaj (Saud.)
made of salt. Since the burning heat of the sun c auses flakes
of salt continually to peel off their h ouses, they frequently
sprinkle the houses with water to keep the walls intact. The
city is two hundred stades from the sea. The Gerrhaeans trade
Aristobulus (late 4th c. BCE) in Arabian goods, largely overland, although Aristobulus says
the opposite: the Gerrhaeans conduct much of their trade by raft
to Babylonia, and convey their wares from t here up the Euphrates to Euphrates r. (in present-day
Thapsacus; then head off overland in all directions to trade them. | Syr.)
766 C, 20-24 As you sail farther on, there are other islands—Tyrus and Tyrus (island), Bahrain 16.3.4
Aradus—which have temples similar to Phoenician ones. The Aradus (island), Muharraq
(Bahraini island)
inhabitants of the islands claim that the Phoenician islands
and cities of the same name were colonized by them!1 These
islands are a ten-day sail from Teredon and a one-day sail Macaean headland, Ras
from the headland among the Macaeans at the mouth. | Musandam (Oman)
766 C, 25-32 Nearchus and Orthagoras state that lying out to sea, two thou- 16.3.5
Nearchus, Orthagoras sand stades south of Carmania, is the island of Tyrina, on which a huge
(late 4th c. BCE)
mound, planted with wild date palms, is identified as the tomb of Ery-
thras; this man was the king of the region and left the sea named a fter
He = Eratosthenes him. He says, these things were explained to them by Mithropastes (son
of Arsites, the satrap of Phrygia), who, having fled from Darius, lingered Darius, king of Persia (late 4th c.
BCE), defeated by Alexander
a long time on the island and, having met with them when they sailed
into the Persian gulf, requested that they give him passage back home. |
766 C, 33-36 All along the Erythran shore, trees grow on the seabed. Erythran shore = coast of Persian 16.3.6
Gulf, Arabian Sea
Similar to laurel trees and olive trees, they are wholly visible
at low tide, while at high tide they are at times completely
covered—even though the mainland has no trees, which
makes it all the more peculiar.
767 C, 1-2 The foregoing, then, is what Eratosthenes said about
the Persian gulf,2 which, as I said, forms the eastern side of
Blessed Arabia.3 |
[ 1 ] Phoenician Tyrus (es-Sur, Leb.): 756 C, 22–757 C, 16. Phoenician Aradus (Rouad,
Syr.): 753 C, 29–754 C, 27. Cf. 42 C, 24-33n; 784 C, 12-20n.
[ 2 ] 765 C, 29–766 C, 36.
[ 3 ] 765 C, 21-26.
874
Arabia
767 C, 3-14 Nearchus says that Mithropastes met up with them in the com 16.3.7
Nearchus (late 4th c. BCE) pany of Mazenes;1 Mazenes was the ruler of one of the islands in the
Persian gulf; the island was called “Doracta”; Mithropastes fled to Doracta, ?Queshm (Iranian
island)
this island and was treated as a guest there a fter his departure from
Ogyrus; he accompanied Mazenes with a view to joining up with the
Macedonian fleet; Mazenes also became the navigator for the voy-
age.2 He says, too, that, at the start of the voyage along the Persian He = Nearchus
coast, there is an island, on which t here is a great quantity of very

valuable pearls; on other islands, there are gemstones of the shiny and
translucent type; on the islands at the mouth of the Euphrates, trees
grow that smell of frankincense, and when their roots are snapped,
juice oozes out; there are monstrous crabs and sea urchins (a common
phenomenon throughout the entire outer sea), the former being big- dicotylae, having a 2-cup
ger than a “causia” 3 and the latter being “dicotylae”; and he saw a volume
beached whale m easuring fifty cubits! | 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
767 C, 15-21 The beginning of Arabia, starting from Babylonia, is 16.4.1
marked by Mesene. From this territory, the Arabian des- Mesene, s. Iraq
ert stretches out in one direction; in another direction are Chaldaean marshes, s. Iraq,
the Chaldaean marshes, created from the overflow of the Kuwait
Euphrates; in another direction is the Persian sea. Although it it = Mesene

has a terrible climate—with fog, rain, and scorching heat—it
is nevertheless very fertile. Vines are grown in the marshes,
with soil piled on top of wicker mats, just as much as the plant
needs, so that when, as often happens, the soil gets carried
away, it can be pushed back into its proper place with poles. |
767 C, 22-30 I return to the statements made next by Eratosthenes con- 16.4.2
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) cerning Arabia.4 He says that, as concerns the northern desert part
(which is between Blessed Arabia and territory of the Coele Syrians 5
and Judaeans, as far as the recess of the Arabian gulf), from Heroon Arabian gulf, Red Sea
Polis (i.e., the recess of the Arabian gulf near the Nile) to Nabataean Heroon Polis, Gulf of Suez
Petra is . . . * stades, and from Petra to Babylon is five thousand Nabataean Petra, Wadi Musa
(Jor.)
six hundred [stades], all of it in the direction of the summer sunrise,
summer sunrise = northeast
through a series of Arabic nations—the Nabataeans, Chaulotaeans,
and Agraeans.
767 C, 31–768 C, 6 Above these is the Blessed, stretching out twelve thou-
BLESSED ARABIA sand stades southward to the Atlantic sea. The first to oc- Atlantic sea = Indian Ocean
Saudi Arabia, s. Jordan,
Oman, Yemen
cupy it, coming a fter the Syrians and Judaeans, are p eople
who practice agriculture. After them, the soil becomes sandy
and poor, with a few date palms, the prickly-thorn, and the
tamarisk; water is from wells, as in Gedrosia; and the territory
[ 1 ] The following version of the Mithropastes story differs from the one just given
(766 C, 25-32). The latter is part of a section of narrative (765 C, 27–766 C, 36)
derived from Eratosthenes. It is possible that Strabo is now directly citating
Nearchus, in order to correct Eratosthenes’s mis-citation of “Nearchus and
Orthagoras” (766 C, 25-32). The loss of the relevant works by Eratosthenes,
Nearchus, and Orthagoras makes verification impossible.
[ 2 ] Macedonian use of local navigators: 725 C, 22-32; 732 C, 2-6.
[ 3 ] A causia is a type of Macedonian hat, presumably used as a volume measure.
[ 4 ] 767 C, 22–769 C, 19.
16-18n.
875
4.2. Southern Asia
is occupied by camel-herding scenitae (tent-dwelling) Arabs. The

extreme southern parts, rising opposite Ethiopia, are watered rising opposite = on the same
parallel as
by summer rains; as in India, crops are sown twice a year; and
its rivers spend themselves in plains and lakes. In addition to
being generally bountiful, there is an abundance of honey;
there is plenty of livestock (although not horses, asses, or
pigs), and t here are all sorts of birds (although not geese or
hens).
768 C, 7-14 The four largest nations inhabit the aforesaid most ex-
SOUTHERN ARABIA treme territory. The Minaeans live in the part t oward the
Yemen
Erythra; their largest city is Carna (or “Carana”). Bordering Erythra, Red Sea
these are the Sabaeans, whose metropolis is Mariaba. Third Carna, Qarnawu (Yem.)
are the Cattabanians, who extend to the strait and the cross- Mariaba, Ma'rib (Yem.)
ing point of the Arabian gulf; their royal capital is called
“Tamna.” Farthest east are the Chatramotitans, and their city Tamna, Hajar Kuhlan (Yem.)
is Sabata. | All the cities are ruled by a monarch and blessed Sabata, Shabwah (Yem.) 16.4.3
with prosperity, having beautifully designed t emples and

royal quarters. The h ouses are like Egyptian ones in the way
the wood is interlocked.
768 C, 14-20 The four jurisdictions occupy a territory greater than the
Egyptian Delta. The throne does not pass from father to son
but is inherited by whichever son of the nobility is born first
after the appointment of the king. As soon as someone is ap-
pointed to rule, they keep a record of all the pregnant wives of
the nobility and station guards over them. The custom is that
the son of whichever w oman is the first to give birth is taken
and raised in the royal manner, as the future heir. |
768 C, 21-26 Cattabania produces frankincense; Chatramotitis pro- 16.4.4
duces myrrh. T hese and other aromatics are exchanged with

merchants. T hese reach them from Aelana in seventy days
(to Minaea): Aelana is the city in the second (Gazan) recess Aelana, Aqaba (Jor.)
Aelanites gulf, Gulf of Aqaba/ of the Arabian gulf, called “Aelanites,” as I have said.1 The
Eilat
Gerrhaeans reach Chatramotitis in forty days. Gerrhaeans = from Gerrha,
?Thaj (Saud.)
Arabian Gulf, Trogodyte Coast, and Coast of Cinnamonland

(Red Sea coast of Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Jordan, s. Israel, Sinai,
Egypt, Sudan, Eritrea + coast of Djibouti and Somalia)
768 C, 27-34 With regard to the Arabian gulf, for t hose starting their voy-
age from the Aelanites recess, the Arabian side measures Aelanites recess, Gulf of Aqaba/
Eilat
fourteen thousand stades, as was recorded by those associ-
[ 1 ] 759 C, 19-27.
876
Arabia
ated with Alexander and Anaxicrates1 (although a higher

Trogodyte side = w. seaboard figure has been noted).2 As for the Trogodyte side, which
of Red Sea
is on the right for those leaving Heroon Polis, it is a nine- Heroon Polis = Gulf of Suez
thousand-stade sail to the south and slightly to the east, as far

as P tolemaïs and the Elephant Hunt, and some four thousand Ptolemaïs, ?Aqiq/?Trinkitat
(Sud.)
five hundred [stades] in a more easterly direction from t here to
straits, Bab el-Mandeb the straits.
769 C, 1-7 A headland called “Deira,” and a small town with the same Deira (headland), Ras Siyan
(Djib.)
name, form the straits with Arabia. The inhabitants are ich-
thyophagi (fish-eaters). People say that there is a stone tablet there
commemorating Sesostris the Egyptian and recording his
crossing in sacred script. It appears that he first conquered
Ethiopian and Trogodyte territory, then crossed over into
Arabia, and from t here attacked all of Asia, which explains
why t here are, in many places, entrenchments called “Sesos-
trian” and replicas of temples sacred to Egyptian gods.
769 C, 7-12 The straits at Deira contract to sixty stades. T hese are straits at Deira, Bab el-Mandeb
not, however, what are currently called the “Straits.” If you

sail farther on, where the distance between the two sides is
some two hundred stades, the space is occupied by six islands,
one a fter the other, with extremely narrow channels between
them where merchandise is traded back and forth by raft.
These channels are what people call the “Straits.”
769 C, 13-17 The onward voyage from the islands—following the coast
of Smyrnophorus 3 in a southerly and easterly direction as far Smyrnophorus, Djibouti, nw.
Somalia
as the country that produces cinnamon—is some five thou-
country that produces
sand stades. P eople say that no one has yet voyaged beyond cinnamon = Cinnamomophorus,
this country and that there are not many cities on the coast ne. Somalia
but a large number of well-established ones in the interior.

769 C, 18-19 The foregoing is what Eratosthenes says about Arabia.4 I
must add what is said by other writers.5 |
769 C, 20–770 C, 2 Artemidorus says, the promontory on the Arabian side, oppo- 16.4.5
TROGODYTE COAST site Deira, is called “Acila”; t hose living around Deira are “colobi” 6 Acila, Khor Ghurayrah (Yem.)
Red Sea coast of Egypt, Sudan,
(mutilated) at the tip of the penis. If you sail from Heroon Polis along Heroon Polis = Gulf of Suez
Eritrea + coast of Djibouti and
Somalia the Trogodyte coast, you come to the city of “Philotera,” named after
the sister of Ptolemy the second and founded by Satyrus, who was sent
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early to explore the Elephant Hunt and Trogodyte country; then to another
1st c. BCE) Arsinoe, Kum el-Qolzum/Suez
city, Arsinoe; then to streams of hot, bitter, salty water, descending (Egy.)
from a high cliff and flowing into the sea (and nearby t here’s a Myus Hormus/Aphrodite
mountain, Miltodes, in a plain); then to Myus Hormus (Mouse Harbor, ?Quseir al-Qadim (Egy.)
[ 1 ] “Those associated with Alexander and Anaxicrates” is idiomatic, meaning

simply Alexander and Anaxicrates. Radt (vol. 8, commentary on 768, line 28f.)
suggests Alexander of Myndus (1st c. BCE) and Anaxicrates (?3rd c. BCE). No
work by e ither man is now available.
[ 2 ] 35 C, 12-20; 100 C, 24-34.
[ 3 ] Lit., “Myrrh-bearing [country]”: 773 C, 29–774 C, 5n.
[ 4 ] 767 C, 22–769 C, 19.
[ 5 ] 769 C, 20–779 C, 18.
[ 6 ] For the colobi: 771 C, 22–772 C, 11; 772 C, 32–773 C, 4; 776 C, 4-13. Cf. “bodily
mutilation” at 773 C, 29–774 C, 5.
877
4.2. Southern Asia
harbor),1 which is also called “Aphrodite Harbor,” a large harbor with
a twisting entrance, in front of which lie three islands—two islands

olive trees = mangroves shaded with olive trees, one island less shaded and full of guinea fowl;
then, next in succession, to Acathartus (Foul) Bay, which, like Myus Acathartus Bay, Umm el-ketef
(Egy.)
Hormus, is alongside the Thebaïs and really is “foul,” for it is dis-
turbed by rocks and reefs below the surface and by winds that gener-
ally come down from above; situated h ere, deep in the bay, is the city Berenice, Bender el-Kebir/
of Berenice. | Medinet el-Haras (Egy.)
770 C, 3-13 After this bay comes an island, called “Ophiodes (Snaky) Is- Ophiodes Island, Jazirat 16.4.6
Zabarjad (Egy.)
land” because of the facts of the matter. The king freed the
island of snakes, both b ecause of the harm done by the l ittle
beasts to sailors when they anchored there and because of the
topaz. Topaz is a translucent gemstone that sparkles with a
golden light, difficult to see by day (when it is outshone) but
visible at night by those who gather it—marking it with an
upturned bowl, they dig it up during the day. T here used to be
a body of people appointed to the job of guarding and gath-
ering t hese gems, maintained at the expense of the Egyptian
sovereigns. | After this island, there are many tribes of ichthy- 16.4.7
ophagi (fish-eaters) and nomads; then Sotira (Deliverance) Harbor, Sotira Harbor, ?Port
Sudan/?Suakin (Sud.)
which certain leaders named thus after the facts of the matter,
when they w ere saved from great danger.
770 C, 13-27 After these, there’s a major change in the coastline and
bay: the coast that you sail along is no longer rough, and it
almost connects with Arabia; the sea is as l ittle as two orguiae 1 orguia = 6 ft.
deep, and its surface is grassy, and seaweed and sea wrack are
visible through it; this is even more the case in the channel,
where trees grow under the water among the plants there.
The channel also has a large number of sea dogs. Then come
the Tauri (Bulls), two mountains that, from a distance, look
like those animals; then another mountain with a temple
dedicated to Isis, one of Sesostris’s replicas; 2 then an island,
olive trees = mangroves flooded by the sea and full of olive trees; after the island,
Ptolemaïs-by-the-Elephant-Hunt, founded by Eumedes, Ptolemaïs, ?Aqiq/?Trinkitat
(Sud.)
who was sent by Philadelphus on a mission to the Hunt and
Ptolemy Philadelphus ruled
clandestinely enclosed a peninsula with a ditch and a wall, Egypt, 283/282–246 BCE
then courted t hose who objected and made them into friends
rather than enemies. | In between is the outflow of one branch 16.4.8
of the river called “Astaboras,” which starts in a lake and flows Astaboras, Atbara r.
along one branch out to sea and along the other into the Nile.
[ 1 ] The word translated as “mouse” can also mean a type of shellfish or fish.
[ 2 ] Replicas—attributed to Sesostris—of Egyptian temples: 769 C, 1-7.
878
Arabia
770 C, 27-31 Then there are six islands called the “Latomiae”; after
that, what is known as the “Sabaitic” mouth; inland, a for-
tress, founded by Tosuchus; then a harbor called “Elaea” and
Strato’s Island; then a harbor, Saba, and an elephant-hunting
ground of the same name.
770 C, 31–771 C, 4 The territory deep inland from these is called “Tenessis.”
It is occupied by the Egyptians exiled by Psammetichus and
known as Sembritae (which means “Outsiders”). They are
ruled by a woman, to whom Meroe (an island near to these Meroe, region of Bagrawiya
(Sud.)
places, in the Nile) is also subject. Above this (not far away)
is another island in the river, a settlement of these same fugi-
tives. The journey from Meroe to this sea takes fifteen days
for a well-equipped person.
771 C, 5-12 In the Meroe region, the Nile is joined by the Astaboras, Astaboras, Atbara r.
the Astapus, and also by the Astasobas. | Living along these Astapus, White Nile/Bahr el 16.4.9
Abiad
rivers are the rhizophagi (root-eaters) and heliae (marsh-people), so
Astasobas, Blue Nile/Bahr el
called because they cut roots from the marsh alongside them, Azraq
pound them with stones, and form them into patties, which
they bake in the sun and then eat. These locations act as feed-
ing grounds for lions. In the days coinciding with the rising of
the Dog Star,1 the lions are driven out of these places by large
mosquitoes. Nearby are the spermophagi (seed-eaters), who, when
seeds are not available, live off acorns, which they prepare in
the same way as the rhizophagi prepare roots.
771 C, 13-21 After Elaea come the “Lookouts of Demetrius” and the
“Altars of Conon.” In the interior, a g reat quantity of Indian Indian reed = bamboo
reed grows; the territory is called “Coracius’s territory.” Deep

inland, t here was a certain “Endera,” which was lived in by
people who w ere lightly clad, whose bows w ere made of reed,
and whose arrows w ere hardened by fire. The p eople usu-
ally shoot animals from trees but sometimes also from the
ground. There is a great quantity of wild oxen among them.
They live on the meat of these and other wild animals; when
they don’t catch anything, they roast dried animal skins over
coals and make do with such food as that. Their habit is to
hold archery contests for their prepubescent boys.
771 C, 22-30 After the Altars of Conon comes Melinus Harbor. Inland
from this is the “Fort of Coraus,” as it is called, and “Coraus’s
Hunt,” and another fort and several hunting grounds. Then
there is Antiphilus’s Harbor; and inland from the harbor, the
[ 1 ] The “rising of the Dog Star” denotes July: 691 C, 34–692 C, 9n.
879
4.2. Southern Asia
creophagi (meat-eaters), who are colobi (mutilated) at the tips of their

penises,1 and whose w omen are circumcised in the Jewish way.
| Still farther inland from these, and south of them, are the 16.4.10
cunamolgi (dog-milkers), who, with their long hair and beards, are
called by the locals agrii (savages). They rear dogs of quite some
size and use them to hunt the Indian c attle, which, impelled
by wild beasts or lack of pasture, come from the neighboring
territory. The c attle arrive from the summer solstice u ntil the
middle of winter.
771 C, 31–772 C, 11 Next a fter Antiphilus’s Harbor comes a harbor called
the “Grove of the colobi (mutilated ones)”;2 the Sabaean city of
Berenice; Sabae, a considerable city; then Eumenes’s Grove. Sabae, ?Assab (Eritrea)
Inland, t here’s the city of Darada and an elephant-hunting

ground called “By-the-Well.” The elephantophagi (elephant-eaters)
live t here, conducting the hunt as follows. When, from up in
the trees, they catch sight of a herd as it moves through the
forest, rather than attacking the herd, they secretly approach
any stragglers from behind and hamstring them. Some hunt-
ers kill the elephants with arrows smeared with snake venom.
The operation of the bow requires three men. Two hold the
bow, putting their feet against it; the other one draws the
bowstring. Other hunters mark trees against which elephants
are accustomed to rest; approaching from the opposite side,
they slice into the tree trunk. When the elephant comes up to
lean against the trunk, the tree falls down, and the elephant
with it. Since the elephant is unable to get back up, because
its legs have a continuous bone without a joint, the hunters
leap down from the trees and cut it up. The nomads call the
hunters acatharti (unclean ones). |
772 C, 12-21 Inland from t hese is the not very large nation of struthophagi Inland = in Sudan, ?present-day 16.4.11
Ethiopia
(bird-eaters). They have birds that are the size of deer and inca-
pable of flight, although like ostriches they can run at great

speed. Some men hunt the birds with bows and arrows.
Others cover themselves in the flayed skins of the birds; put-
ting their right hand in the neck portion, they move it around
in the same way that the birds themselves move their necks,
and with the left hand, they scatter seed from a pouch at their
side; by this method they lure the birds en masse into ravines;
up on the sides stand men who use logs they have cut to rain
down blows on the birds. They wear the hides of these birds
[ 1 ] See 769 C, 20–770 C, 2n.

[ 2 ] See 769 C, 20–770 C, 2n.
880
Arabia
for clothing and lie u nder them as blankets. The Simi (Snub-
nosed), as they are called—Ethiopians who use oryx horns as
their weapons—are at war with t hese people. |

772 C, 22-31 Near t hese p
eople are the acridophagi (locust-eaters), blacker 16.4.12
than the others, shorter, and also shorter-lived. They rarely

attain more than forty years of age since they suffer from in-
festations of the flesh. They live off locusts, which are driven
into these regions by the forceful springtime blasts of the
Libes and Zephyrs. The p eople pile smoking wood into gul- Libes, south winds
lies and let it smolder, for a short time . . . *; for the locusts, as Zephyrs, west winds
they fly over the smoke, are blinded and fall down. The people
chop the locusts up and mix them with salt to form patties,
which they eat. Inland from t hese p eople is a large desolate
region. Although rich in pasture, it was deserted because of
the huge number of scorpions and venomous spiders, called
tetragnatha (four-jaws), that at one time overran the place and
resulted in its complete depopulation. |
772 C, 32–773 C, 4 The stretch from Eumenes’s Harbor to Deira and to the Deira, Ras Siyan (Djib.) 16.4.13
straits with their six islands is inhabited by ichthyophagi (fish-

eaters), creophagi (meat-eaters), and colobi (mutilated ones),1 who ex-
tend into the interior. There are several elephant-hunting

grounds and insignificant cities and little islands just off the
coast. The p eople are mostly nomads; a few engage in agricul-
ture, and no small amount of styrax is grown by some of these.
773 C, 4-12 The ichthyophagi harvest fish at low tide, lay them out on
rocks, and bake them in the sun. Then, a fter boning the fish
and putting the skeletal parts aside in a pile, they tread the
flesh and form it into patties, which are baked a second time
in the sun and eaten. In the winter, when fishing is not possi
ble, they chop up the skeletal parts that have been set aside in
piles, mold them into patties, and use them as food; and they
suck on them when fresh. Some of them eat fleshy shellfish,
which they keep in rock pools and seawater cisterns, throwing
minnows to them as food and eating them when fish are scarce.
773 C, 12-22 They also have all sorts of fish hatcheries, which are care-
fully husbanded. Some of those who inhabit the waterless
coastline head inland for five days for w ater, in h ousehold
groups, making a g reat song and dance about it. Prostrating
themselves, they drink like c attle u ntil their stomachs swell
up like drums. Then they head back to the coast. They live
[ 1 ] 769 C, 20–770 C, 2n.
881
4.2. Southern Asia
in caves or in enclosed spaces roofed with beams and r afters

made from the bones and skeletal parts of giant fish and with
foliage from olive trees. | The chelonophagi (turtle-eaters) make olive trees = mangroves 16.4.14
shelters for themselves out of turtle shells, which are so big

that people sail in them. Some of them dig into the large hilly
mounds of washed-up seaweed and make their homes under
these heaps. They throw out their dead—who are picked up
when the tide is high—as food for the fish.
773 C, 23-28 With regard to the islands, three of them, lying in a row,
are called “Chelonon” (Turtle [island]), “Phocon” (Seal [island]),
and “Hieracon” (Falcon [island]). The entire coastline, not only
the coastline inside the straits but much of the outer coast,
has palm trees, olive trees, and laurel trees. There is also a olive/laurel trees = mangroves
Philippus Island; opposite that, inland, is what is called “Py-

thangelus’s Elephant Hunt.” Then comes Arsinoe (city and
harbor) and, after that, Deira. Inland from the latter, there Deira, Ras Siyan (Djib.)
are elephant-hunting grounds.

773 C, 29–774 C, 5 Following on from Deira is Aromatophorus.1 The first first part = Smyrnophorus,
Djibouti, nw. Somalia
AROMATOPHORUS part, which belongs to ichthyophagi (fish-eaters) and creophagi
Djibouti, Somalia
(meat-eaters), produces myrrh; it also produces persea and the
Egyptian mulberry. Inland is Lichas’s Elephant Hunt. There

are pools of rainwater here: when they dry up, the elephants
use their trunks and teeth to dig wells and find water. Along
this stretch of shoreline, to Pytholaus’s Promontory, there
are two considerable lakes: one has salt water and is called a
sea; the other has fresh w ater and nurtures hippopotami and
crocodiles, and papyrus reeds grow along its margin. In this
region, the ibis is also seen. The p eople in the vicinity of Py-
tholaus’s headland are, finally, free from bodily mutilation.2
774 C, 6-18 After t hese places comes Libanotophorus. Here, there’s Libanotophorus, n. Somalia
a headland and a t emple with a poplar grove. In the interior

is a riverland called “of Isis,” and another called “the Nile,”
both of them with myrrh and frankincense growing along
their banks. T here’s also a sort of reservoir, filled with water
from the mountains. After these, there’s Leo’s Lookout;
and Pythangelus’s Harbor. The next stretch has pseudo-
cassia as well. Contiguous with this are several riverlands,
with frankincense along their banks, and rivers, as far as
Cinnamomophorus.3 The river that bounds the latter also Cinnamomophorus, ne. Somalia
produces a g reat deal of reed. Then t here’s another river;
[ 1 ] “Aromatophorus,” meaning “spice-bearing,” is h ere used as a proper name.

Aromatophorus is subdivided into “Smyrnophorus” (Djibouti, nw. Somalia),
lit., “Myrrh-bearing [country],” cf. 769 C, 13-17; “Libanotophorus” (n. Somalia),
lit., “Frankincense-bearing [country],” and Cinnamomophorus (ne. Somalia), lit.,
“Cinnamon-bearing [country],” 774 C, 6-18.
[ 2 ] 769 C, 20–770 C, 2n.
[ 3 ] Lit., “Cinnamon-bearing [country]”: 773 C, 29–774 C, 5n.
882
Arabia
Daphnus’s Harbor; and a riverland called “of Apollo,” pro-

ducing (as well as frankincense) myrrh and cinnamon, with
the latter being more abundant in the deep interior. Then
there’s mount Elephas (Elephant), jutting into the sea; a canal; Elephas, Ras Filuch/el-Fil (Som.)
the large Harbor of Psygmus; what is called “the reservoir of

the cynocephali (hound-heads)”; and Notuceras (Horn of the south), the Notuceras, Ras Guardafui (Som.)
promontory marking the end of this stretch of coastline.

774 C, 18-23 He says that, rounding this promontory and heading south, we He = Artemidorus
no longer have any record of the harbors and places b ecause noth-
ing is known . . . * | There are both stone tablets and altars to 16.4.15
Pytholaus, Lichas, Pythangelus, Leo, and Charimortus along

the known coast from Deira to Notuceras; but the distance Deira, Ras Siyan (Djib.)
along it is not known.

774 C, 23-30 The territory abounds in elephants and in lions known as
myrmeces.1 Their genitals are back to front; they are golden in
color and less shaggy than those in Arabia. The territory also
produces fierce leopards, and rhinos. It is not the case that
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early rhinos are only a l ittle shorter in length than elephants (as Artemi-
1st c. BCE)
dorus says, in a misleading fashion, even though he claims to
have seen them in Alexandria); they are, however, nearly of Alexandria, Iskandariya (Egy.)
the same height, judging from the one observed by me.2 Nor
is it the case that its skin is the color of boxwood, but rather it is
the same color as an elephant.
774 C, 30–775 C, 2 It is the size of a bull, but in shape it most closely resembles It = rhino
a wild boar, particularly in regard to the front part—except

for the snout, b ecause there is a curved horn, harder than any
bone. The rhino uses its horn as a weapon, just as a wild boar
uses its tusks. It has two pads that are draped like serpents’
coils from its back to its stomach—one at the neck, and one
at the lower part of the back. I make t hese statements on the
basis of the rhino that I saw.3
775 C, 3-5 That fellow makes the additional declaration that the That fellow = Artemidorus
beast fights specifically with elephants over pasture, slipping

its head u nder the elephant’s stomach and slashing it, if not
forestalled by the elephant’s trunk and tusks. |
775 C, 6-15 There are also camelopardaleis (giraffes) in t hese regions, 16.4.16
albeit having naught in common with the pardalis (leopard).

The varied coloration of their hide is more reminiscent of the
dappled skin of fawns that is stippled with spots. The hind
parts are so much lower than the foreparts that it appears
[ 1 ] Myrmeces: 705 C, 33–706 C, 11n.

[ 2 ] Possibly observed by Strabo in Alexandria (20 BCE): 719 C, 21-34nn.
[ 3 ] The references to the single horn and the pads mean that Strabo saw an Indian
(rather than an African) rhino. Since Strabo never visited India, the rhino he saw
must have been sent from India: see previous note.
883
4.2. Southern Asia
to be sitting down at its back end, where it has the height of

an ox. Its forelegs are no shorter than a camel’s, but because
its neck rises straight up to a g reat height, its head is much
farther from the ground than that of a camel. Given its un
balanced shape, I believe that the creature’s speed is not as
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early great as Artemidorus said, when he claimed that its speed was
1st c. BCE)
unsurpassed. Neither is it a wild animal, but rather a domesti-
cated one, for it shows no wild traits.
775 C, 16-25 He says, there are sphinxes, “cynocephali” (hound-heads), “cebi,” He = Artemidorus
with the face of a lion but with the body of a leopard and the size of
a gazelle,1 and bulls that are undomesticated and carnivorous, sur-
passing our bulls in size and swiftness, and with a yellowish-red hide.
There’s the hyena, a wolf-dog hybrid according to this fellow.
Metrodorus (2nd–1st c. BCE) (What is said by Metrodorus of Scepsis in his book On Custom
is mythical and is not to be believed of them.) Artemidorus
mentions monstrous snakes thirty cubits long, which overpower el- 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
ephants and bulls. He does not exaggerate. Indian snakes are

rather fantastical,2 as also are Libyan ones, upon which it is
said that grass grows! |
775 C, 26–776 C, 4 The Trogodytes live a nomadic life but are individually 16.4.17
subject to rulers. Women and c hildren are held in common,

except in the case of the rulers: the penalty paid by anyone
who commits adultery with the wife of a ruler is a sheep. They
apply kohl carefully to their eyelids, like w omen, and they
wear small mussel shells around their necks as amulets. They
go to war over grazing lands, fighting with their fists, then
with stones, and—whenever a wound occurs—with arrows
and knives. The women end the conflict by intervening and
pleading with them. Their food is chopped meat and bones,
all mixed up together and put into skins, then baked, and pre-
pared in numerous other ways by cooks whom they call aca-
tharti (unclean ones). Thus, they are not only creophagi (meat-eaters)
but ostophagi (bone-eaters) and dermatophagi (skin-eaters). They also
feed on blood mixed with milk. Most people drink an infusion
made from paliurus, but the rulers drink a honey mixture (the paliurus = a type of thorn
honey being pressed from some type of flower).

776 C, 4-13 It is winter when the Etesian winds blow (since they bring
heavy rain); the rest of the time, it is summer. They go about
lightly clad, wearing skins and carrying clubs. They are not
only colobi (mutilated),3 but they are, some of them, circum-
[ 1 ] “Sphinxes,” cynocephali, and cebi are probably types of apes.

[ 2 ] Strabo has seen a snake from India: 719 C, 29-34n; 706 C, 24–707 C, 9n.
[ 3 ] 769 C, 20–770 C, 2n.
884
Arabia
cized like the Egyptians. The Megabarian Ethiopians put

iron knobs on their cudgels, and they use spears and rawhide
shields; the other Ethiopians use bows and arrows and spears.
Some of the Trogodytes perform burials by binding the neck
of the dead to the feet with branches of the paliurus; imme-
diately thereafter, they have a fine time as they throw stones
(laughing all the while) so as to hide the body from sight; then
they place upon it the horn of a goat and go away.
776 C, 13-17 They travel by night, attaching bells to their male animals
so that the clanging sound wards off wild beasts. They also use
torches, and the bow and arrow, against wild beasts; and they
keep a fireside watch over their animals throughout the night,
singing a certain type of chant. |
776 C, 18-21 After this description of the Trogodytes and the neigh- 16.4.18
boring Ethiopians,1 he proceeds to deal with the Arabs, first he = Artemidorus
those along the Arabian gulf across from the Trogodytes,

starting from Posidium.
776 C, 21-27 He says that this 2 lies deeper inland than the Aelanites recess; He = Artemidorus
ARABIAN COAST following on from Posidium, there’s a date-palm grove with a good Aelanites recess, Gulf of Aqaba/
Red Sea coast of Sinai, s. Israel, Eilat
Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen supply of water; the grove is highly revered, owing to the fact that
all around is hot and lacks water and shade; the grove produces a
marvelous crop of dates. In charge of the grove are a man and a
woman appointed by descent, clad in skins, living on dates.
They build a hut in the trees and sleep there, b ecause of the
hordes of wild animals.
776 C, 28–777 C, 3 Next comes Phocon Island (Seal island), named after the huge Phocon Island, ?Tiran (Saudi
island)
numbers of those creatures. Near this island is a promon-
promontory, ?Ras Mohammed
tory stretching toward Petra (belonging to the Arabs called (Sinai)
“Nabataean”) and toward Palestinian territory, into which Petra, Wadi Musa (Jor.)
territory the Minaeans, the Gerrhaeans, and all their neigh-
bors send cargoes of spices. Then there’s the rest of the coast-
line, which was previously called “of the Maranites” (some of
whom engaged in agriculture, o thers of whom lived in tents)
but is now called “of the Garindaeans,” who treacherously de-
They = Garindaeans, uncertain
stroyed the former. They attacked them as they celebrated location on Sinai Peninsula
some quinquennial festival,3 killing them and shamelessly them = Maranites, uncertain
location on Sinai Peninsula
mistreating the other attendees.
Aelanites gulf, Gulf of Aqaba/
777 C, 4-15 Then there’s the Aelanites gulf; and Nabataea, a populous Eilat
territory, rich in pasture. The p eople also live on islands near
Nabataea, s. Israel, Jordan,
the shore. They were formerly peaceable, but then they took Saudi Arabia
[ 1 ] 769 C, 20–776 C, 17.

[ 2 ] “This” = Posidium, which should therefore be located somewhere on the Sinai
Peninsula near the head of the Gulf of Suez. Cf. 759 C, 19-27, where the distance
from the head of the Gulf of Suez to the Med. Sea is said to be shorter than the
distance from the head of the Gulf of Aqaba to the Med. Sea.
[ 3 ] “Quinquennial” literally means “held every 5 years.” However, the Greeks and
Romans counted inclusively; we would describe such events as “held e very
4 years.”
885
4.2. Southern Asia
to using boats to plunder people sailing from Egypt. They

paid the price when their land was sacked by a fleet that had
been sent against them. Next, there’s a plain, plentifully sup-
plied with trees and water. It is packed with domestic animals
of all kinds, particularly mules; hordes of wild camels, deer,
and gazelles live there; and it is thick with lions, leopards, and
wolves. Offshore is an island called “Dia.” Then there’s a bay
measuring some five hundred stades, enclosed by mountains
and a mouth that is difficult to enter. Round about it, t here
are men who live by hunting land animals. Then t here are
three uninhabited islands thick with olive trees (not t hose
with which we are familiar but the indigenous trees that we
call “Ethiopian olive trees,” whose sap has medicinal powers).
777 C, 16-24 Next comes a stony beach. A fter this, for a distance of some
one thousand stades, a rugged stretch of shore, where sailing
is made difficult by the lack of harbors and of places to anchor:
a steep, rocky mountain runs along it, then rocky foothills
as far as the sea that spell unmitigated disaster at the time
of the Etesian winds and the concurrent monsoons. Next is
a bay with scattered islands and, after this, three excessively
high banks of black sand. After these comes Charmothas,
a harbor with a perimeter of some one hundred stades, its
narrow entrance spelling danger for any boat. T here is a river
flowing into the harbor, and an island in the middle with
plenty of trees, which could support agriculture.
777 C, 24-30 Then there’s a rugged stretch of shore. A fter that stretch,
there are some bays and territory belonging to nomads whose
lives depend on camels: they use camels for fighting and trav-
eling, and live off their milk and flesh. A river runs among
them that carried down gold dust, but they do not know how
to work it. They are called “Debaeans”: some are nomads, and
others engage in agriculture. Most of the names of these na-
tions I refrain from mentioning, because they are not impor
tant and b ecause they sound so outlandish.
777 C, 31–778 C, 8 Men more civilized than t hese come next, living in a land
with more temperate conditions, being well supplied with
water and receiving plenty of rainfall. These people mine
gold in the form of nuggets (rather than dust) that require
little in the way of refining. The smallest nugget is the size of
a pip, a medium-size nugget is as big as a berry, and the largest
886
Arabia
nugget is the size of a nut. The p eople make strings of nug-

gets by boring holes in them and threading them alternately
with translucent gemstones; and they wear them around
their necks and wrists. They also sell gold to their neighbors
cheaply, exchanging it at a rate of three to one for bronze and
two to one . . . * for silver, on account of their inexperience in
working it and their lack of the exchanged goods, the use of
which is more necessary for living. |
778 C, 9-17 Bordering on them is the exceedingly blessed territory of 16.4.19
the Sabaeans, a very g reat nation. They have myrrh, frankin- Sabaeans, s. Yemen
cense, and cinnamon, and on their coastline they have balsam

and another herb, which has a lovely smell but loses it quickly.
There are also fragrant palm trees, and a reed, and snakes one
span long, reddish in color, whose leap is as long as a hare’s 1 span = 0.75 ft.
and whose bite is deadly. Because t here is such an abundance

of produce, the people are savage and indolent in their life-
style. The majority of the local people go to sleep on beds of
roots, which they have cut from trees; knocked out by the
heady smell, they overcome their torpor by burning incense
made from asphalt and goat beard.
778 C, 17-32 The Sabaean city, Mariaba, sits on a wooded mountain, Mariaba, Ma'rib (Yem.)
with a king who is in charge of legal judgments and other

things. It is not lawful for him to exit the royal residency—if
he does, then the crowd stones him to death on the spot, as
instructed by an oracle. He and his men live in effeminate oracle, instruction from the
gods
luxury. As for the masses, some of them practice agriculture,
while o thers carry on a trade in spices, not only locally grown
ones but also spices from Ethiopia, for which they sail across
the straits in boats made of animal skin. The neighboring
peoples take the goods and relay them on to their neighbors,
in a continuous p rocess as far as Syria and Mesopotamia. Such
is the quantity of spices that, rather than use firewood and
sticks for kindling, the p eople use cinnamon, cassia, and other
spices (the Sabaeans also have larimnum—an extremely fra-
grant incense). T hese people, together with the Gerrhaeans,
are extremely wealthy as a result of the spice trade. They pos-
sess a huge number of items made of gold and silver: couches,
tripods, mixing bowls, along with cups and extravagantly
decorated h ouses (whose doorways, walls, and ceilings are
patterned with inlays of ivory, gold, and silver).
887
4.2. Southern Asia
778 C, 33 This is what he says about them.1 he = Artemidorus
778 C, 33–779 C, 14 In other matters, he says some things that are similar to he = Artemidorus
Eratosthenes, but states other t hings on the authority of diff er

Artemidorus (late 2nd-early ent historical writers: | for example, some writers say that the sea 16.4.20
1st c. BCE) cites Ctesias (late
5th c. BCE) and Agatharcides is “Erythran” (Red) because of the color reflected from it, w hether as a
(3rd–2nd c. BCE) result of the sun being overhead or as a result of the mountains being
scorched red (they h azard both guesses). Ctesias of Cnidus records “a
spring that sends forth an ‘ereuthes’ (red) and ruddle-colored stream
into the sea.” Agatharcides, the fellow citizen of the latter, records on the
authority of one Boxus (of Persian descent) that “when a herd of h orses
was driven by a frenzied lioness as far as the seashore, whence the herd
crossed to an island, a Persian man, Erythras, was the first to assemble
a raft and cross over to the island; when he saw how habitable the island
was, he drove his herd back to Persia and dispatched colonists to this
and other islands off the shore, and named the sea a fter himself.” O thers
state that “Erythras was a son of Perseus and ruled over this area.”
779 C, 14-18 The distance from the straits of the Arabian gulf to the straits, Bab el-Mandeb
far end of Cinnamonland is given by some as five thousand Cinnamonland, Somalia
stades (without distinction as to whether this is southward or

eastward). It is also said that emeralds and beryls are found in
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) the gold mines. The Arabs also have, according to Posidonius,
fragrant salts. |
779 C, 19-21 The Nabataeans and Sabaeans are the first inhabitants of 16.4.21
NABATAEA Blessed Arabia above Syria. They used to make frequent in-
Jordan, s. Israel, Saudi Arabia
cursions into Syria before the advent of the Romans. Now,
they (and the Syrians) are subject to the Romans.2
779 C, 21-27 The Nabataean metropolis is called “Petra” (Rock): the spot Petra, Wadi Musa (Jor.)
where it is situated is flat and level but enjoys the protection of

the surrounding rock face, and though cut sheer away on the
outside, inside it has springs that are unstinting in supplying
water for the cisterns and gardens. Outside this circuit, the
territory consists mostly of desert, particularly toward Ju-
daea. In this direction, it is very near Hiericus, a journey of Hiericus, Jericho (W. Bk.)
three or four days; it is a journey of five days to the Phoenicon.

779 C, 27-35 It is ruled by someone from successive generations of the
royal f amily; and the king has a minister from among his
friends, called his “Brother.” It enjoys extremely good gov-
Athenodorus (1st c. BCE– ernance. At any rate, Athenodorus (a philosopher and friend
contemporary of mine) stayed among the Petraeans and described them in
glowing terms. He said that he found many Romans and many
[ 1 ] “Them” = inhabitants of Red Sea coast (769 C, 20–778 C, 32).

[ 2 ] Cf. 839 C, 26-31: “of all the territory that is subject to the Romans, part is ruled
by kings, and part they hold in their own right . . .” Nabataea is an example of
a “part ruled by kings.”
888
Arabia
other foreigners staying t here and noticed that the foreigners engaged
in frequent lawsuits against each other and against the locals, but
that none of the locals laid charges against each other, living instead
in total harmony with one another. |
780 C, 1-11 We learn a great deal about the distinctive characteris- 16.4.22
tics of their territory from the Roman campaign against the

Arabs, which was undertaken recently in our times u nder the
command of Aelius Gallus.1 Augustus Caesar sent this man Aelius Gallus campaigned
against Arabia, mid-20s BCE
on a quest to find out about these nations and places, as well
as Ethiopian ones, seeing that the Trogodyte territory next Trogodyte territory = Red Sea
coast of Egypt, Sudan, Eritrea,
Arabian gulf, Red Sea to Egypt bordered on them and that the Arabian gulf, which Djibouti, plus n. Ethiopia
separated the Arabs from the Trogodytes, was really narrow.
Augustus’s intent was to e ither establish relations with them
or subjugate them. In addition, they had a reputation for
great wealth, as they had for a long time been selling spices
and precious gemstones for silver and gold, none of which
they ever spent on imported goods. He expected, then, that
either he would win rich friends or conquer rich enemies.
780 C, 11-19 Another factor motivating him was the hope represented him = Augustus
by the friendship of the Nabataeans and their promise of com-

plete assistance. | On this basis, Gallus equipped his fleet, but 16.4.23
Syllaeus, the Nabataean administrator, totally deceived him.

Although Syllaeus promised to show the way, look a fter all
the supplies, and provide assistance, he did everything out
of treachery, recommending routes that were safe neither by
sea nor land, and exposing them to roadless tracts, circuitous
detours, and places devoid of everything, or to rocky coast-
lines lacking harbors or full of underwater reefs and shallows.
The high tides (even in such places as these) and the low tides
caused very great distress.
780 C, 20-28 The first m istake was to build longships, even though
there was not, nor would t here be, war at sea. Arabs are not
very keen on fighting by land (being instead merchants and
traders), let alone by sea. Yet he built no fewer than eighty he = Gallus
dicrota, triremes, and phaseli at Cleopatris, on the ancient canal dicrota, ships with two banks of
oarsmen
from the Nile. Realizing that he had been tricked, he built
triremes, ships with three banks
one hundred and thirty transport carriers, on which he set of oarsmen
sail with around ten thousand foot soldiers—Romans from phaseli, lightweight ships
Egypt and allies, among whom w ere five hundred Judaeans Cleopatris, Kum el-Qolzum/
and one thousand Nabataeans, who accompanied Syllaeus. Suez (Egy.)
[ 1 ] Strabo’s personal relationship with Aelius Gallus: 117 C, 35–118 C, 14nn.
889
4.2. Southern Asia
780 C, 29–781 C, 11 On the fifteenth day, after great hardship and suffering, he
arrived at the g reat trading center of Leuca Coma, in Naba- Leuca Coma, ?Aynunah (Saud.)
taean country. He had lost many ships, some with crew, owing
to the difficulties of the voyage rather than encounters with
the e nemy. This was the result of the treachery of Syllaeus,
who said, “there was no overland route by which an army
would reach Leuca Coma”—although camel traders travel
safely and without problem, out of and into Leuca Coma, on
their way to Petra and back, with such a multitude of men Petra, Wadi Musa (Jor.)
and camels that they differ little from an army. | These t hings 16.4.24
came to pass because the king, Obodas, paid little attention Obodas ruled Nabataea,
30–9 BCE
to affairs of state, especially military affairs—a characteristic
common among all Arab kings—but entrusted everything to
the . . . * of his administrator, Syllaeus; and because this man this man = Syllaeus
arranged everything out of treachery, intending (I suppose)

on the one hand to reconnoiter the territory and along with
the Romans to wipe out some of their cities and nations, and their = of the Arabs
on the other hand to set himself up as lord of all when the

Romans had been eradicated by famine, fatigue, disease, and
everything e lse that he had treacherously contrived.
781 C, 12-16 So, he put in at Leuca Coma with his army already sorely he = Aelius Gallus
afflicted by the local ailments of stomacaca (mouth-disease) and Leuca Coma, ?Aynunah (Saud.)
scelotyrba (lameness of leg), the symptoms of which are paralysis

of the mouth and the legs, respectively, and which are caused
by the water and by the plants. He was forced to stay there
for the summer and the winter while the sick men regained
their strength.
781 C, 16-21 Trading goods are taken from Leuca Coma to Petra,
thence to Rhinocolura, in Phoenicia near Egypt, and thence Rhinocolura, el Arish (Egy.)
to other destinations. (Nowadays, they are generally brought

to Alexandria via the Nile. They are transported from Arabia
and from India to Myus Hormus; then there’s an overland Myus Hormus, ?Quseir el-
Qadim (Egy.)
transfer by camel to Coptus, in the Thebaïs, which is situated
Coptus, Qift (Egy.)
on a canal from the Nile . . . * to Alexandria.)
781 C, 22-28 To resume—Gallus moved his army out from Leuca Coma Leuca Coma, ?Aynunah (Saud.)
and, b ecause of the ineptitude of his guides, passed through

the sorts of places where even w ater was brought in by camel.
It was consequently many days before he arrived at the coun-
try of Aretas (a kinsman of Obodas). Aretas received him in
a friendly manner and gave him gifts, but Syllaeus’s perfidy
890
Arabia
made even that country difficult to travel through. B ecause

of the lack of roads, it took him thirty days to pass through him = Gallus
the territory, which supplied him with grains, a few dates, and
butter instead of olive oil.
781 C, 29–782 C, 8 The next country he came to belonged to nomads, and he = Gallus
much of it was true desert: it was called “Ararene,” and Sabos Ararene, Saudi Arabia, Yemen
was its king. B ecause of its lack of roads, he spent fifty days
traversing it, until he reached the city of Agrana and a ter-
ritory that was both peaceable and prosperous. The king
fled, and the city succumbed to assault. Six days from t here,
he came to the . . . * river. The natives fought a battle t here.
Around ten thousand of them (and two Romans) fell; being
truly unwarlike, they w ere inexperienced in the use of their
weapons—bows and arrows, spears, swords, and slings—and
most of them used two-headed axes. He immediately took the He = Gallus
city called “Asca,” which was abandoned by the king. From Asca, al-Bayda’ in Jawf (Yem.)
there, he came to the city of Athrula, conquering it without a Athrula, Baraqish (Yem.)
struggle, leaving a garrison in it and procuring . . . * of grain

and dates, he came to the city of Marsiaba, belonging to the
Rammanite nation, subject to Ilasarus. He attacked the city
and laid siege to it for six days but gave up for lack of water.
782 C, 8-18 He was a two-day journey away from Aromatophorus, ac- He = Gallus
cording to what his captives said, but he had spent a period

of six months marching this far because of poor guides. He
realized as much when he turned back, belatedly learning of
the conspiracy and going along diff erent routes. On the ninth
day, he reached Anagrana, where the battle had occurred; and Anagrana, Najran (Saud.)
from t here, on the eleventh day, he came to Hepta Phreata

(Seven wells), named after the facts of the m
atter. Immediately
thereafter he reached, via peaceful territory, the village of
Chaalla and another again, Malotha, situated on a river. Then
the march was through a desert, with little in the way of water,
to the village of Egra, which belongs to Obodas and is situ- Egra, al-Wajh/Wadi Hamz
(Saud.)
ated on the sea. He completed the entire march in sixty days
on the way back, although he had spent six months on the
initial march!
782 C, 19-26 He transported his army across from there, arriving at He = Gallus
Myus Hormus on the eleventh day. Then, crossing over the Myus Hormus, ?Quseir el-
Qadim (Egy.)
pass to Coptus along with t hose who could benefit from
Coptus, Qift (Egy.)
Alexandria, Iskandariya (Egy.) being helped, he ended his voyage at Alexandria. He lost the
891
4.2. Southern Asia
r emainder of the men not through enemy action but through

disease, fatigue, starvation, and the wretchedness of the
marches; only seven were killed in b attle. For these reasons,
this campaign did not contribute much to the knowledge of
the region, but it did help a l ittle. Syllaeus, the source of these Syllaeus was killed in Rome,
6 BCE
difficulties, paid the penalty in Rome. Although he had pre-
he = Syllaeus
tended friendship, he was charged with other offenses as well
as this one, and beheaded. |
782 C, 27-30 They divide Aromatophorus (Spice-bearing [country]) into, as I Aromatophorus, s. coast of 16.4.25
Yemen
said, four parts.1 They say that, of these aromata (spices), frank-
incense and myrrh come from trees, while cassia comes from
lakes (some say that most of it is from India); that the best
frankincense is grown near Persia.
782 C, 30–783 C, 4 Following an alternative system, they split all the Blessed
ARABIAN WAY OF LIFE into five kingdoms. One of the kingdoms has the warriors,
who do battle on behalf of everyone; one has the farmers,
from whom grain is supplied to the o thers; one has the arti-
sans. One kingdom produces myrrh, and another produces
frankincense: t hese same kingdoms also produce cassia, cin-
namon, and nard. Livelihoods cannot be exchanged with
others; each man stays in his inherited role.
783 C, 5-22 The wine is generally made from dates. B rothers rank
higher than c hildren. Members of the royal f amily serve as
king, and hold other offices, in order of seniority. Possessions
are held in common among all within a kinship group, with
the oldest being in charge. All share one woman, and the one
who arrives first has sex with her, leaving his staff in front
of the door (custom requires that each man carries a staff );
but she passes the night at the home of the eldest. In con-
sequence, everyone is b rother to everyone! They even have
sex with their m others. An adulterer is punished by death.
(An adulterer is someone from another kinship group.) The
daughter of one of the kings, who was amazingly beauti-
ful, had fifteen b
rothers, who all desired her and therefore
visited her at home unceasingly, one after another. Finally,
exhausted, she resorted to the following stratagem. She had
staffs made like t hose belonging to her b rothers; when one
of the brothers left her place, she always put a staff like his
in front of her door, and a little later another staff, and then
another, her aim being that the next visitor would not have a
[ 1 ] Strabo adds to his previous statements (768 C, 7-26, where he never actually
calls the territory in question “Aromatophorus”). For a different “Aromatopho-
rus”: 773 C, 29–774 C, 5n.
892
Arabia
staff like it; once, when all the brothers happened to be in the
marketplace, one of them approached her door and saw the
staff; from that, he surmised that someone was with her, but
since all the brothers w ere in the marketplace, he suspected
an adulterer; running to his father and dragging him along,
he was shown to have falsely accused his sister! |
783 C, 23–784 C, 2 The Nabataeans are prudent, and so acquisitive that the 16.4.26
state punishes t hose who diminish their wealth and rewards

those who increase it. Having few slaves, they are generally
waited upon by members of their f amily, or by each other, or
they look after themselves, a habit that applies even to kings.
They take their meals in common, thirteen p eople at a time.
There are two musicians at each drinking party. The king
holds many such parties in a huge hall. No one drinks more
than eleven cups, in one golden mug after another. The king
is such a populist that, as well as serving himself, he also serves
others! He is subject to frequent public audit; sometimes his
lifestyle, too, is subject to scrutiny. The houses are elaborately
built with stone; the cities need no walls b ecause of the peace.
Much of the territory is productive, but no olives are grown
(they use sesame instead). The sheep have white wool; the
cattle are large. The territory does not support horses; camels
serve in their place.
784 C, 2-11 People go out with no tunics, in loincloths and light slip-
pers, even the kings—although the kings wear purple. Some
goods are wholly imported, o thers partly so, in the sense that
they are also domestically produced—for example, gold, sil-
ver, and many spices. Not domestically produced are copper
and iron, also purple raiment, styrax, saffron, costaria, metal-
work, painting, and sculpture. Corpses are treated like dung
Heraclitus (6th–5th c. BCE) (as Heraclitus says, corpses are to be thrown out, even more than
excrement), and consequently even their kings are buried next
to dung heaps. They worship Sun, building their altars on the
roof, where they pour daily libations and burn frankincense. |
784 C, 12-20 When the poet says, I came to the Ethiopians, the Sidonians, 16.4.27
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) and the Erembians, t here is controversy as to whether one
should understand by “Sidonians” certain inhabitants of
the Persian gulf, from whom “our” Sidonians are colonists “our” Sidonians = inhabitants of
Sidon, Saida (Leb.)
(just as p
eople record that certain “Tyrians” and “Aradians”
were inhabitants of the islands there, and say that our own there = in Persian Gulf
893
4.2. Southern Asia
are colonists from these people);1 or whether one should

understand the Sidonians themselves. There is even greater
interest in w hether one should understand by Erembians the
“Troglodytes”2 (Dwellers-in-holes), as it is taken by those who
force its meaning etymologically from eran embainein—that
is, g oing into the earth; or w hether one should understand
the “Arabs.”
784 C, 20-30 Our Zeno transcribes it thus: the Sidonians and the climata, bands of latitude
Zeno (4th–3rd c. BCE) and Arabs. Posidonius writes (more compellingly, and with less
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c.
BCE) suggest emendations to
textual alteration) the Sidonians and the Arambians, on the
Homer’s Odyssey (8th c. BCE) grounds that the poet used this name for the p eople now
called “ Arabs,” as did others of his time. He says that the three
nations situated here, one a fter the other, display kinship with each
other and are therefore called by the related names “Armenians,”
“Aramaeans,” and “Arambians.” Just as it is possible to suppose that
there was a division into three nations from one nation, in accordance
with the gradations of climata, which successively change, so they use
several names instead of one name. Those who write Eremnians
(Blacks) are not compelling, since that is more appropriate for
the Ethiopians (Burnt-faced).

784 C, 30–785 C, 5 The poet writes, too, of the Arimans. Posidonius says that
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) we should not take this as a reference to some place within Syria (or
within Cilicia or any other country) but to Syria itself, on the grounds
that her inhabitants are “Aramaeans.” Perhaps the Greeks called
them “Arimaeans” or “Arimans.” T here are many instances of
name shifts, particularly with respect to indigenous names.
They called Darieces “Darius”; Pharziris “Parysatis”; Athara
Ctesias (late 5th c. BCE) “Atargatis” (and Ctesias calls her “Derceto”).
785 C, 6-12 One might take Alexander as witness to the blessed lot of Alexander the G
reat, late 4th c.
BCE
Arabia if, as they say, he proposed to make it his royal resi-
dence a fter his return from India. All his plans were brought
to nothing by his sudden death. This was one of his plans,
either through voluntary a cceptance or, if not through vol-
untary a cceptance, by war. When he saw that they sent him
no embassies—not early on, not l ater—he made preparations
for war, as I have mentioned earlier.3 |
785 C, 13-19 In traversing Arabia, I included the Persian and Arabian gulfs, Arabian gulf, Red Sea 17.1.1
which compress Arabia and make it a peninsula. Certain parts
[ 1 ] Strabo earlier mentions speculation that Mediterranean Tyrus (es-Sur, Leb.) and
Aradus (Rouad, Syr.) were colonies from Tyrus (Bahrain) and Aradus (Muharraq,
Bah.) in the Persian gulf (766 C, 20-24).
[ 2 ] Strabo seems to suggest (here, and earlier, at 42 C, 2-9) that the spelling “Trog-
lodyte” arose from a desire to identify t hese people semantically with Homer’s
Erembians. See 42 C, 2-9n.
[ 3 ] 741 C, 1-24.
894
Nile Region
of Egypt and Ethiopia were incorporated in the description,

namely the parts belonging to the Trogodytes and to the
nations after them as far as the end of Cinnamonland.1 It is Cinnamonland, Somalia
Strabo segues from his necessary to deal with the remaining region,2 which is con-
description of Arabia to his
description of the Nile region tiguous with these nations—namely, the Nile region. I will
tackle Libya later,3 which is what remains of my description
of the entire world.4 |
Nile Region (Egypt, Sudan, South Sudan, Ethiopia)
785 C, 20–786 C, 9 We must here lay out the statements made by Eratosthenes.5 17.1.2
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) He says that the Nile is nine hundred, or a thousand, stades west of
the Arabian gulf; it is similar in its morphology to a reversed letter Arabian gulf, Red Sea
“N.” For, he says, it flows from Meroe northward for approximately Meroe, Bagrawiya (Sud.)
two thousand seven hundred stades; then it turns and heads south and
southwest for approximately three thousand seven hundred stades;
when it is virtually opposite the Meroe region6 and well into Libya, it
makes another turn northward and flows for five thousand three hun-
dred stades to the Great Cataract (swerving slightly eastward), then Great Cataract, in Sudan
one thousand two hundred stades to the Lesser Cataract at Syene, Lesser Cataract at Syene, Aswan
(Egy.)
then the remaining five thousand three hundred stades to the sea.
786 C, 9-15 The Nile is joined by two rivers, flowing from certain lakes
certain lakes in the east, ?Tana l. in the east and enclosing the huge island of Meroe. The river island of Meroe = region of
(present-day Ethiopia) Bagrawiya (Sud.)
on the eastern side is called the “Astaboras”; the other river is
Astaboras, Atbara r.
called the “Astapus.” But some people call it the “Astasobas,”7
Astapus/Astasobas, Blue Nile/
claiming that the Astapus is a separate river, flowing out of Bahr el Azraq
certain lakes in the south, certain lakes in the south, and that it pretty much forms the Astapus, White Nile/ Bahr el
?Albert l. (Uganda, DRC)/
?Victoria l. (Uganda, Kenya, straight-line shape of the Nile,8 and that the summer rains Abiad
Tanzania) cause this river to flood.
786 C, 15-19 Seven hundred stades above the juncture of the Astaboras and city of Meroe, Bagrawiya (Sud.)
Strabo continues his citation of the Nile, there’s the city of Meroe, having the same name as the is-
land. There’s a second island above Meroe, inhabited by the Egyp-
tian fugitives who rebelled from Psammetichus. These p eople are
called Sembritae, which means “Outsiders.” They are ruled by
aw oman and are subject to those in Meroe.9
786 C, 19-26 As for the stretch farther downstream from Meroe on
side of Nile toward
either bank, on the one hand, along the side of the Nile Erythra = side toward Red Sea;
toward the Erythra, there are Megabarians and Blemmyans, i.e., on e. bank of Nile
[ 1 ] Trogodytes and Cinnamonland: 768 C, 27–776 C, 17. [ 5 ] Strabo’s account of the Nile region, like his account of Ethiopia, is based on
[ 2 ] I.e., the region “remaining” to complete Strabo’s description of s. Asia, as out- Eratosthenes’s 4th sphragis: 85 C, 6-13.
lined at 685 C, 6-10, and of the land west of the Euphrates, as outlined at 736 C, [ 6 ] The sense is “when it is as far south again as the parallel that runs through the
13–737 C, 2. Meroe region.”
[ 3 ] Libya (= Africa): 824 C, 26–839 C, 9 (chap. 5). [ 7 ] Including Strabo: 771 C, 5-12; 821 C, 26–822 C, 3.
[ 4 ] I.e., what “remains” of Strabo’s description of the entire world, as outlined at [ 8 ] For the importance of this straight line in determining the shape of Libya
126 C, 24–131 C, 26. (= Africa): 825 C, 5-10.
[ 9 ] I.e., queens of Meroe (770 C, 31–771 C, 4).
895
4.2. Southern Asia
who, although they border on the Egyptians, comply with the

Ethiopians (and along the coast t here are Trogodytes—the
Trogodytes opposite Meroe are a ten-or twelve-day journey
from the Nile). On the other hand, the area on the left bank
of the Nile is inhabited by the Nubians of Libya, a large nation
that stretches from Meroe up to where the river bends, not
classified as subject to the Ethiopians but divided into several
separate kingdoms.
786 C, 26-27 The coastal stretch in Egypt measures one thousand three
Pelusian mouth, Tell el-Farama
hundred stades from the Pelusiac mouth to the Canobic (Egy.)
mouth. | Canobic mouth, nr. Abukir (Egy.)
786 C, 28-29 While this is what Eratosthenes says,1 it must be expanded 17.1.3
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) on, in the first place as concerns the region of Egypt, so that I
can proceed from what is better known to what comes next.2
786 C, 30–787, 5 The Nile produces the same effects in this territory and in this territory = Egypt
EGYPT the territory adjacent to and above it belonging to the Ethio-

Nile region of present-day
Egypt pians. The Nile irrigates them when its water level is high,
leaving habitable only the part that is underwater at the time
of the floods, and leaving completely uninhabitable the part
consisting of high ground, above river level, past which it flows
on either side, and which is deserted on account of this lack of
water. The Nile does not flow through all of Ethiopia, nor is it Ethiopia = s. present-day Egypt,
Sudan, South Sudan
the only river, nor does it flow in a straight line, nor through
territory that is well settled; whereas it does flow as the only
river through all of Egypt, and in a straight line, starting from
the Little Cataract above Syene and Elephantine—which Little Cataract, Aswan (Egy.)
mark the boundary between Egypt and Ethiopia—until its

outlets into the sea.
787 C, 5-11 The lives of Ethiopians are mostly nomadic and poor,
on account of the miserable quality of their territory, the
extreme nature of their climate, and their remoteness from
us. The opposite is true of the Egyptians. Their lives have
been politically well o
rganized and civilized from the very
beginning. They live in places that are familiar, with the con-
sequence that their social structure is recorded and admired,
seeming to make good use of the blessed qualities of their
territory, through careful apportionment and stewardship.
787 C, 12-17 Appointing a monarch, they divided the p eople into three they = Egyptians
groups, called “soldiers,” “farmers,” and “priests,” with the

latter having responsibility for sacred m atters, the o thers
[ 1 ] 785 C, 20–786 C, 27, with insertions by Strabo.

[ 2 ] Egypt: 786 C, 30–819 C, 29; 823 C, 8–824 C, 21. Ethiopia: 819 C, 33–823 C, 8.
896
Nile Region
for h uman m atters, some working at military activities and

some at peacetime activities concerned with land and trade
(and from t hese, tax revenue accrued to the monarch). The
priests practiced philosophy and astronomy and consorted
with the monarchs.
787 C, 18-29 The territory was divided in the first place into districts:
ten in the Thebaïs, ten in the Delta region, and sixteen in the
intervening region. According to some, the total number of
districts equaled the number of chambers in the Labyrinth
(but these numbered fewer than thirty). The districts under-
went further partitioning: most were divided into toparchiae,
and t hese into further subdivisions, the smallest units being
the arourae. Divisions of such minute precision w ere rendered
necessary by the continual confusion of boundaries wrought
by the Nile at the time of its flooding, when it diminished,
increased, and changed the shape of areas, and generally ob-
scured the signs dividing one’s own property from that of an-
other man. It was necessary to m easure and remeasure, time
and time again, which p eople say was the origin of geometry,
just as logic and mathematics originated with the Phoenicians
because of commerce.1
787 C, 29-30 The population within each district is divided in three
(just like the population as a w hole), its territory being di-
vided into three equal parts.
787 C, 31–788 C, 9 The monitoring of the river is so good that it trumps na-
ture through diligence. By nature, the better the land is irri-
gated, the more crops it bears; by nature, the larger the river’s
rise, the more land it irrigates. However, diligence triumphs
when nature comes up short, so that even when flood levels are
low, just as much land is irrigated as when flood levels are high,
owing to the system of canals and dams. In the time before
Petronius, the crop yield was greatest and the flood level high- C. Petronius was prefect of
Roman Egypt, mid-to late
est when the Nile rose fourteen cubits; 2 when it rose only eight 20s BCE
cubits, famine ensued. When Petronius governed the terri-
tory, even though the Nilometer registered a flood level of only
twelve cubits, the yield was at its highest; once when the flood
level reached only eight cubits, no famine was experienced.
788 C, 10 Such is its structure.3 I will now deal with the following. |
788 C, 10-21 The Nile flows north in a straight line from the Ethiopian 17.1.4
border to the spot known as “Delta.” It then splits at the apex,
[ 1 ] 757 C, 16-27.
[ 2 ] 1 cubit = 1.5 ft. The cubit used in this particular calculation may, however, have
been the Egyptian cubit (10–15% larger than the Greek cubit).
[ 3 ] 787 C, 12–788 C, 9.
897
4.2. Southern Asia
Plato (late 5th–4th c. BCE) as Plato says, meaning that it makes this place function as the
apex of a triangle; it makes the two streams that result from
the split (flowing on e ither side down to the sea—the right-
hand branch to the sea at Pelusium, the left-hand branch to Pelusium, Tell el-Farama (Egy.)
the sea at Canobus and nearby “Heraclium,” as it is called) Canobus/Heraclium, Abukir

(Egy.)
function as the sides; and it makes the coast between Pelu-
sium and Heraclium function as the triangle’s base. The result
is an island—formed by the coast and the two branches of
the river—called the “Delta” because it resembles that shape. Delta = Greek letter Δ
(The spot at the apex has the same name because it sits at the
head of the aforementioned area—the village on this spot is
called “Delta.”)
788 C, 22-28 These—the one called “Pelusiac,” the other both “Cano-
bic” and “Heracleotic”—are two of the Nile’s mouths. Between
them, there are further outlets, five of them noteworthy, and
several of them of lesser significance. Many offshoots branch
off from the upper reaches, spreading out over the whole
island and creating so many channels and islands that it is
navigable in its entirety: canal is cut upon canal, and it is so
easy to sail in them that some people use vessels made of
earthenware!
788 C, 28–789 C, 5 The circumference of the entire island is three thousand
stades. P eople call the island, together with the river plains
facing the Delta, the “Lower Territory.” At the time of the
Nile’s flooding, the island is all covered with floodwater, ex-
cept for the settlements where p eople live. T
hese are located
on natural hills or man-made mounds, and are cities and vil-
lages of some significance, island-like when seen from a dis-
tance. The floodwaters remain for more than forty days in the
summer; then, just as is the case when they rise, they gradually
recede; in the space of sixty days, the plain is uncovered and
dries out again. The sooner the drying out, the sooner the
plowing and seeding (sooner still when the heat is greater).
789 C, 6-12 The upper reaches above the Delta are irrigated in just
the same way, apart from the fact that the river flows in a
straight line for some four thousand stades through only one
channel—except where some island intervenes (the most
significant island contains the Heracleote District) or where
there is some diversion generally by means of canal into a large
lake and territory, which it can irrigate (e.g., in the case of the
898
Nile Region
diversion that w aters the Arsinoite District and the lake of lake of Moeris, Birket Qarun (Egy.)
Moeris, and in the case of those that feed into the Mareotis). Mareotis, Mariout l. (Egy.)
789 C, 13-22 In short, only the riverland on e ither side of the Nile is
“Egypt”: it spreads out only rarely as much as three hundred
stades, in terms of its continuously inhabited width, start-
ing from the Ethiopian border up to the apex of the Delta. It
has been likened—if one ignores its longer diversions—to a
swaddling band . . . * lengthwise. The shape of the aforemen-
tioned riverland, and its territory, is the result of the moun-
tain ranges on e ither side that stretch from the Syene region Syene, Aswan (Egy.)
to the Egyptian sea. T hese ranges approach and recede from Egyptian sea = Med. Sea
each other, and proportionally the river narrows and expands,
creating variations in the shape of the inhabitable territory.
The territory beyond the mountains is uninhabited for a g reat
distance. |
789 C, 23-32 Men of ancient times surmised largely through conjecture, 17.1.5
and men of more recent times through their own observa-

tions, that the Nile’s flooding was caused by the summer rains
that drenched upper Ethiopia, particularly its farthermost upper Ethiopia = Sudan, Eritrea,
present-day Ethiopia
mountains, and that when the rains ceased, the floodwaters
gradually receded. This was particularly obvious to men
who sailed the Arabian gulf as far as Cinnamonland, or were Arabian gulf, Red Sea
sent t here to hunt elephants—or w hatever e lse impelled the Cinnamonland, Somalia
Ptolemaic kings of Egypt to dispatch men thither. Such were
the matters that these kings pondered, particularly the one
surnamed “Philadelphus,” who loved intellectual inquiry and
who, on account of his bodily infirmity, was always looking for
new and p leasurable pastimes.
789 C, 32–790 C, 8 The kings of olden times did not concern themselves at all
with such matters, although both they and the priests with
whom they spent most of their lives were addicted to wis-
dom. This is surprising not only for the reason stated but also
because Sesostris invaded the whole of Ethiopia as far as Cin-
namonland: stone tablets and inscriptions are pointed out
to this day as commemorations of his campaign. Also, Cam
byses occupied Egypt and proceeded as far as Meroe with the
Egyptians. It is said that he gave, to both island and city, its Meroe city, Bagrawiya (Sud.)
name, since “Meroe”—his sister or, according to others, his Meroe island = region along
Nile between Atbara r. and Blue
wife—died there. To honor the woman, he favored it with Nile/Bahr el Azraq
her name.
899
4.2. Southern Asia
790 C, 9-21 It is therefore surprising, given this background, that the rain
theory was not perfectly obvious to men of that time, especially
when the priests w ere rather zealous in recording in their sacred
writings and handing down to posterity evidence of their very
advanced learning! If anything, the question to be asked (and
still asked, even now) was why the rains fall in the summer and
not in the winter, and why they fall in the southernmost parts
and not in the Thebaïs and the Syene region. It was necessary
neither to ask w hether the flooding was the result of rainfall nor
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) to list witnesses, as Posidonius does. He claims that Callisthenes
cites Callisthenes (late 4th c.
BCE), who cites Aristotle (4th c. says that the cause is the summer rains, Callisthenes using Aristotle as
BCE), who cites Thrasyalces his source, Aristotle using Thrasyalces of Thasos (one of the ancient
(?5th c. BCE), who cites an
unnamed source, who cites physicists), Thrasyalces using someone e lse, that person using Homer,
Homer (8th c. BCE)
who calls the Nile “heaven-fed,” in “back to Egypt, heaven-fed river.”
790 C, 22-28 Let me, however, leave t hese m atters aside, as they have
been discussed by many men. It will suffice to mention only
Eudorus, Ariston (?1st c. BCE) two of them, Eudorus and Ariston the Peripatetic, who both
wrote, in our times, the book On the Nile. Apart from the struc-
ture, everything else they say is the same in terms of style and
argument. (I, not having access to their mutual allegations of
copying, compared one work with the other. Which one passed
the other’s work off as his own? You would find the answer in
Ammon’s temple! Eudorus blamed Ariston, but the style was
rather Aristonian.)
790 C, 29–791 C, 9 Men of ancient times gave the name “Egypt” only to the
part that was inhabited and that was irrigated by the Nile,
making it start in the region of Syene and g oing to the coast. Syene, Aswan (Egy.)
Men of more recent times (up u ntil the present day) included,
on the eastern side, nearly everything between the Arabian Arabian gulf/Erythran sea,
Red Sea
gulf and the Nile1 (the Ethiopians make no use of the Ery-
thran sea); on the western side, the regions as far as the oases
and, on the coast, the area from the Canobic mouth to Cata- Catabathmus, Sollum (Egy.)
bathmus and the Cyrenaean province. Such was the power of

the rulers descended from Ptolemy (they also occupied Cyre- Cyrenaea, e. present-day Libya
naea itself and allotted Cyprus to Egypt); and the Romans

who succeeded their rule, declaring Egypt a province, kept it
within the same borders. The Egyptians give the name oases to
inhabited areas surrounded by expanses of desert, like islands
in the sea.2 There are many in Libya, but only three that are Libya = Africa
close to, and categorized as subject to, Egypt.
[ 1 ] 768 C, 27–776 C, 17.

[ 2 ] Cf. 130 C, 32-35.
900
Nile Region
791 C, 10-13 I say these things as a general and summary description of

Egypt.1 I will now proceed with its characteristics in detail,
including its virtues.2 | Since Alexandria and its region con- Alexandria, Iskandariya (Egy.) 17.1.6
stitute the greatest and most important part of this endeavor,

Iw ill start t here.3
791 C, 14-21 If you sail along the coastline from Pelusium westward, it Pelusium, Tell el-Farama (Egy.)
is some one thousand three hundred stades to the Canobic Canobic mouth, nr. Abukir (Egy.)
mouth (and this, as I said, forms the base of the Delta); 4 it is

another one hundred and fifty stades from t here to the island
of Pharus. Pharus is a small but elongated island lying very Pharus, island joined by a mole
to Alexandria (Iskandariya, Egy.)
close to the mainland and forming with it a double-mouthed in Strabo’s day
harbor: the shore of the mainland forms a bay with two head-
lands jutting into the sea; the island, situated between them,
closes off the bay, extending lengthwise along it.
791 C, 21-32 As for each end of Pharus, the eastern end is nearer to the
mainland and to the headland there (the headland is called
“Lochias”), and makes the harbor narrow-mouthed. In ad-
dition to the narrowness of the intervening channel, there
are rocks, some of them submerged and others above water,
which continually agitate the incoming swell from the open
sea. The end point of the island is itself a sea-washed cliff; on it
is a multistory tower, wonderfully constructed of white marble,
and having the same name as the island. The tower was an
offering by Sostratus of Cnidus (a friend of the kings) for the
safety of mariners, as the inscription records:5 since the coast in
either direction has no harbors and is flat, with reefs and shal-
lows, sailors coming in from the open sea needed a bright light,
high up, to enable them to find the harbor’s entrance.
792 C, 1-15 The western mouth is likewise not easy to enter but does
not require quite so much forethought. It forms another har-
bor, the one called “Eunostus [Harbor]”; and this lies in front of
the artificial, closed-off harbor. On the one hand, the harbor
whose entrance is by the aforementioned tower of Pharus is
the “Great Harbor.” On the other hand, the former harbors
lie contiguous with the latter at its innermost recess, sepa-
rated from it by the mole called the “Heptastadium” (Seven-
stade [mole]). This mole acts as a bridge stretching from the
mainland to the western part of the island, leaving only two

channels through into Eunostus Harbor, which are them-
selves bridged. This construction included not only a bridge
[ 1 ] 787 C, 12–791 C, 9.
[ 2 ] 791 C, 14–824 C, 21.
[ 3 ] Strabo arrived in Alexandria in the early 20s BCE and was based there for much
of his life: 101 C, 14-24n; 117 C, 35–118 C, 14n. He has therefore seen many of the
places that he now goes on to describe.
[ 4 ] 788 C, 10-21; cf. 786 C, 26-27.
[ 5 ] Cf. 140 C, 25-30, where Strabo (describing a lighthouse in Iberia) probably al-
ludes to this same inscription. The inscription is lost so verification is impossible.
901
4.2. Southern Asia
to the island but also an aqueduct. At least, it did when the

island was inhabited. The deified Caesar caused its desertion deified Caesar = Julius Caesar
just now in his war against the Alexandrians who had aligned
themselves with the kings; there are just a few mariners living
near the tower. The G reat Harbor, as well as being beauti-
fully closed off by the mole and by nature, is deep near the
shore—with the result that the largest ship can nevertheless
moor within gangplank distance—and is split into several
berths.
792 C, 16-23 The earlier Egyptian kings were content with what they
had and did not need any imported goods at all, and they were
hostile to all mariners, particularly to Greeks, who w ere plun-
derers and who were envious of other men’s land through the
inadequacy of their own. The kings set up a watch post in this
region with o rders to repel visitors, providing the guards with
a settlement named “Rhacotis,” now a part of the Alexandri-
ans’ city set back from the shipyards, but at that time a village;
and they gave the area around the village to herdsmen, who
were similarly empowered to prevent foreign arrivals.
792 C, 24-31 When Alexander arrived and saw the natural advantages
of the site, he decided to build a walled city on the site of the
harbor. T here is a story that an indication of the blessings
that would later fall on the city was provided when its planned
construction was being outlined. The master builders were
using chalk to mark its circumference, but the chalk ran out
just as the king arrived. The stewards offered up a portion of
the barley that had been provided for the workmen, and with
this barley most of the roads w ere also marked out. P eople are
said to have taken this as an omen of future success. |
792 C, 32–793 C, 9 Its natural advantages are many. The site is “washed by 17.1.7
water on both sides”: on the northern side by what is called

the “Egyptian sea”; on the southern side by that of lake Maria, Egyptian sea = Med. Sea
also called the “Mareotis.” This lake—b oth in its upper lake Maria/Mareotis, Mariout l.
(Egy.)
reaches and at its sides—is fed by the Nile through a great
number of canals. The quantity of goods imported through
these canals is far greater than the quantity imported from the
sea, with the result that the lake harbor has grown more pros-
perous than the sea harbor. This explains how Alexandrian
exports exceed imports, as one would realize when, whether
in Alexandria or Dicaearchia, one sees the freight ships Dicaearchia, Pozzuoli (It.)
902
Nile Region
c oming into harbor and putting out to sea, and notices how
much heavier or lighter they are in their voyages to and fro.1
793 C, 9-20 In addition to the wealth of goods imported into each, both
the sea harbor and the lake harbor, the excellent climate also
deserves mention. This, too, is the result of being “washed by
water on both sides,” as well as the fortuitous circumstance
of the Nile’s flooding. Other cities that are situated on lakes
have a heavy and suffocating atmosphere in the heat of sum-
mer, for the edges of the lakes are turned into swamps because
of evaporation caused by the sun, and so many filthy vapors
are given off that the air is diseased and causes sickness. In
Alexandria, by contrast, the flooding of the Nile at the start of
summer means that the lake, too, is flooded and that t here are
no swamps to give off disgusting vapors. At the same time, the
Etesians blow from the north from such an expanse of sea that Etesians = seasonal winds
the Alexandrians enjoy a very pleasant summer. |

793 C, 21-27 The city is laid out in a chlamydoid shape.2 The long sides of chlamydoid, cloak-shaped 17.1.8
this shape are t hose that are “washed by water on both sides,”
with a distance across of some thirty stades. The short sides
are the isthmuses, each one of seven or eight stades, com-
pressed by the sea on one side and the lake on the other side.
The whole t hing is crisscrossed with roads, on which horses
can be ridden and carriages driven, and by two roads in par
ticular that are very broad (more than a plethrum in width). 1 plethrum = 100 ft.
These two roads bisect each other at right a ngles.

793 C, 27–794 C, 4 The city has very beautiful public precincts and royal city = Alexandria, Iskandariya
(Egy.)
residences that take up a quarter or even a third of the space.
Just as each monarch loved adding something to the magnifi-
cence of the public buildings, they likewise added residences
for themselves in addition to t hose already existing, with the
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) result that now there is one above another (to quote the poet).
Everything is connected with everything e lse and with the
harbor and all beyond. The royal buildings include the Mu-
seum, with its covered walk, its sitting area, and the g
reat hall
in which is the common room for scholars connected with
the Museum. This group is publicly financed and has a priest
for the Museum—a priest who was once appointed by the
monarchs but is now appointed by Caesar. The current Caesar is Tiberius
794 C, 5-18 Also included in the royal buildings is what is called the
“Sema” (Tomb), which was an enclosed precinct encompassing
[ 1 ] Strabo, who was based for a long time in Alexandria (101 C, 14-24), surely ob-
served in person the heavily laden freight ships leaving the Alexandrian harbor
and noted the contrast with the more lightly laden ships arriving. He probably
also observed the reciprocal situation in Dicaearchia in Italy (245 C, 26-31n):
heavily laden ships arriving from Alexandria, more lightly laden ships leaving.
[ 2 ] The description in turn of the lived-in world as chlamydoid (113 C, 14-21) is per-
haps an attempt to make it reflect the shape of Alexandria.
903
4.2. Southern Asia
the tombs of the monarchs and also the tomb of Alexander.

Ptolemy (son of Lagus) forestalled and seized the corpse from
Perdiccas, who, bringing it from Babylon, turned aside h ere
through his ambition to make Egypt his own. Indeed, Per-
diccas met his end, killed by soldiers when Ptolemy attacked
and cornered him on a deserted island. That fellow, then, That fellow = Perdiccas
was killed, run through with sarissae when the soldiers at-
tacked him, but with him . . . * and the royals (Aridaeus, and
the children of Alexander, and Alexander’s wife, Rhoxana)
sailed away to Macedonia. Ptolemy carried off the body of
Alexander and buried it in Alexandria, where it still lies. It is
no longer, however, in the same sarcophagus: this one is made
of glass, but that fellow interred him in a sarcophagus made
out of gold, which was plundered by the Ptolemy known as
“Cocces” and “Parisactus,” who arrived from Syria and was
immediately expelled, so that his loot profited him not. |
794 C, 19-34 On the right-hand side as you enter the G reat Harbor are 17.1.9
the island and tower of Pharus; on the other side, there are the
reefs, and the headland “Lochias” with its royal quarters. As
you sail farther in, on the left are the inner royal quarters—
next to t hose on Lochias—boasting a multitude of elaborate
buildings and groves. Below t hese is the artificial, closed-off
harbor—privately owned by the royal family—and Antirrho-
dos (an islet in front of the artificial harbor, likewise with a
palace and small harbor—it was so named as being an equal
match for Rhodes).1 Above this is the theater, then Posidium,
an elbow of land projecting from what is called “Emporium,”
with a temple to Posidon. Antony added to it a mole, which
projected even more into the center of the harbor, and he
built at its end point a royal residence, which he called
“Timonium.” He did this in his final days when, abandoned
by his friends in the wake of the debacle at Actium, he set
sail for Alexandria; he was of the opinion that the rest of his
life, spent bereft of such friends, would be “Timonian.” Then
there’s the Caesarium, the Emporium, the warehouses, and
after them the shipyards as far as the Heptastadium. That was
my description of the Great Harbor. |
795 C, 1-9 Next a fter the Heptastadium is Eunostus Harbor, and 17.1.10
above this the artificial harbor, which they call “Cibotus,”

with its own shipyards. Even farther on than this, t here’s a
[ 1 ] Strabo is being humorous, deriving a grammatically possible meaning from

the name “Antirrhodos” which more probably means “across the w ater from
Rhodes.”
904
Nile Region
avigable canal which reaches lake Mareotis. Beyond the

n lake Mareotis, Mariout l. (Egy.)
canal, t here’s only a small remaining part of the city; and then
the suburb of Necropolis, with its many gardens, graves, and
facilities for embalming the dead. On this side of the canal
is the Sarapium (temple to Sarapis), and other ancient precincts
that are more or less abandoned b ecause of the construction
of new ones in Nicopolis; an amphitheater and a stadium are Nicopolis, ?Bulkeley/?Ramley
(Egy.)
there, and the quinquennial 1 games are held t here, while the
ancient buildings have fallen into neglect.
795 C, 10-15 In short, the city is packed full of dedicated buildings and city = Alexandria, Iskandariya
(Egy.)
temples. The gymnasium is particularly fine, with porticoes
more than a stade long. In the city center, t here’s the court
house, and sacred groves. T here’s also the Panium (temple to
Pan), a hill made by the hand of man into a strobiloid shape, strobiloid, pinecone-shaped
like a rocky mound with a spiral ascent. From the summit,

it is possible to see across the whole city, spreading out in all
directions from the foot of the hill.
795 C, 16-27 The broad [street]2 going lengthwise stretches from Necrop-
olis, past the gymnasium, to the Canobic gate. Then there’s
what is called the “Hippodrome”; and . . . * alongside, as far as
the Canobic canal. Passing through the Hippodrome, you get
to Nicopolis (Victory city), with its coastal settlement, no smaller Nicopolis, ?Bulkeley/?Ramley
(Egy.)
than a city, thirty stades from Alexandria. Augustus Caesar
honored this place b ecause it was h ere that he was victorious
in battle against t hose who took to the field against him u nder
Antony’s leadership. Taking the city by surprise, he forced
Antony to kill himself and Cleopatra to live under his sway.
Not long afterward Cleopatra, too, manages surreptitiously
to kill herself while u nder guard, e ither by means of an asp’s
bite or a poisonous ointment (both stories are told), and this
brought about the destruction of the empire of the Lagids, Lagids = descendants of Lagus
which had endured for many years. |

795 C, 28-33 Ptolemy (son of Lagus) succeeded Alexander; Philadel- 17.1.11
phus succeeded Ptolemy; Euergetes succeeded Philadelphus;

then there was Agathoclia’s Philopator,3 then Epiphanes,
then Philometor, with son following f ather in continuous suc-
cession. Philometor, however, was succeeded by his brother,
Euergetes the Second, also called “Physcon”; the Ptolemy
called “Lathurus” succeeded Euergetes; our Auletes (who
was the f ather of Cleopatra)4 succeeded Ptolemy Lathurus.
[ 1 ] “Quinquennial” means “every 5 years,” counting inclusively. Today, we would

describe such games as being held “every 4 years.”
[ 2 ] 793 C, 21-27.
[ 3 ] The expression would normally be translated as “Philopator, son of
Agathoclia”—except that Agathoclia was not the mother of Philopator but his
mistress. Perhaps Strabo is being sarcastic.
[ 4 ] Cf. “our queen, Cleopatra”: 684 C, 17-24n.
905
4.2. Southern Asia
796 C, 1-6 All t hose who came a fter the third Ptolemy w ere cor-
rupted by luxury and ruled badly, but the worst rule was by
the fourth, the seventh, and the last—Auletes (Flute-player),
who, quite apart from his other shocking activities, played
the flute in theatrical productions and was so proud of his
playing that he did not shrink from holding contests in his
royal quarters and from putting himself forward to vie with
the contestants.
796 C, 6-12 The Alexandrians expelled this fellow. He had three
daughters, one of whom, the eldest, was legitimate. The Al- eldest = Berenice
exandrians appointed this eldest d aughter as queen. (His two

sons, being infants, w ere totally unsuitable for the purpose at
that time.) Once the d aughter was established on the throne,
they sent to Syria for a man to be her husband—a certain
salted-fish trader who claimed to be a member of the Syrian
royal family! The queen strangled this man to death after only
a few days, unable to bear his cheap vulgarity.
796 C, 12-16 He was replaced by another impostor— n amely
Archelaus—claiming to be the son of Mithridates Eupator. He
was, on the one hand, the son of the Archelaus who fought long
and hard against Sulla and who was thereafter awarded honors
by the Romans; he was, on the other hand, the grandfather of
the Archelaus who was the last man to be Cappadocian king
in our times;1 and he was one of the priests at Pontic Comana.2
796 C, 16-18 At that time, Archelaus was hanging around with Gabin-
ius, intending to go on campaign with him against the Parthi-
ans, but he was secretly spirited away by certain individuals,
brought to the queen, and appointed king.
796 C, 19-28 Meanwhile Auletes, arriving in Rome, is received by
Pompey the G reat, who recommends him to the senate and
engineers restoration for him but death for most of the del-
egates (one hundred in number) within the embassy bring-
ing charges against him. (Included among them was Dio the
Academic, the chief ambassador.) Ptolemy, reinstated by Ptolemy = Auletes
Gabinius, kills Archelaus and the daughter but has not long the daughter = Berenice
resumed his rule when he dies of a disease, leaving behind two

sons and two d aughters (Cleopatra being the oldest). The Al-
exandrians appointed as rulers the older boy and Cleopatra,
but revolutionaries friendly to the boy expelled Cleopatra,
who sailed off with her s ister to Syria.
[ 1 ] Strabo adds to his earlier statement (558 C, 8-23, where the imposter’s relation-
ship to the Cappadocian king is not mentioned). Based on what Strabo says
(558 C, 23–559 C, 7), the last Cappadocian king was e ither the son or the nephew
of the second Roman-appointed priest at Pontic Comana.
[ 2 ] In fact, the first Roman-appointed priest: 558 C, 8-23.
906
Nile Region
796 C, 28–797 C, 6 Meanwhile, Pompey arrives in flight from Palaepharsalus Palaepharsalus, Xylades (Gr.)
to Pelusium and mount Casium. Pompey is assassinated by Pelusium, Tell el-Farama (Egy.)
the king’s party; but then Caesar arrives, kills the young lad, Casium, Ras Qasrun/Khatib el
Gals (Egy.)
and sets up Cleopatra as queen of Egypt, sending for her to
come out of exile. He appointed the remaining b rother, still
very young, as her co-ruler. A fter the death of Caesar and
after Philippi, Antony crossed over into Asia and bestowed
even more honors on Cleopatra, making her his wife and
having children by her; and he made common cause with
her at Actium and joined her in flight. After this, Augustus
Caesar pursued and destroyed both of them and put an end
to Egypt’s abuse by drunkards. |
797 C, 7-13 It is now a province, paying a significant amount in taxa- It = Egypt 17.1.12
tion and administered by men of sound character who are sent

out as its successive prefects. This man has the rank of king.
The dikaiodotes (justice minister), who oversees many court cases,
is subject to the prefect. T here is another man, called the idios
logos (minister of the private account), who investigates assets with no
owner, which ought to fall to Caesar. Attendant upon these
are freedmen of Caesar and oikonomoi (stewards), who are en-
trusted with m atters of greater and lesser importance.
797 C, 13-18 As for the military, there are three legions, of which one is
stationed in the city, the others in the countryside. In addi-
tion, there are nine companies of Roman soldiers: three in the
city, three on the border with Ethiopia in Syene to keep watch Syene, Aswan (Egy.)
over the area, and three elsewhere in the territory. There are
also three squadrons of cavalry, likewise arrayed where they
are needed.
797 C, 18-24 As for the local city officials, t hese include the exegetes (inter-
preter)—he wears purple, has hereditary privileges, and looks
after the city’s interests; the hypomnematographos (scribe); the

archidikastes (chief judge); fourthly, the nukterinos strategos (night
general). T
hese offices existed u nder the monarchy, too, but
the rulers ran the government badly, and the city’s natural
advantages w ere lost in the general lawlessness.
797 C, 24–798 C, 4 Polybius, when visiting the city, finds it in a loathsome state city = Alexandria, Iskandariya
(Egy.)
Polybius (2nd c. BCE) and says that three classes inhabit it: the native Egyptian class,
quick-tempered and litigious; the mercenary class, heavy-handed and
numerous and boorish since, by long-established practice, foreigners
were maintained as men-at-arms and the feebleness of the monarchs
907
4.2. Southern Asia
had taught them to rule rather than be ruled. The third class con-
sisted of the Alexandrians, who similarly lacked p olitical
judgment, for the same reasons, but were nevertheless bet-
ter than the others since, even if they were mixed race, they
were nevertheless primarily Greek and retained a memory
of shared Greek customs. But even this body of population
had been decimated, particularly by Euergetes Physcon, in
whose time Polybius arrived in Alexandria: Physcon, facing
opposition, often destroyed the citizens by delivering them
up to the soldiers. Such, he says, being the state of affairs in the he = Polybius
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) city, the words of the poet remained true: “to go to Egypt, a long and
difficult journey.” |
798 C, 4-8 Affairs w ere the same, if not worse, u nder the rulers who 17.1.13
followed. The Romans, as far as they could, set t hings straight

again: they o rganized the city along the lines described;1 and
throughout the territory, they appointed certain p eople
called epistrategoi, nomarchoi, and ethnarchoi, people considered
capable of overseeing matters of no great significance.
798 C, 9-13 The most important aspect of the city’s serendipitous lo-
cation is that this is the only place in all Egypt that is advanta-
geously sited in two directions: on the seaward side because it
has good harbors and on the landward side because the river
transports everything easily and brings it together in this
one spot—the most important trading center in the lived-in
world.
798 C, 13-27 In regard to the city, such might be the description one city = Alexandria, Iskandariya
(Egy.)
Cicero (1st c. BCE) would give of its advantages. In regard to Egypt, Cicero refers
to its revenues in a speech in which he states that an annual tax
of twelve thousand five hundred talents was paid to Auletes talent, largest unit in
(father of Cleopatra). If such were the revenues achieved by 1 talent = 6,000 drachmas
one who administered his kingdom so badly and with such
carelessness, what would one suppose the revenues are now,
when they are managed with such care and when Indian and
Trogodytic trade has so greatly augmented them? It used to
be that not twenty ships were bold enough to travel through
the Arabian gulf in order to peep into the sea outside the Arabian gulf, Red Sea
straits. Nowadays, immense fleets make the voyage as far as straits, Bab el-Mandeb
India and to the far end of Ethiopia, whence the highly valu- far end of Ethiopia = Somalia
able cargo is conveyed to Egypt and from there out again

to other locations, so that double duties are collected, from
[ 1 ] 797 C, 18-24.
908
Nile Region
both imports and exports. (Where the price is hefty, so are

the duties!) Indeed, it partakes of a monopoly: Alexandria is
to a large extent the sole recipient of such goods and is solely
responsible for their export.
798 C, 28-31 It is easier to recognize the advantages of the site if
you traverse the territory, and first the coast, beginning at
Catabathmus. (Egypt extends to this point; next is Cyrenaea1 Catabathmus, Sollum (Egy.)
and the native Marmaridans who live in the vicinity.) | Cyrenaea, e. present-day Libya
798 C, 32–799 C, 5 It is a run of nine hundred stades, if you sail in a straight 17.1.14
MED. COAST OF EGYPT line, from Catabathmus to Paraetonium, a city with a large Paraetonium/Ammonia, Marsa
Matruh (Egy.)
harbor measuring some forty stades. Some call it “Paraeto-
nium,” others “Ammonia.” In between is the Egyptian Village;
Tyndarian Lookouts, Ishaila the headland of Aenesisphyra; and the Tyndarian Lookouts— Aenesisphyra, Sidi Barrani (Egy.)
rocks (Egy.)
four small islands with a harbor. Then comes a headland
Aenesippia, nr. Ras Abu Laho (Drepanum); an island (Aenesippia) with harbor; and a village Drepanum, ?Ras Gargub (Egy.)
(Egy. island)
(Apis), whence it is one hundred stades to Paraetonium—and
Apis, Zawiet Umm el-Rakham
(Egy.) a five-day journey to the temple to Ammon. t emple to Ammon, Aghurmi/
Siwa (Egy.)
799 C, 6-12 From Paraetonium, it is some one thousand three hundred
stades to Alexandria. In between is, first of all, a headland
formed of white earth and called “Leuca Acta” (White headland); Leuca Acta, Ras el-Abiad (Egy.)
then Phoenicus (a harbor) and Pnigeus (a village); then Sido- Phoenicus, ?Bir el-Genefis (Egy.)
Sidonia (island), Samra reef nia (an island with harbor); then, a l ittle farther away from the Pnigeus, ?el-Gotta (Egy.)
(Egy.)
sea, Antiphrae. This entire territory lacks good wine—wine
Sidonia (harbor), Marsa Abu
Samra (Egy.) jars contain a greater amount of seawater than of the wine
called “Libyan,” which is why the populous tribe of Alexan-
drians drinks beer—but Antiphrae is particularly scorned.
799 C, 12-20 Then there’s Derrhis (Animal-hide) Harbor, so named
because of the nearby black cliff, which looks like an animal
hide—the adjacent region is also called Zephyrium; then
another harbor (Leucaspis) and several more; then Cynos
Sema; then, not on the coast, Taposiris, which hosts a great Taposiris, Abu Sir (Egy.)
festival (there’s also another Taposiris, quite a distance on the

other side of the city); near Taposiris, a rocky place on the city = Alexandria
coast where many p eople picnic at e very season of the year;

then Plinthina, Nicias’s village, and a fort (Cherronesus), by Plinthina, ?Kom el-Nagous
(Egy.)
which stage we are close to Alexandria and seventy stades
from Necropolis.
799 C, 20-24 Lake Maria stretches lengthwise as far as this point, more Maria/Mareotis, Mariout l.
(Egy.)
than one hundred and fifty stades wide, less than three hun-
dred long. It contains eight islands, and its whole perimeter
[ 1 ] Cyrenaea is described by Strabo as part of Libya (= Africa): 836 C, 10–838 C, 23.
909
4.2. Southern Asia
offers a fine lifestyle. The wine in this region is so good that it

has to be put in separate containers for aging! |
799 C, 25–800 C, 7 Growing in the Egyptian marshes and lakes are the papy- 17.1.15
rus and the Egyptian bean (from which ciborium comes), the
stems of each being virtually the same height, some ten feet.
The papyrus stem is, however, bare, with a tuft at the top;
the bean stem has leaves and flowers sprouting out all over,
and its fruit is similar to our bean, differing only in size and
taste. The bean fields therefore offer a pleasing vista and an
enjoyable opportunity for anyone wishing to be pleasurably
entertained. People are entertained on barges; they go in
among the dense bean plants, where shade is provided by the
plants’ leaves—these leaves are so large that they can be used
as cups and bowls, their concavity making them suitable for
this purpose. Indeed, the workshops in Alexandria are full
of them, p eople using them as vessels; and the country folk
use the income from the leaves as one source of revenue. That
is my account of the bean plant.
800 C, 7-13 As for papyrus, t here is not much grown h ere, since it is
not cultivated; but much papyrus, some of lesser quality and
some of greater (i.e., the “Hieratic”), is grown in the lower
Delta, where certain folks, wanting to expand their revenues,
have adopted the method employed by Judaeans in respect of
the date palm (especially the caryotic) and the balsam. That is
to say, they do not allow it to be grown everywhere; through
this scarcity, they add to its value and thus increase their rev-
enue but make widespread usage difficult. |
800 C, 14-20 On the right-hand side as you exit the Canobic Gate is the 17.1.16
canal leading to Canobus and connecting with the lake. You Canobus, Abukir (Egy.)
great river = Nile can sail, via this canal, both to Schedia and the great river, Schedia, ?Kom el-Gizah (Egy.)
and also to Canobus, but first to Eleusis. This is a settlement

near Alexandria and Nicopolis, situated on the Canobic canal, Nicopolis, ?Bulkeley/?Ramley
(Egy.)
with resting places and belvederes for t hose p eople (both men
and women) who want to have some fun, marking the start of
“canobism” (indulging in luxury) and the licentious way of life t here.
800 C, 20-25 If you proceed a little distance from Eleusis, on your
right-hand side is the canal leading to Schedia. Schedia
( Pontoon bridge), lying four schoeni distant from Alexandria, is
an offshoot of the city. It provides docking for the barges on

which officials sail to the Upper Territory. There, too, is the
910
Nile Region
customshouse for imports from the upper regions and for

exports. For this purpose, a pontoon bridge has been built
across the river, whence the name of the place.
800 C, 26–801 C, 1 After the canal leading to Schedia, the rest of the voyage
to Canobus is parallel to the shore from Pharus to the Cano- Canobus, Abukir (Egy.)
bic mouth. There is a narrow ribbon of land between the sea

and the canal, and on this narrow ribbon are (after Nicopolis) Nicopolis, ?Bulkeley/?Ramley
(Egy.)
Little Taposiris and Zephyrium, a small headland with a l ittle
temple sacred to “Arsinoe” Aphrodite. It is said that, in antiq-
uity, a city (Thonis) was located t here, named a fter the king
who provided hospitality to Menelaus and Helen. At least,
poet = Homer (8th c. BCE) the poet says, in connection with Helen’s potions, that they
were good, given to her by Polydamna, the wife of Thon. |
801 C, 2-13 Canobus is a city at a distance of one hundred and twenty Canobus, Abukir (Egy.) 17.1.17
stades from Alexandria if you go by foot, named a fter “Cano-

bus,” Menelaus’s helmsman, who died at this spot. It has a
temple to Sarapis, which is highly revered and prescribes such
cures that even the most highly respected men are believers:
either they spend the night there, or others do so for them.
Some writers have documented the cures, others the excel-
lence of the oracles there. Above all else, there are the crowds oracles, divine prophecies
of revelers who leave Alexandria by means of the canal. All

day long, and all night long, it is full of people—some, in
little boats, dancing endlessly to the tune of the flute with
the greatest abandon (both men and women), others possess-
ing canalside residences in Canobus itself that are perfect for
such endless partying. |
801 C, 14-23 After Canobus comes Heraclium, with its temple to Her- Heraclium, Abukir (Egy.) 17.1.18
acles; then, the Canobic mouth, which marks the start of the
NILE DELTA Delta. To the right of the Canobic mouth is the Menelaitic
District, named a fter the b rother of the first Ptolemy (and
not, by Zeus, after the hero, as is claimed by some, including
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early Artemidorus). After the Canobic mouth comes the Bolbi-
1st c. BCE)
tine mouth, then the Sebennytic one and the Phatnitic—the
third-largest mouth a fter the two principal ones that define
the Delta, it splits off into the interior of the Delta not far
from the apex. Near the Phatnitic is the Mendesian mouth,
then the Tanitic, and finally the Pelusiac. (There are others
in between these, of little significance, inasmuch as they are
pseudo-mouths.)
911
4.2. Southern Asia
801 C, 24-27 The mouths provide entry points but not perfect ones,
and not for large vessels but only for tenders, owing to the fact
that they are shallow and marshy. P eople used the Canobic
mouth in particular for trade when the Alexandrian harbors
had, as I said, been closed off.1
801 C, 28-34 After the Bolbitine mouth, a low and sandy headland proj
ects out a considerable extent. It is called Agnu Ceras. Then Agnu Ceras, Cape Rosetta (Egy.)
comes Perseus’s Lookout and the Milesian fortification. The

Milesians, sailing against Psammetichus (who lived in the Psammetichus, ruled Egypt
664–610 BCE
time of Cyaxares the Mede) with thirty ships, made landfall
at the Bolbitine mouth, disembarked, and constructed the
said fortification; in time, they sailed upstream to the Saitic
District, defeated Inaros in a naval battle, and founded the
city of Naucratis not far above Schedia. Naucratis, Kom Gaief (Egy.)
802 C, 1-6 After the Milesian fortification, if you head toward the Se-
bennytic mouth, t here are two lakes (one of which is called
“Butic,” after Butus, the city), the Sebennytic city, and Sais, Butus, Kom el-Farain (Egy.)
the metropolis of the Lower Territory, where Athena is wor- Sebennytic city, Sammanud
(Egy.)
shipped. In her t emple lies the tomb of Psammetichus. In the
Sais, Sa el-Hagar (Egy.)
Butus region, there’s Hermu Polis, situated on an island. In
Butus, there is an oracular temple to Leto. |
802 C, 7-17 In the interior above the Sebennytic and Phatnitic mouths 17.1.19
is Xois (island and city), in the Sebennytic District. There’s Xois, Sakha (Egy.)
also Hermu Polis (Hermes city); Lycon Polis (Wolf city); and Hermu Polis, Baklia (Egy.)
Mendes, where the p eople worship Pan and, in terms of ani- Mendes, Tell el-Ruba (Egy.)
Pindar (5th c. BCE) mals, the goat. As Pindar says, goats copulate with women
there: Mendes, on the margin of the sea, / the farthest horn of the
Nile, where rutting goats / copulate with w omen. Near Mendes is
Dios Polis (City of Zeus) and the lakes associated with her; Leon- Dios Polis, Tell el-Balamun (Egy.)
Busiris, Cynon Polis, Abu Sir ton Polis (Lion city); then, farther along, the city of Busiris (in Leonton Polis, Tell el-Yahoudiyeh
Bana (Egy.) (Egy.)
the Busirite District) and Cynon Polis (Dog city).
802 C, 17-28 Eratosthenes says that “xenelasia” (exclusion of foreigners) is
Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE) a custom common to all native peoples, but the charge against the
Egyptians is laid on the basis of the Busiris myth, because later people
wished to lay a charge of xenophobia against the place, even though,
Eratosthenes cites Homer by Zeus, there was no “Busiris,” king or tyrant! The statement “to go
(8th c. BCE)
to Egypt, a long and difficult journey” is also cited, Egypt’s scarcity of
harbors being a major contributing factor, as also the inaccessibility of
the one existing harbor at Pharus, because of its garrison of herdsmen-
robbers ready to attack those anchoring there. The Carthaginians
[ 1 ] 792 C, 1-23; 794 C, 19-34.
912
Nile Region
ere in the habit of sinking the ship of any foreigner who sailed to
w
Sardo or to the Pillars, and for this reason much of the lore about the Sardo, Sardinia (It. island)
west should not be believed. The Persians purposely misled foreign Pillars, Straits of Gibraltar
deleg ations, by taking them on circuitous and winding routes. |

802 C, 28-30 Next are the Athribite District, the city of Athribis, and Athribis, Tell Atrib (Egy.) 17.1.20
finally Prosopite District, where Aphrodite City is situated.

802 C, 31-34 Inland from the Mendesian and Tanitic mouths is a large
lake; the Mendesian and Leontopolite Districts; Aphrodite
City; and the Pharbetite District. Then there’s the Tanitic
mouth—which some call the “Saitic”—and Tanite District,
and the important city of Tanis within it. | Tanis, San el-Hagar (Egy.)
802 C, 35–803 C, 3 Between the Tanitic and Pelusiac [mouths], t here are lakes 17.1.21
and large interconnecting swamps, with many villages. Pelu- Pelusium, Tell el-Farama (Egy.)
sium (Muddy) itself is surrounded by swamps—which some call

barathra (pits)—and ponds. She is situated more than twenty
stades back from the sea, with a wall circumference of twenty
stades, and is named a fter the muddiness of the ponds.
803 C, 3-12 For this reason, Egypt is difficult to access from the east—
from Phoenicia and Judaea.1 From Nabataean Arabia,2 which Nabataean Arabia, Jordan, s.
Israel, Saudi Arabia
is adjacent, the route to Egypt goes through these. The ter-
ritory between the Nile and the Arabian gulf is Arabian,3
and on its extreme end Pelusium is situated, but it consists Pelusium, Tell el-Farama (Egy.)
entirely of desert and cannot be traversed by an army. The

isthmus between Pelusium and the recess at Heroon Polis isthmus, Isthmus of Suez (Egy.)
measures one thousand stades (less than one thousand five hun- recess at Heroon Polis = Gulf
of Suez
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) dred, according to Posidonius); 4 in addition to being arid and
sandy, it is infested with sand-dwelling reptiles. |
803 C, 13-24 On your right as you sail upstream from Schedia to Mem- 17.1.22
Start of Strabo’s own voyage up phis, there are myriad villages reaching as far as lake Maria; lake Maria/Mareotis, Mariout
the Nile l. (Egy.)
among them is what is called “Chabrias village.” On the river,
there’s Hermu Polis (Hermes city); then Gynaecon Polis (Women Hermu Polis, Damanur (Egy.)
city) and the Gynaecopolite District, succeeded by Momem- Momemphis, Kom el-Hisn (Egy.)
phis and the Momemphite District; in between, there are

many canals leading to the Mareotis. The inhabitants of
Momemphis worship Aphrodite, and a sacred cow is cared for,
like Apis in Memphis and Mneuis in Heliu Polis. These are
believed to be gods. T hose in other places (for many p eople
in the Delta, and beyond it, care for a bull or cow) are not
believed to be gods but are held sacred. | Above Momemphis, 17.1.23
there are two nitrum pits containing a g reat deal of nitrum, nitrum = sodium carbonate
[ 1 ] Phoenicia and Judaea border on Egypt at Pelusium and mount Casium

(e. present-day Egypt): 756 C, 22–760 C, 11; 760 C, 17-23.
[ 2 ] Nabataean Arabia (Jordan, s. Israel, Saudi Arabia): 779 C, 19-35.
[ 3 ] Territory between Nile and Arabian gulf (= Sinai Peninsula): 776 C, 18–777 C, 3.
[ 4 ] Strabo qualifies his earlier citation of Posidonius (491 C, 23-32, where Strabo
implies that Posidonius gives “one thousand five hundred” stades).
913
4.2. Southern Asia
and the Nitriote District. Sarapis is worshipped t here; and

only among t hese p eople in Egypt is it the custom to sacrifice
a sheep. Near t here, too, is a city, Menelaus.
803 C, 24-32 On your left, in the Delta, Naucratis is situated on the Naucratis, Kom Gaief (Egy.)
river, while Sais is at a two-schoenus distance from the river, Sais, Sa el-Hagar (Egy.)
and a l ittle above the latter is the Refuge of Osiris, where, it

is said, Osiris is laid to rest. This is disputed by many people,
particularly the inhabitants of Philae, above Syene and El- Philae, Bilaq (Egy.)
ephantine. The myth according to them is that Isis buried

Osiris coffins in many places, but that only one of them—
unknown to anybody—contained Osiris; that she did this in
order to deceive Typhon, fearing that he might find the grave
and rip the body from it. |
803 C, 33–804 C, 9 That is my geographical guide from Alexandria to the 17.1.24
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early apex of the Delta.1 Artemidorus says that the voyage upstream
1st c. BCE)
is twenty-eight schoeni, and this is equivalent to eight hundred and
forty stades, reckoning on the basis of a thirty-stade schoenus.
However, when I made the voyage,2 people used diff erent val-
ues at diff erent times for the schoenus when stating distances,
with the result that a schoenus of forty stades or even more is
conceded by them in some places. That the value of the schoe-
nus is not standardized among the Egyptians is made clear
by Artemidorus himself in what he goes on to say. He states
that, from Memphis to the Thebaïs, each schoenus is equivalent to one
hundred and twenty stades; from the Thebaïs to Syene, sixty stades!
804 C, 10-18 He says, using the same value, that if you sail from Pelusium Pelusium, Tell el-Farama (Egy.)
up to the same apex, it is twenty-five schoeni, or seven hundred and

fifty stades; the first canal that you come to on leaving Pelusium is
the one that feeds the lakes called “Marsh-side,” of which there are
two, lying on the left-hand side of the great river, above Pelusium, in
Arabia.3 He also mentions other lakes and canals in the same
parts outside the Delta. (The Sethroite District is alongside
one lake; he counts this as one of the ten districts within the
Delta.) Another two canals join these same lakes. |
804 C, 19-33 There is another canal opening into the Erythra and the Erythra/Arabian gulf, Red Sea 17.1.25
Arabian gulf at the city of Arsinoe, which some call “Cleopa- Arsinoe/Cleopatris, Kum el-
Qolzum/Suez (Egy.)
tris.” The canal flows through what are called the “Picrae (Bitter)
Lakes.” Their waters w ere once bitter, but when the aforesaid
canal was dug, they were transformed by the admixture of
river water. Now they have plenty of fish and are full of aquatic
[ 1 ] 791 C, 14–803 C, 32.

[ 2 ] Strabo’s voyage on the Nile (early 20s BCE): 117 C, 35–118 C, 14n.
[ 3 ] 741 C, 25–742 C, 3nn.
914
Nile Region
birds. The canal was initiated before the Trojan period by Trojan period, late 2nd–early
1st millennium BCE
Sesostris (according to others, by the son of Psammetichus),
who only made a start and then died; it was subsequently
excavated by Darius the First, who took over the project’s
continuation. He, too, stopped work on the project, even
though it was at last near completion, swayed by false sci-
ence. He was persuaded that the Erythran sea was higher than Erythran sea, Red Sea
the Egyptian, and that if the neck of land between them was
sliced through, Egypt would be submerged u nder the sea.1
The Ptolemaic kings, however, dug through, creating a closed
passage such that they could sail unhindered to the outer sea
and back in again whenever they wanted to. The question of
sea levels has been discussed in my first volumes.2 |
804 C, 33–805 C, 4 Near Arsinoe is Heroon Polis (City of heroes), in the recess of Heroon Polis, ?Abu Suwayr, Tell 17.1.26
el-Maskhuta (Egy.)
the Arabian gulf toward Egypt; t here are also harbors, settle-
ments, and several canals and lakes near these places. Here
also is the Phagroriopolite District and its city, Phagrorian
Polis.
805 C, 4-6 The beginning of the canal opening into the Erythra is at
the village of Phacussa, next to which is Philo’s village. The Phacussa, Fakus (Egy.)
width of the canal is one hundred cubits, and it is deep enough 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
to accommodate a ten-thousand-bearing ship.3 |

805 C, 7-19 The foregoing places are near the apex of the Delta. At 17.1.27
the apex are the city of Bubastus and the Bubastite District; Bubastus, Tell Basta (Egy.)
above that, the Heliopolite District, where Heliu Polis (Sun city) Heliu Polis, Matariya (Egy.)
is situated on a significant rise, with its temple to Helius (Sun)

and its bull, Mneuis, cared for in a sacred enclosure and be-
lieved by the inhabitants to be a god (just like Apis, in Mem-
phis). In front of the rise are lakes, which feed into the nearby
canal. T hese days the city is completely deserted, its ancient
temple, built in the Egyptian manner, offering much evidence
of Cambyses’s madness and sacrilege: he desecrated some of
the temples with fire, o thers with the sword, mutilating and
burning them, and likewise the obelisks. Two obelisks not Egyptian obelisks were taken to
Rome in 10 BCE
totally ruined by fire were conveyed to Rome, but others are
still there and in Thebes, now “Dios Polis” (City of Zeus), some
still standing despite being burnt, some prostrate. |
805 C, 20-31 The floor plan of the temples is as follows. At the entrance 1 plethrum = 100 ft. 17.1.28
to the sacred precinct is a tessellated pavement, with a width

of around one plethrum or less, and a length of three or four
[ 1 ] Strabo corrects his earlier statement (38 C, 21-25, where he attributes to Seso-
stris, rather than to Darius, a belief in the higher level of the Red Sea).
[ 2 ] 49 C, 10–61 C, 4.
[ 3 ] Perhaps ships capable of transporting 10,000 foot soldiers: 780 C, 20-28.
915
4.2. Southern Asia
times that, sometimes more. This is called the dromus (run)—as

Callimachus (3rd c. BCE) Callimachus says, the dromus, sacred to Anubis. Stone sphinxes
are set along the entire length on both sides, with a distance
of twenty cubits or slightly more between them, so that one 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
row of sphinxes is on the right-hand side, and one row is on

the left. A fter the sphinxes, t here’s a huge portal, and another
as you go farther in, and another. The number of portals and
of sphinxes is not stipulated: it varies from temple to temple,
as do the length and width of the dromi.
805 C, 31–806 C, 6 After the portals comes the t emple, with its large and im-
posing entrance hall and its precinct of equivalent size, but
with no statue (at least, no statue of a man, only of imaginary
animals). Jutting out on either side of the entrance hall are
the “wings,” as they are called. These are two walls, equal in
height to the t emple, initially standing apart from each other
just a l ittle more than what is the width of the temple’s foot-
ing, but then converging as you go in, for a distance of fifty or
sixty cubits. These walls carry anaglyphs of huge images that
are similar to those in Tyrrhenia or to very ancient artistic
representations by the Greeks.
806 C, 6-9 There is also—as, for example, in Memphis—a multi-
pillared building, constructed in the native manner: apart
from its large and numerous pillars arranged in many rows,
it offers nothing pleasing or artistic but rather appears to be
a useless endeavor. |
806 C, 10-18 In Heliu Polis, I also saw huge buildings in which the Heliu Polis, Matariya (Egy.) 17.1.29
priests used to reside.1 It is said more specifically that in antiq-

uity this was a center for priests who were also philosophers
and astronomers. The group and their activities have now
been eclipsed: no p eople w
ere pointed out to me there as
responsible for these activities, only people responsible for
the sacred rites and t hose who explained the rites to foreign-
ers. (When Aelius Gallus, the governor, sailed up into Egypt, Aelius Gallus was governor of
Roman Egypt, early to mid-20s
an Alexandrian man named Chaeremon accompanied him, BCE
claiming to be in possession of this type of knowledge, but he
was largely ridiculed as a braggart and commoner.)
806 C, 18-30 On display were the priests’ quarters and the residences of
Plato (late 5th–4th c. BCE) Plato and Eudoxus. Eudoxus accompanied Plato to this place
Eudoxus (4th c. BCE) and, according to some, they stayed there with the priests
for thirteen years. The priests were highly advanced in their
[ 1 ] Strabo’s voyage on the Nile (early 20s BCE): 117 C, 35–118 C, 14nn.
916
Nile Region
astronomical knowledge but w ere secretive and unwilling to

divulge it to others. It took time and persistence to persuade
them to give an account of what they knew. The natives con-
cealed much. T hese men handed down the tradition concern-
ing the fraction of a day and night, over and above the three
hundred and sixty-five days, that completes the time occupied
by one year. The length of the year—as much e lse besides—
was unknown among the Greeks u ntil l ater astrologers took
it over from those who translated the priests’ writings into
Greek; even now, astrologers embrace the knowledge derived
from the priests and from the Chaldaeans. |
806 C, 31–807 C, 3 From this point onward is the “Nile above the Delta.” The 17.1.30
UPSTREAM FROM NILE DELTA right-hand side (as you sail upstream) is called “Libya,” as is
the case even in the region of Alexandria and the Mareotis;
the left-hand side is called “Arabia.” Heliu Polis is thus in
“Arabia.” In “Libya,” t here’s the city of Cercesura, situated at Cercesura, Rod el-Farag (Egy.)
Eudoxus (4th c. BCE) the Lookouts of Eudoxus: in front of Heliu Polis (just as in
front of Cnidus) an observatory is identified where that fellow that fellow = Eudoxus
noted down certain motions of the celestial bodies. This is the

Letopolite District.
807 C, 3-10 Upstream from there is Babylon, a fortified stronghold, Babylon, Fostat, Cairo (Egy.)
to which certain Babylonians removed themselves and then

got the kings to grant them a place to live. These days, it is the
camp of one of the three legions that guard Egypt. Stretch-
ing from the camp to the Nile is a ridge, across which w ater
is conveyed by a system of wheels and screws, the workers
being prisoners, one hundred and fifty of them. From t here,
the pyramids can be clearly seen, in Memphis on the far bank,
and they are close by. |
807 C, 11-21 Memphis herself, the Egyptian royal city, is nearby. From Memphis, Mit Rahina (Egy.) 17.1.31
the Delta to Memphis is a three-schoenus distance. She has

temples, one of them belonging to “Apis,” who is the same as
Osiris. This is where the Apis bull—believed, as I said, to be
a god1—is maintained in an enclosure. His forehead and a few
other small parts of his body are pure white, but otherwise he
is black—these are the characteristics by which they select a
suitable successor when the incumbent dies! In front of the
enclosure is a courtyard with another enclosure, for the bull’s
mother. They let Apis out into the courtyard at the scheduled
time, specifically to show him off to visitors (who can see him
[ 1 ] 803 C, 13-24.
917
4.2. Southern Asia
in his enclosure through its window but want to see him out-
side it). When he has skipped around in the courtyard for a
bit, they take him back to his own place.
807 C, 21-27 So, the t emple to Apis lies alongside the Hephaestium
(temple to Hephaestus). The Hephaestium itself is a lavish con-
struction in terms of the size of its inner t emple as well as in

other respects. Set before it, in the dromus, t here is a colos-
sal, monolithic statue. The custom is, in this dromus, to hold
contests between bulls, which certain individuals raise for this
purpose (as horse breeders do): they send them forth into
combat, and the bull judged to be the strongest gets a prize.
807 C, 27-32 In Memphis there is, too, a temple to Aphrodite, who is
considered to be a Greek goddess, although some say that the
temple is to Selene (Moon). | T here is, too, a Sarapium (temple 17.1.32
to Sarapis), on a site that is so very sandy that heaps of sand get
piled up by the winds. I observed that some of the sphinxes

even had their heads covered by t hese piles of sand, and that
others were only half visible.1 From this, it was possible to
guess how dangerous it would be for someone walking to the
temple if a sudden storm arose!
807 C, 32–808 C, 2 The city is large and populous, ranking second a fter city = Memphis, Mit Rahina
(Egy.)
Alexandria, with a racially mixed population just as with
the inhabitants there. T here are lakes in front of the city there = Alexandria
and royal buildings. T hese latter buildings—now ruined and

deserted—are situated high up and extend down to the lower
level of the city; they are bordered by a grove and a lake. |
808 C, 3-9 If you go forty stades from the city, you come to a moun- 17.1.33
tain ridge on which many pyramids (royal graves)2 are situ-

ated, three of which are particularly significant. Two of them
are counted among the Seven Wonders: they are stade-high
and quadrilateral in shape, with their height being only a little
greater than the length of each side. One is slightly larger than
the other and has a removable stone placed high up and ap-
proximately midway between its sides. The removal of the
stone reveals a twisting tunnel leading to the tomb.
808 C, 9-25 These two pyramids are close to each other and on the
same level; farther away, on a higher level of the mountain
ridge, is the third pyramid. It is smaller than the other two
but of a far more costly construction. It consists, from its
foundations practically to its center, of black stone (used to
[ 2 ] Often translated as “tombs of kings.” One of the pyramids, however, was built
for a queen: 808 C, 9-25.
918
Nile Region
make mortar, and brought in from a long way off—from the

Ethiopian border). Because it is hard and difficult to work
with, it made the project very costly. The pyramid is called the
Sappho (7th c. BCE) “Courtesan’s Tomb,” put up by her lovers. Sappho, the melic
poetess, calls the courtesan (loved by her brother Charaxus,
who imported wine from Lesbos to Naucratis for trade) “Do-
richa”; others call her “Rhodopis.” According to myth, when
this woman was bathing, an e agle snatched one of her sandals
from her maid and carried it to Memphis; flying overhead
the king, who was administering justice in the open air, the
eagle dropped the sandal in his lap. The king was impelled by
both the comeliness of the sandal and the strangeness of the
occurrence to send word throughout his territory seeking
the woman to whom the sandal belonged. She was found in
the city of the Naucratians, brought to him, and became his
wife. When she died, the aforesaid tomb was built for her. |
808 C, 26-35 One of the marvels I saw at the pyramids1 should not be 17.1.34
left untold. Piles of stone shavings lie in front of the pyramids,

and among t hese are found bits of stone, phacoid in shape and phacoid, lentil-like
size, reminding some p eople of leavings, so to speak, as of

half-hulled grains. It is said that they are the petrified remains
of the workmen’s food. This is not unlikely. In my home re-
gion, t here is an oblong-shaped hill in a plain.2 This hill is full
of phacoid pebbles of . . . * stone. Pebbles found in the sea and
in rivers pose much the same riddle. They, however, admit of
an explanation in their being moved by the current. H ere, the
phenomenon is more of a riddle.
809 C, 1-6 It is stated elsewhere that, in the region of the quarry that
was the source of the stones from which the pyramids are
made (the quarry being in sight of the pyramids, on the far
side of the river in “Arabia”), there is quite a rocky mountain,
called “Troica”; caves at its foot; and a village, near the caves Troica, Gebel Tura (Egy.)
and the river, called “Troia,” settled long ago by the Trojan
prisoners of war who accompanied Menelaus and who stayed
there. |
809 C, 7-10 After Memphis, and likewise in “Libya,” comes the city 17.1.35
of Acanthus; the t emple to Osiris; and the grove of Theban Acanthus, Kafr Ammar/Kafr
Tarkhan (Egy.)
acacia (from which gum is made). Then, in “Arabia,” are the
Aphroditopolite District and the city of the same name, Aphrodite (city), Atfih (Egy.)
where a sacred white cow is maintained.
[ 2 ] Strabo presumably refers to a site in Pontic Cappadocia.
919
4.2. Southern Asia
809 C, 10-21 Then t here’s the Heracleote District, on a large island, on

the right-hand side of which is the canal leading into “Libya,”
toward the Arsinoite District (in such a way that the canal is
double-mouthed, with a certain portion of the island lying
between). This district is the most significant of all, in terms This district = Arsinoite District
of how it looks, its productivity, and its buildings. It alone

is planted with olive trees (large, mature, and fruitful) and
would produce good oil, too, if someone would harvest the
olives with care, but people do not do so, producing a great
deal of poor-quality oil that smells bad. (The rest of Egypt is
without olives, except for the gardens in Alexandria, which
suffice for the production of olives but are of no help in the
production of olive oil.) The district also produces no small
amount of wine, as well as grains, pulses, and seeds of all kinds.
809 C, 21-29 The district also has a marvelous lake, called “the lake of lake of Moeris, Birket Qarun
(Egy.)
Moeris,” which is the size of a sea and has a sea-like color.
Even the lakeshore looks like the seashore, so that the same
conjecture can be made about these places as about Ammon Ammon, Aghurmi/Siwa (Egy.)
(indeed, they are not far from each other, nor from Paraeto- Paraetonium, Marsa Matruh
(Egy.)
nium). Just as it can be conjectured, on a wealth of evidence,
that the t emple t here once lay on the coast, might not these
lake Sirbonis, Sabkhat el
places likewise have once been on the coast, and might not Bardawil (Egy.)
Lower Egypt and the region as far as lake Sirbonis have been Erythra, Red Sea
part of a sea that was perhaps contiguous with the Erythra in
Aelanites recess, Gulf of Aqaba/
the region of Heroon Polis1 and the Aelanites recess? | Eilat
809 C, 30-31 These phenomena are described at length in the first vol- 17.1.36
ume of this world description.2

809 C, 31–810 C, 5 At this point, I should make mention to the same extent
the work of Nature and at the same time the work of Provi-
dence, bringing them together as one. The way that Nature
works is that everything tends toward one point, namely the
center of the whole, and forms a ball around it: what is most
dense and most central is earth; what is less dense and comes
next is w ater. Each substance forms a sphere. One sphere
is solid; the other sphere is hollow, with the earth inside it.
Providence—she who is a weaver of intricate patterns, the
creator of ten thousand works—has willed into existence in
the first place living creatures, superior to everything else;
included among t hese are the most powerful, namely gods
and men, for whose benefit the rest exists.
[ 1 ] Strabo often uses “Heroon Polis” to mean the Gulf of Suez (e.g., 759 C, 19-27;
767 C, 22-30; 768 C, 27-34; 769 C, 20–770 C, 2; 803 C, 3-12), rather than the city
itself (804 C, 33–805 C, 4).
[ 2 ] 49 C, 10–57 C, 18.
920
Nile Region
810 C, 5-13 She granted heaven to the gods and the earth to mankind,
t hese being the extreme limits of the universe (the extreme
limits of a ball being the center and its outermost surface).
Since w ater surrounds the earth, and since man is not an
aquatic creature but rather one that lives on land, breathes
air, and shares with many o thers a need for light, she created
many concavities and convexities on the earth. The con-
cavities contain all or much of the water, with the earth sub-
merged beneath it. The convexities project upward so that the
water—except as much as is useful to the h uman race and to
the animals and plants associated with that race—is restricted
to the areas at their base.
810 C, 13-24 Since the whole universe is characterized by motion and
large-scale changes—otherwise it would not be possible for
things in the universe to be differentiated as to quality, quan-
tity, or size—it must not be assumed that the earth or the sea
remain permanently unaltered, in such a way that they never
gain anything nor are ever diminished, nor that each one stays
in its own abode (especially given that exchange between the
two is very natural and easy), but rather that large expanses
of earth become sea, and large expanses of water become dry
land, in the same way as the earth varies within itself. (Earth
can be crumbly, or it can be solid, or stony, or rich in iron, and
so on. Likewise in the case of liquid m atter: it can be salt w
ater,
or fresh and drinkable, or it can have healing properties, or be
life-saving or deadly, cold or warm.)
810 C, 25-29 Why, then, should one be surprised if some currently in-
habited parts of the earth were once sea, or if what is now
sea was once inhabited (just as erstwhile springs may dry up,
and new ones appear—and rivers, too, and lakes—and simi-
larly mountains and plains may change one into the other)?
I have described t hese m atters at length e arlier on;1 let that
be enough for now. |
810 C, 30–811 C, 4 The lake of Moeris, then, is sufficiently large and deep lake of Moeris, Birket Qarun 17.1.37
(Egy.)
that it can cope with flooding when the waters rise, and the
inhabited and cultivated areas do not suffer from inundation.
When the waters recede, the excess is returned by means of
the same canal, through each of its two mouths; both lake
and canal keep the remainder, which is useful for irrigation
purposes. This occurs naturally. There are, however, gates at
[ 1 ] 49 C, 10–61 C, 4.
921
4.2. Southern Asia
each of the canal’s two mouths, by means of which engineers

regulate the inflow and outflow of water.
811 C, 5-15 In addition to t hese, t here’s the Labyrinth building, an Labyrinth, nr. Hawwara (Egy.)
achievement equal to the pyramids; and alongside it, the

tomb of the king who built the Labyrinth. At the first entry
point into the canal, if you go on another thirty or forty stades
or so, t here’s a trapezoid place with a village and huge palace trapezoid, table-shaped
composed of as many royal residences as t here w ere once dis-

tricts. Such is the number of colonnaded halls, all lying con-
tiguous with each other, in one row and against one wall—a
long wall, so to speak, with the halls jutting out from it. The
roads leading to them are on the other side of the wall. In
front of the entrances, t here are many long covered passages,
which follow paths that twist and turn across each other, so
that entering or exiting each courtyard is impossible for any
outsider without a guide.
811 C, 15-29 What is surprising is that the roof of each chamber is
made from a single stone, and in the same way, the covered
passages are roofed widthwise with monolithic slabs of enor-
mous size—nowhere is any beam, or wood of any kind, in-
corporated; if you ascend onto the top of the roof (not a g reat
height, since it is only one story), it is possible to look out
over the stone plain produced by these monoliths and, when
you emerge again into the halls, to see how the slabs lie in
sequence, supported by twenty-seven columns; the walls are
composed of stones no less large. (At the end of this building,
which continues for more than a stade, is the tomb—a four-
cornered pyramid, with each side being approximately four
plethra and an equivalent height. The name of the man buried 1 plethrum = 100 ft.
there is “Imandes.”) It is said that the number of halls is such

because it was the custom for all the districts to assemble there
in order of rank, each with its own priests and priestesses, in
order to perform sacrifices, make offerings to the gods, and
render decisions in the most important l egal cases. Each dis-
trict was taken into the hall to which it was designated. |
811 C, 30–812 C, 9 If you sail a hundred stades farther along this part, you 17.1.38
come to a city, Arsinoe. It was formerly called “Crocodilon Arsinoe/Crocodilon Polis,

Medinet el-Fayyum (Egy.)
Polis” (Crocodile city). The people in this district greatly revere
crocodiles: they have a crocodile, kept by itself in the lake and
tamed by the priests, that they consider sacred. It is called
922
Nile Region
“Suchus.” It is fed on bread and meat and wine, which the visi-
tors who come to the spectacle always provide. My host—one
of the highly respected locals who acted as my “initiator”—
accompanied me to the lake with provisions from dinner: a
little cake, some roast meat, and a miniature flask containing
a honey drink.1 We found the creature lying on the shore. The
priests approached it: some held its jaws open, while one of
them popped in the cake and the meat and then poured in the
honey drink. The creature jumped into the lake and darted
across to the opposite bank. Another visitor arrived similarly
provisioned. The priests grabbed the offerings, set off at a run
around the lake and, catching up with the crocodile, similarly
gave to it what had been brought. |
812 C, 10-21 After the Arsinoite District and the Heracleotic Dis- 17.1.39
trict is Heracles City, where the ichneumon is revered by the Heracles City, Ihnasya el-
Medina (Egy.)
inhabitants—quite diff erent from the case of the Arsinoitans,
who revere crocodiles and whose canal is, as a result, packed
with crocodiles (as is the lake of Moeris), since p eople wor- lake of Moeris, Birket Qarun
(Egy.)
ship them and leave them alone. The inhabitants of Heracles
City, in contrast, revere the ichneumon, which is deadly to croc-
odiles and likewise to asps. The ichneumon destroys both the
eggs and the beasts themselves, making for itself a defensive
coat of mud by rolling in it and then letting the mud dry in
the sun. Then, in the case of asps, it seizes them by the head
or tail, drags them into the river, and kills them. In the case
of crocodiles, it bides its time and then, when the crocodiles
are basking in the sun with their jaws open, it enters through
their gaping mouths, eats through their intestines and stom-
achs, and emerges from their corpses. |
812 C, 22–813 C, 2 Next comes the Cynopolite District and Cynon Polis (Dog Cynon Polis, el-Qeis (Egy.) 17.1.40
city), where Anubis is revered. Dogs, too, are held in reverence;
sacred feeding is enjoined for them. On the other bank is the

city of Oxyrhynchus and the district of the same name: the Oxyrhynchus, el-Bahnasa (Egy.)
inhabitants revere the oxyrhynchus (sharp-snouted [fish]) and have

a temple sacred to “Oxyrhynchus.” Indeed, other Egyptians
share reverence for the oxyrhynchus. There are certain crea-
tures that all Egyptians share in revering: for example, three
creatures that walk (bull, dog, cat), two that fly (falcon, ibis),
and two that are aquatic (lepidotus fish, oxyrhynchus). There
are some creatures revered by specific groups: for example,
923
4.2. Southern Asia
residents of Sais and the Thebaïs revere the sheep; Latopoli-

tans revere the latus (perch), a type of fish in the Nile; Lycopoli-
tans revere the wolf; Hermopolitans revere the cynocephalus
(hound-head); the Memphis Babylonians revere the cebus (whose
face resembles a satyr but in other respects is a cross between

a dog and a bear—it is found in Ethiopia); Thebaeans revere
the eagle; Leontopolitans revere the lion; Mendesians revere
the female goat and the male goat; the Athribitans revere the
field mouse; and o thers a different animal. P
eople do not
agree on the rationale. |
813 C, 3-9 Next comes the Hermopolite Watch-post, a customs 17.1.41
house for goods imported from the Thebaïs. (From here

onward, the sixty-stade schoenus is in use, as far as Syene and
Elephantine.) Then t here’s the Theban Watch-post; a canal Tanis, Tuna el-Gebel (Egy.)
leading to Tanis; then Lycon Polis (Wolf city), Aphrodites Polis, Lycon Polis, Asyut (Egy.)
and Panon Polis, an ancient settlement of linen weavers and Aphrodites Polis, Kom Isgaw
stonemasons. | Then there’s the city of Ptolemaïs, the largest (Egy.) 17.1.42
city in the Thebaïs, no smaller than Memphis; she has a Greek Panon Polis, Akhmim (Egy.)
type of p olitical federation. Ptolemaïs, Menshyah (Egy.)
813 C, 10-17 Above Ptolemaïs is Abydus, the site of the Memnonium, Abydus, el-Araba el-Madfuna
(Egy.)
a palace wonderfully constructed out of whole slabs of stone,
built in the same manner as I described in the case of the
Labyrinth,1 albeit not as complicated; and a spring lying so
deep down that it requires a spiral descent via single stone
slabs of incredible size and construction. A canal leads to this
place from the great river; near the canal is a grove—sacred to great river = Nile
Apollo—of Egyptian acanthus. Abydus was probably a great

city at one time, second only to Thebes. Now, however, it is
a small settlement.
813 C, 17-20 If Memnon is, as they say, the man called by the Egyptians
“Ismandes,”2 then the Labyrinth would be a “Memnonium,”
built by the same man as built the labyrinth in Abydus and
the [labyrinths] in Thebes (for there, too, some are called
“Memnonia”).
813 C, 20-25 Opposite Abydus is the first of the three aforementioned
oases in Libya,3 a seven-day trek from Abydus through the
desert, a settlement with a good supply of water and wine,
and quite a lot of other t hings. The second oasis is the one
at the lake of Moeris, and the third is the one at the oracle in lake of Moeris, Birket Qarun
(Egy.)
Ammon: t hese are significant settlements. |
[ 1 ] Labyrinth: 811 C, 5-29.

[ 2 ] Strabo emends his earlier statement (811 C, 15-29, where the name is given as
“Imandes”).
[ 3 ] Strabo expands on his e arlier statement (790 C, 29–791 C, 9).
924
Nile Region
813 C, 26-31 Having already described Ammon at length,1 I wish to add Ammon, Aghurmi/Siwa (Egy.) 17.1.43
only that men originally held greater reverence for prophe-

cies in general (including oracles). Now, however, prophe-
cies are held in a g reat deal of contempt: the Romans content
themselves with the Sibylline oracles and with Tyrrhenian-
style divination by means of entrails, augury, and sky omens.
For this reason, even the Ammon oracle has been virtually
eclipsed, although it had once been revered.
813 C, 31–814 C, 6 The best indication of this fact is provided by the writers
who record the deeds of Alexander: while they add much in
the way of flattery, nevertheless they do make some state-
Callisthenes (late 4th c. BCE) ments worth believing. Callisthenes says that Alexander con-
ceived the ambition to visit the oracle when he heard that Perseus
and Heracles had earlier traveled up to it; he set off from Parae-
tonium, pressing on despite the onset of southerly winds; losing his
way in a sandstorm, he was saved by the rains and by two crows
that showed him the route. T hese last w
ere certainly added out
of flattery!
814 C, 6-14 Similarly, in the case of the following statements, that the
priest allowed the king alone to enter the temple in his customary at-
tire, while the o thers had to change their clothing, and everyone e lse
listened to the oracle from outside, except for Alexander, who heard
it from inside. Despite the fact that the oracular responses were not,
as at Delphi and Branchidae, given verbally but rather by means of
Homer (8th c. BCE) nods and signs (as Homer says, the son of Cronus spoke and nodded son of Cronus = Zeus
assent with his dark brows, the oracle giver being the equivalent
of Zeus), nevertheless the oracle giver explicitly told the king that he he = Alexander
was the son of Zeus.

814 C, 14-22 Callisthenes, in the style of high tragedy, adds to these
Callisthenes (late 4th c. BCE) statements that, since Apollo had abandoned the temple in Bran-
chidae ever since the temple had been plundered by the Branchidians
(who Persified under Xerxes), and the spring too had dried up, at Persified = went over to Persian
side
that time the spring gushed forth again, and Milesian ambassadors
brought many oracular responses to Memphis—about Alexander’s
descent from Zeus, the victory-to-be at Arbela, Darius’s death, and Arbela, Erbil (Iraq)
the rebellion in Lacedaemon. He says that Erythraean Athenaïs

also gave a response about Alexander’s high birth—she was similar
to the ancient Erythraean Sibylla.2
814 C, 23 Such are the statements made by these historiographers.3
|
[ 1 ] 49 C, 10–55 C, 32.
[ 2 ] For Erythrae (Ildır, Tky.) as home to the prophetesses Sibylla and Athenaïs:
645 C, 6-9.
[ 3 ] 813 C, 31–814 C, 6.
925
4.2. Southern Asia
814 C, 23-31 In Abydus, the p eople revere Osiris. At the t emple to Abydus, el-Araba el-Madfuna 17.1.44
(Egy.)
Osiris, it is not permitted (as is customary in the case of
other gods) for a singer, a flautist, or a harpist to lead off the
sacrifices to the god. A fter Abydus, t here’s Little Dios Polis Little Dios Polis, Hiw (Egy.)
(Little city of Zeus); then the city of Tentyra, where the crocodile Tentyra, Dendera (Egy.)
is disdained—quite different from the case among other

Egyptians—and held to be the most hateful of all creatures.
These other Egyptians, while recognizing that the creature is
dangerous and fatal to mankind, nevertheless worship it and
leave it alone. The former, in contrast, hunt down crocodiles former = inhabitants of Tentyra
in all manner of ways and kill them.

814 C, 31–815 C, 6 It is claimed by some that, just as the Psyllians t oward
Cyrenaea are naturally immune to snakes, so it is with the
Tentyrites in regard to crocodiles, with the consequence that
they do not suffer anything from them but plunge into the
water without fear and swim across to the other side, some-
thing that nobody else dares to do. Tentyrites were in at-
tendance on the crocodiles that w ere conveyed to Rome for
display. T here was a holding tank and a sort of scaffold above
one side, so that the beasts could sun themselves on emerging
from the water. T hese men got into the water with the croco-
diles, at times using a net to pull them toward the scaffold to
be seen by the spectators, at times dragging them back into
the holding tank.
815 C, 6-14 The Tentyrites revere Aphrodite; behind the temple to
Aphrodite is a temple to Isis. Then there are what are called
the “Typhonia,” and the canal leading to Coptus, a city shared Coptus, Qift (Egy.)
by the Egyptians and the Arabs. | There’s a neck of land be- 17.1.45
tween that place and the Erythra, where the city of Berenice Erythra, Red Sea
is located, with no harbor but with landing places, which Berenice, Bender el-Kebir/
Medinet el-Haras (Egy.)
are useful because of their convenient location on the nar-
row strip of land. It is said that Philadelphus, with his army,
was the first to cut this road, even though there was no water
supply, and to build resting places . . . *; and that he did so
because the Erythra was difficult to sail, particularly for those
voyaging from its innermost recess.
815 C, 14-17 Experience proved its utility. Now, all Indian and Arabian
wares, and w hatever Ethiopian goods are imported via the
Arabian gulf, are brought to Coptus, which acts as the en- Coptus, Qift (Egy.)
trepôt for such goods.
926
Nile Region
815 C, 17-20 Not far from Berenice is the city of Myus Hormus, with its Myus Hormus, ?Quseir
el-Qadim (Egy.)
stopping off point for sailors. Not far from Coptus is what is
called “Apollonos Polis” (Apollo city). Thus, the neck of land is Apollonos Polis, Qus (Egy.)
defined by two cities on either side.

815 C, 20-27 Nowadays, however, Coptus and Myus Hormus are well Coptus, Qift (Egy.)
known, and t hese are the places that are used.1 It used to be Myus Hormus, ?Quseir
el-Qadim (Egy.)
that the camel d rivers traveled by night, finding their way
by the stars and taking their w ater with them like sailors do.
Now, however, they have constructed watering places by dig-
ging down very deep, and have made tanks that hold rainwa-
ter, even though it falls infrequently. The journey takes six or
seven days. On this narrow strip of land, there are emerald
mines—the Arabs having dug deep shafts—and mines of
other precious stones. |
815 C, 28–816 C, 5 After Apollonos Polis is Thebes, now also called Dios Polis Thebes/Dios Polis, Luxor, 17.1.46
Karnak (Egy.)
(City of Zeus), which is one-hundred-gated; and through each gate,
Homer (8th c. BCE) two hundred men / go forth, with h orse and chariot. Thus Homer,
who also refers to its wealth—not as rich as Egyptian Thebes, /
where possessions are piled high in every h ouse. Other writers also
say as much and describe this city as the metropolis of Egypt.
Even now, traces of its large size are identified over a length of
eighty stades; and t here are several t emples, many of which
suffered mutilation at the hands of Cambyses. Nowadays,
it is inhabited village-style, part of it in Arabia (the site of
the city) and part of it on the opposite bank (the site of the
Memnonium). Memnonium, Medinet Habu
(Egy.)
816 C, 5-17 In the Memnonium, t here are two monolithic colossal
statues next to each other: one of them is intact; the upper
part of the other (from the seat upward) was toppled in an
earthquake, so it is said.2 There is a belief that, once each
day, a sound—as of a faint banging—emanates from the part
that remains on the throne and pedestal. When, at the first
hour, I was present at this place with Aelius Gallus and with
the throng of friends and soldiers accompanying him, I heard
the sound.3 Whether it came from the pedestal or from the
colossus (or whether one of the men conveniently seated
around the pedestal made the noise!), I cannot state with cer-
tainty. Given the uncertainty of the cause, one is inclined to
believe anything rather than that the echo issued with such
regularity from the stones. Above the Memnonium, there are
[ 1 ] Militarily as well as commercially: Aelius Gallus, Strabo’s “dear friend and com-
panion” (117 C, 35–118 C, 14nn), used this route to return to Alexandria a fter his
Arabian campaign (782 C, 19-26).
[ 2 ] Two additional colossal statues of the same king, probably toppled in the same
earthquake (13th c. BCE), were restored in 2014.
927
4.2. Southern Asia
around forty stone-hewn royal tombs in caves, wonderfully

constructed and worth visiting.
816 C, 18-27 In Thebes, inscriptions on certain of the obelisks illustrate Thebes, Luxor, Karnak (Egy.)
the wealth of the rulers of that time, the extent of their power
(reaching as far as the Scythians, Bactrians, Indians, and what
is now Ionia), the amount of tribute and size of their army
(around a million men). The priests there are said to be also
astronomers and p hilosophers. They are responsible for the
reckoning of days according not to the moon but to the sun,
intercalating five days into the twelve thirty-day months per
year. Since an additional fraction of a day is required to com-
plete an entire year, they figure out the period of whole days
and whole years such that the total of the additional fractions
equals one day.
816 C, 28-33 They attribute all this type of learning to Hermes. The
priestess who serves Zeus—whom they hold in the highest
reverence—is a very beautiful young girl from an extremely
good f amily (the Greeks call these young girls pallades). She
is a concubine and goes with whatever men she wants, until
the natural cleansing of her body occurs. A fter this cleans-
ing, she is given to a man (but before she is given, a fter her
concubinage, a lament is held for her). |
816 C, 34–817 C, 6 After Thebes comes the city of Hermonthis, where both Hermonthis, Armant (Egy.) 17.1.47
bull = a sacred bull Apollo and Zeus are revered; and a bull is tended t here.
Then there’s Crocodilon Polis (Crocodile city), which reveres Crocodilon Polis, Rizeiqat (Egy.)
that beast; then Aphrodites Polis (Aphrodite city) and, a fter that, Aphrodites Polis, Gebelen (Egy.)
Laton Polis (Perch city), which reveres Athena and the perch; Laton Polis, Esna/Isna (Egy.)
Eileithyias Polis, el-Kab (Egy.) then, Eileithyias Polis (City of Eileithyia) and temple, and on the
Eileithyia, Greek goddess of opposite bank, Hieracon Polis (Falcon city), which reveres the
childbirth
Hieracon Polis, Kom el-Ahmar
falcon; then Apollonos Polis (Apollo city), which is hostile to Apollonos Polis, Edfu/Idfu (Egy.)
(Egy.) crocodiles. |
817 C, 7-20 Syene and Elephantine: the former is a city on the borders Syene, Aswan (Egy.) 17.1.48
of Ethiopia and Egypt; the latter is an island in the Nile, half a Elephantine, Geziret Aswan
(Egy.)
stade from Syene, and also a city on the island, with a temple
to Knuphis and, as at Memphis, a Nilometer. The Nilometer
is a well, built from square-cut stone, on the bank of the Nile.
In it, p
eople mark the Nile’s risings—the highest levels, low-
est levels, and median levels—for the well’s w ater level rises
and falls in unison with the river. So, t here are marks on the
wall of the well, measurements of the risings at their greatest
928
Nile Region
height and at other times. P eople observe them and interpret

them for the information of others—that is, from these indi-
cations and the date, they predict the amount of the rise and
give forewarning. This is useful to farmers (for the purpose of
water management, embankments, canals, and suchlike) and
to officials (for revenue purposes, since the larger the rises,
the greater the revenue).
817 C, 20-27 In Syene is another well, which indicates the summer Syene, Aswan (Egy.)
solstice, since this region lies beneath the tropical parallel:1

in other words, if we travel southward from our regions (by
which I mean those of Greece), it is at Syene that the sun first
appears to be overhead 2 and renders the gnomon shadowless gnomon, rod placed vertically
at midday.3 When the sun is overhead, it necessarily casts its shadow
rays onto the water in wells, however deep they are: for just
as we stand vertical, in just the same way the shafts of wells
are constructed.
817 C, 27-28 Three companies of Roman soldiers are stationed there there = at Syene
for the purposes of defense. |

817 C, 29–818 C, 3 A little above Elephantine is the L ittle Cataract, where Elephantine, Geziret Aswan 17.1.49
(Egy.)
boatmen stage a spectacle for officials. The cataract (crashing
down) is in the center of the river, a rocky brow that has a flat
area on top that accommodates the river, but which ends in

a sheer drop, over which the w aters “crash down”; on each
landward side is a stream that allows for upstream navigation
in particular. So, sailing upstream by this means, the boatmen
are carried downstream to the cataract, forced onto the brow,
and preserved unharmed along with the boat.
818 C, 3-10 A little upstream from the cataract is Philae,4 a settlement Philae, Bilaq (Egy.)
Southern limit of Strabo’s shared by Ethiopians and Egyptians, built up like Elephantine
voyage up the Nile
and of the same size, with its temples being Egyptian. Here,
too, the p eople revere a bird, which they call a “falcon”—
although it seemed to me to have nothing in common either
with our falcons or with falcons in Egypt, being much big-
ger and with a very diff erent plumage. They said that it came
from Ethiopia and that, when one bird died, another was
brought from t here (and indeed the bird shown to me at the
time was close to expiring from disease).5 |
818 C, 11-17 We went to Philae from Syene by wagon, across a very Philae, Bilaq (Egy.) 17.1.50
level plain, some one hundred stades or so.6 Along the entire Syene, Aswan (Egy.)
route, it was possible to see, everywhere and on e ither side,
[ 1 ] Strabo envisages parallels as drawn across the sky, rather than on the earth’s [ 5 ] I.e., “at the time” of Strabo’s voyage on the Nile (early 20s BCE): 117 C, 35–118 C,
surface. Hence, where we talk about a place lying on a parallel, Strabo describes 14n.
a place as being beneath a parallel. [ 6 ] Strabo was probably given the distance in the local metrological unit, the
[ 2 ] Strabo’s statement is true only for the day on which the summer solstice occurs. schoenus. If he was told that the distance was around 1.5 schoeni, and if he
[ 3 ] Use of the gnomon: 111 C, 29–112 C, 2n. converted at the rate of 60 stades to 1 schoenus (the conversion rate in use
[ 4 ] The European Space Agency gave the name “Philae” to the craft that made the along the upper Nile) rather than at the more normal rate of 30 stades to
first ever comet landing, in November 2014. 1 schoenus (803 C, 33–804 C, 9), this would explain why the distance he gives
is double the a ctual one.
929
4.2. Southern Asia
what looked like hermaea: a large, round stone, quite smooth,

nearly spheroid, of the hard and dark rock from which mortar spheroid, ball-shaped
is made, which was perched on top of another bigger stone,

with another beneath that. Sometimes, the stones were posi-
tioned singly. The largest stone was no less then twelve feet in
diameter, and all the stones were more than half that.
818 C, 17-21 We crossed over onto the island in a pacton. A pacton is
a little boat made out of twigs, so that it looks like wicker-
work. Standing in w ater, or seated on narrow boards, we easily
made the crossing, our fears unfounded: it is not dangerous—
unless someone overloads the vessel! |
818 C, 22-32 Throughout Egypt, the date palm is of inferior quality. 17.1.51
In the region of the Delta and Alexandria, it produces fruit

that is not good to eat. In the Thebaïs, however, the date
palm is better than the rest. It is remarkable how the region
of the Delta and Alexandria, though occupying the same
clima as, and bordering on, Judaea, is yet so different, with clima, band of latitude
the latter producing the caryotic date (far superior to the

Babylonian) in addition to the regular date. The date palm
is of two types—the regular and the caryotic—in both the
Thebaïs and Judaea. The date in the Thebaïs is harder but
has more flavor. T here’s an island where the very best dates
are grown, and which brings in an enormous amount of rev-
enue for the governors: it used to be royal property, with no
private individual having a share of it, but now it belongs to
the governors.1 |
818 C, 33–819 C, 4 Herodotus and other writers talk a lot of nonsense, spicing 17.1.52
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) up their story with fantasies as if with songs and music, stat-
ing, for example, that the sources of the Nile are in the vicinity
Syene, Aswan (Egy.) of the islands (of which there are several) toward Syene and
Elephantine and that the river channel has a bottomless depth Elephantine, Geziret Aswan
(Egy.)
in this place.
819 C, 4-6 The Nile has numerous islands scattered around in it,
some of them completely covered when the river rises, o thers
only partly so; those parts that are too far above the w
ater are
irrigated by means of screws. |
819 C, 7-17 Egypt was largely peaceable from the start, because of 17.1.53
the territory’s self-sufficiency and its inaccessibility to out-

siders. It is defended to the north by its harborless shore
and by the Egyptian sea, to the east and west by the moun-
[ 1 ] I.e., of Roman province of Egypt.
930
Nile Region
tain deserts of Libya and Arabia, as I said before.1 The re-

maining p eoples to the south are Trogodytes, Blemmyans,
Nubians, and Megabarians (who are the Ethiopians above
Syene). They are nomadic, neither numerous nor aggres-
sive, although they seemed so to men in the long ago past,
because they frequently launched raids against the unwary. Meroe, region of Bagrawiya
The Ethiopians who extend southward and toward Meroe (Sud.)
are likewise not numerous; they are not united, as a result

of inhabiting a riverland that, as I said before, is elongated,
narrow, and twisting; 2 nor are they well equipped, for war or
any other way of life.
819 C, 18-22 Even now, the entire territory is similarly disposed. Proof territory = Egypt
lies in the fact that the Upper Territory is adequately de-

fended by the Romans, with three cohorts, and those not at
full complement.3 (When the Ethiopians dared to attack,
it turned out that they endangered their own territory!)4
The remaining forces in Egypt are not even so large as t hese,
nor did the Romans use them all at the same time, not even
once.
819 C, 22-29 The Egyptians, despite their numbers, are not prone to
war; nor are the nations around them.5 Cornelius Gallus, the
first man appointed as prefect of the territory by Caesar, at-
tacked Heroon Polis when it staged a revolt and took it in Heroon Polis, ?Abu Suwayr, Tell
el-Maskhuta (Egy.)
a short time; and when t here was civil strife in the Thebaïs
because of taxation, he put a quick end to it. Subsequently,
Petronius, when so many tens of thousands of the Alexan-
drian population rose up against him and showered him with
stones, resisted with only his bodyguard, killing some of the
Alexandrians and making the o thers desist.
819 C, 29-32 Aelius Gallus, invading Arabia with a part of the defense
forces from Egypt, as has been said,6 showed to some extent
that the population was unwarlike. If Syllaeus had not be- population = of Arabia
trayed him, he would have conquered the w hole of Blessed

Arabia. |
819 C, 33–820 C, 9 The Ethiopians, made bold by the withdrawal of part of 17.1.54
ETHIOPIA the Egyptian forces to accompany Aelius Gallus in his Ara- Syene, Aswan (Egy.)
s. Egypt, Sudan, South Sudan,
present-day Ethiopia bian war, attacked the Thebaïs and the garrison of three co- Elephantine, Geziret Aswan
(Egy.)
horts at Syene; succeeded in taking Syene, Elephantine, and
Philae, Bilaq (Egy.)
Philae through the swiftness of their ambush; enslaved the
inhabitants; and tore down the statues of Caesar. Petronius, Caesar = Augustus Caesar
[ 1 ] Strabo expands on his earlier statements (803 C, 3-12; cf. 802 C, 17-28, where
he mentions Egypt’s harborless shore). For “Libya” and “Arabia” meaning the
western and eastern sides of the Nile respectively: 806 C, 31–807 C, 3.
[ 2 ] 32 C, 11-16; 785 C, 20–786 C, 9.
[ 3 ] Part of the garrison had been withdrawn by Aelius Gallus: 819 C, 29-32n. There
had also been some attrition as the result of the Ethiopian attack against the
Roman forces at Syene (mid 20s BCE): 819 C, 33–820 C, 9.
[ 4 ] Ethiopian attack: 819 C, 33–821 C, 11.
[ 5 ] E.g., the Arabs: 819 C, 29-32.
[ 6 ] 780 C, 1–782 C, 26 (esp. 780 C, 20-28); 819 C, 18-22n.
931
4.2. Southern Asia
oing into battle against thirty thousand men with fewer

g
than ten thousand foot soldiers and eight hundred cavalry,
forced them first to retreat to the Ethiopian city of Pselchis, Pselchis, Dakar (Egy.)
and sent a delegation to demand the restoration of what

they had stolen and an explanation for why they had started
the war.
820 C, 9-15 When the Ethiopians said that they had been wronged
by the nomarchs, Petronius countered that it was not the
nomarchs who controlled the territory but Caesar. When Caesar = Augustus Caesar
they asked for three days to deliberate but did nothing that
had been asked of them, Petronius took the initiative and
forced them into b attle and routed them easily, as they w ere
badly organized and ill equipped. (They had large shields—
but made only of rawhide—and axes to defend themselves;
some had pikes, others even had swords.)
820 C, 15-23 Some of them were penned up in the city; o thers fled into
the desert. A nearby island provided a refuge for some, who
ventured into the river channel (in a place where there were
not many crocodiles because of the current). T hese included
the generals of queen Candace: she ruled the Ethiopians in
our times and was a masculine sort of woman, blind in one
eye. Petronius, sailing over with lighter vessels as well as ships,
takes everyone captive and sends them forthwith to Alexan-
dria; and he attacks and takes Pselchis. If the numbers of Pselchis, Dakar (Egy.)
those who fell in battle is added to those taken captive, the

result is that very few escaped.
820 C, 23-31 From Pselchis he went to the fortified city of Premnis, he = Petronius
crossing over the sand dunes in which Cambyses’s army had Premnis, Kasr Ibrim (Egy.)
been buried when the wind got up. He ambushes and takes
the fortress t here. After this, he set off for Napata. This was Napata, Barkal (Sud.)
the royal residence of Candace: her son was there, and she
was in a place nearby. While Candace makes overtures of
friendship and returns the prisoners and statues taken at
Syene, Petronius attacks and takes Napata, too (the son hav- Syene, Aswan (Egy.)
ing fled), and levels it. After enslaving the inhabitants, he re-
treats to the rear with his spoils, judging that what lay ahead
was impassable.
820 C, 31–821 C, 7 After strengthening the fortifications at Premnis, p utting
in a garrison with enough food for four hundred men for
two years, he departed for Alexandria. As for the captives,
932
Nile Region
he sold some of them off as booty and sent one thousand

to Caesar, who had recently arrived from the Cantabrians; Caesar = Augustus Caesar
and disease finished off some of them. Meanwhile, Candace,

with many tens of thousands of men, moved against the gar-
rison. Petronius went to the garrison’s aid—and he reached
the garrison first. Having secured the place with a great
deal of equipment, he answered the Ethiopians’ delegation
with the command that they should send their delegation
to Caesar.
821 C, 7-11 When the Ethiopians said that they had no idea who Cae- Caesar = Augustus Caesar
sar was and where they might find him, Petronius provided
them with escorts; and they went to Samos, since Caesar
was there and intended to proceed to Syria from there, after
dispatching Tiberius to Armenia. The Ethiopians got every
thing they wanted; and Caesar even remitted the tributes he
had imposed on them. |
821 C, 12-25 I said a great deal about Ethiopian matters earlier, so that 17.2.1
they might be said to have been covered along with Egypt.1 In

general, the extreme edges of the lived-in world, lying next to
the [zone] that is intemperate and uninhabited owing to heat
or cold, are by necessity the worst and most deficient parts
of the temperate [zone], as is evident from the lives p eople live
and the scarcity of supplies necessary for man’s existence.
People have terrible lives, wear scarcely any clothes for the
most part, and are nomads. Their livestock—sheep, goats,
and cattle—are small; their dogs are small, too, albeit swift
and aggressive. (Possibly, the “Pygmies” are a fiction inspired
by the small size of these animals, given that no eyewitness
account of the Pygmies has been given by any person of true
credibility.) | Their diet consists of millet and barley; out of 17.2.2
these, they also make a drink. Butter and suet are their olive
oil. They have no fruit trees other than a few date palms in
the royal gardens. Some of these p eople also feed on herbs,
shoots, lotus, and reed roots; and they eat meat, blood, milk,
and cheese.
821 C, 26–822 C, 3 Their rulers are generally kept shut up at home and are
thyroid, shield-shaped worshipped as divinities. Their most important royal resi-
dence is Meroe, a city with the same name as the island. The Meroe (city), Bagrawiya (Sud.)
island is said to be thyroid in shape. In size, it is said (perhaps Meroe (island) = region along
Nile between Atbara r. and Blue
with exaggeration) to be some three thousand stades long and Nile/Bahr el Azraq
[ 1 ] 786 C, 30–787 C, 11.
933
4.2. Southern Asia
one thousand [stades] wide. . . . * has plenty of mountains and

large thickets. Some of the inhabitants are nomads, some are
hunters, and some are farmers. There are copper mines, iron-
works, and gold mines; and a variety of precious stones. Meroe
is surrounded on the Libyan side by huge sand dunes; on the Libyan side = western side
Arabian side by continuous cliffs; upstream (to the south) by Arabian side = eastern side
the confluences of the rivers Astaboras,1 Astapus, and Asta- Astapus, White Nile/Bahr el
Abiad
sobas. The course of the Nile continues northward, as far as
Astasobas, Blue Nile/Bahr el
Egypt, following the winding pattern of the river described Azraq
earlier.2
822 C, 3-13 In the cities, the dwellings are made from intertwined
pieces of date-palm wood . . . * Salt is mined, as among the
Arabs. As for flora, t here is abundant date palm, persea,
ebony, and ceratia; and as for animals, abundant elephants,
lions, and leopards. T here are also snakes—the elephantoma-
chi (elephant-hunters)—and many other beasts: they migrate
from the hot and arid regions to the wetlands and marshes.
| Above Meroe is Psebo, a large lake with a quite populous Psebo, ?Tana l. (present-day 17.2.3
Ethiopia)
island . . . * It so happens that, the west side of the Nile being
occupied by the Libyans and the other side by the Ethiopi-
ans, control of the islands and riverlands passes from one
to the other as each in turn is forced out by the growing
strength of the others.
822 C, 14-22 The Ethiopians use bows made of wood and four cubits 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
high . . . * hardened by fire; and they give weapons to their

women, most of whom have their lips pierced with a copper
ring. They wear sheepskins since they have no wool, their
sheep having hair like goats do. Others of them are barely
clad: they wear only loincloths, made of strips of sheepskin
or woven out of plaited hair. They consider as divine both
the immortal, the origin of everything, and the mortal, albeit
without a name or a clear form. Thus, they generally believe
that their benefactors and rulers are divine. Of these, they
believe that rulers are saviors and guardians common to all;
private individuals are saviors and guardians specifically to
those whom they benefit.
822 C, 23-30 It is even believed that some of the Ethiopians, t hose who
live by the torrid [zone], are godless. They are said to hate even
the sun; to hurl abuse at it when they see it rising, because
it burns them and is their enemy; and to take refuge in the
[ 1 ] The Astaboras (Atbara r.) is included mistakenly, since it joins the Nile down-
stream from (i.e., north of) Meroe.
[ 2 ] 785 C, 20–818 C, 21.
934
Nile Region
marshes. The inhabitants of Meroe worship Heracles, Pan, Meroe, region of Bagrawiya
(Sud.)
and Isis, in addition to another native god. Some dispose
of their dead in rivers; others keep them at home encased
in crystal. There are some who bury the dead around their
holy places in clay urns. They demand that oaths be sworn
over the dead, and deem that oaths thus sworn are the most
sacred of all.
822 C, 31–823 C, 7 They appoint, as monarchs, people who have superior
beauty, skill in cattle breeding, courage, or wealth. In olden
days, the priests reigned supreme in Meroe. They sometimes
even ordered the monarchs to kill themselves, and then ap-
pointed a successor. L ater on, one of the monarchs put an end
to this practice, making an armed advance into the holy place
where the golden t emple stands, and slaughtering all the
priests! The following, too, is an Ethiopian custom: if one of
their monarchs is maimed in any part of the body whatsoever,
their closest companions must suffer the same injury, to the
extent of sometimes even sharing their death. For this reason,
they take very great care in guarding the monarch.
823 C, 8 The foregoing w ill be a sufficient description of the Ethio-
pians.1 |
823 C, 8-14 The following should be added to my account of Egypt, 17.2.4
as being peculiar to the country. For example, t here is the

“Egyptian” bean, as it is called, from which ciborium is made;
and papyrus is found only here and in India. The persea, a here = in Egypt
large tree that produces a large and sweet fruit, is found only
here and among the Ethiopians; also the sycaminus, yield-
ing a fruit that, b ecause it is similar to a sycus (fig), is called
sycomorus—but it is not valued for its taste. There’s corsium,
too; and a delicacy something like a pepper but a little big-
ger than it.
823 C, 14-23 There are many fish in the Nile that have a peculiar local
character, but the best known are the oxyrhynchus, lepidotus,
latus, alabes, coracinus, choerus, phagrorius (also called phagrus),
and the silurus, citharus, thrissa, cestreus, lychnus, physa, and bus.
As for shellfish, there are large conchliae that make a sound
like the croaking of frogs. Indigenous animals include the
ichneumon and the Egyptian asp, with its own peculiarities
compared to asps elsewhere. T here are two types: the one- 1 span = 0.75 ft.
span asp, which c auses a quicker death; and the asp that is
[ 1 ] 821 C, 12–823 C, 7.
935
4.2. Southern Asia
Nicander (2nd c. BCE) nearly one orguia in length, as noted by the writer Nicander 1 orguia = 6 ft.
in his Theriaca (Stuff about beasts).

823 C, 23-32 As for birds, t here’s the ibis and the Egyptian falcon, which,
like the cat, is tame compared to those in other places. The local
nucticorax (night-crow) is of a peculiar type. Our nucticorax is the
size of an eagle and has a deep call; in Egypt, it is the size of
a jackdaw, and its call is different. The tamest bird is the ibis,
which is stork-like in shape and in size and comes in two color
types, one type like a stork and the other completely black.
Every road junction in Alexandria is full of them, in some ways
beneficially, but not in o thers. Their presence is beneficial in
that they get rid of all creatures and the refuse from butchers’
shops and fishmongers; not beneficial, in that they are vora-
cious, unclean, and difficult to keep away from what is clean
and far from defiled. |
823 C, 33–824 C, 11 The statement of Herodotus is true: it is an Egyptian custom 17.2.5
Herodotus (5th c. BCE) to knead clay with their hands but to knead bread dough with their
feet. Another peculiarity is caceis—a type of bread for stop-
ping the bowels; also cici, a crop that is sown in the fields and
pressed to produce the oil used by nearly all countryfolk in
their lamps and by the poorer laborers, both male and female,
as an unguent. Cucina, Egyptian wickerwork, is made from
a plant and similar to woven rush or date palm. Beer is pro-
duced by them in a peculiar way: many produce it, but each them = Egyptians
according to their own r ecipe. The practice they follow most

zealously is this: to rear every child that is born and to circum-
cise them (or, in the case of females, cut them—which is also
a custom among the Judaeans, who are Egyptian in origin, as
I said in my account of them).1
824 C, 12-21 Aristobulus says that, on account of the crocodiles, no fish from
Aristobulus (late 4th c. BCE) the sea swims up the Nile other than the “cestreus,” the “thrissa,” and
the dolphin—dolphins on account of their greater strength, and “ces-
treis” because they are escorted parallel to the banks by the “choeri,” in
accordance with some natural affinity. The crocodiles keep away from
the “choeri,” which are round and have spines on their head that are
dangerous to the beasts. The “cestreis” swim upriver in spring, carry
ing their spawn, but shortly before the setting of the Pleiades,2 they
all swim downstream to produce 3 their young—and that is when
their capture takes place, since they all get trapped in nets. It is
[ 1 ] 760 C, 23–761 C, 30.

[ 2 ] Setting of the Pleiades = November: 691 C, 25-34n.
[ 3 ] “After producing” would make more sense.
936
Nile Region
reasonable to guess that something similar happens in the case

of the thrissa.
824 C, 21 That was my description of Egypt.1 |
824 C, 22-25 Let me describe Libya next, which is what remains of my de- 17.3.1
Strabo segues from his scription of the entire world.2 Much has already been said
description of southern Asia
to his description of Libya
about it, but I must now add further commentary as neces-
(= Africa) sary, adding material that was not included before.
[ 1 ] 785 C, 20–824 C, 21.

[ 2 ] I.e., what “remains” of Strabo’s description as previewed at 126 C, 24–131 C, 26.
937
Italy
Spain
Portugal
ce
3
Gree
Turkey
2
4
Tunisia
5
1 Crete
c co
o ro
M Algeria
Libya
Egypt
Nile
ha rn
ra
Sa este
?
W
? ?
Mauritania ?
Mali Sudan
Niger
Senegal Chad
Burkina
Faso
Guinea Nigeria
MAP 8 . Strabo’s “Libya” (= Africa)

For Strabo, the Nile river valley functions as the boundary between Asia and Libya (= Africa), with the valley itself lying in southern Asia (chapter 4.2).
CH APT E R F I V E Libya (= Africa)
Libya (= Africa) is the third and last of the continents into which Strabo divides the
lived-in world. More accurately, since continents are not in themselves ordinal, Libya is
described by Strabo in third place, after Europe and Asia. The name “Libya” is confusing
for the twenty-first-century reader. In 1934, a classically minded Italian administrator
used the name, which the ancient Greeks had applied to the entire continent, and gave it
to what was then an Italian province and is now a nation-state. As in the cases of “Egypt,”
“Ethiopia, and “India,” it is difficult for modern readers to shed the present-day conno-
tations of the names used by Strabo, but such we must do for “Libya,” which for Strabo
generally denotes an entire continent (although to complicate m atters further, as we s hall
see in the next chapter, Strabo also uses the name for a Roman province).
The equation of Strabo’s “Libya” with our “Africa” is not quite precise. Strabo excludes
from Libya several parts of what we might consider to be part of Africa. More specifically,
Strabo excludes Egypt (part of present-day Egypt) and parts of Ethiopia (southern present-day
Egypt, Sudan, South Sudan, present-day Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia). As we have seen
in the previous chapter, Strabo considers t hese areas to be part of Asia and has already
described them as such. Strabo’s conception of what constitutes the continent of Africa
is thus somewhat diff erent from the twenty-first-century conception, when we are more
likely to take the neck of land crossed by the Suez Canal as the continental divide (as
indeed did some writers in antiquity other than Strabo).
Even allowing for his sundering of the continents at the Nile, Strabo severely under-
estimates the size of Libya. To the south, he draws a theoretical boundary by reference to
a place called “Meroe.” This is the name Strabo gives to the area of land between two of
the Nile’s tributaries (Atbara river and Blue Nile/Bahr el Azraq), an area that Strabo calls
an “island,” even though it is not an island in the literal sense. Strabo also sometimes uses
the name “Meroe” to refer to a city (Bagrawiya, Sudan), situated on this quasi-island.
Strabo’s usage of the name is ambiguous in the e arlier section of his narrative (chapters 1
and 2). In chapter 5, Strabo specifically uses the name in the sense of the city, and puts the
southern boundary of Libya three thousand stades to the south of it. However, he also
refers back to t hose e arlier discussions, in which he has given the distance variously as
“three thousand four hundred,” “not less than three thousand,” and “three thousand or
four thousand” stades.
939
5. Libya (= Africa)
Strabo takes the parallel running through this point south of Meroe as the southern
boundary of Libya (at least, of the part of the continent contained within the lived-in
world). He believes that this is the same as the parallel running through Cinnamonland
(Somalia). If we follow this parallel westward, we can imagine the southern boundary
of Strabo’s Libya as r unning, very approximately, through the northern tip of South
Sudan and the southern parts of Sudan, southern Chad, northern Nigeria, Burkina Faso,
southern Mali, Guinea, and Guinea-Bissau. Although Strabo has no detailed knowledge
of these places, he feels confident in asserting that h
uman habitation south of this parallel
is impossible; that the continental landmass, if it projects south of this line at all, does so
only for a short distance. In consequence, most of what we would call “central Africa” and
all of what we would call “southern Africa” simply do not exist for Strabo.
Drawing the southern boundary of Libya as he does, Strabo severely underestimates
the “width” (north–south dimension) of the continent. He calculates that it is just over half
of its maximum “length” (east–west dimension). To complicate m atters, he also under-
estimates the latter dimension, which he measures from a headland called “Coteis” (Cap
Spartel, Morocco) eastward to Egypt. Strabo wrongly believes that Coteis is the western-
most point of all Libya and is unaware of the huge westward bulge of Africa into the
Atlantic. Thus, even allowing for Strabo’s inclusion of what he calls Egypt and Ethiopia
in Asia rather than Africa, and even allowing for his ignorance of the true southern extent
of the continent, he seriously fails to appreciate the true size of Africa.

As we have seen in the case of Europe and Asia, there is a sweep and a direction to Strabo’s
description of Libya. Readers need to bear this in mind, not least so that they can un-
derstand what Strabo means when he talks about “beginnings” and “ends.” Strictly, it is
only a journey that has a “beginning” or an “end”; territories and boundaries are simply
“there.” As in the case of Strabo’s description of the first two continents, we have to
imagine a virtual journey. Strabo’s gaze (or perhaps his inner eye) passes over a globe
or map representing the world (or perhaps over a mental construct of the world). The
path followed by that gaze acts as an itinerary, around which the narrative is constructed.
In the case of Libya, Strabo starts by focusing his gaze on the mouth of the Mediterra-
nean Sea—namely on Maurusia (Morocco, southwestern Algeria). His eye sweeps southward
down the Atlantic coast (1, on the accompanying map), where his vision is blurred and the
narrative chaotic. Strabo has some stories to tell, but it is unclear whether he believes
that they apply to the coast of Maurusia itself or the coast farther south (Western Sahara,
?Mauritania, ?Senegal). Then Strabo refocuses on the mouth of the Mediterranean and
moves his gaze eastward in stages. After first describing the Mediterranean coast of
Maurusia (2), Strabo next (3) describes Masaesylia (Algeria), then (4) Masylia and Car-
thage (eastern Algeria, Tunisia, western present-day Libya, with associated islands), and finally
(5) Cyrenaea (eastern present-day Libya).
940
After introducing each stage, Strabo swoops down in his narrative as if to get a
Google Street View or, more precisely, a coastal-cruising view, since it is actually the
coast concerning which Strabo has the most to say. Many of the locations he describes
rose to prominence in the modern Western consciousness in the early years of this
century. Tynis (Tunis) is the place where a street vendor famously set himself on fire
in protest against the Tunisian government at the beginning of the Arab Spring; Ber-
enice (Benghazi, Libya) is familiar as the place to which the protests spread; near Cape
Cephalae (Misuarata, Libya), there was a fierce b attle between Libyan government
forces and rebels.
As Strabo describes each stage of this imagined journey along the Mediterranean
coast, he lets his gaze travel southward to what he conceives of as the Libyan interior (in
reality, still what we would call “northern” Africa). Strabo has much less knowledge about
these areas but is aware of the immense distances traveled by the indigenous p eoples as
they cross the Sahara. He exhibits a non-nomad’s amazement at journeys of ten and fif-
teen days, and notes details such as how the journeys are managed by tying water-filled
skins beneath the horses’ bellies. Interestingly, Strabo is vaguely aware that, south of
these desert regions, rain may be more plentiful.
While the caravans across the desert represent actual journeys regularly made by the
nomadic p eoples, Strabo’s own travels in Libya appear to have been limited to a cruise
along part of the northern coast. This voyage plays no part in shaping the narrative and
is known to us only by a throwaway line concerning Cyrene (Ain Shahat, Libya), stating
that it is situated on a plain that “looked trapezoid to me when I saw it from the sea.”1
Nothing else is known about Strabo’s voyage, although it was presumably associated with
his long stay in Egypt. Possibly, he was sailing along the Cyrenaean coast before sailing
northward to Crete, which was part of the same Roman province as Cyrenaea and where
Strabo had f amily connections. Strabo’s p resentation of the Mediterranean coastline gets
increasingly erratic the farther west of Cyrene he goes, so it seems unlikely that his cruise
extended much farther along the coast.
When Strabo gives us an eyewitness description of the plain on which Cyrene sits, he
has just a l ittle e arlier remarked on the many reefs along the coastline, which make sailing
along it so dangerous: “it happens in the case of some people that they run aground in
the shallows and get stuck t here. Rare is the vessel that survives! Because of this, people
making the voyage keep their distance from the coast, taking precautions lest they get
driven into the bays, caught off guard and blown t here by the wind. Man’s venturesome
spirit makes him have a go at all things, coastal navigations in particul ar!”2
There seems to be a play on the phrase “coastal navigations,” which can just as easily be
translated as “coastal descriptions”—and a “coastal description” is precisely what Strabo
is engaged in. The latent sense of fear (in antiquity, shipwrecks w ere e very man’s worst
nightmare) was also perhaps born from Strabo’s own experience. Had his ship perhaps
misjudged what was a safe distance from the coast? If so, it is possible that the point of
[ 1 ] 837 C, 4-15. “Trapezoid” = table-shaped.

[ 2 ] 835 C, 30–836 C, 5.
941
5. Libya (= Africa)
his eyewitness account is that the ship’s captain should not have steered so close to shore
to enable Strabo to make the observation about the table-shaped plain.
Circumnavigation of Libya (= Africa)?

One actual journey that one might expect to find featured in Strabo’s description of Libya
is the voyage by the adventurer and explorer Eudoxus (second century BCE). More pre-
cisely, Eudoxus attempted to circumnavigate Africa by sailing from Gadira (Cádiz, Spain)
southward down the Atlantic coast, with the intention of continuing around the southern
part of the continent, into the Arabian gulf (Red Sea), and (after cutting overland to the
Nile) onward to Alexandria in Egypt.
Strabo mentions Eudoxus’s attempt at considerable length, but he does so at the out-
set of his work (chapter 1), making no reference at all to it here in his account of Libya.
One possible reason is that, according to Strabo’s conceptualization of the continents,
the Arabian gulf and Alexandria lie in Asia, not in Libya. In Strabo’s view, what Eudoxus
was attempting to do was to voyage from one continent (Libya) to another (Asia) via the
Atlantic, rather than circumnavigating a single continent. When Strabo tells the story
of Eudoxus, he does so in the words of an e arlier writer, Posidonius. For Posidonius, it is
the neck of land between the Arabian gulf and the Mediterranean—the Isthmus of Suez,
as we would now call it—that divides Asia from Libya. Posidonius can legitimately see
Eudoxus’s voyage as an attempt to circumnavigate the continent, whereas Strabo cannot.
Another possible reason for Strabo’s silence concerning Eudoxus in his account of
Libya is that, for Eudoxus to have been successful, he would have had to sail through what
Strabo considers the “burnt zone”—that is, the uninhabited, and uninhabitable, area
south of Libya. If p eople could not live in this zone, presumably no one could survive a
voyage through it—at least, so Strabo would have reckoned. The success of the attempt
would have undermined Strabo’s whole conceptualization of the lived-in world. Luck-
ily for Strabo, it appears from the account in chapter 1 that Eudoxus never reached his
destination; there is a sense of “I could have told you so” to the denouement of the story,
in which Eudoxus is never heard from again.
942
Remember

reader.
943
CH APT E R F I V E Libya (= Africa)
824 C, 26–825 C, 5 hose who divided the lived-in world into continents did so
T 17.3.1 cont.
unequally. The threefold division implies three equal parts, but
Libya falls so far short of being one-third of the lived-in world
that, even taken together with Europe, it would seem not to be
as large as Asia. It is perhaps even smaller than E urope and, in
respect of its power, greatly so. A great part of the interior and
of the oceanic coast is desolate, with just a sprinkling of settle- oceanic coast = Atlantic + Indian
Ocean coasts
ments, which are small and scattered and belong mostly to no-
mads; besides its desolation, the fact that it is a haunt of wild
animals drives people away even from areas that are capable of
supporting habitation; and it greatly encroaches into the burnt
zone.1 In contrast, the whole of the coast on our sea, from the coast on our sea = Med. coast
Nile to the Pillars, and especially the part subject to the Cartha Pillars = Straits of Gibraltar
ginians, is blessed in its living conditions. Even h ere, however,

some stretches suffer from drought—for example, the stretches Syrtes, bays off e. Tunisia,
Catabathmus, Sollum (Egy.) in the region of the Syrtes, the Marmaridans, and Catabathmus. present-day Libya
825 C, 5-10 Its shape (so as to envisage it on a flat surface) is that of a

right-angled triangle.2 It has as its base the coast of our sea our sea = Med. Sea
from Egypt and the Nile to Maurusia and the Pillars; at right Maurusia, Morocco
angles to this, the side formed by the Nile to Ethiopia (I ex- Pillars = Straits of Gibraltar
tend this line to the ocean); as its hypotenuse, the entire oce- Ethiopians = Western
Ethiopians, Western Sahara,
anic coast between the Ethiopians and Maurusians. ?Mauritania, ?Senegal
825 C, 11-19 What lies at the tip of the shape as described, already falling
somewhat under the burnt zone, I speak of only from conjec-
ture, as it has not been visited. I am therefore unable to state the
territory’s greatest width. However, I did say in my introduc- width = north–south dimension
tory remarks that, if you head south from Alexandria to Meroe Alexandria, Iskandariya (Egy.)
(the Ethiopian royal residence), it is a journey of around ten Meroe, Bagrawiya (Sud.)
thousand stades, and another three thousand if you continue

thence in a straight line to the border between the lived-in world
and the burnt zone.3 We should thus take this figure (thirteen or
fourteen thousand stades) as the greatest width of Libya; 4 and
its length as only a little less than double that figure. length = east–west dimension
825 C, 20 The foregoing was my general description of Libya.5
[ 1 ] The “burnt zone” is the uninhabited area south of the lived-in world. For the
zones: 111 C, 1-12.
[ 2 ] Strabo refines his e arlier view (130 C, 25-32, where Libya is described as
“table-shaped”).
[ 3 ] 62 C, 33–63 C, 9; 72 C, 18-28; 115 C, 22-30; 132 C, 25-33.
[ 4 ] Strabo m easures the width (north–south dimension) only of the part of the
continent north of the burnt zone—i.e., the part of the continent within the
lived-in world.
[ 5 ] 824 C, 26–825 C, 19.
945
5. Libya (= Africa)
Maurusia (Morocco, sw. Algeria)
825 C, 20-25 For my detailed description, I should start with the western
and better-known parts. | Living here are the “Maurusians,” 17.3.2
as they are called by the Greeks (the “Maurians,” as they are

called by the Romans and by the locals)1—a large and pros-
perous Libyan nation, across the strait from Iberia. (This is
the location of the strait at the Pillars of Heracles, which has Pillars of Heracles, Straits of
Gibraltar
been discussed at length.)2
Coast of Outer Sea (Atlantic coast of Morocco,

Western Sahara, ?Mauritania, ?Senegal)
825 C, 25-33 As you go outside the strait at the Pillars (with Libya on your outside = into the Atlantic
left) t here is a mountain range that the Hellenes call “Atlas,” Atlas/Dyris, Atlas mts. (Mor.)
and the natives “Dyris.” Projecting out from its foot is the
most westerly point of Maurusia, called “Coteis”; and t here Coteis, Cap Spartel (Mor.)
is a very small town nearby overlooking the sea. The natives

Artemidorus (late 2nd–early call it “Trinx”3 (Artemidorus knew it as “Lynx,” Eratosthe- Lynx/Lixus, Tchemmisch (Mor.)
1st c. BCE)
nes as “Lixus”).4 It f aces Gadira, eight hundred stades across Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
the strait, and that is also the distance of each place from the
strait at the Pillars.
825 C, 33–826 C, 9 To the south, after Lixus and Coteis, lies what is called
“Emporicus (Trading) Bay,” with its Phoenician trading settle-
ments. The w hole coastline a fter this is full of bays. If you ex-
clude the bays and headlines in accordance with the trigonoid trigonoid, triangle-shaped
figure that I outlined above,5 you can imagine the continent 6

as sloping to the southeast.7 The mountain range extend-
ing across Maurusia, from Coteis right up to the Syrtes, is Syrtes, bays off e. Tunisia,
present-day Libya
inhabited—both in its own right and in the regions r unning
alongside it—by Maurusians to start with but, in the terri-
tory’s deep interior, by the greatest of the Libyan nations,
called “Gaetulians.”8 |
826 C, 10-22 Writers ascribed very many fictions to Libya’s outer coast outer coast = Atlantic coast 17.3.3
(beginning with Ophelas’s Periplus). I mentioned these fictions

somewhere earlier,9 and let me now talk of them. Forgive me
for telling marvelous yarns, if I am forced to take refuge in such
a stratagem to avoid cruising along the w hole coast in silence
and maiming my narrative! It is said that Emporicus Bay has
a cave, which the sea penetrates at high tide for a distance of
[ 1 ] Strabo provides a transliteration into Greek of the Latin ethnic name Mauri: [ 5 ] 825 C, 5-10.
508 C, 10-18n. [ 6 ] I.e., the Atlantic coast of the continent.
[ 2 ] 169 C, 30–172 C, 11. [ 7 ] Strabo is unaware that the Atlantic coast of Africa trends southwest (from the
[ 3 ] Strabo writes the name “Trinx” in the grammatically inflected form “Tringa,” point of view of a sailor departing from Lixus/Coteis), before turning and head-
which is similar to the (uninflected) name “Tinga” (Tangier, Mor.), used at 827 C, ing southeast.
24-28n. It is possible that Strabo is playing with his audience. For similar gram- [ 8 ] Further description: 829 C, 31-34; 835 C, 16-30.
matical confusion/punning: 615 C, 10-11. [ 9 ] 47 C, 25–48 C, 2; 98 C, 13–102 C, 11.
[ 4 ] For the variation “Lixus/Lynx”: 829 C, 1-11n.
946
Coast of Outer Sea
seven stades; that there lies in front of it a low and level spot
with an altar to Heracles, which, it is said, does not get covered
by the tide. This is, I think, one of the fictions; likewise, the
story that in the bays that come next t here are ancient Tyrian
settlements, now abandoned, consisting of no fewer than three
hundred cities, which the Pharusians and Nigritans sacked— Lynx, Tchemmisch (Mor.)
these are described as being thirty days from Lynx. | these = ?bays
826 C, 23-30 All agree that Maurusia is blessed (except for a small des- 17.3.4
ert), and that it is lavishly supplied with rivers and lakes. It

is exceptionally well forested with large trees of many types;
and everything grows there. At any rate, this is the land that
supplies the Romans with t hose large and elaborate t ables
made from a single piece of wood. It is said that the rivers
have crocodiles and other animals resembling those in the
Nile (and some even believe that the sources of the Nile lie
near the extremity of Maurusia); and that, in a certain river,
there live seven-cubit-long lampreys with perforated gills 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
through which they breathe.

826 C, 31–827 C, 5 It is also said, concerning this territory, that a vine grows territory = Maurusia
there so thick that it is difficult for two men to join their arms
around it, producing cubit-long grape clusters; that all the 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
grass is very tall, and vegetables . . . * arum and dracontium;

and that the stems of staphylini, hippomarathus, and scolymi
measure twelve cubits, and are four palms thick. The territory 4 palms = 1 ft.
is a diverse habitat for animals: snakes, elephants, gazelles,

antelopes, and similar creatures, and lions and leopards. It
also supports ferrets that are as big as cats, and which look
like them except that their snouts are more pointed, and a
huge number of apes.
827 C, 5-11 Concerning apes, Posidonius says that, while sailing from Gadira, Cádiz (Sp.)
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) Gadira to Italy, he was blown t oward the Libyan coast and saw a
wooded area on the shore that was full of these animals, some of them
up in the trees, some on the ground, and some suckling their young;
he therefore laughed when he saw them with their ponderous breasts,
some bald-headed, some maimed, and some showing other such dis-
figurements. |
827 C, 12-20 Above this, situated on the outer sea, is the territory of the above this = farther south 17.3.5
WESTERN ETHIOPIANS “Western Ethiopians,” as they are called, which for the most outer sea = Atlantic Ocean
Western Sahara, ?Mauritania,
?Senegal part offers terrible living conditions. Iphicrates says that it is a
breeding ground for giraffes, elephants, and what are called “rhizeis,”
947
5. Libya (= Africa)
which are tauroid (bull-like) in body but elephant-like in habits, size,

and strength in fighting. He speaks of snakes so enormous that grass
grows on them; lions attack baby elephants, draw blood, and retreat
when the mother elephants approach; the mother elephants, when they
see the baby elephants bleeding, kill them; the lions come back and
feed on the carcasses.
827 C, 20-23 Bogus, king of the Maurusians, journeyed inland to the Western
Ethiopians1 and sent back gifts to his wife: reeds similar to Indian
ones, with each nodule having a capacity of eight choenices, and as- 1 choenix = 4 cups (approx.)
paragus of a similar size. |

827 C, 24-28 Sailing t oward the inner sea from Lynx, you come to the 17.3.6
inner sea = Med. Sea city of Zelis, and Tinga,2 then the memorials belonging to the Zelis, Dchar Jedid (Mor.)
Seven Brothers 3 and the mountain b ehind it, named “Abila,”4 Tinga, Tangier (Mor.)
with its many animals and huge trees. The length of the strait Abila, ?Monte Acho (Spanish
possession)/?Jebel Musa (Mor.)
at the Pillars is said to be one hundred and twenty stades; its
minimum width, at Elephas, is sixty.5
Coast of Inner Sea (Mediterranean coast of Morocco)

827 C, 28-31 As you continue sailing inward, you pass several cities and
rivers before you reach the Molochath river, which forms the Molochath, Oued Moulouia
border between the land of the Maurusians and that of the

Masaesylians. Near the river lies also a large headland and a large headland, ?Ras Tleta
Madari/Cap des Trois Fourches
grim and waterless spot, Metagonium.6 (Mor.)
827 C, 31–828 C, 3 The mountain range that begins at Coteis runs alongside Coteis, Cap Spartel (Mor.)
at about this point: its length from Coteis to the Masaesylian

boundary is five thousand stades. Metagonium is opposite
Timosthenes (3rd c. BCE) New Carthage,7 on the far coast. Timosthenes is not correct New Carthage, Cartagena (Sp.)
in putting it opposite Massalia:8 from New Carthage to Meta- Massalia, Marseille (Fr.)
gonium is a sea crossing of three thousand stades, while the

coastal voyage to Massalia is above six thousand stades. |
828 C, 4-12 Although the Maurusians occupy a territory most of which 17.3.7
is thus blessed with fertility,9 many of them continue to this

day in a nomadic lifestyle. They are nevertheless very con-
cerned with their appearance, braiding their hair, trimming
their beards, wearing gold jewelry, cleaning their teeth, and
manicuring their nails. You hardly ever see them touch each
other when out for a stroll, in case they muss up each other’s
hair! Their horsemen usually fight with javelins, using bridles
made of rope and riding their horses bareback; they also carry
knives. Their infantrymen use elephant hides as shields; they
[ 1 ] The journey was probably undertaken in the late 2nd c. BCE: 100 C, 5-9. [ 6 ] Strabo’s “Metagonium” is part of the headland (?Ras Tleta Madari/Cap des Trois
[ 2 ] Strabo revises his earlier statement (140 C, 8-13, where the name is given as Fourches, Mor.) near the river, which marks the boundary between Maurusia
“Tingis”; cf. 825 C, 25-33n). For variations: Radt, vol. 4, critical apparatus on 827 C, and Masaesylia. The name “Metagonium” is used by other ancient authors to
line 25; 825 C, line 30. denote the boundary between Masaesylia and Masylia, farther to the east:
[ 3 ] Strabo probably refers to the town of Seven Brothers (Ceuta, Sp. possession). 829 C, 20-25n; 832 C, 1-7.
Strabo e arlier notes that sites sometimes take on the name of memorials t here: [ 7 ] The sense is that Metagonium (?Ras Tleta Madari/Cap des Trois Fourches, Mor.)
171 C, 14-28. The “Seven Brothers” itself is a mountain range (Jebel Musa, Mor.). is supposed to lie due south of New Carthage (Cartagena, Sp.). See 834 C, 14-18;
[ 4 ] Strabo revises his earlier statement (170 C, 12-20, where the mountain is called 836 C, 29–837 C, 15; 838 C, 9-19. Cf. 496 C, 26–497 C, 4n.
“Abilyx”). [ 8 ] The place referred to as “Metagonium” by Timosthenes appears to be the
[ 5 ] Strabo refines his earlier statement (122 C, 16-23, where the minimum width is headland marking the eastern boundary of Masaesylia: 829 C, 20-25.
given as “around 70 stades”). [ 9 ] Maurusian fertility: 826 C, 23–827 C, 5.
948
Inner Sea Coast of Maurusia
use lion skins, leopard skins, and bear skins for clothes and
bedding.
828 C, 12-18 These p eople (and the neighboring Masaesylians, and These people = Maurusians
Libyans in general) generally dress in much the same way and

are similar in other respects. Their h orses are small, keen, and
so well trained that they can be controlled with a tiny switch;
neckpieces are made of wood or hair, and the reins hang from
these; some are not roped but nevertheless follow behind like
dogs. Shields are small and made of leather; broad-pikes are
small; tunics are unbelted, with broad borders; cloak and
shield are, as I said, made of hide.1
828 C, 18-27 The Pharusians and Nigritans who live above these people, above = south of
MAURUSIAN INTERIOR near the Western Ethiopians, use the bow and arrow (as the Western Ethiopians, Western
sw. Algeria, ?n. Mauritania, Sahara, ?Mauritania, ?Senegal
?Mali Ethiopians do) and have scythe-bearing chariots. The Pha-
rusians even have social relations with the Maurusians, albeit
rarely (because of the desert): they hang water-filled skins be-
neath their horses’ bellies. Sometimes they even reach Cirta, Cirta, Constantine (Alg.)
by way of certain swamps and marshes. It is said that some of

them live Troglodyte-style (like Dwellers-in-holes),2 burrowing into
the ground. It is also reported that the summer rains are plenti-
ful but that winter brings drought, and that some of the natives
there use snakeskins and fish skins for clothes and bedding.
828 C, 27-34 Some say that the Maurusians are Indians who came h ere
Maurusian history with Heracles. A l ittle before our times, t hose around Bogus Heracles, hero of Greek myth
and Bocchus 3 gained possession of it, being allies of the Ro- Bogus and Bocchus took
possession of Maurusia, mid-
mans. After the extinction of their line, Juba took over the 1st c. BCE; Bocchus died, 33 BCE
kingdom, which was granted to him along with his patrimony Juba was granted Maurusia,
by Augustus Caesar.4 (This Juba was the son of the Juba who 25 BCE; died, 23 CE
fought with Scipio against the deified Caesar.) Juba recently deified Caesar = Julius Caesar
passed away and was succeeded by Ptolemy, his son by the

daughter of Antony and Cleopatra. |
829 C, 1-11 Artemidorus criticizes Eratosthenes because he says that he = Eratosthenes 17.3.8
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early “there is some city called ‘Lixus’ at the extreme west of Maurusia Lixus (name used by
1st c. BCE) cites Eratosthenes Eratosthenes) or Lynx
(3rd c. BCE) (rather than ‘Lynx’)”; 5 that “there are numerous ruined Phoenician (name preferred by
cities of which no visible trace remains”; that “among the Western Artemidorus) = Tchemmisch
(Mor.)
Ethiopians,6 the atmosphere is thick and foggy in the early morn-
ing and late afternoon.” How can this be, in places that are dry and
Strabo points out hot? He himself, however, says far worse t hings about the He himself = Artemidorus
inconsistencies in Artemidorus’s
own account same l ocalities. He reports that there are wandering lotophagi
( lotus-eaters), desert dwellers who feed on lotus (a sort of grass and
[ 1 ] 828 C, 10-11.
[ 2 ] I depart from Radt (vol. 4, critical apparatus on 828 C, line 24) h
ere in reading
“Troglodyte-” rather than “Trogodyte-,” because the context requires it. See
42 C, 2-9n.
[ 3 ] “Those around Bogus and Bocchus” is idiomatic, meaning simply Bogus and
Bocchus.
[ 4 ] Juba’s “patrimony” would be Numidia. For the possibility that Juba received
a portion of Numidia, alongside the newly bestowed kingdom of Maurusia:
840 C, 13-26; “Translator’s Introduction” to Strabo’s Epilogue.
[ 5 ] 825 C, 25-33n.
[ 6 ] Western Ethiopians = Western Sahara, ?Mauritania, ?Senegal.
949
5. Libya (= Africa)
root), as a result of which they have no need of anything to drink;

these p eople extend as far as the area inland from Cyrenaea, and the
people t here are milk drinkers and meat eaters1—despite being in
the same latitudinal b elt!
829 C, 11-19 Gabinius, the Roman writer, does not hold back from tell-
Gabinius (1st c. BCE) ing marvelous yarns about Maurusia. He reports a memorial to
Antaeus near Lynx, and a sixty-cubit-long skeleton, which Sertorius Lynx, Tchemmisch (Mor.)
exposed and then covered with earth again. What he says about 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
elephants is also the stuff of myth. He says that, while other
animals flee from fire, elephants fight it and ward it off because it
destroys the trees; they contend with men by sending out scouts, and
when they see them retreating, they too retreat; when wounded, they
hold out a peace offering of sticks, grass, or soil. |
Masaesylia (Algeria)
829 C, 20-25 fter the land of the Maurusians comes the land of the Ma-
A 17.3.9
saesylians, which begins at the Molochath river and ends at a Molochath r., Oued Moulouia
headland called “Tretum,”2 marking the border between the Tretum, Cap Bougaroun (Alg.)
Masaesylian and the Masylian lands. It is six thousand stades

from Metagonium3 to Tretum (some say less). This stretch
of coast has several cities and rivers (as well as territory that is
fertile), but only the famous ones merit description.
829 C, 25-31 The city of Siga, the royal residence of Sophax, is one Siga, Takembrit (Alg.)
thousand stades from the aforementioned border; it is

now in ruins. After Sophax, the territory was occupied by Sophax ruled Masaesylia, late
3rd c. BCE
Masanasses, then Micipsas, then his successors, and in our
Masanasses ruled
Zama, Jama (Tun.) times by Juba, f ather of the Juba who recently died.4 (Zama, Masaesylia + Masylia
his royal residence, has also been razed by the Romans.) Six (= Numidia), 204–148 BCE;
Micipsas ruled, 148–118 BCE;
Theon Harbor, Rade de Mers el hundred stades a fter Siga comes Theon (Divine) Harbor; then Juba (senior) ruled Numidia,
Kébir (Alg.)
other places of l ittle importance. 60–46 BCE
829 C, 31-34 The deep interior of the territory consists of mountains territory = Masaesylia
MASAESYLIAN INTERIOR and deserts . . . * scattered h ere and t here, occupied by the
s. Algeria
Gaetulians up to the Syrtes; the parts t oward the sea and Syrtes, bays off e. Tunisia,
present-day Libya
the plains are blessed with fertility, with many cities, rivers,
and lakes. |
830 C, 1-10 I am not sure that Posidonius is correct in saying that 17.3.10
Posidonius (late 2nd–1st c. BCE) Libya is traversed by only a few small rivers, since those of which
[ 1 ] Strabo has earlier (157 C, 14-20n) cited the same passage from Artemidorus,
using slightly different wording. Cf. 760 C, 11-16n.
[ 2 ] For “Tretum” as the headland called by other ancient authors “Metagonium”:
832 C, 1-7.
[ 3 ] For “Metagonium” as Strabo’s name for an area near the river that marks the
boundary between Maurusia and Masaesylia: 827 C, 28–828 C, 3.
[ 4 ] Juba (junior) died in 23 CE.
950
Masaesylia
Artemidorus (late 2nd–early rtemidorus speaks, between Lynx and Carthage, he de-
A Lynx, Tchemmisch (Mor.)
1st c. BCE)
scribes as many and large. It is truer to say this of the inte- Carthage, Carthage (Tun.)
rior, and he gives the explanation for this himself: it does not
rain heavily in the northern parts just as, they say, it does not rain
in Ethiopia, with the result that there are frequent outbreaks of pes-
tilence brought on by droughts, and the lakes fill up with mud, and
locusts abound. He further says that the eastern (lit., “sunup”) parts
are humid, since the sun passes over quickly on its way up; that the
western (lit., “sundown”) parts are dry, since there the sun turns back.1
830 C, 10-16 . . . * are described as “humid” or “dry,” some on account
of the abundance of water (or lack thereof ), some on account
of the abundance of sunlight (or lack thereof ). He refers to
the effect of sunlight. Everybody defines this effect by means
of northerly and southerly climata. On the other hand, “east” climata, bands of latitude
and “west” are expressions dependent on locality and vary

according to that locality and changing horizons. It is conse-
quently impossible, in the light of such imprecision, to state
categorically that the east is “humid” and the west “dry.”
830 C, 16-27 One might, indeed, make such a statement as it refers to
the entire lived-in world, and to its extreme points, namely,
India and Iberia. What, though, is the plausibility of the expla-
nation? In the continuous and unremitting revolution of the
sun, what would constitute its “turning back”? The speed at
which it “passes over” is the same for all locations. Besides, it is
clearly contrary to the facts to say that the far western parts of
Iberia or Maurusia, of all places, are “dry.” Their environment Iberia, Spain, Portugal
is temperate, with plenty of water. If the sun is understood as Maurusia, Morocco

“turning back” when it is overhead the extreme points of the
lived-in world, how does this contribute to “dryness”? Both at
these points—and at other iso-latitudinal points in the lived-in
world—the sun is absent for the same length of time, for the
duration of the night, then comes back and warms the earth. |
830 C, 28–831 C, 10 Somewhere here is an asphalt spring and copper mines. here = in Masaesylia 17.3.11
It is said that t here is a g

reat number of scorpions, creatures
both winged and wingless, in size . . . * seven vertebrae.
Likewise, there are reports of spiders of exceptional size
and quantity, and of two-cubit lizards. It is said that, on the 1 cubit = 1.5 ft.
mountainsides, the stone is found that is called “Lychnite”

and “Carthaginian”; and, on the plains, a g reat number of sea-
shells and scallops like those I mentioned in my description of
[ 1 ] The original theory probably referred to the annual motion of the sun from
the winter tropic (Tropic of Capricorn) to the summer tropic (Tropic of Can-
cer), and back again. The area between the tropics, over which the sun passes
on its way “up” (from winter tropic to summer tropic) is more humid than the
area at the tropics themselves, where the sun lingers for a longer period and
creates drier conditions. At some point a fter the formulation of the theory,
there seems to have been confusion between “sunup” referring to this annual
motion and “sunup” in the sense of the sun’s daily motion (i.e., sunrise). The
confusion is compounded by taking the “turning back” of the sun to refer to its
daily motion (i.e., sunset) rather than its annual motion (i.e., when it appears to
linger overhead at the summer tropic before “turning back” t oward the winter
tropic). In Greek, the term “sunup” (i.e., sunrise) is also used to mean “east,” and
“sundown” (i.e., sunset) to mean “west.” Similar confusion: 30 C, 31–31 C, 21.
951
5. Libya (= Africa)
Ammon.1 There is a tree called the “melilotus,” from which

wine is made. Some of the people have land that yields a sec-
ond crop—they have two harvests, a summer harvest and a
spring harvest. T here is a reed five cubits high, as narrow as a
little finger: it produces a two-hundred-and-forty-fold crop.
People do not sow in the spring but, lightly raking the land
with brooms made of thorns, they make do with the grains
left on the ground after reaping, and this ripens into the
summer crop. B ecause of the large number of critters, while
people work they wear shin-protectors; and they clad parts
of their bodies with leather. When sleeping, they smear the
legs of their beds with garlic and tie thorns around them. |
831 C, 11-19 On this coast 2 is the city named “Iol,” founded anew by Juba Iol/Caesaria, Cherchel (Alg.) 17.3.12
(father of Ptolemy)3 and renamed “Caesaria.” It has a harbor

and, in front of the harbor, a little island. Between Caesaria
and Tretum is a large harbor that they call “Salda.” This is the Tretum, Cap Bougaroun (Alg.)
boundary between Juban and Roman territory.4 There have Salda, Béjaia (Alg.)
been many different territorial divisions, as there have been

several occupiers, whom the Romans have treated variously,
some as friends, o thers as enemies, so that it happens that dif
ferent parts have been taken away—or bestowed as a favor—on
diff erent individuals, in an inconsistent manner.
831 C, 19-26 The part toward Maurusia brought in more revenue and
had more resources; the part toward Carthaginian and Ma-
sylian territory was more magnificently developed but was
spoiled, in the first place by the Carthaginian war and then Jugurtha besieged and
by the war against Jugurtha. That fellow, besieging Adarbal defeated Adarbal (ruler of
Masylia), 118 BCE
Ityca, Henchir-bou-Chateur (who was a friend of the Romans) in Ityca and destroying
(Tun.) Julius Caesar (= deified Caesar)
him, filled the territory with war. Then one war followed an- defeated Scipio in Africa; Juba
senior, ally of Scipio, died 46
other, culminating in the war of the deified Caesar against BCE
Scipio (in which Juba, too, died).
831 C, 26-34 The cities were obliterated along with their commanders:
Tisiaus, Vaga, Thala, even Capsa (Jugurtha’s t reasury), and Vaga, Béja (Tun.)
Zama and Zincha; also, those cities where Caesar wore Scipio Thala, Thala (Tun.)
Ruspinum, Henchir-Tenir (Tun.) down, defeating him at Ruspinum, then Uzita, then Thapsus Capsa, Gafsa (Tun.)
Uzita, Henchir-el-Makrceba and its nearby lake and saltworks; also, the nearby free cities Zama, Jama (Tun.)
(Tun.)
of Zella and Acholla. Caesar took by surprise the island of Acholla, Ras Botria (Tun.)
Thapsus, Ras-Dimas (Tun.)
Cercinna and the little seaside town of Thena. All of these Cercinna, Grand Kerkenna
Zella, Zouila (Tun.) (Tun. island)
were e ither completely wiped out or left in a semi-ruined
Thena, Henchir-Thina (Tun.)
state. Scipio’s cavalry set fire to Phara. |
[ 1 ] 49 C, 10-18.
[ 2 ] Strabo resumes his description of the coastline of Masaesylia (Med. coast of
Algeria) from 829 C, 31.
[ 3 ] Ptolemy succeeded his father (Juba), 23 CE.
[ 4 ] I.e., the boundary between, on the one hand, Maurusia + Masaesylia (the king-
dom that had been ruled by Juba) and, on the other hand, the Roman province
of Africa.
952
Masylia + Carthage
Masylia + Carthage (e. Algeria, Tunisia, Italian +

Tunisian islands, w. present-day Libya)
832 C, 1-7 After Tretum1 comes the territory of the Masylians and Tretum, Cap Bougaroun (Alg.) 17.3.13
the similar territory of the Carthaginians. In the interior is

Cirta, the royal residence of Masanasses and his immediate Cirta, Constantine (Alg.)
successors, a well-defended city, which has been beautifully

constructed in all respects, in particular by Micipsas, who
also settled Greeks in the city and enlarged her to such an
extent that she fielded ten thousand cavalry and twice that
number of infantry. So, then, Cirta is h ere, as well as the two Hippo near Ityca, Bizerte (Tun.)
“Hippos”—one near Ityca, the other farther toward Tretum, Hippo t oward Tretum, Annaba/
both of them royal residences. Bône (Alg.)
832 C, 7-13 Ityca, second only to Carthage in terms of size and pres- Ityca, Henchir-bou-Chateur
(Tun.)
tige, was a sort of metropolis for the Romans after Carthage
was destroyed, and a base for their activity in Libya. It is situ-
ated in the same bay as Carthage, toward the second of the bay = Gulf of Tunis
two promontories that form the bay: the promontory toward Apollonium, Ras Sidi-Ali-el-
Ityca they call “Apollonium,” and the other one “Hermaea.” Mekki (Tun.)
The two cities stand in view of each other. The river Bagradas Hermaea, Cap Bon (Tun.)
is near Ityca. Bagradas, Oued Medjerda
832 C, 13-24 From Tretum to Carthage is two thousand five hundred Carthage, Carthage (Tun.)
stades, although t here is no consensus concerning e ither this

distance or the distance to the Syrtes. | Carthage is situated Syrtes, bays off e. Tunisia, 17.3.14
present-day Libya
on a peninsula, enclosed by a wall m easuring three hundred
and sixty stades. The neck alone accounts for sixty of these
stades (measured from sea to sea): it is where the Cartha
ginians h oused their elephants and is a wide open space. In the
middle of the city is the acropolis, which they called “Byrsa.”
It is a steep-sided outcrop, encircled with dwellings, and on
its crest was a temple to Asclepius. At the fall of the city, the
wife of Hasdrubal set fire to the t emple along with herself.
Beneath the acropolis are harbors and the little round island
of Cotho, encircled by a strait that has shipyards all around
on both sides. |
832 C, 25-31 Carthage was founded by Dido, who brought her p eople 17.3.15
from Tyrus. The colonization by the Phoenicians of Carthage Phoenicians colonized Carthage
and Iberia, early 1st millennium
part beyond the Pillars = and as far as Iberia—the part beyond the Pillars as well as BCE
Atlantic coast of Spain, Portugal
the rest of it—was so successful that, even now, Phoenicians
[ 1 ] The headland Tretum (Cap Bougaroun, Alg.), which marks the end of Masae-
sylia and the beginning of Masylia, is called “Metagonium” by other ancient
authors. Strabo, however, uses the name “Metagonium” for a different place:
829 C, 20-25n; 827 C, 28–828 C, 3n.
953
5. Libya (= Africa)
occupy the best part of the European mainland and its as-
sociated islands;1 and they took possession of all that part of
Libya = Africa Libya that could be settled in a non-nomadic way. With t hese
resources, they established a city that was a rival to Rome and
fought three great wars against them. Carthage and Rome fought
three wars, mid-3rd–mid-2nd c.
832 C, 32–833 C, 9 Evidence of Carthaginian resources can be clearly seen BCE
in their final war, in which Scipio Aemilianus finished them Final war between Carthage
off, and their city was utterly annihilated. When they began and Rome, 149–146 BCE
to wage this war, they had three hundred cities in Libya and
a population of seven hundred thousand in the city. Under city = Carthage
siege, forced to surrender, they handed over two hundred

thousand sets of armor and three thousand catapults, so that
they would not be able to fight in f uture. However, they de
cided to resume the war and immediately began manufac-
turing arms and produced one hundred and forty finished
shields, three hundred swords, five hundred lances and one
thousand catapult bolts, per day. The female slaves offered
up their hair for the catapults!
833 C, 9-14 Having been in possession of only twelve ships for the
previous fifty years, in accordance with the terms set in
the second war, in two months they built one hundred and
twenty decked ships, despite having finally taken refuge in
the Byrsa; and, since the mouth of Cotho was u nder guard,
they excavated a second mouth, and the fleet made a surprise
sally. The timber was old stuff that had been lying in storage;
and numerous shipwrights were sitting around, maintained
at public expense.
833 C, 15-17 Such was Carthage; yet even so, she was conquered and
territory = Masylia
razed to the ground. In regard to the territory, the Romans
Rome created province of
made the Carthaginian-controlled part into a province and put Africa, 146 BCE
Masanasses and his descendants associated with Micipsas 2 in Rome recognized Masanasses’s
charge of the other part. claim over Masylia, ca. 201 BCE
833 C, 17-29 Masanasses was assiduously courted by the Romans, on Masanasses ruled Masylia
from 212 BCE, expanding into
account of his loyalty and friendship: it was he who civilized Masaesylia and creating the
the nomads and made them into farmers, and furthermore kingdom of Numidia, which he
ruled with Roman support, ca.
taught them how to fight military campaigns rather than 201 BCE onward; Micipsas ruled
Numidia, 148–118 BCE
engage in petty raids. A peculiar t hing had happened in the
case of these folk. Living in a territory that was blessed (apart
from t here being too many wild animals), they passed up the
opportunity to exterminate the animals and to work the land
[ 1 ] Phoenicia was no longer a political power in Strabo’s day. However, the inhabit-
ants of parts of Iberia that had been Phoenician colonies—in particular Gadira
(Cádiz, Sp.)—may still have been referred to in Strabo’s day as “Phoenicians” or
“Libyans”: 170 C, 20-30nn.
[ 2 ] The expression “descendants associated with Micipsas” is idiomatic, meaning
simply Micipsas.
954
Masylia + Carthage
in safety, and turned against one another, leaving the land to

the animals! Thus it was that they lived lives of impermanence
and change, no less than did those who were reduced to such
a lifestyle through poverty or because of the terrible quality
of the place or the climate; and that is how the Masaesylians
earned their proper name, for they are called “Nomades.”1
Such people are inevitably frugal in their lifestyle, and are
generally rhizophagi (root-eaters) or creophagi (meat-eaters), and in-
corporate milk and cheese into their diet.
833 C, 29-33 Carthage lay desolate for a long time—for virtually the
same period of time as Corinth—and was restored at roughly
the same time, by the deified Caesar, who sent out as colonists deified Caesar = Julius Caesar
a select group of Romans and a number of soldiers. Now, the

city is d
oing as well as any other city in Libya. | Libya = Africa
834 C, 1-8 The island of Cossura is in the m iddle of the entrance to Cossura, Pantelleria (It. island) 17.3.16
the Carthaginian bay.2 The Lilybaeum region of Sicily lies Lilybaeum, Capo Boeo (Sic.)
across the sea from t hese places, at a distance of some one

thousand five hundred stades: such is the distance given for
Lilybaeum to Carthage. Not far from Cossura (nor from Sic-
ily) are various islands, including Aegimurus. The sail across Aegimurus, Zembra (Tun.
island)
the bay, from Carthage to the adjacent shore, is sixty stades;
from t here, it is a journey inland of one hundred and twenty
Nepheris, Henchir-Bou-Beker
stades to the fortified city of Nepheris, built on cliffs. (Tun.)
834 C, 8-13 The city of Tynis is in the same bay as Carthage, as are the Tynis, Tunis (Tun.)
hot springs and some stone quarries; then the rugged head-
land of Hermaea, home to the city of the same name; then Hermaea (headland), Cap Bon
Neapolis. Then t here’s the headland of Taphitis: it has a hill, Hermaeum (city), ?el-Haouaria
(Tun.)
called “Aspis” (Shield), because that’s what it looks like,3 which
Neapolis, Nabeul (Tun.)
was settled by the Sicilian tyrant Agathocles when he sailed
Taphitis, Ras Mostafa (Tun.)
against the Carthaginians. These cities were demolished by
the Romans at the same time as Carthage.
834 C, 14-18 The island of Cossurus is four hundred stades from Cossurus, Pantelleria (It. island)
Taphitis,4 opposite the Selinus river in Sicily; 5 it has a city

of the same name and a perimeter of one hundred and fifty
stades, and is around six hundred stades from Sicily. Also, the
island of Melita is five hundred stades away from the island Melita, Malta
of Cossurus.
834 C, 18-22 Then comes the city of Adrymes, where t here used to be Adrymes, Sousse (Tun.)
shipyards; then a cluster of little islands, called the “Tarichiae”;

then the city of Thapsus and, after that, lying out to sea, the Thapsus, Ras-Dimas (Tun.)
[ 1 ] Strabo provides a transliteration into Greek of the Latin name Numidae: see
508 C, 10-18n. The Latin name is itself borrowed from Greek nomades, meaning
“those who roam about for pasture.”
[ 2 ] In this paragraph, Strabo mistakenly juxtaposes Cossura (Pantelleria, It. island),
which lies out to sea, and Aegimurus (Zembra, Tun. island), which lies in the
mouth of the Carthaginian bay.
[ 3 ] Strabo e arlier refers to Aspis/Clypea (Kelibia, Tun.) as a city: 277 C, 20-25n.
[ 4 ] Strabo now corrects his earlier mistaken juxtaposition (834 C, 1-8) of Cossurus
and Aegimurus.
[ 5 ] The sense is that Cossurus (Pantelleria, It. island) lies due south of the mouth
of the Selinus (Modione r., Sic.): 827 C, 31–828 C, 3n.
955
5. Libya (= Africa)
island of Lopadussa; then the headland of Ammon Balithon, Lopadussa, Lampedusa

(It. island)
Thena, Henchir-Thina (Tun.) on which there is a fishermen’s lookout; then the city of Thena,
headland, Ras Kapudia
which marks the beginning of the Little Syrtis. In between are
a host of other settlements not worth mentioning.
Cercinna, Grand Kerkenna
834 C, 22-24 Stretching out alongside the beginning of the Syrtis (Tun. island)
lies the elongated island of Cercinna, of considerable size,
with a city of the same name; and another smaller island, Cercinna (city), Bordj el-Marsa
(Tun.)
Cercinnitis, Gharbi (Tun. island) Cercinnitis. |
834 C, 25-33 Next is the Little Syrtis, which is also called “Lotophagian 17.3.17
ITTLE SYRTIS
L Syrtis.” The circumference of the bay is one thousand six hun-
bay in Med. Sea off e. Tunisia
dred stades, and the width of its mouth is six hundred [stades].
At each of the promontories forming the mouth, t here are
islands close to the mainland: Meninx, as well as the afore- Meninx, Gerba (Tun. island)
mentioned Cercinna, islands of equal size. Meninx is believed

to be the “land of the Lotophagi” (Lotus-eaters), as mentioned by
Homer. Certain features are adduced as evidence, including
an altar to Odysseus and the fruit itself: on the island, t here’s
an abundance of the tree called the “lotus,” which produces a
very sweet fruit. T here are several small towns on the island,
one of them with the same name as the island.
834 C, 33–835 C, 4 On the Syrtis itself, too, t here are some small towns. At
its innermost point, t here is a huge trading center, and a river
running into the bay. The effects of the low and high tides
are felt h ere, at which time the locals are frantic to go fishing,
running along in a g reat hurry. |
835 C, 5-15 After the Syrtis is lake Zuchis, measuring four hundred lake Zuchis, Bahiret el-Bibane 17.3.18
(Tun.)
stades but with a narrow entrance; and on the lake is a city of
Zuchis (city), Henchir el-Mdeina
the same name, with purple-dye factories and all sorts of fish- (Tun.)
salting facilities; then, another much smaller lake; a fter that,
Abrotonum, Sabrata/Zuaga the city of Abrotonum and some other cities; next, Neapolis, Neapolis/Leptis, Lebda (Lib.)
(Lib.)
which they also call “Leptis.” 1 The sea crossing from there to
Locri Epizephyrii is three thousand six hundred stades. Next, Locri Epizephyrii, Locri (It.)
there’s a river; a fter that, some sort of wall built by the Cartha
ginians as a bridge over some chasms that go inland. T here are
some harborless stretches in this region, although the rest of
the coastline has harbors; then, t here’s a steep, wooded head-
land, which marks the start of the G reat Syrtis. They call it
“Cephalae.” From Carthage to this headland it is a little more Cephalae, Cape Misuarata
than five thousand stades. |
[ 1 ] “They” are Latin speakers; Strabo gives the Roman name Leptis [Magna] as well
as the Greek name “Neapolis.” Cf. 508 C, 10-18n.
956
Masylia + Carthage
835 C, 16-24 Inland from this stretch of coast, from Carthage to Cepha- 17.3.19
MASYLIAN, CARTHAGINIAN lae and to the Masaesylians, is the country of the Libyphoeni-
INTERIOR
e. Algeria, s. Tunisia, w. present- cians, g oing up into the mountainous territory of the Gaetu-
day Libya lians (which by this stage is Libyan territory). The country
above the Gaetulians belongs to the Garamantians, parallel
to that territory; it is from here that “Carthaginian stone”
is exported.1 It is said that the Garamantians are a journey
of nine—or even ten—days from the oceanic Ethiopians,2
and fifteen days from Ammon. Between the country of the Ammon, Aghurmi/Siwa (Egy.)
Gaetulians and the coastline of our sea are many plains, many coastline of our sea = Med.
coastline
mountain ranges, and huge lakes and rivers (some of which
disappear underground).
835 C, 24-29 The people are very simple in lifestyle and dress, with mul-
tiple wives and children; in other respects, they are similar to
Arabian nomads. Their horses and cattle have longer necks
than those found elsewhere. H orse breeding is taken excep-
tionally seriously by their rulers, so much so that the number
of foals is assessed annually at one hundred thousand. Sheep,
particularly in the vicinity of the Ethiopians, are fed on milk
and meat.
835 C, 30 That was the interior. |
835 C, 30–836 C, 5 The Great Syrtis 3 has a circumference of some . . . * 17.3.20
GREAT SYRTIS stades. The dimension to its innermost point is one thou-
bay in Med. Sea off present-
day Libya
sand five hundred stades, and the width at its mouth is
around the same. The problem, both with this Syrtis and the
Little Syrtis . . . * that the water is everywhere full of reefs,
whether the tides are low or high; it happens in the case of
some p eople that they run aground in the shallows and get
stuck there. Rare is the vessel that survives! Because of this,
people making the voyage keep their distance from the coast,
taking precautions lest they get driven into the bays, caught
off guard and blown there by the wind. Man’s venturesome
spirit makes him have a go at all things, coastal navigations
in particular!4
836 C, 6-10 As you sail into the G reat Syrtis, on your right a fter
Cephalae is a lake, some three hundred stades long and sev- Cephalae, Cape Misuarata
enty wide, opening into the bay, with some small islands and
an anchorage at its entrance. After the lake is a place, Aspis, Aspis, Buerat el-Hsun (Lib.)
and the finest harbor in the Syrtis.
[ 1 ] 830 C, 28–831 C, 10.

[ 2 ] The “oceanic Ethiopians” are the Western Ethiopians (Western Sahara,
?Mauritania, ?Senegal): 827 C, 12-23.
[ 3 ] Strabo picks up his description of the coastline of Carthage (Tunisia) from 835 C,
13-14.
[ 4 ] Strabo perhaps speaks from personal experience. His presence on a ship off
the Cyrenaean coast (e. present-day Libya) is attested at 837 C, 4-15. The word
translated as “coastal navigations” can also mean “geographical descriptions,”
so Strabo may be playing with words.
957
5. Libya (= Africa)
Cyrenaea (e. present-day Libya)
836 C, 10-19 Next comes the Tower of Euphrantas, marking the boundary Tower of Euphrantas, Sirte/
Marsa Zaafran (Lib.)
GREAT SYRTIS cont. between what was earlier the land of the Carthaginians and
Ptolemaic Cyrenaea;1 then another place, called “Charax,” Charax, Medina Sultan/Sort
(Lib.)
which the Carthaginians used as a center for the export of
wine and the import of juice and silphium from t hose who
smuggled it out from Cyrene; then the Altars of Philaenus 2 Altars of Philaenus, Graret Gser
et-Trab (Lib.)
and, after them, situated at the innermost point of the whole
bay, the fortress of Automala with its garrison. The paral- Automala, Bu Sceefa (Lib.)
lel through this innermost point is a little more to the south parallel = line of latitude
than the one through Alexandria, by one thousand stades

(than the one through Carthage, by less than two thousand
stades); 3 it would pass through the vicinity of Heroon Polis, Heroon Polis = Gulf of Suez
Arabian gulf, Red Sea at the innermost point of the Arabian gulf, and through the
Masaesylian and Maurusian interior.
836 C, 20-28 . . . * last remaining stretch of coastline 4 is one thousand
five hundred stades to the city of Berenice. (Situated inland Berenice, Benghazi (Lib.)
from this length and stretching as far as the Altars of Phi-

laenus are the people known as “Nasamonians,” a Libyan
nation.) In the intervening stretch there are few harbors or
sources of water. T here is a headland called “Pseudopenias,”
where Berenice is located, on the Tritonis lake. In the lake Tritonis lake, ?Bu Hayrat Bu
Zazirah (Lib.)
is a . . . * small island and, on the island, a t emple to Aphro-
dite. There is also Hesperides lake and, feeding into it, a river,
Lathon. Before you get to Berenice, t here is a small headland Lathon, Bu Shatin
called “Borium,” which, together with Cephalae, forms the Borium, Ras Taiunes
entrance to the Syrtis. Cephalae, Cape Misuarata
836 C, 29-34 Berenice lies opposite the end of the Peloponnese, at what
is called “Ichthys,”5 and furthermore opposite Zacynthus,6 Ichthys, Akra Katakolon (Gr.)
three thousand six hundred stades across the w ater. Start- Zacynthus, Zakynthos (Gk.
island)
ing from this city, Marcus Cato completed on the thirtieth
day an overland journey around the Syrtis, leading an army of
more than ten thousand men, dividing the journey into stages
for the sake of obtaining w ater supplies; he traveled on foot,
through deep sand and searing heat.
836 C, 35–837 C, 4 After Berenice is the city of Tauchira, which is also called Tauchira/Arsinoe, Tocra (Lib.)
“Arsinoe”; then what was formerly “Barca” and is now Barca, el-Merg/al-Marj (Lib.)
[ 1 ] Cyrenaea was controlled by the Ptolemaic (Macedonian) kings of Egypt until

early 1st c. BCE.
[ 2 ] Strabo corrects his earlier statement (171 C, 1-21n, where he uses the name “Al-
tars of the Philaeni” and puts them “somewhere in the m iddle of the country
between the two Syrtes”).
[ 3 ] Parallels r unning through Alexandria and Carthage: 133 C, 29–134 C, 2.
[ 4 ] I.e., the remaining stretch of coastline of the Great Syrtis (present-day Libya).
[ 5 ] Radt (vol. 4, 836 C, line 30, and critical apparatus ad loc.), following e
arlier edi-
tors, unnecessarily adds the words “and Chelonatas” after “Ichthys.”
[ 6 ] The sense is that Berenice (Benghazi, Lib.) is supposed to lie due south of
Ichthys (Akra Katakolon, Gr.) and Zacynthus (Zakynthos, Gk. island): 827 C,
31–828 C, 3n.
958
Cyrenaea
Phycus (headland), Ras Aamer/ “Ptolemaïs”; then the headland of Phycus, low-lying but
Ras Sen (Lib.)
protruding farther north than the rest of the Libyan coast- Ptolemaïs, Tolmeta/Tulmeitia
(Lib.)
line. Phycus is opposite Taenarum in Laconia,1 two thousand
Taenarum, Akra Tainaron (Gr.)
Phycus (town), Zaviet
eight hundred stades across the w ater. There is also a small
el-Hamama (Lib.) town with the same name as the headland.
837 C, 4-15 Not far from Phycus, at a distance of some one hundred
and seventy stades, is the Cyrenaean sea port of Apollonia, Apollonia, Marsa Susa (Lib.)
one thousand stades from Berenice, and eighty stades from

trapezoid, table-shaped Cyrene—a large city, on a plain that looked trapezoid to me Cyrene, Ain Shahat (Lib.)
when I saw her from the sea.2 | The city was founded by the city = Cyrene 17.3.21
inhabitants of the Laconian island of Thera, called “Callista” Thera, Santorini (Gk. island)
Callimachus (3rd c. BCE) in ancient times, according to Callimachus: “Callista” of old,
then “Thera” by name, / m other of my horse-rich fatherland. The
Cyrenaean seaport lies opposite the western end of Crete Cyrenaean seaport = Apollonia
(Criu Metopum),3 two thousand stades across the sea. The Criu Metopum, Cape Krios
(Kriti/Crete)
Leuconotus, south wind voyage is made with Leuconotus.
837 C, 15-23 Cyrene is said to have been founded by Battus, whom
Callimachus describes as an ancestor of his. She flourished
as a result of the superb quality of her territory, which is
tremendously conducive to horse-breeding and very fertile.
She has produced many men of renown, signally capable of
standing up for freedom and holding out against the natives
of the interior. Long ago, the city was self-ruled. Then the
Macedonians who controlled Egypt, having grown strong,
attacked her inhabitants when she was u nder the rule of those
around Thibro,4 the destroyer of Harpalus. A fter a period of
monarchical rule, the inhabitants fell under Roman domina-
tion. Now the city is ruled provincially, together with Crete.
837 C, 23-28 Apollonia, Barca, Tauchira, Berenice, and some further
towns nearby, are dependencies of Cyrene. | On the border 17.3.22
of Cyrenaea is the country that produces silphium and “Cyre-

naean juice,” which is a by-product of silphium. The plant was
nearly eradicated when natives invaded on some pretext and
destroyed the roots of the plant. T hese are nomads.5
837 C, 29–838 C, 8 Famous people from Cyrene are: Aristippus the Socratic, Cyrene, Ain Shahat (Lib.)
who was also the f ounder of Cyrenaic philosophy; his d aughter,

“Arete” by name, who inherited his school; the son—called
Aristippus “Metrodidactus” (Mother-taught)—who succeeded
her in turn; Anniceris, who thought to reform the “Cyrenaic”
[ 1 ] The sense is that Phycus (Ras Aamer/Ras Sen, Lib.) is supposed to lie due south
of Taenarum (Akra Tainaron, Gr.): 827 C, 31–828 C, 3n.
[ 2 ] Strabo’s voyage is presumably associated with his long stay in Egypt (early 20s
BCE onward): 101 C, 14-24n; 117 C, 35–118 C, 14nn.
[ 3 ] The sense is that Apollonia (Marsa Susa, Lib.) is supposed to lie due south of
Criu Metopum (Cape Krios, Kriti/Crete): 827 C, 31–828 C, 3n.
[ 4 ] “Those around Thibro” is idiomatic, meaning simply Thibro.
[ 5 ] Or possibly “Nomades” as a proper name: 833 C, 17–29n.
959
5. Libya (= Africa)
school and introduce in its place the “Annicerian.” Also from

Strabo engages at length Cyrenaea are Callimachus and Eratosthenes, both of them
with Eratosthenes (3rd c. BCE):
see chap. 1 held in high esteem by the Egyptian kings. The former was
a poet and a serious expert in literary studies; the latter was
these things and also exceptional with regard to philosophy
and mathematics, if anybody ever was. Also from there is Car-
neades, who is agreed to be the best of the philosophers from
the Academy; and Apollonius Cronus, the teacher of the dia-
lectician Diodorus (who was also known as “Cronus,” certain
people having transposed the teacher’s epithet to his pupil).
838 C, 9-19 After Apollonia, the rest of the Cyrenaean coastline ex-
tends as far as Catabathmus, a distance of two thousand and Catabathmus, Sollum (Egy.)
two hundred stades, not an altogether easy voyage. T here

are few harbors, anchorages, settlements, or watering places.
Among the most significant places on the voyage are: Nau Naustathmus, Marsa Hilal (Lib.)
stathmus; Zephyrium, with its anchorage; another Zephy- Zephyrium, Ras Bu Meddad
rium; the headland of Cherronesus, with a harbor, lying op- Cherronesus, Ras et-Tin
Caudus, Gavdos (island off Kriti/ posite Cretan Caudus1 (which is one thousand five hundred
Crete)
stades across the w
ater, with Notus); then Hera’s t emple and,
with Notus = with south wind—
i.e., heading north
above it, the village of Paliurus; then a harbor, Menelaus, and Paliurus, Wadi et-Tmimi (Lib.)
the headland of Ardanixis, low-lying and with an anchorage; Menelaus, ?Marsa Ahora (Lib.)
then G reat Harbor,2 opposite which is situated the Cretan Ardanixis, Ras el-Milah
Cherronesus, leaving a space of some two thousand stades be-
tween the two. The w hole of Crete, being narrow and long,
lies virtually opposite and parallel to this stretch of coastline.
838 C, 19-23 After Great Harbor, there’s another harbor, Plynus and, Plynus/Catabathmus, Sollum
(Egy.)
above it, a four-towered fortification. The place is called
“Catabathmus.” Cyrenaea reaches this point. The final re-
maining stretch to Paraetonium and onward to Alexandria
is described in my Aegyptiaca.3 |
838 C, 24-32 The miserable and drought-stricken territory in the deep 17.3.23
CYRENAEAN INTERIOR interior above the Syrtis and Cyrenaea is occupied by Liby-
s. present-day Libya, s. present-
day Egypt, ?n. Chad ans: initially, by Nasamonians, then by Psyllians, some Gaetu-
lians, and Garamantians, and farther east by Marmaridans,
who border for the most part on Cyrenaea and stretch as far
as Ammon. It is said that, if you walk in the direction of the Ammon, Aghurmi/Siwa (Egy.)
winter sunrise from the Automala region of the Great Syrtis, Automala, Bu Sceefa (Lib.)
you reach Augila on the fourth day. This place is similar to Augila, Giala (Lib.)
Ammon, with date palms and plenty of water, and lies inland
and south of Cyrenaea.
[ 1 ] For “opposite” meaning “due south of”: 827 C, 31–828 C, 3n.

[ 2 ] Strabo possibly refers to a bay rather than to a specific town: 140 C, 20-25n;
175 C, 25-31n.
[ 3 ] The Aegyptiaca (lit., “Stuff to do with Egypt”) is the section in which Strabo
describes the Nile region (785 C, 20–824 C, 21) and within which he discusses
the Egyptian coastline from Catabathmus to Alexandria (798 C, 32–799 C, 20).
For Strabo’s use of such “titles”: 639 C, 15-27n.
960
Cyrenaea
838 C, 32–839 C, 3 For one hundred stades, the land is tree-covered; for an-
other one hundred stades, seed has to be sown—the land is
too dry to support root growth; above this is the land that
produces silphium, then land that is uninhabited and the land
belonging to the Garamantians. The country where silphium is
produced is narrow, long, and arid. Its length, as you go east,
is some one thousand nine hundred stades; its width is three
hundred or slightly more, as far as is known.
839 C, 3-9 It is possible to conjecture that all adjacent territory lying
on the same parallel is such as this, in regard to climate and
produce. Since several deserts intervene, we do not know all
the places. Similarly unknown are the regions above Ammon
and the oases as far as Ethiopia; nor would I be able to state
the boundaries of Ethiopia nor of Libya, not with any cer-
tainty in the parts t oward Egypt, and not at all in the parts
toward the ocean. |
839 C, 10 Such is the way in which the sections of the lived-in world 17.3.24
are disposed.1
[ 1 ] With these words, Strabo concludes his description of the three continents of
the lived-in world, as previewed (126 C, 24–131 C, 26) more than 700 C-pages
earlier.
961
E PILO G UE The Roman Empire
(late 1st c. BCE–early 1st c. CE)
By the time Strabo reaches this concluding section of his work, he has written (or dic-
tated, or delivered in lecture form) some three hundred thousand words, over a period
of some six or seven years. He is probably in his mid-eighties, and he may be in ill health.
These facts alone might explain why his work ends with less of a bang than a whimper.
The brevity of this final section, in which Strabo provides a terse account of the Roman
empire, may also reflect Strabo’s distaste for politics, the ephemeral nature of which he
laments throughout his work.
Strabo claims that the three continents constituting the lived-in world are largely
under the control of Rome. To make his case, he treats as being under Roman control
territories belonging to kings, dynasts, and priests acting as proxies for Rome, as well as
provinces under direct Roman administration. Even so, Strabo has to make extensive
exceptions. Europe is subject to the Romans—except the area east of the Rhine and north
of the Danube. As for Libya (= Africa), the part bordering on the Mediterranean Sea is
subject to the Romans—and the rest is not worth having. Nearly all of Asia on the coast
of “our sea” (coast of Mediterranean Sea + Black Sea + Sea of Azov), together with much
of what Strabo calls the Asian “interior,” is subject to the Romans—but Strabo admits
that large parts of the Asian interior are excluded—not least, India, Parthia, and Arabia.
Narrowing his focus to areas u nder direct Roman administration, Strabo notes the
important distinction made by the first Roman emperor, Augustus, who categorized one
part of the empire as “belonging to Caesar” and the provinces within it as “Caesar’s prov-
inces.” Augustus categorized the other part of the empire as “belonging to the people”
and the provinces within it as the “people’s provinces.”
Strabo proceeds to list the “people’s provinces.” It is at this point that the brevity
of Strabo’s account becomes problematic. The first people’s province named is “Libya”
(eastern Algeria, Tunisia, western present-day Libya), the province sitting on the northern
shore of the continent known in Strabo’s day by the same name. Strabo then qualifies
his statement with the phrase “the part subject to Roman control.” He seems to have
implicitly switched from understanding the name “Libya” in a provincial sense to under-
standing it in a continental sense. Moreover, Strabo goes on to make a further exclusion,
specifically the territory “formerly subject to Juba” and “now subject to his son, Ptolemy.”
Although Strabo does not name the territory in question, the reference would naturally
963
Epilogue
be interpreted to mean the kingdom of Maurusia (Morocco, southwestern Algeria), which

is indeed the territory that Ptolemy inherited from his f ather, Juba. This interpretation,
allied with the apparent shift from “Libya” qua province to “Libya” qua continent, gives
the misleading impression that the Roman province of Libya contains most of the con-
tinent, with the sole exception of Maurusia.
Why does Strabo not also exclude the Roman province of Cyrenaea (eastern present-day
Libya), also located on the northern coastline of the continent? Is it that Strabo is think-
ing only of provinces that are consular? He has, after all, specifically told us that Libya is
a “consular” province, meaning that it is governed by men who have achieved the highest
rank of Roman officialdom. Cyrenaea, in contrast, as Strabo w ill shortly inform us in a
diff erent context, is a “praetorian” province (i.e., governed by lesser Roman officials).
The second p eople’s province mentioned by Strabo is “Asia” (western Turkey), whose
name, like that of Libya, applies to both province and continent. Again, Strabo initially
uses the name qua province and then switches to understanding it in the broader sense,
specifying that his reference is to the part of the continent “within the Halys and the
Taurus.” Strabo proceeds to make further exclusions even from this part. Specifically, he
excludes Galatia and the parts subject to Amyntas (west-central Turkey), as well as Bithynia
and the Propontis (northwestern Turkey). Strabo fails, however, to exclude the province
of Cyprus (even though the island is treated by Strabo as part of Asia). The explanation
for Strabo’s omission may simply be that Cyprus is an island and therefore doesn’t count.
Or the explanation may be that Cyprus is a praetorian province, as Strabo will shortly
inform us. But if the latter is the reason, why does Strabo bother to specifically exclude
Bithynia, which, like Cyprus and Cyrenaea, he w ill go on to list as a praetorian province?
Up to this point, Strabo’s listing of the people’s provinces has followed the conti-
nental divisions of the lived-in world, with some play on the names “Libya” and “Asia”
as both provinces and continents. As Strabo moves from the two consular provinces to
the praetorian provinces, he maintains the continental framework, introducing his list
with the phrase “in Europe and its associated islands.” The grammatical construction
leads us to expect a forthcoming contrast with praetorian provinces in Africa or Asia,
but no contrast is provided. Some commentators have taken the contrast to be a retro-
spective one—that is, with the consular provinces already listed. However, after listing
seven praetorian provinces that are incontrovertibly E uropean, Strabo gives as the eighth
praetorian province, “Crete plus Cyrenaea.” This is problematic b ecause, while the island
of Crete is easily categorized among t hose associated with E urope (and has been treated
that way by Strabo), Cyrenaea is on the northern coast of the African continent, as ap-
parent from Strabo’s description in the main body of his work. The ninth praetorian
province listed by Strabo is Cyprus, which Strabo treats as part of Asia in the main body
of his work. The tenth is “ ‘Bithynia’ plus Propontis and certain parts of Pontus” (north-
ern + northwestern Turkey), the Asian location of which Strabo has just acknowledged in
noting its exclusion from the province of Asia.
964
We could, just about, construe Strabo’s grammar to make an implied contrast between
the European praetorian provinces, on the one hand, and the non-European provinces
listed in eighth, ninth, and tenth positions, on the other hand. Strabo’s careful enumera-
tion of the ten praetorian provinces, however, gainsays such a construction. Rather, it
seems to be the case that Strabo is forfeiting geographical exactitude for literary sym-
metry. He fits his description of the p eople’s provinces into a continental framework that
mirrors his preceding narrative, neatly distributing them between Libya and Asia (in
the case of the consular provinces) and E urope (in the case of the praetorian provinces).
Nor is it only geographic al exactitude that Strabo forfeits. Strabo’s account is temporally
imprecise as well. Some of the praetorian provinces listed as belonging to the people
were not transferred to the p eople’s portion of the empire u ntil after Augustus’s initial
organization; o thers were subsequently removed from the people’s portion. Strabo’s list
is therefore valid only for a period of ten years or so within Augustus’s reign.
There is further evidence for temporal dislocation in Strabo’s account of the prov-
inces. In discussing Libya and excepting from the part subject to Roman control the ter-
ritory “formerly subject to Juba,” Strabo could mean Numidia, the territory immediately
west of the Roman province of Libya, which may have temporarily belonged to Juba at
the time of Augustus’s initial organization. However, this would make a nonsense of
Strabo’s description of the territory as “now subject to [Juba’s] son, Ptolemy,” which is
very clearly a reference to Maurusia. Could Strabo mean that a portion of Numidia was
added to the kingdom of Maurusia?1 If so, the phraseology is misleading: the territory
“now subject to Ptolemy” would naturally be understood by Strabo’s audience to refer
to Maurusia as a w hole.
Strabo’s final account of the provinces is unsatisfactory in so many ways that it seems
probable that Strabo—as well as being in a hurry to finish his work—is following some
official and doctored version of events, one that is rhetorically striking rather than geo
graphically or temporally exact. The attempt to create the impression that Rome controls
(almost) all the world is not quite in keeping with Strabo’s work as a w hole, in which it
is clear that large areas remain unconquered. More in keeping with the tenor of Strabo’s
work are the lines that introduce his brief final account. The part of the lived-in world
that is controlled by the Romans is, says Strabo, the “best and most famous part.” This
is a statement with which Strabo can agree and to which his whole work is testament.
[ 1 ] Cf. 828 C, 27-34n.
965
E PILO G UE The Roman Empire
(late 1st c. BCE–early 1st c. CE)
839 C, 10-16 Since the best and most famous part of the lived-in world 17.3.24 cont.
is held by the Romans, who far surpass all earlier ruling

powers that I know of, it is worth saying something briefly
about them. It has been said that, starting from the single
city of Rome, they took possession of all Italy by means of
warfare and civilized rule; and that, a fter Italy, they em-
ployed the same skills to add the surrounding areas to their
possessions.1
839 C, 16-26 Of the three continents:
• they possess nearly all of E urope, except for the part they = Romans
beyond the Ister and except for the oceanic coast be- beyond Ister = north of
Danube r.
tween the Rhine and the Tanaïs; 2
Tanaïs, Don r.
• the entire coastline of Libya on our sea is subject to
Libya = Africa
them 3—the rest of Libya is either uninhabited or sup-
ports only a miserable and nomadic lifestyle;
• with regard to Asia,4 its entire coastline on our sea 5 is
similarly in their hands (if one ignores the bits belong-
ing to the Achaeans, Zygans, and Heniochans, who live
piratical and nomadic lives in their miserable and re-
stricted l ittle territories), while as for the deep interior,
they hold part, while part is held by the Parthians and they = Romans
by the natives living beyond them to the east and north
(Indians, Bactrians, and Scythians), and then by Arabs
and Ethiopians 6—but t here is always some piece or
other being transferred from t hese people to them.
839 C, 26-31 Of all the territory that is subject to the Romans, part is
ruled by kings, and part they hold in their own right u nder they = Romans
the name of “provinces,” to which they send out governors

and tax collectors. Also, there are some cities that are free.
Some of these w ere free from the start, when they established
friendly relations; o thers w
ere given their freedom by the
Romans as a mark of honor. Also subject to them are certain them = Romans
[ 1 ] 286 C, 27–288 C, 33.

[ 2 ] See chap. 3, “Europe.” For “the part beyond the Ister”: 290 C, 1–312 C, 28. For the
“oceanic coast” in particular: 294 C, 15-34.
[ 3 ] See chap. 5, “Libya (= Africa).”
[ 4 ] See chap. 4, “Asia.”
[ 5 ] “Our sea” includes the Black Sea as well as the Mediterranean, as evident from
Strabo’s reference to the Achaeans, Zygans, and Heniochans (Black Sea coast
of Russia), for whom see 495 C, 28–496 C, 25.
[ 6 ] Parthian heartland: 514 C, 24–515 C, 29. For Parthian expansion, and natives be-
yond them: 506 C, 33–533 C, 4; 685 C, 11–749 C. 7. Arabs and Ethiopians: 765 C,
12–785 C, 19; 819 C, 33–823 C, 8.
967
Epilogue
dynasts,1 phylarchs,2 and priests,3 who live their lives in ac-

cordance with their own traditional laws. |
“Caesar’s Portion” vs “People’s Portion” of Empire

840 C, 1-9 The provinces have been distinguished in various ways at 17.3.25
various times; at present, they are as classified by Caesar

Augustus. When his fatherland granted him supremacy of
command and made him lord of war and peace for life, Au- Augustus classified part of the
empire as belonging to Caesar
gustus divided the entire territory into two portions; he as- and part as belonging to the
signed one portion of territory to himself, the other portion people, 27 BCE
Caesar’s portion of to the people. He assigned to himself the portion of terri-

empire = portion in need of
military garrison tory in need of military garrisons—that is, territory that is
either barbarous, bordering on nations as yet unsubdued,
or so miserable and unamenable to agriculture that it lacks
everything but military strongholds, which results in rebel-
eople’s portion of empire =
P lion and noncompliance. He assigned the remaining portion
portion easy to govern
to the p
eople, as being peaceable and easy to govern without
recourse to military force.
“Caesar’s Provinces” vs “Provinces of the People”

840 C, 9-13 He o rganized each part into several provinces, some of which He = Augustus
Caesar’s provinces governed by are called “Caesar’s provinces,” and some “provinces of the
appointees of Caesar
people.” To “Caesar’s provinces,” governors and procurators
Provinces of the people are sent out by Caesar, who divides the territories differently Caesar at the time when Strabo
governed by officials sent by is writing is the emperor
the senate and p
eople
at different times and governs them in accordance with cir- Tiberius
cumstance. To the “provinces of the people,” praetors or con-
suls are sent out by the p eople.
Provinces of the People

840 C, 13-26 These, too, are classified differently when conditions require
it, but to start with, he separated them into: he = Augustus
Consular provinces of the • two “consular” provinces, namely “Libya”4 (the part
people
subject to Roman control,5 except for what was for-
merly subject to Juba and is now subject to his son,
Ptolemy)6 and “Asia”7 (the part within the Halys
and the Taurus,8 excluding the Galatians and nations
subject to Amyntas,9 also excluding Bithynia and the
Propontis);
[ 1 ] Dynasts as Roman appointees: 288 C, 4-16; 322 C, 14-21. [ 7 ] I.e., the Roman province called “Asia.” References to the province: 575 C, 24-30n;
[ 2 ] Phylarchs (lit., “tribal chiefs”), a term used of Arab leaders: 748 C, 6-24; 752 C, 577 C, 20-31n; 631 C, 5-18n; 647 C, 18-30n; 648 C, 29–649 C, 10n; 659 C, 17-32n.
31–753 C, 20. [ 8 ] I.e., the part of the continent called “Asia.”
[ 3 ] E.g., priests at Pontic Comana (Kılıçlı, n. Tky.): 558 C, 8–559 C, 7. [ 9 ] Galatia and nations subject to Amyntas: 566 C, 31–571 C, 17. By the time Strabo
[ 4 ] I.e., the Roman province called “Libya.” writes, Galatia is a Roman province, belonging to Caesar.
[ 5 ] I.e., the part of the continent called “Libya”?
[ 6 ] Strabo updates his e arlier statement (288 C, 1-4, written when Juba was still
alive and king of Maurusia); cf. 828 C, 27-34; 829 C, 25-31. Maurusia: 825 C, 20–
831 C, 19.
968
The Roman Empire and Provinces
Praetorian provinces of the • and ten “praetorian” provinces—in Europe and its
people
associated islands: “Outer Iberia,” as it was called (the
part associated with the Baetis river and the Anas) and
“Narbonitis” in Celtica; third, “Sardo plus Cyrnus”; Sardo, Sardinia (It. island)
fourth, “Sicily”; fifth and sixth, the part of Illyria “by Cyrnus, Corsica (Fr. island)
Epirus” and “Macedonia”; seventh, “Achaea” plus

Thessaly, the Aetolians, the Acarnanians, and which-
ever Epirote nations had not been ceded to Macedonia;
eighth, “Crete plus Cyrenaea”; ninth, “Cyprus”; tenth,
“Bithynia” plus Propontis and certain parts of Pontus.
Caesar’s Provinces
840 C, 26-28 Caesar holds the other provinces. To look a fter them, he
Caesar’s portion of empire sends men of consular rank to some, men of praetorian rank
to some, and men of equestrian rank to others.
Kings, Dynasts, and Decarchies

840 C, 28-29 Kings, dynasts, and decarchies are included in Caesar’s por-
tion and always have been.
969
This directory allows readers to approach Strabo’s narrative via familiar names that are
in use today. The present-day names are given first; they are followed by a selection of
ancient names used by Strabo for the peoples or lands that spanned, lay within, or en-
compassed the areas denoted by the present-day names. The correlation between ancient
and modern names is only approximate, given that Strabo is often vague about the loca-
tion of the peoples and lands he discusses. Nor is the list of ancient names exhaustive,
representing only a sprinkling of the names used by Strabo.
The second column lists the passages where the relevant lands or peoples are de-
scribed. This directory differs from a traditional index in that it does not include all the
passages where the ancient names occur. It restricts itself to the most informative pas-
sages, with particularly salient passages marked in bold.
The chosen system of reference within the directory—through the paragraph iden-
tifiers provided in the left-hand margin of the translation—means that the references
are more targeted than would be the case with page numbers and additionally allows
specialist readers to use the directory to refer to the Greek text by S. L. Radt on which
the translation is based.
Modern and ancient names are given in the forms used throughout the translation.
A
AFGHANISTAN 516 C, 1–518 C, 20; 723 C, 15–725 C, 21.129 C, 15-26; 130 C,
2nd section of northern Asia, southern Asia, Bactria(na), 6-14; 514 C, 8-22; 687 C, 31–688 C, 14; 697 C, 4–698 C, 7;
Aria(na), Paropamisus mts. 720 C, 8-14
ALBANIA 316 C, 13–317 C, 28; 322 C, 28–323 C, 13; 323 C, 32–324 C,

Illyria, Ardiaeans, Epirus, Macedonia, Chaonians, 28; 325 C, 29–327 C, 12.123 C, 30–124 C, 3; 128 C, 31–129 C,
Molossians, Thesprotians 3n; 283 C, 12-16; 289 C, 1-21; 313 C, 5-19; 840 C, 13-26
ALGERIA 829 C, 20–832 C, 7.131 C, 11-19; 133 C, 14-17n; 828 C, 12-27;

Masaesylia, Masylia, Maurusia, Pharusians, Nigritans, 835 C, 16-30
Gaetulians, Numidians, ?Garamantians, ?Libyphoenicians
ALPS 201 C, 31–209 C, 14.128 C, 16-24; 178 C, 35–179 C, 9; 186 C,

Alps, Rhaetians, Vindolicians, Noricans, Helvettians 8-21; 210 C, 31–211 C, 4; 290 C, 17-25; 292 C, 16-32; 313 C,
19-22
ANDORRA. See PYRENEES
?ARAL SEA 509 C, 4-11n; 512 C, 26–513 C, 1n; 518 C, 9-20n
ARCTIC and ANTARCTIC regions 135 C, 23–136 C, 12

Periscians. See also ?ICELAND
971
ARMENIA 526 C, 34–533 C, 4.129 C, 27–130 C, 3

3rd section of northern Asia, Armenia
AUSTRIA. See also ALPS 206 C, 5–207 C, 17.128 C, 16-24; 128 C, 31–129 C, 3; 214 C,
Rhaetians, Vindolicians, Noricans 24-28; 292 C, 16-32
B
BAHRAIN 765 C, 21–767 C, 2.121 C, 16-21; 130 C, 18-24
(Blessed) Arabia, Tyrus, Aradus, Persian gulf
BANGLADESH 689 C, 3–690 C, 18; 702 C, 10–703 C, 27.116 C, 12-19; 118 C,

(eastern) end of India, eastern sea, easternmost part of 25-32; 130 C, 6-14; 518 C, 34–519 C, 3
lived-in world, Ganges r., beyond the Hypanis r.
BELGIUM 176 C, 13–178 C, 9; 194 C, 3-27.128 C, 3-16

Celtica, Treverans, Nervians, Menapians, Morinians
?BHUTAN. See also HIMALAYAS 702 C, 27–703 C, 27

beyond the Hypanis r., Ima(e)um
BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA 315 C, 13–316 C, 1; 317 C, 16–318 C, 5.123 C, 30–124 C, 3; 128

Dalmatians, Illyria, Ardiaeans, Pannonians C, 31–129 C, 3n; 289 C, 1-21; 840 C, 13-26
BULGARIA 318 C, 14–319 C, 25.128 C, 31–129 C, 3n; 289 C, 1-21; 295 C,

Haemus mt., Triballians, Rhodope mt., Maedians, 16-22; 301 C, 21-28; 303 C, 19-31; 313 C, 5-19; 321 C, 15-20
Moesians, Thrace, Getans
C
?CANARY ISLANDS (Sp. islands) 150 C, 19-29n.2 C, 34–3 C, 12n
islands of the Blessed
?CAPE VERDE/CABO VERDE 100 C, 1-20
CASPIAN SEA 506 C, 33–511 C, 27; 518 C, 34–519 C, 3n.121 C, 16-21; 509 C,
Caspian sea, Hyrcanian sea, Hyrcanian gulf 4-11; 512 C, 26–513 C, 1; 518 C, 9-20
?CHINA 516 C, 17-28; 702 C, 27–703 C, 27.510 C, 26–511 C, 8; 518 C,

2nd section of northern Asia, Ima(e)um, eastern 26–519 C, 31
Scythians, Seres
CHIOS. See KHIOS
CORSICA (Fr. island) 224 C, 20-33.117 C, 12-20n; 122 C, 34–123 C, 9; 222 C, 9-22n;
Cyrnus 223 C, 24–224 C, 8nn; 225 C, 20-24; 840 C, 13-26
COS. See KOS
CRETE. See KRITI
CRIMEA 306 C, 25–312 C, 28.74 C, 1-7; 124 C, 32–125 C, 2

(Great) Cherronesus, (Little) Scythia, kingdom of
Bosporus
CROATIA 313 C, 5–318 C, 13.123 C, 30–124 C, 3; 128 C, 31–129 C, 3; 207

eastern Europe, Iapodes, Istria, Illyria, Pannonians, C, 18-33; 215 C, 30–216 C, 5; 289 C, 1-21; 840 C, 13-26
Libyrnians, Dalmatians, Scordiscans
CYPRUS. See KYPROS, KIBRIS
CZECH REPUBLIC 289 C, 1–291 C, 22; 292 C, 11-32.128 C, 31–129 C, 3; 293 C,

eastern Europe, Germans, Suebians, Quadians, 23–294 C, 3
Buiaemum, Boïans, Marcomannians
972
D
?DENMARK 292 C, 33–293 C, 8
Cimbrians
DJIBOUTI 768 C, 27–773 C, 28.130 C, 18-24; 780 C, 1-11; 789 C, 23-32

Trogodytes, Arabian gulf
E
EGYPT 759 C, 9–761 C, 8; 768 C, 27–770 C, 13; 785 C, 13–824 C, 21.
southern Asia, Egypt, Arabian gulf, Nile region, 130 C, 18-24; 133 C, 10-17; 133 C, 29–134 C, 2; 518 C, 20-25;
Ethiopians, Phoenicia, Aelanites gulf, Arabian gulf, 685 C, 6-10; 776 C, 21–777 C, 3; 780 C, 1–782 C, 26; 838 C,
Trogodytes, Nasamonians, ?Maranites, ?Garindaeans 9–839 C, 9
ELBA (It. island) 224 C, 9-19.122 C, 34–123 C, 9; 222 C, 9-22n; 223 C, 24–224
Aethalia C, 3; 225 C, 20-24
ERITREA 768 C, 27–773 C, 28.130 C, 18-24; 780 C, 1-11; 789 C, 23-32

Trogodytes, Arabian gulf
ETHIOPIA 772 C, 12-31.786 C, 9-15; 789 C, 23-32; 821 C, 12–823 C, 8

Trogodytes, Ethiopians, southern limit of lived-in world
EQUATORIAL REGION 97 C, 24–98 C, 12
F
FORMENTERA (Sp. island) 167 C, 19-22
Ophiussa, Pityussans
FRANCE. See also CORSICA; PYRENEES 176 C, 13–199 C, 10; 203 C, 1–204 C, 33; 208 C, 5-19.63 C,
Celtica (beyond the Alps), outer Celtica, Aquitanians, 14-34; 64 C, 8-26; 71 C, 24–72 C, 15; 105 C, 8-21; 106 C,
Belgans, Celts, Narbonitis, Sallyans, Alps, Massalia, 10-21; 115 C, 4-21; 122 C, 16-23; 128 C, 3-24; 137 C, 15-20;
Cyrnus, ?Cattiterides 146 C, 17-19; 175 C, 25–176 C, 8; 200 C, 28–201 C, 20; 205 C,
1-6; 840 C, 13-26
G
GAZA STRIP 759 C, 19-27.756 C, 18-21; 759 C, 33–760 C, 10
Gaza, Phoenicia
GEORGIA 497 C, 4–501 C, 12.129 C, 15–130 C, 3; 491 C, 12-32; 528 C,

1st and 3rd sections of northern Asia, Colchis, Soanians, 1-9
Iberians
GERMANY 289 C, 1–294 C, 34.128 C, 3-24; 128 C, 31–129 C, 3; 206 C,

eastern Europe, Celtica, Germans, Suebians, 13-28; 207 C, 7-17
Sugambrians, Cimbrians, Cheruscians, Vindolicians,
Hercynian Forest, Gabreta, Byrchanis
GIBRALTAR 139 C, 29–140 C, 7; 169 C, 29–172 C, 11.121 C, 21-28; 122 C,

Calpe, Pillars (of Heracles) 16-23; 127 C, 26–128 C, 2
GREAT BRITAIN 199 C, 10–201 C, 2.63 C, 14-23; 115 C, 22–116 C, 6; 120 C, 3-9;
Brettanica, Cantium, Brettanic Isles, ?Cattiterides 129 C, 4-9; 147 C, 21-28; 175 C, 25–176 C, 8; 193 C, 9-14; 193
C, 34–194 C, 2
973
GREECE and islands. See also KHIOS; KOS; KRITI; 323 C, 3–489 C, 27; 616 C, 23–618 C, 27; 636 C, 33–639 C,
LESBOS; PELOPONNESE; RHODOS; SAMOS 14; 645 C, 10-31; 652 C, 10–655 C, 28; 657 C, 15–658 C, 4.
eastern Europe, 5 bands of Greece, Peloponnese, 123 C, 21–124 C, 28; 128 C, 31–129 C, 9; 840 C, 13-26
Megaris, Attica, Boeotia, Phocis, Locris, Thessalians,
Aetolians, Acarnanians, Euboea, Cyclades, Sporades,
Crete, Cos, Rhodes, Samos, Chios, Lesbos, Epirus,
Macedonians, Thracians
H
HIMALAYAS 510 C, 26–511 C, 8; 518 C, 34–519 C, 31; 689 C, 3-7; 710 C,
2nd section of northern Asia, northern India, Caucasus, 26–711 C, 2.67 C, 7–68 C, 9; 129 C, 15-22
Taurus, Emoda, Ima(e)um
HUNGARY 304 C, 16–305 C, 15; 313 C, 19–314 C, 5.128 C, 31–129 C, 3nn;

Dacians (Getans), Pannonia, Illyria 289 C, 1-21; 294 C, 34–295 C, 22; 303 C, 33–304 C, 15
I
IBIZA (Sp. island) 167 C, 19-22.122 C, 34–123 C, 9
Ebusus/Ebysus, Pityussans
?ICELAND 201 C, 13-26.63 C, 24-34; 114 C, 29–115 C, 3

Thule
INDIA 685 C, 6–691 C, 8; 698 C, 8–701 C, 2; 705 C, 5–720 C, 7;

beyond the Hypanis r., Brachmanes, Sarmanes, southern Translator’s Note on Strabo’s “India.”64 C, 8-20; 68 C,
Asia, Coniacians, 1st sphragis 6–78 C, 18; 80 C, 31–81 C, 8; 84 C, 3-9; 87 C, 15-19; 102 C, 22-25;
119 C, 10-17; 130 C, 6-14; 492 C, 16-19; 518 C, 34–519 C, 3
IRAN and islands 506 C, 33–511 C, 8; 514 C, 24–515 C, 29; 520 C, 22–533 C,
2nd and 3rd sections of northern Asia, southern Asia, 4; 720 C, 8–736 C, 12; 744 C, 4–745 C, 7; 765 C, 27–766 C,
Hyrcania, Nesaea, Parthia, (Great) Media, Atropatian 6; 767 C, 3–767 C, 14.78 C, 8–85 C, 5; 129 C, 15-22n; 129 C,
Media, Armenia, Ariana, Carmania, Gedrosia, Persia, 27–130 C, 3n; 130 C, 4-18nn; 492 C, 10-19
Susis, Cossaea, Paraetacene, Elymaea, Ichthyophagi,
Persian gulf, Doracta, 2nd and 3rd sphragides
IRAQ 736 C, 13–749 C, 7.78 C, 8–85 C, 5; 129 C, 27–130 C, 6n; 130

southern Asia, 3rd section of northern Asia, Assyria, C, 14-24n; 520 C, 22–522 C, 14; 529 C, 11-30; 732 C, 7-17; 765
Babylonia, Elymaea, Mesopotamia, Parthian empire, C, 12–766 C, 19; 767 C, 15-21
Median empire, Adiabene, Mesene, Euphrates r., Tigris
r., Chaldaeans, Sitacene, Elymaea, 3rd sphragis
IRELAND 201 C, 3-12.63 C, 24-34; 72 C, 11-15

Ierne
ISRAEL 756 C, 18-21; 757 C, 32–765 C, 11; 776 C, 18–777 C, 15.755 C,

Phoenicia, Judaea, Nabataea, Aelanites, Syria, Arabia 6-13; 767 C, 22-30; 768 C, 27-34; 779 C, 19-35; 803 C, 3-12
ITALY and islands. See also ELBA; SARDINIA; SICILY 201 C, 31–288 C, 33.122 C, 34–123 C, 9; 123 C, 21–124 C, 10;
Celtica this side of the Alps, beyond the Padus, this side 128 C, 16-30; 129 C, 4-9; 834 C, 1-22nn
of the Padus, Italy, Ligyans, Salassians, Tyrrhenia, Umbria,
Sabina, Latina, Campania, Rome, Leucania, Brettia, Sicily,
Aethalia, Sardo, Lopadussa, Cossura/Cossurus
J
JORDAN 760 C, 17-31; 762 C, 30–764 C, 31; 779 C, 19-35.755 C, 6-13n;
Nabataea, Judaea, Aelanites, Arabia, Syria 759 C, 9-18n; 759 C, 19-27; 767 C, 22-30; 768 C, 21-34; 776 C,
21–777 C, 15; 803 C, 3-12
974
K
KAZAKHSTAN and region 506 C, 33–514 C, 23.129 C, 15-26; 516 C, 17–518 C, 34
2nd section of northern Asia, Daans/Dahae, Left-Hand
Side of Caspian Sea, Massagetans, Sacans, Sogdians
KHIOS/CHIOS (Gk. island) 645 C, 10-31.124 C, 16-24; 488 C, 16-23

Chios
KOS/COS (Gk. island) 657 C, 15–658 C, 4.124 C, 16-24; 488 C, 2-23

Cos
KOSOVO 316 C, 2-12; 318 C, 18-27.128 C, 31–129 C, 3n; 289 C, 1-21; 295
Dardanians, Moesians, Illyrians C, 16-22; 303 C, 19-31; 313 C, 5-22
KRITI/CRETE (Gk. island) 474 C, 21–484 C, 18.124 C, 11-24; 466 C, 9–474 C, 15; 488 C,
Crete 11-23; 840 C, 13-26
KUWAIT 765 C, 12–766 C, 19.121 C, 16-21; 130 C, 18-24; 739 C, 9-19 +

Assyria, Chaldaeans, Icarus, ?Teredon, Persian gulf 23-28; 767 C, 15-21
KYPROS/CYPRUS, KIBRIS 681 C, 25–685 C, 5.124 C, 16-24n; 125 C, 25-31; 488 C, 16-23;
Cyprus 840 C, 13-26
KYRGYZSTAN and region 510 C, 26–519 C, 9.129 C, 15-26

2nd section of northern Asia, eastern Scythians, nomads,
Sogdians, Sacans
L
LEBANON 754 C, 28–758 C, 30.760 C, 11-16
Coele Syria, Phoenicia
LESBOS (Gk. island) 616 C, 23–618 C, 27.124 C, 16-24; 488 C, 16-23

Lesbos
LIBYA 835 C, 5–839 C, 9.123 C, 13-21; 133 C, 14-17n; 133 C, 32–134

Cyrenaea, Libyphoenicians, Nasamonians, Psyllians, C, 2; 840 C, 13-26
Garamantians, Marmaridans, Numidians, Gaetulians
LIECHTENSTEIN. See also ALPS 206 C, 5–207 C, 3.128 C, 16-24

Rhaetians
LUXEMBOURG 193 C, 25-30; 194 C, 3-9.128 C, 3-16

Celtica, Belgans, Treverans, Mediomatricans
M
?MADEIRA (Port. island) 150 C, 19-29n.2 C, 34–3 C, 12n
islands of the Blessed
MALLORCA and MENORCA (Sp. islands) 167 C, 15–168 C, 24.122 C, 34–123 C, 9; 129 C, 4-9; 654 C,
Gymnesians, Balearics 19–655 C, 2
MALTA and GOZO 277 C, 20-25.299 C, 19-23; 834 C, 14-18

Melita, Gaudus
?MAURITANIA 827 C, 12-23.99 C, 21–100 C, 12; 133 C, 8-9n; 133 C, 14-17n;

Western Ethiopians, oceanic Ethiopians 825 C, 33–826 C, 22; 829 C, 1-11; 835 C, 16-24
MOLDOVA 305 C, 16–306 C, 21.128 C, 31–129 C, 3; 289 C, 1-21; 294 C,

Tyregetans, Iazygian Sarmatians, Bastarnians 34–295 C, 15
975
MONACO 201 C, 31–202 C, 35.128 C, 16-24

Monoecus harbor, Ligyans
MONTENEGRO 315 C, 24–316 C, 12.123 C, 30–124 C, 3; 128 C, 31–129 C, 3n;

Ardiaeans, Illyrians 289 C, 1-21; 313 C, 5-19; 314 C, 20-24
MOROCCO 825 C, 20–829 C, 19.33 C, 3-8; 99 C, 11–100 C, 20; 133 C,

Maurusia 32–134 C, 2; 140 C, 8-13; 168 C, 25-27n; 170 C, 12-20; 829 C,
1-11; 840 C, 13-26
N
NEPAL. See also HIMALAYAS 702 C, 27–703 C, 27; 710 C, 26–711 C, 2
beyond the Hypanis, Ima(e)um, Caucasus
NETHERLANDS 194 C, 3-9; 290 C, 1-17; 291 C, 7-10.128 C, 3-16; 128 C, 31–129
Celtica, Belgans, Menapians, Germans C, 3
NORTH MACEDONIA 316 C, 2-12; 322 C, 28–323 C, 13; 326 C, 14–327 C, 19.128 C,
Paeonians, Maedians, Dardanians 31–129 C, 3; 289 C, 1-21; 313 C, 5-19; 329 C, 15–332 C, 1
O
OMAN 765 C, 21–768 C, 6.726 C, 18-28
(Blessed) Arabia, Macaeans
P
PAKISTAN 685 C, 11–726 C, 17.78 C, 8-25; 130 C, 6-14; 133 C, 14-17;
India, Gedrosia, Ariana, Patalene, Brachmanes, Sarmanes, 492 C, 16-19; others?
1st and 2nd sphragides
PELOPONNESE 335 C, 1–389 C, 42.92 C, 10-29; 123 C, 21-29; 171 C, 1-14;

Peloponnese, Elia, Messenia, Laconia, Argia, Corinthia, 321 C, 3-14; 334 C, 10-22; 392 C, 13-20
Achaea
PERSIAN GULF 765 C, 27–767 C, 21.?729 C, 6-21; ?732 C, 2-6; 121 C, 16-21
Persian gulf, Persian sea
POLAND 294 C, 15-34
PORTUGAL 136 C, 18–167 C, 14.127 C, 26–128 C, 2

Iberia, Sacred Promontory, Lusitanians
PYRENEES 127 C, 26–128 C, 2; 137 C, 20-26; 161 C, 33–162 C, 4; 166 C,

Pyrenees 13-17
Q
QATAR 765 C, 21–767 C, 2.121 C, 16-21; 130 C, 18-24
(Blessed) Arabia, Persian gulf
R
RED SEA 768 C, 27–773 C, 28; 776 C, 21–779 C, 18.121 C, 16-21
Arabian gulf, Erythra
RHODOS (Gk. island) 652 C, 10–655 C, 28.124 C, 16-24; 488 C, 11-23

Rhodes, Rhodia
976
ROMANIA 294 C, 34–295 C, 22; 303 C, 33–305 C, 34; 319 C, 3-10.128

Getans (Dacians), Moesia C, 31–129 C, 3nn
RUSSIA 492 C, 20–506 C, 32.126 C, 30–127 C, 7; 128 C, 31–129 C, 3;

1st section of northern Asia, eastern Europe, kingdom 129 C, 15-26; 294 C, 15–295 C, 15; 306 C, 21–312 C, 28; 491
of Bosporus, hamaxoeci, Achaeans, Zygans, Heniochans, C, 12-32
Rhoxolanians, Scythians, Sauromatians, Aorsians,
Siracians
S
SAMOS (Gk. island) 636 C, 33–639 C, 2.124 C, 16-24; 457 C, 16-23; 488 C, 2-23
Samos
SARDINIA (It. island) 224 C, 34–225 C, 24.122 C, 34–123 C, 9; 222 C, 9-22 + note;
Sardo 223 C, 24–224 C, 8; 225 C, 20-24
SAUDI ARABIA 765 C, 12–769 C, 19; 776 C, 18–785 C, 19.85 C, 6-13; 130 C,
(Blessed) Arabia, 4th sphragis, ?Tiran, Arabian gulf, 18-24
Persian gulf
?SENEGAL 827 C, 12-23.99 C, 21–100 C, 12; 825 C, 33–826 C, 22; 829 C,

Western Ethiopians, oceanic Ethiopians 1-11; 835 C, 16-24
SERBIA 289 C, 1-21; 294 C, 34–295 C, 36; 303 C, 19-31; 316 C, 2-12;
Moesians, Pannonia, Illyrians, Dacians, Triballians, 317 C, 22–318 C, 27.128 C, 31–129 C, 3; 289 C, 1-21; 301 C,
Scordiscans, Dardanians 21-28; 304 C, 16–305 C, 15; 313 C, 5–314 C, 5; 316 C, 2-12
SICILY (It. island) 265 C, 27–275 C, 19.23 C, 28–25 C, 32; 54 C, 4-15; 54 C, 31–55
Sicily C, 10; 122 C, 23–123 C, 9; 248 C, 6-16; 840 C, 13-26
?SLOVAKIA 290 C, 17-25 + 29-31; 294 C, 34–295 C, 5

Hercynian forest
SLOVENIA 313 C, 5–315 C, 3.128 C, 16–129 C, 3; 202 C, 7-14; 206 C,

eastern Europe, Pannonians, Noricans, Tauriscans, 13–207 C, 3; 207 C, 18-30; 210 C, 31–211 C, 4; 215 C, 30–216
Istrians, Iapodes C, 10; 289 C, 1-21?
SOMALIA 769 C, 13-29; 773 C, 29–776 C, 17; 779 C, 14-18; 789 C,

Aromatophorus, Smyrnophorus, Libanotophorus, 23–790 C, 8.30 C, 18-24; 62 C, 33–63 C, 9; 72 C, 4-11; 118 C,
Cinnamomophorus, Ethiopians, Trogodytes, southern 25–119 C, 8; 132 C, 25–133 C, 4
limit of lived-in world
SOUTH SUDAN 786 C, 15–787 C, 11; 819 C, 33–823 C, 8.114 C, 6-11; 118 C,
Ethiopians, southern limit of lived-in world 36–119 C, 8; 133 C, 2-4n
SPAIN and islands. See also FORMENTERA; IBIZA; 136 C, 18–176 C, 2.127 C, 26–128 C, 2; 129 C, 4-9; 286 C,
MALLORCA and MENORCA 22-26n; 827 C, 24-28; 832 C, 25-31; 840 C, 13-26
Iberia, Celtiberia, Gadira, Baetica, Turdetania,
Lusitanians, Gymnesian islands, Pityussan islands
SRI LANKA 72 C, 18-28; 690 C, 31–691 C, 8.62 C, 33–63 C, 9; 74 C,

Taprobane, southern limit of lived-in world 14-23; 119 C, 10-17; 130 C, 6-14
SUDAN 768 C, 27–772 C, 31; 785 C, 20–787 C, 11; 819 C, 7–823 C, 8.
Trogodytes, Ethiopians, Libyans, Blemmyans, Nubians, 62 C, 33–63 C, 9; 77 C, 3-15; 114 C, 6-11; 130 C, 18–131 C, 19;
Megabarians, Meroe, southern limit of lived-in world 780 C, 1-11; 789 C, 23–790 C, 8; 825 C, 11-19
SWITZERLAND. See also ALPS 192 C, 31–193 C, 30.128 C, 3-24; 204 C, 8-14; 205 C, 1-6; 206
Helvettians, Rhaetians C, 5–207 C, 17; 208 C, 14-19; 292 C, 16-31
SYRIA 746 C, 14–756 C, 18.79 C, 12–85 C, 5; 130 C, 14-24; 521 C,

Mesopotamia, (Seleucid) Syria, Coele Syria, Scenitae 6-25; 736 C, 13–737 C, 2; 765 C, 12-21n; 779 C, 19-21
Arabs, 3rd sphragis
977
T
TAJIKISTAN and region 510 C, 26–514 C, 23; 516 C, 17–520 C, 21.129 C, 15-26
2nd section of northern Asia, Sogdians, Sacans
TUNISIA and islands 831 C, 19–835 C, 30.123 C, 13-21; 277 C, 20-25; 840 C, 13-26
Masylia, Carthage, Numidians, Libyphoenicians,
Gaetulians, Garamantians, Aegimurus
TURKEY and islands 319 C, 20–321 C, 2; 322 C, 28–323 C, 21; 520 C, 22–522 C, 27;
3rd and 4th sections of northern Asia, inside the Taurus, 526 C, 34–685 C, 5; 746 C, 14–748 C, 6; 749 C, 8–75 C, 35.
eastern Europe, southern Asia, Armenia, Cappadocia, 117 C, 12-20 + note; 124 C, 16–126 C, 11; 128 C, 31–129 C, 3n;
Cilicia, Pontus, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Galatia, Pisidia, 129 C, 10-15; 129 C, 27–130 C, 6; 130 C, 14-24 + notes; 329 C,
Lycaonia, Mysia, Phrygia, Caria, Troad, Troy, Aeolid, Lydia, 15–332 C, 1; 490 C, 3–491 C, 5; 492 C, 10-16; 736 C, 13–737 C,
Lycia, Ionia, Pamphylia, Thracian Bosporus, Hellespont, 8; 840 C, 13-26
Thracian Cherronesus, Sestus/Abydus straits, Propontis,
Greece, north Mesopotamia, Gordyaea, Seleucis,
Commagene, Rhodia, Rhodian Peraea, Tenedos
TURKMENISTAN and region 506 C, 33–516 C, 16.129 C, 15-26

2nd section of northern Asia, Hyrcania, Daans/Dahae,
Parthia, Margiana, Massagetans
U
UKRAINE. See also CRIMEA 305 C, 16–312 C, 28.126 C, 30–127 C, 7; 128 C, 31–129 C, 3;
Tyregetans, Bastarnians, Sauromatians, Iazyges, 289 C, 1-21
Scythians, Cherronesus
UNITED ARAB EMIRATES (UAE) 765 C, 21–767 C, 2.121 C, 16-21; 130 C, 18-24
(Blessed) Arabia, Macaeans, Persian gulf
UNITED KINGDOM. See GREAT BRITAIN; IRELAND
UZBEKISTAN and region 508 C, 27–514 C, 23; 516 C, 17–519 C, 3.129 C, 15-26; 724
2nd section of northern Asia, Massagetans, Bactria, C, 6-8
Sogdians, Sacans
W
WEST BANK 760 C, 17-31; 762 C, 30–764 C, 17.749 C, 14-21; 755 C, 6-13n
Judaea, Jordan r.
WESTERN SAHARA 827 C, 12 -23.829 C, 1-11

Western Ethiopians, oceanic Ethiopians
Y
YEMEN 768 C, 7–769 C, 12; 769 C, 20–770 C, 2; 777 C, 31–779 C, 18;
(Blessed) Arabia, Minaeans, Sabaeans, Cattabanians, 781 C, 29–782 C, 8; 782 C, 27–783 C, 22.130 C, 18-24; 765
Chatramotitans, Aromatophorus C, 21-26
978
Index of Ancient Names
The chosen system of reference within the index—through the paragraph identifiers
provided in the left-hand margin of the translation—means that the references are more
targeted than would be the case with page numbers and additionally allows specialist
readers to use the index to refer to the Greek text by S. L. Radt on which the translation
is based.
A Acathartus Bay:769 C, 20–770 C, 2

Ace:757 C, 32–759 C, 9
Aarassus:570 C, 4-13 Acerrae:246 C, 29–247 C, 5; 249 C, 12-16
Aba:672 C, 10-22 Acesines:692 C, 9-19; 694 C, 14-26; 696 C, 14-26; 697 C,
Aba, Abae:423 C, 11-15; 445 C, 9-18 27–698 C, 2; 698 C, 24–699 C, 2; 699 C, 18-21; 706 C,
Abaeitis, Abaeitians:576 C, 4-16; 625 C, 16-24 24–707 C, 9
Abantis, Abantes:445 C, 9-18 Achaea (Aria):516 C, 1-11
Abaris:301 C, 12-21 Achaea (Roman province):840 C, 13-26
Abas:431 C, 18-22 Achaea, Achaeans (Black Sea):129 C, 22-26; 416 C, 2-10;
Abdera (Iberia):156 C, 25-37 492 C, 20-28; 495 C, 28–497 C, 18; 839 C, 16-26
Abdera (Thrace):531 C, 1-15; 549 C, 30–550 C, 4; 644 C, 1-8 Achaea, Achaeans (colonies):261 C, 13-16; 262 C, 2-5;
Abeacus:506 C, 23-32 263 C, 13-25; 264 C, 29–265 C, 6; 265 C, 14-19; 280 C,
Abella:249 C, 12-16 1-13; 671 C, 26-32
Abila/Abilyx:170 C, 12-20; 827 C, 24-28 Achaea, Achaeans (Homeric usage):35 C, 9-12; 102 C,
Abisares:698 C, 14–699 C, 2 12-20; 221 C, 5-21; 262 C, 6-14; 352 C, 10-18; 369 C,
Abonutichus:545 C, 2-13 18–370 C, 3; 370 C, 30-33; 372 C, 26-31; 430 C, 33-
Aboraca:494 C, 29–495 C, 5 38; 457 C, 23-33; 467 C, 10-16; 475 C, 27-35; 573 C,
Aborras:747 C, 32–748 C, 6 32–574 C, 13; 600 C, 24–601 C, 4
Abrettene:574 C, 30–575 C, 8; 576 C, 4-16 Achaea, Achaeans (in general):61 C, 5-15; 365 C, 12-23;
Abrotonum:835 C, 5-15 383 C, 28–384 C, 3
Abus:527 C, 17-29; 531 C, 16-23 Achaea, Achaeans (Peloponnese):333 C, 18-24; 335 C, 19-
Abydus (Egypt):813 C, 10-25; 814 C, 23-31 22; 335 C, 29–336 C, 5; 336 C, 18-26; 337 C, 26-33; 341 C,
Abydus (Hellespont):108 C, 24-28; 124 C, 28-32; 581 C, 7-17; 341 C, 24-29; 357 C, 28–358 C, 9; 364 C, 30-39;
13–582 C, 3; 582 C, 30–584 C, 11; 585 C, 33–586 C, 11; 365 C, 12-23; 372 C, 11-18; 382 C, 29–388 C, 12; 389 C,
586 C, 17-22; 587 C, 24–588 C, 2; 589 C, 9-23; 590 C, 37-42; 451 C, 17-25; 479 C, 9-16
3-22; 590 C, 34–591 C, 33; 595 C, 9-20; 600 C, 17-22; Achaea, Achaeans (Phthiotis):45 C, 10-23; 365 C, 12-20;
605 C, 9-14; 634 C, 32–635 C, 12; 680 C, 9-24 383 C, 28–384 C, 3; 429 C, 24-28; 431 C, 22-32; 433 C,
Acacesium:299 C, 24-25 8-15; 433 C, 31-32; 495 C, 28–496 C, 3
Acalandrus:280 C, 20-30 Achaean Camp:595 C, 28-34
Acamas (person):683 C, 27–684 C, 7 Achaean confederation:376 C, 29–377 C, 4; 384 C,
Acamas (place):681 C, 33–682 C, 12; 683 C, 27–684 C, 7 33–385 C, 27; 420 C, 4-14
Acanthus:809 C, 7-10 Achaean Harbor (nr Ilium):595 C, 28-34; 595 C, 35–596 C,
Acara:216 C, 30–217 C, 5 5; 598 C, 31-36
Acarnan:462 C, 20-27 Achaean Harbor (nr Myrina):622 C, 1-15
Acarnania, Acarnanians:271 C, 18-33; 321 C, 15-20; 321 C, Achaean Ships Station:595 C, 28-34; 598 C, 21-31
28–322 C, 5; 324 C, 33–325 C, 8; 325 C, 29–326 C, 7; Achaean Strand:682 C, 12-27
327 C, 6-12; 332 C, 17–333 C, 3; 334 C, 4-10; 335 C, Achaeans (cliffs):347 C, 17-19
12-19; 335 C, 29–336 C, 5; 350 C, 19–351 C, 6; 376 C, Achaeium:596 C, 22-23; 602 C, 38–603 C, 12; 603 C,
7-19; 388 C, 15-27; 417 C, 6-10; 428 C, 10-14; 429 C, 30–604 C, 19
15-20; 429 C, 33–430 C, 2; 449 C, 31–450 C, 22; 451 C, Achaemenidae:727 C, 21-27
17–452 C, 7; 452 C, 30–453 C, 15; 456 C, 25-31; 458 C, Achaeus:383 C, 12-19
14-27; 459 C, 16–463 C, 7; 463 C, 17-25; 465 C, 13-26; Achaïcarus:762 C, 18-30
467 C, 2-10; 840 C, 13-26 Acharaca:578 C, 31–579 C, 9; 649 C, 25–650 C, 23
979
Achelous (Acarnania):28 C, 31-36; 59 C, 22-33; 271 C, Adiatorix:542 C, 31–543 C, 6; 558 C, 23–559 C, 7

18-37; 327 C, 6-12; 335 C, 29–336 C, 13; 350 C, 19–351 C, Adimantus:589 C, 33–590 C, 2
6; 449 C, 36–450 C, 22; 450 C, 23-31; 458 C, 6–459 C, Admetus:45 C, 10-23; 447 C, 31-26
2; 459 C, 25-31; 460 C, 3-10; 460 C, 18-22; 461 C, 23-29; Adobogiona:625 C, 1-15
465 C, 19-26 Adonis:755 C, 30–756 C, 4
Achelous (nr Dyma):342 C, 10-18; 449 C, 36–450 C, 13 Ador:528 C, 32–529 C, 10
Achelous (nr Lamia):433 C, 33–434 C, 6; 449 C, 36–450 C, Adramyttenian bay:583 C, 34–584 C, 11; 605 C, 15–606 C,
13 4; 606 C, 18-27; 615 C, 2-7; 624 C, 9-22
Acheron (Brettia):256 C, 3-13 Adramyttium, Adramyttene:472 C, 20-30; 581 C,
Acheron (Elis):344 C, 16-24 13–582 C, 3; 582 C, 30–583 C, 7; 606 C, 6-18; 606 C,
Acheron (Epirus):324 C, 21-28 27-33; 611 C, 24–612 C, 23; 613 C, 29–615 C, 7
Acherusian lake (Epirus):324 C, 21-28 Adrapsa:725 C, 6-16
Acherusian lake (nr Cumae):26 C, 15-24; 243 C, 29–244 C, Adrastia (goddess):588 C, 3-18
23; 245 C, 10-18 Adrastia (mountain):575 C, 30–576 C, 4
Achilles:4 C, 14-20; 44 C, 34–45 C, 23; 46 C, 18-25; 305 C, Adrastia, Adrastian plain:565 C, 7-19; 576 C, 4-16; 585 C,
34–306 C, 8; 307 C, 28–308 C, 5; 326 C, 25-28; 348 C, 33–586 C, 11; 587 C, 15-23; 588 C, 3-18
20-26; 359 C, 2-14; 359 C, 30-33; 360 C, 17-23; 425 C, Adrastus (builder of temple to Nemesis):588 C, 3-18
31-38; 430 C, 33–432 C, 37; 435 C, 5-32; 436 C, 34-39; Adrastus (Seven against Thebes):377 C, 5-13; 404 C,
448 C, 32–449 C, 11; 467 C, 10-16; 494 C, 15-18; 584 C, 19-25; 461 C, 34–462 C, 15
12-30; 586 C, 12-16; 595 C, 35–596 C, 5; 598 C, 6-20; Adrestia:587 C, 5-14. See also Adrastia, Adrastian plain
600 C, 17-22; 607 C, 20–608 C, 27; 611 C, 3-10; 611 C, Adrestus:587 C, 5-14
24–612 C, 8; 619 C, 13-29; 674 C, 13-26 Adria, Adrianian city:241 C, 3-14
Achilles’s Palisade:613 C, 29–614 C, 4 Adria, Adriatic sea:21 C, 1-8; 46 C, 1-17; 47 C, 25–48 C, 2;
Achilles’s Racecourse:307 C, 28–308 C, 5 57 C, 5-18; 61 C, 5-15; 93 C, 28–94 C, 8; 104 C, 35–105 C,
Achillium (Cimmerian Bosporus):310 C, 20-24; 494 C, 8; 108 C, 19-24; 108 C, 28–109 C, 5; 123 C, 30–124 C, 3;
15-28 128 C, 25-30; 195 C, 9-13; 203 C, 29–204 C, 4; 207 C,
Achillium (nr Ilium):600 C, 10-22; 603 C, 30–604 C, 12 4-17; 210 C, 31–211 C, 12; 211 C, 15-23; 211 C, 26-32;
Acholla:831 C, 26-34 214 C, 14-18; 214 C, 28–215 C, 4; 217 C, 30-33; 219 C,
Acidon:348 C, 4-20; 351 C, 15-22 3-13; 227 C, 7-20; 227 C, 37–228 C, 7; 240 C, 22-27;
Acila:769 C, 20–770 C, 2 279 C, 3-11; 285 C, 7-12; 289 C, 1-7; 301 C, 29–302 C, 4;
Acilisene:503 C, 24-30; 521 C, 13-20; 528 C, 21-31; 530 C, 308 C, 31–309 C, 10; 313 C, 5-19; 314 C, 20–317 C, 22;
18–531 C, 1; 555 C, 21-29 320 C, 29–321 C, 2; 322 C, 25-27; 420 C, 32–421 C, 9;
Acilius:230 C, 23-33 507 C, 18-26; 543 C, 25–544 C, 4; 552 C, 31–553 C, 6
Aciris:264 C, 1-11 Adriatic gulf:92 C, 10-16
Aconites:225 C, 9-12 Adriatic recess:105 C, 24-33; 128 C, 25-30; 206 C, 13-26;
Acontia:152 C, 18-25 210 C, 17-27; 214 C, 18-24; 289 C, 7-21; 312 C, 29–313 C, 4
Acontium:416 C, 2-10 Adrium:315 C, 22-23
Acra:494 C, 18-28 Adrymes:834 C, 18-22
Acraeae:343 C, 11-15; 363 C, 23–364 C, 2 Adua:192 C, 31-36; 209 C, 7-13; 213 C, 16-18
Acraephiae:410 C, 29–411 C, 7 Adula:192 C, 31-36; 204 C, 8-14; 213 C, 16-18
Acraephium:412 C, 35–413 C, 10 Aea:21 C, 1-8; 21 C, 10-13; 45 C, 28-36; 46 C, 18–47 C, 8
Acragantinian entrepôt:266 C, 6-19 Aeacids:323 C, 32–324 C, 4; 394 C, 1-6; 594 C, 18-29
Acragas:272 C, 5-10; 274 C, 31–275 C, 5 Aeacus:375 C, 8-26
Acrisius:420 C, 4-14; 487 C, 20-27 Aeaea:21 C, 10-13; 46 C, 18-25
Acritas:359 C, 34–360 C, 4 Aeclus:321 C, 3-14; 445 C, 19-25; 446 C, 33–447 C, 4
Acrocorinthus:361 C, 22-32; 377 C, 32-34; 379 C, 2–380 C, Aedepsus:60 C, 16-35; 425 C, 22-28; 445 C, 19-25
3; 385 C, 13-24 Aeduans:186 C, 8-21; 192 C, 18-29; 193 C, 25-30
Acrolissus:316 C, 13-20 Aeetes:45 C, 10-36; 46 C, 1-13; 46 C, 18–47 C, 8
Acta:390 C, 8-21 Aega/Aegae (Peloponnese):385 C, 28–386 C, 25; 386 C,
Acta (= Attica):391 C, 13-22 32–387 C, 2
Actaeon:397 C, 1-8 Aegae (Euboea):386 C, 9-23; 404 C, 36–405 C, 9
Actium:387 C, 24-28; 417 C, 18-27; 450 C, 14-22; 451 C, Aegae (Troad):621 C, 28-33
29-33; 459 C, 25-31; 542 C, 31–543 C, 6; 794 C, 19-34; Aegaeae (Cilicia):676 C, 14-28
796 C, 28–797 C, 6 Aegaeae (Laconia):364 C, 22-29
Acusilaus:472 C, 31–473 C, 5 Aegaean sea:28 C, 12-24; 124 C, 16-24; 126 C, 3-11; 129 C,
Acyphas:427 C, 20-24; 434 C, 6-15 27–130 C, 3; 323 C, 13-31; 386 C, 16-23; 474 C, 21-30;
Ada (daughter of Hecatomnus):656 C, 24–657 C, 11 485 C, 1-3; 583 C, 8-33; 615 C, 8-17
Ada (daughter of Pixodarus):656 C, 24–657 C, 11 Aegaleum:359 C, 15-21
Adada:570 C, 4-13 Aegesta, Aegestaea:254 C, 6-14; 272 C, 10-16; 608 C, 7-14
Adae:622 C, 1-15 Aegestaean waters:274 C, 31–275 C, 5
Adarbal:831 C, 19-26 Aegestan entrepôt:266 C, 6-19; 272 C, 10-16
Adiabene:503 C, 24-30; 530 C, 18–531 C, 1; 736 C, Aegestes:254 C, 6-14; 272 C, 10-16
13–737 C, 2; 739 C, 23-28; 745 C, 5-17 Aegeus:392 C, 21-27; 392 C, 27-35
980
Aegiali:382 C, 26-29 Aepia:359 C, 2-14; 360 C, 23-30

Aegialia:383 C, 1-6 Aepy:349 C, 5-12; 349 C, 19-31
Aegialus (Peloponnese):333 C, 18-24; 349 C, 19-24; 377 C, Aepytus:633 C, 10-19
5-13; 383 C, 1-6; 383 C, 19-27; 386 C, 9-15 Aequans, Aequians:228 C, 34–229 C, 4; 231 C, 1-12; 237 C,
Aegialus (Pontus):542 C, 17-30; 543 C, 25–544 C, 4; 545 C, 23-33
2-13 Aequum Faliscum:226 C, 10-18
Aegians:387 C, 2-24; 449 C, 17-24 Aerae:644 C, 23-36
Aegilips:451 C, 34–452 C, 7; 453 C, 6-15 Aeria:185 C, 20-28
Aegimius:427 C, 24-29 Aeschines (Athenian):471 C, 25-31
Aegimurus:122 C, 34–123 C, 9; 277 C, 20-25; 834 C, 1-8 Aeschines (public speaker):635 C, 20-24
Aegina, Aeginetans:54 C, 23-31; 124 C, 11-15; 368 C, 10-12; Aeschylus:33 C, 17-29; 43 C, 5-13; 182 C, 34–183 C, 12;
369 C, 10-17; 372 C, 26-31; 374 C, 6-9; 375 C, 8–376 C, 221 C, 22-32; 258 C, 5-12; 298 C, 19–299 C, 12; 300 C,
19; 393 C, 22-28; 394 C, 1-6; 433 C, 30-31 20–301 C, 1; 340 C, 37–341 C, 3; 387 C, 16-24; 393 C, 22-
Aeginium:327 C, 12-19; 327 C, 19-24 28; 447 C, 14-25; 470 C, 30–471 C, 6; 580 C, 11–581 C, 1;
Aegira:385 C, 28–386 C, 8; 386 C, 28–387 C, 2; 387 C, 16-24 616 C, 11-22; 728 C, 3-13
Aegirus:617 C, 4-14 Aesepus:551 C, 37–552 C, 8; 564 C, 21-27; 565 C, 7-19; 575 C,
Aegirussa:394 C, 28-33 9-17; 581 C, 1-12; 581 C, 13–582 C, 14; 582 C, 30–583 C, 7;
Aegisthus:16 C, 3-12 585 C, 20–586 C, 7; 586 C, 23–587 C, 23; 591 C, 33-34;
Aegium:335 C, 1-8; 335 C, 29–336 C, 5; 336 C, 36–337 C, 595 C, 9-20; 602 C, 6-16; 602 C, 38–603 C, 21; 603 C,
8; 377 C, 5-13; 385 C, 28–386 C, 2; 387 C, 2-11; 387 C, 28-30
16-24; 389 C, 25-36 Aesernia:237 C, 33–238 C, 12; 249 C, 32–250 C, 4
Aeglete:46 C, 1-13; 484 C, 19-28 Aesis:217 C, 30-33; 227 C, 7-20; 240 C, 27–241 C, 3; 285 C, 1-7
Aegua:141 C, 22-32 Aesium:227 C, 32-36
Aegys:364 C, 30-39; 446 C, 21-25 Aesyetes:597 C, 14-25; 599 C, 17-30
Aelana:759 C, 19-27; 768 C, 21-26 Aethalia:122 C, 34–123 C, 9; 223 C, 24–224 C, 3; 224 C, 9-19;
Aelanites gulf:768 C, 21-34; 776 C, 21-27; 777 C, 4-15; 225 C, 20-24
809 C, 21-29 Aethaloeis:473 C, 5-9
Aemilian road (Via Aemilia):217 C, 26-30 Aethicia, Aethicians:326 C, 8-14; 327 C, 12-24; 429 C,
Aemilian road (Via Aemilia Scauri):217 C, 20-26 33–430 C, 2; 434 C, 16–435 C, 4; 439 C, 29–440 C, 3
Aenea:551 C, 37–552 C, 8; 603 C, 13-21; 603 C, 28-30 Aetolia, Aetolians:59 C, 22-33; 61 C, 5-15; 255 C, 20–256 C,
Aeneas:48 C, 19-28; 150 C, 7-18; 229 C, 4-16; 232 C, 20-26; 2; 321 C, 15-20; 325 C, 29–326 C, 7; 327 C, 6-12; 332 C,
565 C, 7-19; 585 C, 20-32; 592 C, 1-11; 594 C, 29–595 C, 5; 17–333 C, 3; 333 C, 24-32; 335 C, 29–336 C, 13; 338 C,
596 C, 24-31; 607 C, 6–608 C, 27 31-32; 340 C, 27-37; 354 C, 21-31; 357 C, 4-6; 357 C, 13-
Aenesippia:798 C, 32–799 C, 5 28; 386 C, 9-15; 388 C, 15-27; 416 C, 30–417 C, 17; 423 C,
Aenesisphyra:798 C, 32–799 C, 5 5-10; 427 C, 3-10; 427 C, 18-19; 427 C, 29-37; 428 C,
Aeniana:508 C, 18-26 10-14; 429 C, 15-20; 429 C, 28–430 C, 2; 441 C, 30-35;
Aenianians:61 C, 5-15; 427 C, 18-19; 427 C, 33-37; 429 C, 447 C, 26-30; 449 C, 31–450 C, 13; 450 C, 23–451 C, 28;
33–430 C, 2; 442 C, 17-34; 508 C, 18-26; 531 C, 16-23 458 C, 14-27; 459 C, 31–460 C, 3; 460 C, 12-18; 460 C,
Aeniates:552 C, 31–553 C, 6 27-31; 461 C, 34–462 C, 15; 462 C, 28–467 C, 10; 554 C,
Aenius:602 C, 38–603 C, 12 24–555 C, 2; 840 C, 13-26
Aenus (Cephallenia):456 C, 25-31 Aetolus:357 C, 13-28; 423 C, 5-10; 463 C, 25–464 C, 2;
Aenus (Thrace):319 C, 10-18 464 C, 14-32
Aeolian islands. See Liparaean islands Afranius:161 C, 18-25
Aeolians (Greece):220 C, 31–221 C, 5; 333 C, 4-13; 333 C, Agaeus:389 C, 37-42
18-32; 423 C, 5-10; 446 C, 33–447 C, 4; 451 C, 17-23; Agamedes:421 C, 15-21
464 C, 21-32; 465 C, 14-19; 653 C, 9-33 Agamemnon:10 C, 6-20; 39 C, 33–40 C, 3; 325 C,
Aeolians (Greece and Asia):10 C, 6-20; 61 C, 5-15; 401 C, 29–326 C, 7; 348 C, 20-26; 359 C, 2-14; 359 C, 30-33;
19-28; 402 C, 25-26; 621 C, 11-20 372 C, 11-25; 377 C, 5-13; 394 C, 15-28; 417 C, 27–418 C,
Aeolid, Aeolians (Asia):40 C, 10-20; 124 C, 16-24; 129 C, 1; 461 C, 34–462 C, 15; 470 C, 14-24; 594 C, 9-18; 601 C,
27–130 C, 3; 149 C, 11-15; 409 C, 18-24; 446 C, 8-15; 28-33; 605 C, 9-14; 639 C, 15-27; 642 C, 12-20
534 C, 8-20; 550 C, 15-20; 554 C, 12-24; 565 C, 20-27; Agapenor:683 C, 17-27
581 C, 13–582 C, 3; 582 C, 14–584 C, 11; 586 C, 23-29; Agatha:179 C, 33–180 C, 7; 182 C, 8-13
600 C, 17-22; 605 C, 15–606 C, 4; 610 C, 31–611 C, 3; Agatharcides:655 C, 29–656 C, 11; 778 C, 33–779 C, 14
612 C, 8-14; 613 C, 19-28; 614 C, 25–615 C, 7; 616 C, Agathocles (father of Lysimachus):623 C, 17-34
23-27; 621 C, 28–623 C, 12; 622 C, 1-28; 634 C, 5-18; Agathocles (son of Lysimachus):623 C, 17-34
647 C, 1-3; 648 C, 29–649 C, 10; 655 C, 29–656 C, 11; Agathocles (tyrant of Syracuse):256 C, 14-20; 280 C,
679 C, 16-22 20-30; 834 C, 8-13
Aeolus (grandfather of Ormenus):438 C, 35–439 C, 5 Agathoclia:795 C, 28-33
Aeolus (ruled Liparaean islands, and known as “steward Agathyrnum:266 C, 6-19
of the winds”):20 C, 23-33; 23 C, 28–24 C, 12; 26 C, Agis:364 C, 39–365 C, 11; 366 C, 6-20
15-24; 276 C, 9-30 Agnu Ceras:801 C, 28-34
Aeolus, islands of:129 C, 4-9 Agoracritus:396 C, 18-30
Aepasian plain:348 C, 4-14 Agradates:729 C, 22-31
981
Agraea, Agraeans (Aetolia):338 C, 31-32; 449 C, Alexander (Balas):624 C, 22-30; 751 C, 18-26
36–450 C, 13; 451 C, 8-16; 465 C, 26–466 C, 7 Alexander (Jannaeus):762 C, 30–763 C, 5
Agraeans (Arabia):767 C, 22-30 Alexander (Lychnus):642 C, 2-11
Agrianians:317 C, 29–318 C, 5 Alexander (of Aetolia):566 C, 6-18; 648 C, 6-15; 681 C, 3-24
Agrians:495 C, 16-27 Alexander (?of Epirus):232 C, 6-19
Agrippa:194 C, 3-9; 208 C, 8-14; 235 C, 19-32; 245 C, 4-18; Alexander (?of Myndus):768 C, 27-34
359 C, 30-33; 589 C, 33–590 C, 2; 755 C, 30–756 C, 4 Alexander (Philalethes):580 C, 6-10
Agrius:462 C, 31–463 C, 7; 465 C, 26–466 C, 7 Alexander (?the Great):232 C, 6-19
Agylla:220 C, 19-30; 225 C, 29–226 C, 8 Alexander (the Great):14 C, 10-21; 48 C, 29-34; 66 C,
Aianis:425 C, 31-38 23–67 C, 6; 69 C, 26-30; 79 C, 20-32; 171 C, 1-14;
Aianium:425 C, 31-38 232 C, 6-19 (?);301 C, 21–302 C, 4; 447 C, 4-13; 505 C,
Aias (river):271 C, 33-37; 316 C, 13-20 10–506 C, 3; 507 C, 26–508 C, 9; 509 C, 26–510 C, 14;
Aias (the Locrian):425 C, 31-38; 600 C, 24–601 C, 4 513 C, 25-29; 514 C, 8-14; 516 C, 17-28; 517 C, 5–518 C, 4;
Aiga:615 C, 8-17 518 C, 26-34; 524 C, 15-23; 529 C, 31–530 C, 12; 530 C,
Ajax (son of Telamon):394 C, 1-33; 408 C, 6-15; 595 C, 18–531 C, 1; 569 C, 10-23; 571 C, 6-17; 579 C, 10-21;
20-27; 595 C, 35–596 C, 5 587 C, 15-23; 593 C, 19–594 C, 1; 594 C, 18–595 C, 5;
Ajax (son of Teucer):672 C, 10-22 623 C, 17-34; 635 C, 25-28; 640 C, 10–641 C, 23; 644 C,
Alabanda:655 C, 17-28; 658 C, 26–659 C, 5; 660 C, 15-22; 656 C, 24–657 C, 11; 666 C, 20–667 C, 2; 676 C,
30–661 C, 4; 663 C, 8-14 7-13; 676 C, 20-28; 685 C, 11–687 C, 8; 687 C, 31–689 C,
Alaesa:266 C, 6-19; 272 C, 10-16 2; 696 C, 14-26; 697 C, 4–702 C, 10; 714 C, 5-13; 714 C,
Alalcomenae:410 C, 29–411 C, 7; 413 C, 21-36 34–715 C, 15; 716 C, 5-11; 717 C, 21–718 C, 14; 721 C,
Alalcomenium:410 C, 22-28 17–723 C, 14; 724 C, 9–725 C, 16; 729 C, 22–730 C, 18;
Alasyaeum:341 C, 29–342 C, 5 730 C, 35–731 C, 24; 736 C, 3-11; 737 C, 34–738 C, 4;
Alazia:550 C, 32–551 C, 13 738 C, 19-25; 739 C, 29–740 C, 17; 741 C, 1-24; 743 C,
Alazonians:550 C, 9-15; 550 C, 32–551 C, 9 11-20; 746 C, 14-23; 752 C, 8-22; 756 C, 31–757 C, 16;
Alazonium:551 C, 37–552 C, 8; 603 C, 13-21 759 C, 19-27; 785 C, 6-12; 792 C, 24-31; 795 C, 28-33;
Alazonius:499 C, 35–500 C, 11; 502 C, 27–503 C, 6 813 C, 31–814 C, 22
Alba (Fucens):235 C, 6-12; 238 C, 13-15; 240 C, 9-21 Alexander (the Molossian):256 C, 3-13; 280 C, 20-30
Alba (Longa):229 C, 4-16; 229 C, 20-28; 230 C, 2-10; 231 C, Alexandria (Aria):514 C, 8-22; 516 C, 1-11; 723 C, 26–724 C, 6
6-17 Alexandria (Egypt):58 C, 24-32; 62 C, 22-29; 62 C,
Albania, Albanians:117 C, 35–118 C, 14; 129 C, 22-26; 288 C, 33–63 C, 9; 76 C, 21-23; 85 C, 27–86 C, 10; 92 C,
4-16; 491 C, 12–492 C, 9; 497 C, 11-26; 499 C, 28–500 C, 29–93 C, 6; 101 C, 14-24; 114 C, 1-24; 117 C, 35–118 C, 14;
11; 500 C, 27–501 C, 4; 501 C, 13–504 C, 13; 506 C, 4-15; 125 C, 25–126 C, 3; 126 C, 12-23; 130 C, 25-32; 133 C, 5-8;
507 C, 6-13; 508 C, 10-18; 509 C, 11-25; 513 C, 30–514 C, 133 C, 26-32; 134 C, 15-24; 213 C, 27–214 C, 4; 489 C,
7; 521 C, 26–522 C, 4; 526 C, 34–527 C, 9; 529 C, 6-11; 532 C, 7-25; 609 C, 16-22; 641 C, 5-14; 670 C, 12-30;
31–530 C, 12; 531 C, 26–532 C, 7; 557 C, 3-13 673 C, 23–674 C, 6; 675 C, 7-18; 683 C, 17-27; 750 C,
Albanum:229 C, 4-16; 237 C, 4-13; 239 C, 9-20; 239 C, 11-24; 757 C, 32–758 C, 15; 774 C, 23-30; 781 C, 16-21;
9–240 C, 3; 240 C, 4-7 782 C, 19-26; 791 C, 10–798 C, 27; 799 C, 6–801 C,
Albian mountain range:314 C, 9-14; 314 C, 31–315 C, 3 27; 803 C, 33–804 C, 9; 806 C, 31–807 C, 3; 807 C,
Albians:202 C, 7-14; 203 C, 16-19 32–808 C, 2; 809 C, 10-21; 818 C, 22-32; 819 C, 22-29;
Albingaunum:202 C, 3-14 823 C, 23-32; 825 C, 11-19; 836 C, 10-19; 838 C, 19-23
Albioecans:203 C, 16-19 Alexandria (Issian gulf):676 C, 20-28
Albium Intimilium:202 C, 3-6 Alexandria (mountain):606 C, 27-33
Albula waters:238 C, 16-26 Alexandria/Antigonia (Troad):134 C, 15-24; 472 C,
Alcaeus:36 C, 34–37 C, 4; 411 C, 16-26; 412 C, 32-35; 599 C, 20–473 C, 9; 581 C, 13–582 C, 3; 593 C, 19–594 C, 1;
34–600 C, 10; 606 C, 6-18; 617 C, 14-30; 618 C, 16-27 596 C, 31–597 C, 7; 599 C, 17-30; 604 C, 13-19; 607 C,
Alcestis:45 C, 10-23 6-19; 612 C, 28–613 C, 9
Alchaedamnus:752 C, 31–753 C, 10 Alexandrium (Chalcidis):644 C, 15-22
Alcmaeon:325 C, 29–326 C, 7; 423 C, 5-10; 461 C, 34–462 C, Alexandrium (Judaea):763 C, 5-10
15; 462 C, 20-27 Algidus:237 C, 4-13; 239 C, 9-20
Alcman:43 C, 5-13; 298 C, 19–299 C, 12; 340 C, 37–341 C, 3; Alinda:656 C, 24–657 C, 11
446 C, 21-25; 460 C, 12-18; 482 C, 3-10; 580 C, 11–581 C, 1 Alisium:340 C, 6-13; 341 C, 29–342 C, 5
Alcomenae:327 C, 12-19; 327 C, 19-24 Alisius:341 C, 29–342 C, 5; 352 C, 10-18
Alcyonian sea:393 C, 17-21; 400 C, 15-23 Allifae:237 C, 33–238 C, 12
Aleian plain:554 C, 24–555 C, 2; 676 C, 7-13; 676 C, 29-33 Allobrigans:185 C, 33–186 C, 21; 193 C, 30-34; 203 C, 16-22;
Alesia:191 C, 14-22 764 C, 34–765 C, 11
Aletes:389 C, 37-42 Allotrigians:155 C, 25-30
Aletia:282 C, 6-11 Alobe:550 C, 15-20; 551 C, 37–552 C, 8
Aletrium:237 C, 23-33 Alopa (Epicnemidian Locris):427 C, 15-16
Aleus:615 C, 18-27 Alopa (Opuntian Locris):60 C, 16-35; 426 C, 1-5; 430 C,
Alex:260 C, 18-34 33-38; 432 C, 31-37
Alexander (= Paris):40 C, 35–41 C, 15; 399 C, 14-22; 596 C, Alopa (Phthiotis):427 C, 15-16
31–597 C, 7. See also Paris Alopa (Western Locris):427 C, 15-16
982
Alope (Troad):550 C, 15-26; 551 C, 4-13; 551 C, 37–552 C, 8; Ambracian gulf:123 C, 21-29; 323 C, 9-15; 323 C, 21-31;
603 C, 21-24 324 C, 5-11; 324 C, 28–325 C, 8; 325 C, 12-20; 334 C, 28-
Alopecia:493 C, 17-24 33; 428 C, 1-14; 451 C, 29-33; 452 C, 8-15; 459 C, 17-18
Alorium:350 C, 2-6 Ambronians:183 C, 28–184 C, 5
Alphius:266 C, 34–267 C, 5; 270 C, 25–271 C, 9; 271 C, 18- Ambrysians:424 C, 11-22
33; 275 C, 5-19; 336 C, 18-32; 339 C, 27-31; 343 C, 6-11; Ambrysus:423 C, 11-15
343 C, 15-21; 344 C, 16-32; 346 C, 29–347 C, 3; 348 C, Amenanus:240 C, 9-19
1-4; 349 C, 5-12; 349 C, 14-19; 349 C, 24-31; 350 C, 2-6; America (Pontus):557 C, 3-13
350 C, 13-19; 351 C, 15-22; 352 C, 5-10; 352 C, 37-39; America (Umbria):227 C, 32-36
353 C, 6-10; 353 C, 12-23; 356 C, 24-31; 357 C, 7-8; Amichotrades:70 C, 27-30
389 C, 3-9; 389 C, 12-22; 463 C, 25–464 C, 2 Amisenians:544 C, 5-14; 546 C, 30–547 C, 6; 560 C, 12-19
Alponus:60 C, 16-35 Amisus:68 C, 18-29; 69 C, 8-18; 70 C, 31–71 C, 6; 73 C,
Alps:71 C, 15-20; 128 C, 3-30; 177 C, 25–178 C, 2; 178 C, 16-24; 74 C, 8-13; 126 C, 3-11; 126 C, 12-23; 498 C, 7-15;
12-18; 178 C, 35–179 C, 9; 179 C, 33–180 C, 7; 185 C, 519 C, 9-16; 543 C, 25–544 C, 4; 544 C, 5-14; 547 C, 7-18;
20-28; 185 C, 33–186 C, 22; 187 C, 3-15; 187 C, 27-35; 548 C, 15-25; 553 C, 6-11; 664 C, 5-15; 673 C, 5-16; 676 C,
192 C, 8-18; 192 C, 31–193 C, 9; 195 C, 9-13; 201 C, 34–677 C, 15; 678 C, 17-31
27–209 C, 14; 209 C, 15–210 C, 17; 210 C, 31–211 C, 4; Amiternina:241 C, 27–242 C, 3
211 C, 12-15; 211 C, 33–212 C, 7; 213 C, 5-16; 214 C, 24-28; Amiternum:228 C, 9-19
216 C, 11-15; 217 C, 5-12; 217 C, 26-30; 218 C, 15-19; Ammon:55 C, 33–56 C, 5; 813 C, 20-31; 830 C, 28–831 C, 10;
227 C, 12-20; 240 C, 22-27; 290 C, 17-25; 292 C, 25-31; 835 C, 16-24; 838 C, 24-32
293 C, 23–294 C, 3; 313 C, 5-12; 313 C, 19-22; 313 C, Ammon Balithon:834 C, 18-22
29–314 C, 9 Ammonia:798 C, 32–799 C, 5
Alsium:225 C, 29–226 C, 8 Amnias:561 C, 33–562 C, 9
Altars of Conon:771 C, 13-30 Amnisus:476 C, 12-20
Altars of Philaenus/Altars of the Philaeni:171 C, 1-21; Amorgos:487 C, 32–488 C, 1
836 C, 10-28 Amorium:576 C, 26-33
Altes:584 C, 31–585 C, 19; 605 C, 15–606 C, 4; 619 C, Ampelus:488 C, 2-8; 637 C, 13-23
30–620 C, 7 Amphiaraeium:399 C, 7-14
Althaemenes:479 C, 27-31; 653 C, 9-33 Amphiaraus/Amphiareos:399 C, 7-14; 404 C, 1-11; 404 C,
Altinum:214 C, 5-13 19-25; 762 C, 18-30
Alus:430 C, 33-38 Amphidolia:349 C, 19-24
Alyattes:420 C, 19-23; 627 C, 15-22; 680 C, 9-24; 735 C, Amphidolis:341 C, 29–342 C, 5
28–736 C, 2 Amphigenia:349 C, 5-12; 349 C, 36-37
Alybe:550 C, 15-20; 552 C, 13-19; 603 C, 21-24 Amphilochi:157 C, 1-14
Alybians:549 C, 23-30; 550 C, 4-8 Amphilochian Argos:271 C, 33-37; 325 C, 29–326 C, 14;
Alyzeus:452 C, 30-33 450 C, 14-22; 462 C, 20-27
Alyzia:450 C, 14-22; 459 C, 18-25 Amphilochians:271 C, 18-37; 321 C, 15-20; 429 C, 33–430 C,
Amanian Gates:676 C, 14-19; 751 C, 18-26 2; 449 C, 36–450 C, 13; 462 C, 20-27
Amanus:520 C, 32–521 C, 6; 535 C, 12-19; 676 C, 14-19; Amphilochus:157 C, 1-14; 462 C, 20-27; 642 C, 21–643 C, 9;
678 C, 17-31; 737 C, 3-8; 749 C, 8-21; 751 C, 5-26 668 C, 1-6; 675 C, 19–676 C, 5; 676 C, 7-13
Amardians:508 C, 10-18; 510 C, 26–511 C, 8; 513 C, Amphimalla:475 C, 5-12
30–514 C, 7; 523 C, 26-34 Amphinomus:328 C, 27–329 C, 2
Amarynthium:448 C, 22-25 Amphion:360 C, 10-16; 411 C, 7-9
Amarynthus:448 C, 1-11 Amphipolis:134 C, 15-24
Amasia (river):290 C, 13-17; 291 C, 11-16 Amphissa, Amphissans:419 C, 2-7; 426 C, 35–427 C, 3;
Amasia, Amasians:547 C, 19-32; 556 C, 11-25; 560 C, 427 C, 10-13
12–561 C, 4; 561 C, 5-32; 614 C, 4-17 Amphissene:528 C, 21-31
Amastris:309 C, 12-21; 540 C, 30–541 C, 14; 543 C, Amphistratus:495 C, 28–496 C, 3
25–544 C, 4; 544 C, 26–545 C, 2; 553 C, 12-21 Amphitryon:455 C, 35–456 C, 9; 459 C, 8-15; 461 C, 5-13
Amathus (Cyprus):682 C, 27–683 C, 5 Amphius:587 C, 5-14
Amathus (Elia):336 C, 27-32; 339 C, 17-20; 343 C, Amphrysus:433 C, 1-7
36–344 C, 7; 361 C, 4-14 Amulius:229 C, 20–230 C,2
Amathus (Laconia):363 C, 23–364 C, 2 Amyclae:362 C, 34–363 C, 6
Amazonian plain:126 C, 3-11 Amyclaeum:278 C, 27–279 C, 2
Amazons:52 C, 20-29; 503 C, 31–504 C, 13; 504 C, Amymona:371 C, 1-12
18–505 C, 18; 544 C, 5-14; 547 C, 7-18; 550 C, 9-26; Amynandrus:427 C, 33-37
551 C, 13-17; 552 C, 19-30; 554 C, 24–555 C, 2; 573 C, Amyntas (Galatian king):566 C, 31–567 C, 10; 568 C, 8-15;
14-26; 622 C, 28–623 C, 9; 633 C, 20-31 568 C, 15-25; 569 C, 3-30; 571 C, 6-17; 577 C, 1-10; 671 C,
Ambarvia:230 C, 2-10 8-20; 840 C, 13-26
Ambianians:194 C, 15-18 Amyntor:438 C, 35–439 C, 14
Amblada:570 C, 4-15 Amyzon:658 C, 26–659 C, 5
Ambracia:325 C, 8-20; 325 C, 29–326 C, 7; 450 C, 14-22; Anabura:570 C, 4-13
452 C, 8-15 Anacharsis:301 C, 12-21; 303 C, 8-18; 694 C, 27-35
983
Anacreon:151 C, 1-13; 633 C, 10-19; 637 C, 29–638 C, 13; Antaeus:829 C, 11-19

644 C, 1-8; 661 C, 5-16 Antandrians:606 C, 6-18
Anactorium:450 C, 14-22; 451 C, 29-33; 452 C, 8-15 Antandrus:606 C, 27-33; 612 C, 15-23
Anadates:511 C, 28–512 C, 10 Antemnae:230 C, 2-10
Anaea (goddess):737 C, 34–738 C, 4 Antenor:48 C, 19-28; 150 C, 7-18; 212 C, 7-17; 543 C,
Anaea (place):639 C, 15-27 25–544 C, 4; 607 C, 28–608 C, 6
Anagnia:237 C, 33–238 C, 12 Antha:385 C, 9-12
Anagrana:782 C, 8-18 Anthedon:16 C, 13-22; 400 C, 27-37; 404 C, 36–405 C, 30;
Anaïtis:511 C, 28–512 C, 10; 532 C, 26–533 C, 4; 559 C, 408 C, 5-6; 408 C, 25-29; 410 C, 16-21
20-26; 733 C, 7-16 Anthedonia:405 C, 9-12
Anaphe:46 C, 1-13; 484 C, 19-28 Anthemis:457 C, 14-16
Anariaca, Anariacans:507 C, 6-13; 508 C, 10-26; 508 C, Anthemus:637 C, 13-23
18-26; 513 C, 30–514 C, 7 Anthemusia:747 C, 32–748 C, 6
Anas:139 C, 1-16; 139 C, 24-28; 140 C, 25-33; 140 C, Anthes:374 C, 17-21; 656 C, 12-23
33–141 C, 9; 142 C, 16-21; 152 C, 14-17; 153 C, 28-34; Anthia:359 C, 2-14; 360 C, 23-30
162 C, 5-11; 840 C, 13-26 Anticasium:751 C, 31-35
Anaurus:436 C, 24-26 Anticinolis:545 C, 2-13
Anaxagoras:645 C, 32-36 Anticites:494 C, 4-7; 494 C, 29–495 C, 5
Anaxarchus:594 C, 18-29 Anticlides:221 C, 33-38
Anaxenor:648 C, 15-28 Anticragus:665 C, 20-30
Anaxicrates:768 C, 27-34 Anticyra (Locris):418 C, 20-28; 428 C, 19-28
Anaxilas/Anaxilaus:256 C, 31–257 C, 8; 257 C, 13-28 Anticyra (Oeta):418 C, 20-28; 434 C, 6-15
Anaximander:1 C, 1–2 C, 3; 7 C, 7-13; 635 C, 20-24 Anticyra (Phocis):416 C, 11-21; 418 C, 20-28; 423 C, 11-15;
Anaximenes (of Lampsacus):589 C, 33–590 C, 2; 634 C, 434 C, 6-15
32–635 C, 12 Antigonia (Nicaea):565 C, 28–566 C, 2
Anaximenes (of Miletus):635 C, 20-24; 645 C, 32-36 Antigonia (Syria):750 C, 5-10
Ancaeus:632 C, 5-17 Antigonia (Troad). See Alexandria/Antigonia (Troad)
Anchiala (Black Sea):319 C, 10-18 Antigonus (Gonatas):385 C, 13-24; 388 C, 3-7
Anchiala (Cilicia):671 C, 33–672 C, 22 Antigonus (Monophthalmos):565 C, 28–566 C, 2; 593 C,
Anchises:229 C, 4-16; 607 C, 28–608 C, 6 19–594 C, 1; 596 C, 31–597 C, 7; 607 C, 6-19; 645 C,
Anchoa:406 C, 27–407 C, 3 36–646 C, 11; 672 C, 10-22; 750 C, 5-10
Ancon:211 C, 4-12; 211 C, 26-32; 227 C, 12-20; 240 C, Antilibanus:741 C, 25–742 C, 3; 754 C, 32–755 C, 6; 756 C,
27–241 C, 14; 285 C, 1-7; 314 C, 24-30 16-21
Ancus Marcius:219 C, 28–220 C, 6; 231 C, 31–232 C, 5; Antilochus:595 C, 35–596 C, 5
234 C, 11-19 Antimachus:345 C, 12-18; 364 C, 4-22; 387 C, 28–388 C, 3;
Ancyra (Galatia):187 C, 21-27; 567 C, 11-23 409 C, 8-12; 588 C, 3-18
Ancyra (Phrygia):576 C, 4-16 Antimenidas:617 C, 14-23
Andania:350 C, 6-12; 360 C, 17-23; 448 C, 12-14 Antimnestus:257 C, 13-28
Andetrium:315 C, 13-19 Antioch (by Daphne):719 C, 21-29; 749 C, 28–751 C, 26;
Andira:610 C, 8-12; 613 C, 29–614 C, 4; 614 C, 18-24 751 C, 31-35
Andirus:602 C, 31-37 Antioch (Margiana):516 C, 12-16
Andizetians:314 C, 17-20 Antioch (Mygdonia):747 C, 3-10
Andraemon:633 C, 10-19 Antioch (nr the Daphne):275 C, 5-19
Andriaca:319 C, 20-25 Antioch (on the Meander):630 C, 19-25; 647 C, 4-6;
Andrians:448 C, 1-11 648 C, 29–649 C, 10; 663 C, 19-33
Andriclus:669 C, 20-32 Antioch (Pisidia):557 C, 3-13; 569 C, 10-23; 577 C, 1-10
Androclus:632 C, 17–633 C, 10; 640 C, 10-20 Antiochis:623 C, 34–624 C, 9
Andromache:584 C, 31–585 C, 19; 594 C, 18-29; 598 C, Antiochus (?):665 C, 20-30
6-20 Antiochus (historian):242 C, 21-30; 252 C, 14-18; 254 C,
Andromeda:42 C, 33–43 C, 5; 758 C, 31–759 C, 9 24–255 C, 13; 257 C, 13-28; 257 C, 28-31; 262 C, 14-26;
Andron:392 C, 21-27; 475 C, 35–476 C, 5 264 C, 19-24; 264 C, 29–265 C, 6; 265 C, 7-13; 278 C,
Andronicus:655 C, 17-28 19-27
Andropompus:633 C, 10-19 Antiochus (VII):668 C, 17-26
Andros:485 C, 23-30; 487 C, 5-9 Antiochus Epiphanes:750 C, 5-10
Androsthenes:765 C, 27–766 C, 6 Antiochus Hierax:754 C, 10-27
Anemoria/Anemolia:423 C, 32–424 C, 2 Antiochus Soter:516 C, 12-16; 577 C, 32–578 C, 7; 623 C,
Anemurium (Cilicia):669 C, 20–670 C, 8; 682 C, 12-27 34–624 C, 9
Anemurium (unlocated):670 C, 31–671 C, 7 Antiochus the Great:287 C, 19-24; 528 C, 21-31; 531 C,
Angdistis:567 C, 24–568 C, 7 26–532 C, 7; 540 C, 14-26; 563 C, 32-35; 594 C, 2-8;
Anias:389 C, 12-22 624 C, 9-22; 744 C, 20-33; 759 C, 28-33
Anigrus:346 C, 19-29; 347 C, 3-19 Antipater (Macedonian king):433 C, 33–434 C, 6
Anio:235 C, 6-12; 238 C, 16-26 Antipater (of Derbe):534 C, 25–535 C, 3; 569 C, 3-10;
Anniceris:837 C, 29–838 C, 8 678 C, 32–679 C, 10
984
Antipater (of Tarsus):674 C, 7-13 Aphnians:565 C, 7-19; 585 C, 20-32; 586 C, 30–587 C, 5
Antipater (of Tyre):757 C, 27-31 Aphnitis:59 C, 10-22; 586 C, 30–587 C, 5
Antipater (son of Sisis):555 C, 6-14 Aphrodisias:576 C, 26-33; 630 C, 15-19
Antiphanes:102 C, 7-11 Aphrodisium (Cyprus):682 C, 12-27
Antiphellus:666 C, 8-10 Aphrodisium (Pyrenees):178 C, 27-34; 181 C, 18–182 C, 2;
Antiphilus’s Harbor:771 C, 22–772 C, 11 182 C, 8-13
Antiphrae:799 C, 6-12 Aphrodite:272 C, 16-22; 343 C, 22-24; 378 C, 22-30;
Antiphus:443 C, 32–444 C, 7; 653 C, 9-33 379 C, 13-25; 398 C, 21-33; 437 C, 36–438 C, 8; 494 C,
Antipolis:178 C, 27-34; 179 C, 33–180 C, 7; 184 C, 11-18; 29–495 C, 5; 495 C, 6-15; 559 C, 8-20; 606 C, 18-27;
184 C, 25–185 C, 4; 202 C, 32-35 682 C, 27–683 C, 5; 683 C, 17-27; 683 C, 27-33; 732 C,
Antirrhium:335 C, 29–336 C, 13; 387 C, 24-28; 390 C, 8-21; 18-28; 745 C, 21-32; 800 C, 26–801 C, 1; 803 C, 13-24;
426 C, 35–427 C, 10; 459 C, 31–460 C, 3 807 C, 27-32; 815 C, 6-14; 836 C, 20-28
Antirrhodos:794 C, 19-34 Aphrodite City (Aphroditopolite district):809 C, 7-10
Antissa:59 C, 34–60 C, 7; 618 C, 16-27 Aphrodite City (Prosopite district):802 C, 28-34
Antitaurus:521 C, 26–522 C, 4; 527 C, 17-29; 528 C, 21-31; Aphrodite Harbor (Arabian gulf):769 C, 20–770 C, 2
535 C, 12–536 C, 3 Aphrodites Polis (nr Crocodilon Polis):816 C, 34–817 C, 6
Antium:231 C, 6-12; 231 C, 24-30; 232 C, 6-19; 232 C, Aphrodites Polis (nr Ptolemais):813 C, 3-9
27-33 Apidanus:356 C, 24-31
Antonius (Gaius):455 C, 26-34 Apiola:231 C, 6-12
Antony (Marc):141 C, 22-32; 325 C, 12-20; 359 C, 30-33; Apis (god in form of bull):803 C, 13-24; 805 C, 7-19;
523 C, 20-25; 524 C, 1-8; 529 C, 31–530 C, 12; 532 C, 807 C, 11-27
7-25; 540 C, 14-26; 542 C, 31–543 C, 6; 547 C, 7-18; Apis (place):798 C, 32–799 C, 5
574 C, 20-30; 578 C, 8-19; 595 C, 20-27; 636 C, Apobathra:591 C, 8-18
33–637 C, 12; 641 C, 14-23; 648 C, 15-28; 669 C, Apollo:257 C, 13-28; 275 C, 20-28; 319 C, 3-10; 320 C, 17-23;
20-32; 672 C, 10-22; 674 C, 13-26; 684 C, 24–685 C, 5; 324 C, 33–325 C, 8; 325 C, 20-26; 362 C, 34–363 C, 6;
748 C, 24-28; 764 C, 34–765 C, 11; 795 C, 16-27; 796 C, 368 C, 12-19; 373 C, 28–374 C, 5; 380 C, 23-26; 398 C,
28–797 C, 6; 828 C, 27-34 21-33; 403 C, 8-20; 410 C, 29–411 C, 7; 412 C, 24-31;
Antron:349 C, 37–350 C, 2; 432 C, 26-30; 435 C, 5-14; 412 C, 35–413 C, 8; 417 C, 27–418 C, 1; 420 C, 24-32;
435 C, 21-32; 435 C, 39-43 421 C, 28–423 C, 10; 435 C, 32-39; 445 C, 19-25; 446 C,
Anubis:805 C, 20-31; 812 C, 22–813 C, 2 16-21; 447 C, 31-26; 449 C, 36–450 C, 13; 452 C, 15-29;
Aonians:321 C, 3-14; 401 C, 13-19 459 C, 31–460 C, 3; 468 C, 3-20; 472 C, 31–473 C, 5;
Aornum:636 C, 10-18 484 C, 19-28; 485 C, 3-20; 486 C, 31–487 C, 4; 488 C,
Aornus (India):687 C, 31–688 C, 14 24-29; 537 C, 1-5; 550 C, 32–551 C, 4; 588 C, 3-18;
Aornus bay:243 C, 29–244 C, 15; 245 C, 4-18 598 C, 6-20; 603 C, 30–604 C, 12; 604 C, 20-36; 611 C,
Aorsians:492 C, 20-28; 506 C, 16-32 24–612 C, 8; 612 C, 15-23; 613 C, 16-28; 618 C, 28–619 C,
Aous:316 C, 13-20 10; 620 C, 27-33; 634 C, 22-32; 635 C, 13-19; 642 C,
Apaesus:587 C, 5-14 21–643 C, 9; 645 C, 10-21; 645 C, 36–646 C, 11; 665 C,
Apama:577 C, 32–578 C, 7; 749 C, 28–750 C, 4 31–666 C, 8; 676 C, 7-13; 683 C, 17-27; 739 C, 20-22;
Apamia (nr Rhagae):514 C, 24-31; 524 C, 23–525 C, 2 750 C, 25-29; 766 C, 6-19; 813 C, 10-17; 814 C, 14-22;
Apamia, Apamians (Bithynia):563 C, 26-32; 564 C, 7-9 816 C, 34–817 C, 6
Apamia, Apamians (Phrygia):569 C, 10-23; 576 C, 26-33; Apollocrates:259 C, 26–260 C, 4
577 C, 20–578 C, 7; 579 C, 10-21; 579 C, 27–580 C, 5; Apollodorus (historian):61 C, 5-15; 117 C, 35–118 C, 14;
628 C, 31–629 C, 11; 631 C, 19-21; 663 C, 19-33 509 C, 11-25; 514 C, 31-36; 516 C, 17-28; 519 C, 16-26;
Apamia, Apamians (Syria):275 C, 5-19; 749 C, 28–750 C, 4; 524 C, 23–525 C, 2; 685 C, 20–686 C, 9
750 C, 30–751 C, 4; 751 C, 31–753 C, 19; 755 C, 30–756 C, 4 Apollodorus (Homeric commentator):31 C, 22-29;
Apamian lake:752 C, 31–753 C, 10 42 C, 33–43 C, 5; 44 C, 25–45 C, 10; 254 C, 6-14;
Apassiacans:513 C, 25-29 298 C, 13–300 C, 14; 303 C, 19-31; 328 C, 11-17; 338 C,
Apaturum:494 C, 29–495 C, 5 33–339 C, 5; 368 C, 12-19; 370 C, 4-12; 405 C, 13-30;
Apeliotes:29 C, 3-16; 443 C, 10-18 453 C, 25-34; 456 C, 32–457 C, 3; 460 C, 12-18; 464 C,
Apelles (painter):642 C, 2-11; 657 C, 15–658 C, 4 21-32; 474 C, 31–475 C, 5; 552 C, 9–555 C, 6; 661 C,
Apelles (philosopher):15 C, 6-17 28–662 C, 6; 676 C, 34–677 C, 24; 677 C, 33–678 C, 31;
Apellicon:609 C, 3-22; 644 C, 1-8 679 C, 23–681 C, 24
Apennines (above Carnians):207 C, 4-17 Apollodorus (public speaker):625 C, 1-15
Apennines (Italy):128 C, 16-30; 201 C, 31–202 C, 3; 211 C, Apollonia (Black Sea):319 C, 3-18; 319 C, 20-25; 541 C,
15-23; 211 C, 26-32; 212 C, 1-7; 216 C, 11-15; 217 C, 30-33; 28–542 C, 4
218 C, 21-24; 218 C, 28–219 C, 3; 222 C, 25–223 C, 1; Apollonia (Ionian gulf):134 C, 15-24; 271 C, 33-37; 316 C,
227 C, 7-12; 227 C, 25-32; 227 C, 37–228 C, 7; 231 C, 19- 13–317 C, 6; 322 C, 28–323 C, 3; 323 C, 9-13; 326 C, 14-20;
23; 233 C, 26-31; 240 C, 22-27; 259 C, 5-10; 283 C, 8-11; 327 C, 5-6; 424 C, 29-33; 764 C, 8-17
283 C, 17-23; 286 C, 14-22 Apollonia (nr Cyrene):837 C, 4-15; 837 C, 23-28; 838 C,
Aphamiotes:701 C, 21–702 C, 4 9-19
Aphetae:436 C, 5-11 Apollonia (nr Pergamum):625 C, 16-24
Aphidna:362 C, 13-22; 396 C, 18-30; 397 C, 19-27 Apollonia (Syria):752 C, 23-31
Aphneis:656 C, 24–657 C, 11 Apollonia-on-Rhyndacus:575 C, 9-17
985
Apollonias:569 C, 10-23; 576 C, 26-33 Arabus:42 C, 18-23

Apolloniatis (= Sitacene):524 C, 23–525 C, 2; 732 C, 7-17; Arachoti:514 C, 14-22
736 C, 13–737 C, 2 Arachotians:513 C, 30–514 C, 7; 721 C, 28-34; 723 C, 15-24;
Apolloniatis (lake):575 C, 9-17; 576 C, 4-16 723 C, 26–724 C, 6; 724 C, 16-23; 724 C, 32–725 C, 16
Apollonides:308 C, 31–309 C, 10; 522 C, 32–523 C, 19; Aracynthus:450 C, 32–451 C, 7; 460 C, 12-18
528 C, 9-20 Aradians:753 C, 20-28; 755 C, 10-13
Apollonis:624 C, 9-22; 625 C, 16-24; 646 C, 18-33 Aradus (Persian gulf):766 C, 20-24
Apollonium:832 C, 7-13 Aradus (Syria):753 C, 29–754 C, 27; 754 C, 28-32; 756 C,
Apollonius (of Citium):682 C, 27–683 C, 5 31–757 C, 16
Apollonius (of Nysa):650 C, 24-32 Araethyrea:377 C, 5-13; 382 C, 16-25
Apollonius (of Rhodes):655 C, 17-28 Arago:499 C, 35–500 C, 11
Apollonius (of Tyrus):757 C, 27-31 Aragus:500 C, 27–501 C, 4
Apollonius Cronus:658 C, 13-25; 837 C, 29–838 C, 8 Aramaeans:626 C, 33–627 C, 14
Apollonius Malacus:655 C, 17-28; 660 C, 30–661 C, 4 Arar:185 C, 33–186 C, 8; 186 C, 8-21; 189 C, 5-11; 192 C, 1-14;
Apollonius Mys:645 C, 5-9 192 C, 18-21; 193 C, 14-18; 193 C, 30-34
Apollonos Polis (nr Coptus):815 C, 17-20 Ararene:781 C, 29–782 C, 8
Apollonos Polis (nr Hieracon Polis):816 C, 34–817 C, 6 Aratthus:325 C, 8-12; 327 C, 6-12
Appaïtians:548 C, 27-34 Aratus (poet):3 C, 20-31; 103 C, 24-33; 364 C, 4-22;
Appian road:233 C, 8-19; 233 C, 31-34; 236 C, 29–237 C, 13; 387 C, 2-11; 478 C, 28–479 C, 2; 484 C, 29-32; 485 C,
237 C, 23-33; 239 C, 21–240 C, 3; 248 C, 31–249 C, 11; 30–486 C, 3; 671 C, 26-32
282 C, 26–283 C, 11 Aratus (tyrant of Sicyon):382 C, 29-33; 385 C, 13-24
Apsyrtides:123 C, 30–124 C, 3; 315 C, 7-10 Arauris:182 C, 8-13
Apsyrtus:315 C, 7-10 Arausio:185 C, 20-28
Aptera:479 C, 9-16 Araxene:73 C, 3-10; 508 C, 27–509 C, 3; 527 C, 29-33
Apulia, Apulians:242 C, 8-10; 277 C, 26-33; 283 C, 23-27; Araxes (= Peneius):531 C, 1-15
285 C, 21-28 Araxes (Armenia):61 C, 5-15; 491 C, 12-23; 501 C, 22-34;
Aquae Statiellae:217 C, 5-12; 217 C, 15-19 523 C, 20-25; 527 C, 17–528 C, 9; 528 C, 32–529 C, 30;
Aquileia:123 C, 30–124 C, 3; 206 C, 13-26; 207 C, 531 C, 1-15
26-33; 208 C, 20-29; 214 C, 18-28; 215 C, 30–216 C, Araxes (Massagetans):512 C, 26–513 C, 1
5; 217 C, 26-30; 285 C, 7-12; 292 C, 25-31; 313 C, Araxes (Persia):729 C, 31–730 C, 7
29–314 C, 5 Araxus:335 C, 29–336 C, 13; 337 C, 26-33; 343 C, 6-11;
Aquillius (Manius):646 C, 18-33 388 C, 9-12; 458 C, 6-14
Aquinum:237 C, 13-18 Arbaces:737 C, 8-19
Aquitania:165 C, 13-21; 176 C, 13–177 C, 24; 189 C, 25–191 C, Arbela:79 C, 20-32; 532 C, 7-25; 737 C, 20–738 C, 4; 814 C,
37; 199 C, 10-22; 208 C, 8-14 14-22
Arabia (e. of Nile):803 C, 3-12; 804 C, 10-18; 806 C, Arbelus:737 C, 20-33
31–807 C, 3; 809 C, 1-10; 815 C, 28–816 C, 5; 819 C, 7-17; Arbians:720 C, 14-24
821 C, 26–822 C, 13 Arbis:720 C, 14-24
Arabia (Nabataean):803 C, 3-12 Arcadia, Arcadians:60 C, 7-15; 220 C, 31–221 C, 5; 221 C, 22-
Arabia, Blessed Arabia, Arabs:27 C, 27-35; 39 C, 22-32; 32; 230 C, 23-33; 283 C, 17-23; 333 C, 24-29; 335 C, 1-8;
84 C, 16–85 C, 13; 117 C, 35–118 C, 14; 130 C, 18-24; 335 C, 27-28; 336 C, 18-26; 336 C, 36–337 C, 8; 337 C,
130 C, 35–131 C, 7; 298 C, 19–299 C, 12; 695 C, 1-9; 696 C, 10-17; 338 C, 33–339 C, 5; 339 C, 6-16; 348 C, 4-14; 353 C,
14-26; 726 C, 18-28; 736 C, 13–737 C, 2; 741 C, 1-22; 741 C, 19-23; 355 C, 19-30; 356 C, 31–357 C, 4; 357 C, 7-12;
25–742 C, 3; 756 C, 5-21; 759 C, 19-27; 760 C, 23-31; 765 C, 360 C, 17-23; 362 C, 7-13; 362 C, 34–363 C, 6; 370 C, 18-
12–768 C, 26; 774 C, 23-30; 776 C, 18–785 C, 19; 784 C, 23; 371 C, 1-12; 379 C, 30–380 C, 3; 385 C, 13-24; 388 C,
12-30; 819 C, 29-32; 835 C, 24-29; 839 C, 16-26 13–389 C, 24; 438 C, 16-21; 446 C, 21-25; 448 C, 12-14;
Arabian gulf:30 C, 23-31; 35 C, 12-20; 35 C, 29–36 C, 2; 572 C, 30-32; 582 C, 14-29; 608 C, 7-14; 738 C, 25-34
38 C, 6-13; 42 C, 2-18; 47 C, 18-24; 84 C, 26–85 C, 13; Arcesilas:15 C, 6-17
117 C, 35–118 C, 14; 121 C, 16-21; 121 C, 29–122 C, 4; Arcesilaus:614 C, 25–615 C, 2
130 C, 18-24; 132 C, 33–133 C, 2; 133 C, 10-14; 492 C, Arceuthos:751 C, 18-26
16-19; 686 C, 10-16; 696 C, 14-26; 759 C, 19-27; 765 C, Archeanax:599 C, 34–600 C, 10
21-26; 768 C, 27–769 C, 17; 779 C, 14-18; 780 C, 1-11; Archedemus:674 C, 7-13
785 C, 13–786 C, 9; 789 C, 23-32; 798 C, 13-27; 803 C, Archelaus (father of Archelaus, priest at Comana):558 C,
3-12; 804 C, 19-33; 815 C, 14-17; 836 C, 10-19 8-23; 796 C, 12-16
Arabs (Alasenian):739 C, 9-19; 739 C, 23-28 Archelaus (king of Cappadocia):533 C, 5–534 C, 7; 534 C,
Arabs (Euboea):446 C, 33–447 C, 4 25–535 C, 3; 537 C, 29–538 C, 5; 540 C, 2-9; 540 C, 14-
Arabs (phylarchs):753 C, 13-19 26; 555 C, 30-31; 556 C, 8-10; 671 C, 8-20; 796 C, 12-16
Arabs (Scenitae):130 C, 18-24; 288 C, 4-16; 739 C, 23-28; Archelaus (natural philosopher):645 C, 32-36
747 C, 24–748 C, 19; 749 C, 8-13; 753 C, 13-19; 755 C, Archelaus (priest at Comana):558 C, 8-23; 796 C, 12-28
20-29; 756 C, 5-15; 765 C, 12-21 Archelaus (son of Penthilus):582 C, 14-29
Arabs (Trog(l)odyte):39 C, 33–40 C, 3; 41 C, 23–42 C, 23; Archemachus:465 C, 19-26
130 C, 18-24; 815 C, 6-14; 815 C, 20-27. See also Trog(l) Archias (founder of Syracuse):262 C, 14-26; 269 C,
odytes, Trog(l)odyte country 20–270 C, 4; 380 C, 23-26
986
Archias (military officer):374 C, 9-16 Ariamazes:517 C, 20–518 C, 4

Archidamus:280 C, 20-30 Ariana, Arianans:66 C, 23-31; 78 C, 8-15; 78 C, 18-25; 81 C,
Archilochus:370 C, 4-12; 457 C, 23-33; 487 C, 5-9; 549 C, 22-30; 83 C, 3-15; 84 C, 3-26; 130 C, 6-14; 492 C, 16-19;
30–550 C, 4 523 C, 26-34; 688 C, 25–689 C, 7; 696 C, 14-26; 697 C,
Archimedes:54 C, 16-22; 55 C, 27-32 4-17; 720 C, 8-24; 721 C, 17-28; 723 C, 15–724 C, 16
Archytas:280 C, 14-20 Ariarathes (I):533 C, 5–534 C, 7
Arconnesus (= Aspis):643 C, 32-35 Ariarathes (IV):624 C, 9-22
Arconnesus (nr Halicarnassus):656 C, 12-23 Ariarathes (?IV, ?V):538 C, 31–539 C, 9
Arcton:575 C, 18-24 Aricia:231 C, 6-12; 239 C, 21–240 C, 3
Arcturus:133 C, 26-28; 691 C, 18-34 Aridaeus:794 C, 5-18
Ardania:40 C, 20-22 Arimanians:41 C, 30–42 C, 2
Ardanixis:838 C, 9-19 Arimans:784 C, 30–785 C, 5
Ardea, Ardeates:228 C, 34–229 C, 16; 231 C, 24-30; 232 C, Arimaspians:21 C, 19-28; 507 C, 18-26
20-26; 249 C, 17-32 Arimi:554 C, 24–555 C, 2
Ardia, Ardiaeans:313 C, 12-19; 314 C, 17-24; 315 C, Arimians:579 C, 27–580 C, 5; 626 C, 20–627 C, 14
24–316 C, 12; 317 C, 22–318 C, 5; 318 C, 24-27 Ariminum:210 C, 17-27; 211 C, 4-12; 211 C, 26-32; 216 C,
Arduenna:194 C, 18-26 30–217 C, 5; 217 C, 15-19; 217 C, 26-30; 219 C, 3-13;
Arecomicians:186 C, 22–187 C, 3 226 C, 27–227 C, 4; 227 C, 7-23; 227 C, 32-36; 240 C,
Aregon:343 C, 24-27 27–241 C, 3
Arelate:181 C, 28–182 C, 2 Arimous:628 C, 14-30
Arena:346 C, 19-29; 347 C, 3-16; 348 C, 27-31; 349 C, 5-14; Ariobarzanes:540 C, 14-26
352 C, 31-37; 361 C, 4-14 Arion (horse):404 C, 19-25
Ares:154 C, 31–155 C, 5; 185 C, 28-32; 229 C, 28–230 C, Arion (saved by dolphin):618 C, 16-27
2; 240 C, 27–241 C, 3; 250 C, 5-16; 573 C, 1-13; 597 C, Arisba (Lesbos):590 C, 23-33
25–598 C, 6; 630 C, 26–631 C, 4; 727 C, 1-9 Arisbe (Troad):585 C, 33–586 C, 7; 590 C, 3-22; 634 C,
Aretas:781 C, 22-28 32–635 C, 12
Arete:837 C, 29–838 C, 8 Aristarcha:179 C, 10-25
Arethusa (Chalcis):58 C, 1-9; 449 C, 17-24 Aristarchus:30 C, 23–31 C, 1; 31 C, 15–32 C, 11; 33 C, 9-17;
Arethusa (Syracuse):270 C, 25–271 C, 2; 271 C, 9-17 36 C, 15-23; 103 C, 24-33; 609 C, 23–610 C, 7
Arethusa (Syria):752 C, 31–753 C, 10 Aristeas:21 C, 19-28; 588 C, 33–589 C, 3; 638 C, 19–639 C, 2
Argaeus:73 C, 16-24; 537 C, 29–538 C, 5; 538 C, 13-22 Aristides:381 C, 7-16
Arganthonium:563 C, 35–564 C, 7 Aristion:398 C, 14-20
Arganthonius:151 C, 1-13 Aristippus (Metrodidactus):837 C, 29–838 C, 8
Argestae:28 C, 12-24 Aristippus (the Socratic):837 C, 29–838 C, 8
Argestes:29 C, 3-25; 391 C, 24-31 Aristobulus:509 C, 11-25; 518 C, 5-9; 671 C, 33–672 C, 9;
Arginusae:615 C, 8-17; 617 C, 4-14 691 C, 18–693 C, 13; 694 C, 14-26; 695 C, 9-21; 701 C,
Argisa:439 C, 26-28; 440 C, 4-8 9-20; 706 C, 24–707 C, 9; 714 C, 5-13; 730 C, 8-21; 741 C,
Argolic gulf:335 C, 23-27; 368 C, 10-19 1-24; 766 C, 6-19; 824 C, 12-21
Argolid:271 C, 33-37 Aristobulus (king of Judaea):762 C, 30–763 C, 5
Argoos harbor:224 C, 9-13 Aristocles:655 C, 17-28
Argos, Argia, Argives:65 C, 17-28; 124 C, 11-15; 221 C, Aristodemus:650 C, 24-32
22-32; 271 C, 18-33; 275 C, 5-19; 316 C, 13-20; 325 C, Ariston (musician):260 C, 18-34
29–326 C, 7; 335 C, 22-23; 336 C, 36–337 C, 8; 340 C, Ariston (of Ceos):15 C, 6-17; 486 C, 19-24
27-37; 362 C, 7-13; 364 C, 22-29; 365 C, 12-20; 368 C, Ariston (Peripatetic philosopher):657 C, 15–658 C, 4
23–377 C, 34; 369 C, 3-7; 369 C, 10-17; 374 C, 22-32; Ariston (writer):790 C, 22-28
382 C, 12-25; 385 C, 13-24; 387 C, 28–388 C, 3; 388 C, Aristonicus (literary expert):38 C, 6-13
37–389 C, 9; 389 C, 12-22; 389 C, 37-42; 404 C, 19-25; Aristonicus (son of Eumenes):646 C, 18-33
404 C, 30-35; 413 C, 24-36; 424 C, 29-33; 426 C, 26-31; Aristopatra:702 C, 5-10
430 C, 33-38; 431 C, 18-21; 440 C, 17-32; 449 C, 25-30; Aristotle:29 C, 10-16; 94 C, 26–95 C, 9; 153 C, 1-10;
461 C, 34–462 C, 15; 462 C, 20-27; 463 C, 7-16; 653 C, 182 C, 21-34; 321 C, 28–322 C, 5; 345 C, 12-18; 373 C,
9-33; 667 C, 14-33; 673 C, 17-22; 675 C, 19–676 C, 5; 19-25; 374 C, 22-32; 380 C, 23-26; 404 C, 1-7; 445 C,
676 C, 7-13; 682 C, 27–683 C, 5; 750 C, 11-24 9-18; 447 C, 4-13; 448 C, 15-21; 598 C, 21-31; 608 C,
Argos Hippium:215 C, 5-12; 283 C, 29–284 C, 10 28–609 C, 15; 610 C, 18-30; 618 C, 8-16; 695 C, 9-21;
Arguria:551 C, 37–552 C, 8; 603 C, 13-21 703 C, 19-27; 790 C, 9-21
Argus:537 C, 5-11 Aristoxenus:16 C, 3-12
Argusa:440 C, 4-8 Aristus:682 C, 27–683 C, 5; 730 C, 28-31
Argyrippa:283 C, 29–284 C, 10 Arius:515 C, 30-33; 518 C, 5-9
Argyrus:148 C, 12-16 Ariusia:645 C, 10-21
Argyruscians:231 C, 1-6 Armena:545 C, 2–546 C, 2
Aria, Arians:72 C, 31–73 C, 3; 73 C, 10-15; 74 C, 14-23; 510 C, Armenia, Armenians:41 C, 30–42 C, 18; 45 C, 28-36; 48 C,
26–511 C, 8; 511 C, 17-27; 513 C, 30–514 C, 7; 515 C, 3-7; 49 C, 19-25; 61 C, 5-15; 73 C, 3-10; 74 C, 23-32; 79 C,
30–516 C, 11; 516 C, 17-28; 518 C, 5-9; 521 C, 26–522 C, 4; 3-12; 80 C, 9-16; 82 C, 12-24; 83 C, 3-15; 117 C, 12-20; 129
724 C, 16-32; 724 C, 32–725 C, 6 C, 27–130 C, 3; 130 C, 4-6; 130 C, 14-18; 288 C, 4-16; 490 C,
987
Armenia, Armenians(continued) Artaca (mountain):576 C, 16-19

13–491 C, 5; 491 C, 12–492 C, 16; 498 C, 7-15; 499 C, Artaca (place):582 C, 30–583 C, 7; 634 C, 32–635 C, 12
10-13; 499 C, 35–500 C, 17; 500 C, 27–501 C, 4; 501 C, Artacaëna:516 C, 1-11
13-34; 502 C, 13-26; 503 C, 24-30; 506 C, 4-15; 506 C, Artagerae:528 C, 32–529 C, 10
23-32; 508 C, 10-18; 508 C, 27–509 C, 3; 510 C, 26–511 C, Artanes:531 C, 26–532 C, 7
8; 511 C, 28–512 C, 10; 520 C, 22-32; 521 C, 6-20; 522 C, Artavasdes:524 C, 1-8; 528 C, 32–529 C, 10; 529 C,
4-27; 522 C, 32–524 C, 8; 524 C, 23–525 C, 15; 525 C, 31–530 C, 12; 532 C, 7-25
30–526 C, 20; 526 C, 31–533 C, 4; 539 C, 27–540 C, 1; Artaxata:527 C, 29-33; 528 C, 21-31; 528 C, 32–529 C, 10
540 C, 30–541 C, 14; 546 C, 30–547 C, 6; 547 C, 19-32; Artaxerxes:49 C, 19-25
548 C, 27-34; 555 C, 6–556 C, 25; 556 C, 11-25; 559 C, Artaxias:528 C, 21-31; 528 C, 32–529 C, 10; 531 C, 26–532 C, 7
8-20; 559 C, 20-26; 559 C, 28–560 C, 5; 669 C, 11-19; Artaxiasata:528 C, 32–529 C, 10
678 C, 17-31; 712 C, 4-8; 739 C, 23-28; 740 C, 4-17; Artemidorus:137 C, 34–138 C, 25; 138 C, 26-33; 148 C, 27-
742 C, 10-26; 745 C, 5-17; 746 C, 14-23; 747 C, 10-20; 36; 157 C, 1-20; 159 C, 19-28; 164 C, 15-26; 167 C, 24-31;
747 C, 24-31; 748 C, 24-28; 821 C, 7-11 170 C, 12-20; 172 C, 20-23; 183 C, 28–184 C, 5; 185 C,
Armenian Gates:80 C, 9-16 20-28; 198 C, 25–199 C, 3; 224 C, 3-8; 245 C, 10-18;
Armenium:503 C, 24-30; 530 C, 18–531 C, 1 261 C, 27–262 C, 2; 266 C, 34–267 C, 5; 284 C, 33–285 C,
Armenus:503 C, 24-30; 530 C, 18–531 C, 15 7; 335 C, 1-8; 368 C, 12-19; 389 C, 25-36; 433 C, 8-15;
Arminius:291 C, 23–292 C, 10 436 C, 26-29; 459 C, 31–460 C, 10; 474 C, 31–475 C, 5;
Arna (Boeotia):59 C, 10-22; 413 C, 9-20; 435 C, 32-39 485 C, 23-30; 496 C, 26–497 C, 4; 571 C, 17-25; 622 C,
Arna (Thessaly):385 C, 9-12; 411 C, 16-26; 413 C, 9-10; 1-15; 640 C, 21–641 C, 14; 642 C, 12-20; 663 C, 8–664 C,
435 C, 32-39; 439 C, 22-25 4; 664 C, 28–665 C, 9; 669 C, 32–670 C, 8; 675 C, 19–
Arnaeans:401 C, 19-28 676 C, 5; 677 C, 24-32; 719 C, 15-20; 760 C, 11-16; 769 C,
Arnaeus:551 C, 18-25 20–770 C, 2; 774 C, 18–779 C, 14; 801 C, 14-23; 803 C,
Arnus:222 C, 25–223 C, 1 33–804 C, 9; 825 C, 25-33; 829 C, 1-11; 830 C, 1-10
Aroma:650 C, 17-23 Artemidorus (of Cnidus):655 C, 29–656 C, 11
Aromatophorus (Africa):773 C, 29–774 C, 5 Artemidorus (of Tarsus):675 C, 7-18
Aromatophorus (Arabia):782 C, 8-18; 782 C, 27-30 Artemis:180 C, 21-30; 183 C, 28–184 C, 5; 215 C, 12-18;
Arotrebans:154 C, 1-3 343 C, 15-27; 361 C, 33–362 C, 6; 398 C, 34–399 C, 7;
Arotria:447 C, 31-26 448 C, 1-11; 485 C, 3-20; 535 C, 20–536 C, 3; 537 C, 22-
Arpi:283 C, 29–284 C, 10 28; 588 C, 3-18; 606 C, 27-33; 613 C, 29–614 C, 4; 626 C,
Arrabaeus:326 C, 21-25 10-19; 635 C, 13-19; 639 C, 3-14; 639 C, 15-27; 640 C,
Arrechans:495 C, 16-27 21–641 C, 5; 643 C, 23-32; 647 C, 18-30; 658 C, 4-12;
Arretium:222 C, 25–223 C, 1; 226 C, 10-18; 226 C, 23-26; 667 C, 14-33; 676 C, 20-28; 739 C, 20-22; 744 C, 20-33;
226 C, 27–227 C, 4 750 C, 25-29
Arsaces (founder of Parthian empire):513 C, 25-29; 515 C, Artemisia:656 C, 12-23; 656 C, 24–657 C, 11
4-23 Artemisium (= Nemus):239 C, 21–240 C, 7
Arsaces (son of Pharnaces):560 C, 19–561 C, 4 Artemisium (Ephesus):387 C, 11-15
Arsaces (surname of Parthian kings):702 C, 10-26 Artemisium (Rhodian Peraea):651 C, 14-24
Arsacia:524 C, 23–525 C, 2 Artemita (Assyria):519 C, 16-26; 742 C, 27–743 C, 2; 744 C,
Arsene:529 C, 11-30 3-4
Arses:736 C, 3-11 Artemita (Greece):59 C, 22-33
Arsinoe (= Cleopatris):804 C, 19–805 C, 4 Arupini:207 C, 18-25; 314 C, 31–315 C, 3
Arsinoe (= Ephesus):640 C, 10-20 Arvacians:162 C, 19-32
Arsinoe (= Tauchira):836 C, 35–837 C, 4 Arvernians:189 C, 11-17; 191 C, 7-22; 193 C, 30-34; 195 C,
Arsinoe (Aetolia):460 C, 18-22 13-17; 196 C, 21-26
Arsinoe (headland):683 C, 17-27 Asander:311 C, 27-31; 495 C, 16-27; 625 C, 1-15
Arsinoe (Lycia):665 C, 31–666 C, 8 Asbystians:131 C, 11-19
Arsinoe (nr Coracesium):669 C, 20-32 Asca:781 C, 29–782 C, 8
Arsinoe (nr Deira):773 C, 23-28 Ascaean:557 C, 3-13
Arsinoe (nr Nagidus):669 C, 32–670 C, 8 Ascalon:759 C, 9-18
Arsinoe (nr Philotera):769 C, 20–770 C, 2 Ascania (Mysia, Phrygia):551 C, 18-25; 564 C, 21–565 C, 6;
Arsinoe (nr Salamis):682 C, 27–683 C, 5 680 C, 25–681 C, 3; 681 C, 3-24
Arsinoe (nr Soli):683 C, 27-33 Ascanian lake:562 C, 31–563 C, 3; 564 C, 21-27; 565 C,
Arsinoe (on Nile):811 C, 30–812 C, 21 28–566 C, 18
Arsinoe (sister of Cleopatra):684 C, 24–685 C, 5 Ascanius (Mysian, Phrygian chieftain):564 C,
Arsinoe (wife of Lysimachus. then Ptolemy):460 C, 27–565 C, 6
18-22; 623 C, 17-34 Ascanius (river):681 C, 3-24
Arsinus:371 C, 1-12 Ascanius (son of Aeneas):229 C, 4-16; 229 C, 20-28;
Arsites:766 C, 25-32 607 C, 6-19; 607 C, 28–608 C, 6
Artabrian harbor:154 C, 1-3; 175 C, 25-31 Asclepiades (of Myrlea):157 C, 1-14; 166 C, 13-17
Artabrian headland:137 C, 20-26 Asclepiades (of Prusias):566 C, 19-22
Artabrians:120 C, 3-9; 147 C, 21-28; 153 C, 28–154 C, 11 Asclepium (Cos):657 C, 15–658 C, 4
Artaca (islet):576 C, 16-19 Asclepium (nr Melaenae):602 C, 38–603 C, 12
988
Asclepius:74 C, 1-7; 360 C, 4-10; 374 C, 22-32; 386 C, 2-8; Astacus (Bithynia):563 C, 16-25
567 C, 24–568 C, 7; 647 C, 7-17; 832 C, 13-24 Astae:319 C, 20-25; 320 C, 24-28
Ascra:409 C, 18-34; 413 C, 10-16; 423 C, 11-15; 622 C, Astapus:771 C, 5-12; 786 C, 9-15; 821 C, 26–822 C, 3
28–623 C, 9 Astasobas:771 C, 5-12; 786 C, 9-15; 821 C, 26–822 C, 3
Asculum Picenum:241 C, 3-14 Asteria/Asteris:59 C, 22-33; 456 C, 32–457 C, 3
Asea:275 C, 5-19; 343 C, 6-11 Asterium:438 C, 23-25; 439 C, 22-25
Asia (= Asian peninsula):124 C, 32–125 C, 2; 126 C, 3-11; Astigis:141 C, 22-32
141 C, 22-32; 282 C, 26–283 C, 8; 286 C, 22-26; 287 C, Asturia, Asturians:152 C, 27-35; 155 C, 25-30; 161 C, 1-10;
19-24; 303 C, 19-31; 378 C, 1-12; 380 C, 23-26; 401 C, 162 C, 11-18; 166 C, 29–167 C, 10
19-28; 486 C, 4-14 Astyages:524 C, 9-14; 730 C, 31-34
Asia (continent):32 C, 16-25; 35 C, 20-29; 57 C, 5-18; 65 C, Astypalaea (Attica):398 C, 21-33
29–66 C, 17; 67 C, 14–68 C, 5; 103 C, 17-24; 107 C, 11-18; Astypalaea (Cos):657 C, 15–658 C, 4
118 C, 25-32; 121 C, 29–122 C, 4; 124 C, 16-28; 126 C, 24- Astypalaea (island):488 C, 11-15; 488 C, 24-29
29; 129 C, 10–130 C, 24; 288 C, 4-16; 309 C, 33–310 C, Astypalaea (promontory):658 C, 4-12
24; 311 C, 8-15; 319 C, 26-31; 440 C, 17-32; 471 C, 18-24; Astypalaeans:601 C, 33–602 C, 5
488 C, 16-23; 490 C, 1–824 C, 21; 824 C, 26–825 C, 5; Astyra (Abydus):591 C, 30-33
839 C, 16-26; 840 C, 13-26 Astyra (Adramyttium):606 C, 27-33; 613 C, 29–614 C, 4;
Asia (Roman province):575 C, 24-30; 577 C, 20-31; 624 C, 614 C, 18-24; 680 C, 9-24
22-30; 631 C, 5-18; 646 C, 18-33; 647 C, 18-30; 648 C, Atabyris:655 C, 11-16
29–649 C, 10; 658 C, 26–659 C, 5; 659 C, 17-32; 840 C, Atagis:207 C, 4-7
13-26 Atalanta (Euboea):60 C, 35–61 C, 4; 425 C, 28-29
Asiarchs:648 C, 29–649 C, 10 Atalanta (Psyttalia):395 C, 18-21
Asina (Argive village):373 C, 8-15 Atargatis:747 C, 32–748 C, 6; 784 C, 30–785 C, 5
Asina (Homeric, nr Hermiona):359 C, 34–360 C, 4; 369 C, Atarneus:581 C, 13–582 C, 3; 606 C, 33–607 C, 6; 614 C,
3-7; 372 C, 26-31; 373 C, 8-15; 373 C, 19-25; 376 C, 7-19 25–615 C, 2; 615 C, 18-27; 622 C, 1-15; 680 C, 9-24
Asina (Laconia):363 C, 23–364 C, 2 Atarneus-under-Pitana:614 C, 25–615 C, 2
Asina (nr Acritas):359 C, 2-14; 359 C, 34–360 C, 4; 360 C, Atarnites:611 C, 24–612 C, 8
23-30; 373 C, 8-15 Atax:181 C, 28–182 C, 2; 182 C, 8-13; 189 C, 17-20
Asinaean gulf:359 C, 2-14; 359 C, 34–360 C, 4 Ategua:141 C, 22-32
Asinius:192 C, 36–193 C, 9 Atella:249 C, 12-16
Asionians:627 C, 23-30 Ateporix:560 C, 5-11
Asius (hero):650 C, 10-16 Aternum:241 C, 27–242 C, 8
Asius (poet):265 C, 7-13 Atesinus:207 C, 4-7
Asius (son of Hyrtacus):585 C, 33–586 C, 11; 590 C, 3-22 Athamania, Athamanians:321 C, 15-20; 326 C, 8-14;
Asopia:379 C, 30–380 C, 3; 408 C, 34-37 427 C, 29-37; 429 C, 15-20; 429 C, 33–430 C, 2; 434 C,
Asopus (Boeotia):382 C, 16-25; 408 C, 38–409 C, 3; 409 C, 16-24; 435 C, 32-39; 440 C, 9-17; 442 C, 17-26; 449 C,
3-6; 411 C, 35–412 C, 10 31–450 C, 13; 450 C, 23-31
Asopus (Laconia):364 C, 2-3 Athamas (founder of Halus):433 C, 1-7
Asopus (Paros):382 C, 16-25 Athamas (founder of Teos):633 C, 10-19
Asopus (Sicyon):271 C, 18-33; 382 C, 16-25; 408 C, 34-37 Athara:784 C, 30–785 C, 5
Asopus (Trachinian Heraclia):382 C, 16-25; 383 C, 7-12; Athena:232 C, 27-33; 247 C, 18-23; 264 C, 1-11; 281 C,
408 C, 34-37; 428 C, 19-28 11-18; 283 C, 34–284 C, 10; 338 C, 18-30; 342 C, 18-26;
Aspaneus:606 C, 27-33 342 C, 27-37; 343 C, 28-35; 345 C, 24–346 C, 10; 352 C,
Aspendus:569 C, 31–570 C, 4; 667 C, 14-33 10-18; 360 C, 10-16; 388 C, 28-36; 393 C, 28-34; 394 C,
Aspiones:516 C, 32–517 C, 4 34–395 C, 5; 396 C, 6-9; 411 C, 16-29; 413 C, 24-36;
Aspis (island):643 C, 32-35 438 C, 9-15; 470 C, 14-24; 486 C, 31–487 C, 4; 593 C,
Aspis (nr Carthage):277 C, 20-25; 834 C, 8-13 19–594 C, 1; 600 C, 24–601 C, 24; 611 C, 10-23;
Aspis (Syrtis):836 C, 6-10 640 C, 10-20; 654 C, 19–655 C, 2; 655 C, 3-10; 667 C,
Aspledon:415 C, 25-31 14-33; 744 C, 20-33; 751 C, 5-18; 802 C, 1-6; 816 C,
Aspordenum:618 C, 35–619 C, 10 34–817 C, 6
Aspurgianans:495 C, 16-27; 555 C, 31–556 C, 8 Athenaeum: 59 C, 34–60 C, 7; 242 C, 15-21; 247 C,
Assacanus:691 C, 25-34; 698 C, 3-7 18-28
Assians:606 C, 6-18 Athenaeus (of Seleucia):670 C, 12-30
Assus:581 C, 13–582 C, 3; 606 C, 18-27; 610 C, 12–611 C, 3; Athenaeus (son of Attalus):624 C, 9-22
614 C, 4-17; 616 C, 27–617 C, 3; 735 C, 17-20 Athenaïs:645 C, 5-9; 814 C, 14-22
Assyria, Assyrians:41 C, 30–42 C, 2; 671 C, 33–672 C, 9; Athenocles:547 C, 7-18
736 C, 13–749 C, 7; 762 C, 18-30 Athenodorus (Cordylion):674 C, 7-13
Asta:140 C, 20-25; 141 C, 32-34; 143 C, 26-34 Athenodorus (son of Sandon):6 C, 4-9; 55 C, 11-19; 173 C,
Astaboras:770 C, 13-27; 771 C, 5-12; 786 C, 9-19; 821 C, 5-18; 674 C, 7-13; 674 C, 26–675 C, 18; 779 C, 27-35
26–822 C, 3 Athens (on-the-Triton):407 C, 3-11
Astacenian bay:459 C, 18-25; 563 C, 16-32 Athens, Athenians:64 C, 27–65 C, 9; 65 C, 17-28; 67 C, 14–68 C,
Astacenians:698 C, 3-7 5; 68 C, 9-17; 69 C, 8-18; 79 C, 20-32; 82 C, 16-24; 85 C,
Astacus (Acarnania):459 C, 18-25 33–86 C, 10; 87 C, 29–88 C, 5; 102 C, 31–103 C, 8; 115 C,
989
Athens, Athenians(continued) Aufidus (Apulia):283 C, 28-29

9-21; 180 C, 30–181 C, 6; 221 C, 33-38; 225 C, 29–226 C, Aufidus (Latina):233 C, 8-19
8; 246 C, 4-15; 263 C, 13-25; 299 C, 24-25; 311 C, 8-15; Augeas:341 C, 7-17; 352 C, 23-30; 354 C, 21-31; 355 C, 9-19;
333 C, 4-18; 356 C, 9-23; 359 C, 15-29; 362 C, 13-22; 459 C, 3-8
374 C, 6-9; 375 C, 8-15; 375 C, 26–376 C, 1; 377 C, 14-20; Augiae:364 C, 22-29; 426 C, 19-22
383 C, 12-27; 391 C, 24-31; 392 C, 38–393 C, 11; 394 C, Augila:838 C, 24-32
8-33; 395 C, 22–398 C, 20; 401 C, 19-28; 403 C, 8-20; Augusta:205 C, 28–206 C, 3
404 C, 11-19; 411 C, 30–412 C, 10; 414 C, 1-7; 422 C, Augusta Emerita:151 C, 15-27; 166 C, 24-29
20-31; 424 C, 29-33; 425 C, 22-28; 433 C, 33–434 C, 6; Augustus Caesar, Augustus:157 C, 5-13; 177 C, 16-24;
437 C, 1-8; 445 C, 29-33; 446 C, 8-15; 446 C, 33–447 C, 184 C, 11-18; 192 C, 1-8; 200 C, 18-28; 204 C, 22-28;
4; 455 C, 35–456 C, 9; 459 C, 8-15; 471 C, 25-31; 484 C, 205 C, 28–206 C, 3; 207 C, 18-25; 235 C, 12-18; 235 C,
32-37; 486 C, 4-14; 486 C, 24-31; 547 C, 7-18; 563 C, 33–236 C, 22; 248 C, 26-29; 258 C, 28–259 C, 4; 267 C,
16-25; 599 C, 34–600 C, 10; 600 C, 22-23; 606 C, 27-33; 34–268 C, 10; 270 C, 15-24; 287 C, 25-34; 288 C, 16-33;
610 C, 18-30; 618 C, 4-7; 622 C, 1-15; 632 C, 17–633 C, 10; 290 C, 25-29; 291 C, 17-22; 292 C, 33–293 C, 8; 304 C,
633 C, 10-19; 637 C, 23-28; 638 C, 19–639 C, 2; 670 C, 11-15; 314 C, 31–315 C, 3; 315 C, 13-19; 324 C, 28–325 C,
12-30; 673 C, 23–674 C, 6; 679 C, 16-22; 686 C, 10-16; 8; 325 C, 12-20; 547 C, 7-18; 558 C, 23–559 C, 7; 578 C,
719 C, 34–720 C, 7 8-19; 595 C, 20-27; 617 C, 30–618 C, 4; 625 C, 1-15;
Athos:6 C, 24-29; 27 C, 13-27; 447 C, 4-13; 641 C, 5-14 636 C, 33–637 C, 12; 641 C, 14-23; 657 C, 15–658 C,
Athribis:802 C, 28-30 4; 670 C, 12-30; 686 C, 10-16; 719 C, 21-29; 748 C,
Athribitans:812 C, 22–813 C, 2 28–749 C, 7; 764 C, 34–765 C, 11; 780 C, 1-19; 795 C, 16-
Athrula:781 C, 29–782 C, 8 27; 796 C, 28–797 C, 6; 828 C, 27-34; 840 C, 1-26. See
Athymbradus:650 C, 17-23 also Caesar (Augustus)
Athymbrus:650 C, 17-23 Auletes:795 C, 28–796 C, 12; 796 C, 19-28; 798 C, 13-27
Atintanians:326 C, 8-14 Aulis:298 C, 19–299 C, 12; 376 C, 7-19; 400 C, 27-37; 403 C,
Atlantic ocean:64 C, 27–65 C, 9; 113 C, 9-14; 127 C, 26–128 C, 8-23; 408 C, 25-29; 444 C, 18–445 C, 9
2; 130 C, 6-14; 137 C, 15-20; 139 C, 29–140 C, 7; 157 C, Aulonia:261 C, 13-16
21-32; 294 C, 15-34; 689 C, 7-12; 767 C, 31–768 C, 6 Ausar:222 C, 25–223 C, 1
Atlantis:102 C, 12-20 Auscians:190 C, 26-29; 191 C, 2-6
Atlas:825 C, 25-33 Ausonian sea:123 C, 10-13; 128 C, 25-30; 324 C, 5-11
Atmonians:306 C, 17-21 Ausonians:232 C, 34–233 C, 7; 242 C, 21-30; 255 C,
Atotes:552 C, 31–553 C, 6 20–256 C, 2
Atrax:438 C, 9-15; 440 C, 4-8; 441 C, 21-30 Autariatae:313 C, 12-19; 315 C, 27–316 C, 1; 316 C, 2-12;
Atrebatians:194 C, 15-26 317 C, 29–318 C, 5; 318 C, 18-24
Atreus:23 C, 28–24 C, 4 Autolycus (founder of Sinope):546 C, 2-20
Atria:214 C, 14-18 Autolycus (Homeric character):439 C, 5-14
Atropates:522 C, 32–523 C, 19 Automala:123 C, 13-21; 836 C, 10-19; 838 C, 24-32
Atropatian Media, Atropatene:506 C, 4-15; 521 C, Auxumum:241 C, 3-14
26–522 C, 4; 522 C, 32–524 C, 8; 524 C, 23–525 C, 2; Avenio:185 C, 20-28; 203 C, 1-8
526 C, 34–527 C, 9; 527 C, 29-33; 528 C, 32–529 C, 10; Aventine mount:234 C, 11-19
529 C, 11-30; 532 C, 7-25 Avernians:190 C, 30–191 C, 2
Attalia:667 C, 14-33 Axenus:300 C, 10-20
Attalus (father of Attalus I):623 C, 34–624 C, 9 Axius:6 C, 24-29; 327 C, 12-19
Attalus (grandfather of Attalus I):623 C, 34–624 C, 9 Azamora:537 C, 1-5
Attalus (I):602 C, 38–603 C, 12; 623 C, 34–624 C, 9 Azani:576 C, 20-25
Attalus (?I, ?II, ?III):616 C, 11-22 Azanians:336 C, 18-26; 388 C, 15-27
Attalus (?II, ?III):643 C, 23-32 Azara:527 C, 29-33
Attalus (II-Philadelphus):624 C, 9-30; 641 C, 24–642 C, 1; Azaritia:563 C, 16-25
667 C, 14-33 Azorus:327 C, 12-24
Attalus (III-Philometor):624 C, 9-30; 646 C, 18-33 Azotians:749 C, 14-21
Attasians:513 C, 25-29 Azotus:759 C, 9-18
Attea:606 C, 33–607 C, 6
Atthis (= Attica):397 C, 1-8
Atthis (daughter of Cranaus):397 C, 1-8
Attica, Atticans:26 C, 31-37; 67 C, 7-14; 124 C, 11-15; 147 C,
10-21; 171 C, 1-14; 304 C, 16-27; 321 C, 3-14; 333 C, 4-13;
B
333 C, 18-24; 375 C, 15-22; 379 C, 30–380 C, 3; 383 C, Babamonitis:552 C, 31–553 C, 6
1-6; 390 C, 1–400 C, 10; 400 C, 15-23; 400 C, 15-26; Babamonum:561 C, 23-32
403 C, 8-20; 404 C, 11-19; 405 C, 32–406 C, 1; 411 C, Babylon (Assyria):77 C, 28–78 C, 4; 78 C, 30–79 C, 3; 80 C,
35–412 C, 10; 426 C, 23-26; 440 C, 17-32; 443 C, 23-31; 1-16; 80 C, 20-28; 80 C, 31–83 C, 15; 84 C, 16-26; 86 C,
444 C, 12-18; 446 C, 8-15; 554 C, 24–555 C, 2; 604 C, 12–87 C, 15; 88 C, 16–89 C, 21; 90 C, 27–91 C, 4; 133 C,
20-36 32–134 C, 2; 525 C, 3-15; 529 C, 11-30; 637 C, 29–638 C,
Aturia:736 C, 13–737 C, 2; 737 C, 20-33 13; 730 C, 35–731 C, 24; 731 C, 31–732 C, 6; 737 C,
Atys:219 C, 15-22; 221 C, 33-38 8–739 C, 19; 738 C, 25-34; 739 C, 9-19; 739 C, 29–740 C,
990
4; 741 C, 10-22; 742 C, 10-26; 743 C, 25-34; 744 C, 4-7; Barium:283 C, 17-23; 283 C, 28-29
746 C, 14-23; 746 C, 30–747 C, 2; 747 C, 32–748 C, 6; Barnichius:356 C, 24-31
766 C, 6-19; 794 C, 5-18 Barnus:323 C, 3-8
Babylon, Babylonians (Egypt):807 C, 3-10; 812 C, Basgoedariza:555 C, 14-21
22–813 C, 2 Basilios:747 C, 32–748 C, 6
Babylonia, Babylonians (Assyria):84 C, 26–85 C, 5; 88 C, Basoropaeda:528 C, 21-31
30–89 C, 9; 102 C, 31–103 C, 8; 130 C, 14-18; 301 C, 12- Bastarnians:93 C, 25-28; 117 C, 35–118 C, 14; 128 C,
21; 501 C, 35–502 C, 12; 519 C, 16-26; 521 C, 6-20; 522 C, 31–129 C, 3; 289 C, 7-21; 294 C, 15-34; 295 C, 36–296 C,
4-14; 524 C, 15-23; 525 C, 30–526 C, 11; 617 C, 14-23; 7; 305 C, 2-11; 305 C, 23-25; 306 C, 17-21
692 C, 19-29; 727 C, 30–728 C, 3; 728 C, 3-13; 732 C, Bastetania, Bastetanians:139 C, 29–140 C, 7; 141 C, 3-9;
7-17; 736 C, 13–737 C, 2; 736 C, 13–749 C, 7; 763 C, 155 C, 5-14; 156 C, 14-37; 162 C, 11-18; 163 C, 14-16
11-23; 765 C, 12-21; 765 C, 27–766 C, 19; 767 C, 15-30; Bastulians:139 C, 29–140 C, 7; 156 C, 14-24
807 C, 3-10 Bata:496 C, 26–497 C, 11
Babyrsa:528 C, 32–529 C, 10 Batiae:324 C, 21-28
Bacchides:546 C, 2-20 Batieia:597 C, 14-25; 622 C, 28–623 C, 9
Bacchylides:486 C, 19-24; 616 C, 11-22 Bato (historian):546 C, 2-20
Bactra:68 C, 18-29; 70 C, 31–71 C, 6; 74 C, 14-23; 134 C, 15- Bato (leader of Daesitiatians):314 C, 17-20
24; 514 C, 8-22; 516 C, 28-31; 517 C, 5-19; 724 C, 16-32; Battus:837 C, 15-23
730 C, 8-18 Bear, Plough, Great Bear:3 C, 20-36–4 C, 6; 13 C, 7-11;
Bactria, Bactriana, Bactrians:14 C, 10-21; 27 C, 27-35; 69 C, 76 C, 7–77 C, 25; 132 C, 25-33; 133 C, 10-15
8-18; 72 C, 28–73 C, 15; 73 C, 24-27; 74 C, 32–75 C, 10; Bebrycians:295 C, 16-22; 541 C, 28–542 C, 4; 554 C,
75 C, 24–76 C, 4; 93 C, 28–94 C, 8; 117 C, 35–118 C, 14; 24–555 C, 2; 586 C, 17-22; 677 C, 33–678 C, 16
118 C, 25-32; 129 C, 22-26; 472 C, 1-6; 510 C, 26–511 C, 8; Belbina:375 C, 15-22; 398 C, 21-33
511 C, 9-17; 511 C, 28–512 C, 10; 513 C, 25–514 C, 7; 513 C, Belgans:176 C, 13–177 C, 24; 191 C, 30–192 C, 14; 194 C,
30–514 C, 7; 515 C, 4-18; 516 C, 1-11; 516 C, 17–518 C, 20; 32–195 C, 9; 196 C, 14-26
685 C, 20–686 C, 9; 687 C, 9-30; 692 C, 19-29; 697 C, Belio:153 C, 18-23
4-17; 723 C, 26–724 C, 6; 724 C, 6-8; 724 C, 16-23; Bellerophon, Bellerophontes:379 C, 25-30; 573 C, 1-26;
725 C, 6-16; 816 C, 18-27; 839 C, 16-26 630 C, 26–631 C, 4
Badas:728 C, 3-13 Bellovacians:194 C, 15-18; 196 C, 14-20; 208 C, 8-14
Baenis:153 C, 18-27 Belo:140 C, 8-13
Baeterra:182 C, 8-13 Belus:42 C, 18-23; 738 C, 19-25; 744 C, 20-33
Baetica:139 C, 16–151 C, 27; 157 C, 1-14; 160 C, 12-17; 162 C, Bembina:377 C, 27-32
5-11; 166 C, 21-29 Benacus:209 C, 7-13
Baetis:139 C, 9–140 C, 7; 140 C, 20–142 C, 15; 148 C, 12-27; Beneventum:248 C, 31–249 C, 11; 249 C, 32–250 C, 4;
151 C, 15-27; 152 C, 14-17; 162 C, 5-11; 168 C, 28–169 C, 5; 282 C, 26–283 C, 8
174 C, 27–175 C, 10; 840 C, 13-26 Berecyntia, Berecyntians:469 C, 1-9; 472 C, 13-20; 580 C,
Baetis (town):141 C, 18-21 11–581 C, 1; 680 C, 25–681 C, 24
Baeturia:142 C, 16-21 Berenice (Arabian gulf):133 C, 10-14; 815 C, 6-14; 815 C,
Bagadania:73 C, 16-24; 539 C, 27–540 C, 1 17-20
Bagas:552 C, 31–553 C, 6 Berenice (Cyrenaea):836 C, 20–837 C, 4; 837 C, 4-15;
Bagoos:736 C, 3-11 837 C, 23-28
Bagradas:832 C, 7-13 Berenice (daughter of Salome):764 C, 34–765 C, 11
Baiae:227 C, 4-6; 243 C, 29–244 C, 6; 245 C, 10-26; 246 C, Berenice (nr Sabae):771 C, 31–772 C, 11
15-23; 248 C, 6-16 Bermium:680 C, 9-24
Balanaea:753 C, 20-28 Beroea:751 C, 5-18
Balarians:225 C, 9-12 Beronians:158 C, 7-21; 162 C, 11-18
Balbura:631 C, 5-18 Berytus:682 C, 27–683 C, 5; 755 C, 20–756 C, 4; 756 C,
Balbus:169 C, 5-13 22-31
Balearic islands:167 C, 15-18; 654 C, 19–655 C, 2 Besaeans:426 C, 23-26
Balliaca:316 C, 30–317 C, 6 Besbicus:576 C, 4-16
Bambyca:747 C, 32–748 C, 6; 751 C, 5-18 Bessa:426 C, 19-26
Bandobene:697 C, 4-17 Bessians:318 C, 18-24
Barbarium:151 C, 28-33 Bessus:513 C, 25-29; 518 C, 26-34; 724 C, 24-32
Barca:836 C, 35–837 C, 4; 837 C, 23-28 Bias:636 C, 19-25
Barcas:151 C, 1-13; 158 C, 21-29 Biasas:552 C, 31–553 C, 6
Bardyetans:155 C, 25-30; 162 C, 11-18 Bibracta:192 C, 18-21
Bardyllians:162 C, 11-18 Bilbilis:162 C, 26-32
Bargasa:656 C, 12-23 Billarus:546 C, 2-20
Bargosa:719 C, 34–720 C, 7 Bion (astronomer):29 C, 10-16
Bargus:318 C, 6-13 Bion (philosopher):15 C, 6-17; 486 C, 19-24
Bargylia:611 C, 10-23; 658 C, 4-12 Bisa:356 C, 9-23
Baris (goddess):531 C, 16-23 Bistonis:59 C, 10-22
Baris (place):281 C, 19-28; 282 C, 6-11 Bisurgis:291 C, 11-16
991
Bithynia, Bithynians:129 C, 27–130 C, 3; 295 C, 16-22; 534 C, 28–308 C, 5; 308 C, 31–309 C, 10; 310 C, 30–311 C, 7;
8-20; 541 C, 17-27; 541 C, 28–542 C, 16; 542 C, 31–543 C, 494 C, 29–495 C, 5; 550 C, 9-15; 550 C, 26-32
19; 544 C, 14-25; 546 C, 25-29; 554 C, 24–555 C, 2; 561 C, Bosporenans:762 C, 18-30
33–562 C, 9; 562 C, 21-31; 563 C, 4–564 C, 27; 565 C, Bosporus, Cimmerian Bosporus:6 C, 16-23; 20 C, 23-33;
28–567 C, 23; 571 C, 17-25; 574 C, 14-19; 575 C, 9-17; 594 C, 73 C, 28-35; 74 C, 8-13; 108 C, 24-28; 125 C, 16-20;
9-18; 625 C, 16-24; 677 C, 33–678 C, 16; 840 C, 13-26 149 C, 11-15; 288 C, 4-16; 293 C, 23–294 C, 3; 301 C,
Bithynium:565 C, 28–566 C, 2 12-21; 307 C, 14-22; 308 C, 31–309 C, 10; 309 C,
Bituitus:191 C, 22-29 21-26; 309 C, 21-33; 310 C, 11-14; 310 C, 20-24; 310 C,
Biturigans:190 C, 1-12; 190 C, 30–191 C, 2 30–311 C, 7; 491 C, 12-23; 492 C, 20-28; 493 C, 17–495 C,
Bizona:54 C, 4-15; 319 C, 10-18 15; 494 C, 15-28; 496 C, 3-25; 506 C, 23-32; 547 C, 7-18;
Blaëne:561 C, 33–562 C, 9 553 C, 21-31; 555 C, 21-29; 625 C, 1-15
Bleminatis:343 C, 11-15 Bosporus, Thracian Bosporus:125 C, 16-20; 566 C, 6-18
Blemmyans:786 C, 19-26; 819 C, 7-17 Botrys:755 C, 20-29
Blera:226 C, 10-18 Bottiaea, Bottiaeans:279 C, 3-11; 282 C, 12-18
Blesinon:224 C, 28-29 Boucolon City:758 C, 31–759 C, 9
Blucium:567 C, 11-23 Bovianum:249 C, 32–250 C, 4
Boagrius:60 C, 16-35; 426 C, 11-18 Boxus:778 C, 33–779 C, 14
Bocalia:394 C, 6-7 Brachmanes:712 C, 9–713 C, 18; 714 C, 5-24; 716 C,
Bocarus:394 C, 6-7 28–717 C, 8; 718 C, 34–719 C, 14
Bocchus:828 C, 27-34 Branchidae:814 C, 6-22
Boea:363 C, 23–364 C, 2 Branchidians:517 C, 20–518 C, 4; 634 C, 22-32
Boeba:436 C, 11-19; 436 C, 19-22; 438 C, 23-33; 530 C, Branchus:421 C, 15-21
18–531 C, 1 Brauron:371 C, 1-12; 397 C, 19-27; 398 C, 34–399 C, 7
Boebeïas:443 C, 23-31 Brennus:187 C, 27-35
Boebeïs:430 C, 9-15; 436 C, 19-22; 438 C, 23-33; 441 C, Brettanic channel:128 C, 3-16
21-30; 442 C, 17-26; 503 C, 24-30 Brettanic isles, islands:114 C, 29–115 C, 3; 129 C, 4-9; 147 C,
Boenoa:338 C, 6-11 21-28
Boeoti:360 C, 10-16 Brettanica:62 C, 33–63 C, 34; 63 C, 24-34; 72 C, 11-15; 75 C,
Boeotia, Boeotians:65 C, 17-28; 321 C, 3-14; 321 C, 14-31; 93 C, 25-28; 104 C, 6-29; 114 C, 25–116 C, 6; 117 C,
28–322 C, 5; 332 C, 17–333 C, 3; 334 C, 25-28; 335 C, 35–118 C, 14; 120 C, 3-9; 128 C, 3-16; 189 C, 5-11; 190 C,
29–336 C, 13; 338 C, 33–339 C, 5; 360 C, 10-16; 379 C, 13-17; 193 C, 9-14; 193 C, 34–194 C, 2; 194 C, 32–195 C, 9;
30–380 C, 3; 390 C, 1-7; 391 C, 8-22; 393 C, 17-21; 397 C, 199 C, 10–201 C, 8
19-27; 399 C, 7-14; 400 C, 11–417 C, 27; 418 C, 2-8; Brettia, Brettians:211 C, 15-23; 211 C, 26-32; 228 C, 25-30;
423 C, 11-15; 424 C, 2-10; 424 C, 11-22; 424 C, 34–425 C, 251 C, 20-25; 253 C, 25-30; 253 C, 33–254 C, 6; 254 C,
5; 425 C, 13-22; 432 C, 10-22; 444 C, 12–445 C, 9; 447 C, 23–256 C, 20; 260 C, 35–261 C, 4; 283 C, 8-11
14-25; 463 C, 7-16; 464 C, 21-32; 471 C, 11-18; 622 C, Breucians:314 C, 17-20
28–623 C, 9; 633 C, 10-19; 636 C, 19-25; 653 C, 9-33 Breunians:206 C, 7-13
Boeotus:265 C, 7-13 Brigantians:206 C, 13-26
Boethus (of Sidon):757 C, 27-31 Brigantium (Brigantian city):206 C, 13-26
Boethus (of Tarsus):674 C, 7–675 C, 6 Brigantium (Cottius country):178 C, 35–179 C, 9
Boetylus:360 C, 4-10 Brigians:295 C, 16-22; 549 C, 30–550 C, 4
Bogus:100 C, 1-12; 101 C, 24–102 C, 7; 827 C, 20-23; 828 C, Brilessus:399 C, 28-31
27-34 Briseïs:584 C, 31–585 C, 19; 611 C, 24–612 C, 8
Boïans:195 C, 9-13; 206 C, 13-26; 212 C, 31–213 C, 5; 216 C, Britomartis:479 C, 2-8; 479 C, 23-26
6-15; 292 C, 25-31; 293 C, 23–294 C, 3; 295 C, 36–296 C, Briula:650 C, 17-23
7; 303 C, 33–304 C, 6; 313 C, 23-29; 315 C, 27–316 C, 1 Brixia:213 C, 5-16
Boium:427 C, 20-24; 475 C, 35–476 C, 5 Brogitarus:567 C, 11-23
Bolbitine mouth:801 C, 14-34 Bromius:469 C, 20–470 C, 13
Bomians:451 C, 8-16 Bructerians:290 C, 13-17; 291 C, 7-16; 291 C, 23–292 C, 10
Bononia:216 C, 30–217 C, 5; 217 C, 26-30 Brundisium:233 C, 8-19; 248 C, 31–249 C, 11; 277 C,
Boos Aula:445 C, 9-18 33–278 C, 2; 281 C, 6-10; 281 C, 19–282 C, 5; 282 C,
Boosura:683 C, 17-27 12–283 C, 23; 285 C, 1-7; 324 C, 11-16
Boreas:28 C, 12-24; 28 C, 27-30; 29 C, 3-10; 295 C, 4-15 Brutus (D. Junius Brutus Callaicus):152 C, 5-14; 153 C,
Borium:836 C, 20-28 23-27; 155 C, 14-24
Borrama:755 C, 20-29 Brutus (Decimus):205 C, 21-28
Borsippa:739 C, 20-22 Bryanium:327 C, 12-19
Borsippeni:739 C, 9-19 Brygians:326 C, 14-20; 327 C, 12-19; 549 C, 30–550 C, 4
Borysthenes:62 C, 22-29; 62 C, 33–63 C, 14; 63 C, 24-34; Bubastus:805 C, 7-19
71 C, 30–72 C, 11; 73 C, 28-35; 74 C, 8-23; 74 C, 32–75 C, Bubon:631 C, 5-18
14; 107 C, 22-32; 114 C, 18-28; 115 C, 4-9; 115 C, 22-30; Buca:242 C, 3-8; 285 C, 28-34
116 C, 7-12; 125 C, 2-7; 126 C, 12-23; 126 C, 30–127 C, 7; Bucephalia:698 C, 24–699 C, 2
134 C, 37–135 C, 14; 289 C, 7-21; 294 C, 15-34; 298 C, 19– Buchetium:324 C, 21-28
299 C, 12; 306 C, 9-17; 306 C, 21-24; 307 C, 6-10; 307 C, Budorus:446 C, 8-15
992
Buiaemum:290 C, 17-25 Caelia:282 C, 26–283 C, 8

Buprasia:387 C, 28–388 C, 3 Caelian mount:234 C, 11-19
Buprasium, Buprasians:340 C, 6–341 C, 20; 352 C, 10-18; Caenians:624 C, 22-30
352 C, 31-39; 356 C, 31–357 C, 4; 452 C, 34–453 C, 6 Caenum Chorium:556 C, 25–557 C, 2
Bura:54 C, 4-15; 59 C, 10-22; 371 C, 1-12; 385 C, 28–386 C, 2; Caenys:256 C, 31–257 C, 12; 265 C, 27-33
386 C, 32–387 C, 2; 387 C, 16-24 Caepio:188 C, 1-8
Burdigala:190 C, 1-12 Caepio’s Tower:140 C, 25-33
Busiris:802 C, 7-28 Caeratus:476 C, 12-20
Buthrotum:324 C, 16-21 Caere, Caeretanians:220 C, 11-30; 225 C, 29–226 C, 8
Butic (lake):802 C, 1-6 Caesar (= Augustus):206 C, 21-28; 272 C, 1-4; 325 C, 26-28;
Butrium:214 C, 5-13 366 C, 1-4; 485 C, 30–486 C, 3; 522 C, 32–523 C, 19;
Butus:802 C, 1-6 528 C, 32–529 C, 10; 532 C, 7-25; 574 C, 20-30; 674 C,
Byblus:755 C, 20–756 C, 4 7–675 C, 6; 819 C, 22-29; 819 C, 33–821 C, 11. See also
Byllionians:326 C, 14-20 Augustus Caesar, Augustus
Byrchanis:291 C, 11-16 Caesar (= Julius):160 C, 32-35; 161 C, 29-32; 180 C, 21-30;
Byrebistas:298 C, 5-12; 303 C, 33–304 C, 15; 304 C, 27-29; 181 C, 13-16; 194 C, 32–195 C, 9; 200 C, 18-28; 796 C,
762 C, 18-30 28–797 C, 13
Byrsa:832 C, 13-24; 833 C, 9-14 Caesar (= Tiberius):167 C, 10-14; 167 C, 24-29; 534 C,
By-the-Well:771 C, 31–772 C, 11 25–535 C, 3; 793 C, 27–794 C, 4; 840 C, 9-29. See also
Byzacians:131 C, 11-19 Tiberius (Caesar)
Byzantian Temple:319 C, 26-31 Caesar (“deified” = Julius):161 C, 18-25; 177 C, 14-15; 191 C,
Byzantium, Byzantians:21 C, 8-10; 49 C, 26-32; 51 C, 7-22; 193 C, 9-14; 193 C, 18-24; 199 C, 23-30; 213 C, 5-16;
17–52 C, 9; 55 C, 11-19; 63 C, 24-34; 70 C, 31–71 C, 6; 235 C, 33–236 C, 13; 287 C, 25-34; 298 C, 5-12; 381 C,
71 C, 24–72 C, 3; 74 C, 8-13; 106 C, 10-16; 114 C, 18-24; 24–382 C, 4; 547 C, 7-18; 594 C, 18–595 C, 5; 625 C, 1-15;
115 C, 4-30; 115 C, 22-30; 125 C, 2-7; 125 C, 16-23; 134 C, 646 C, 11-17; 648 C, 29–649 C, 10; 657 C, 15–658 C, 4;
15-24; 134 C, 25-30; 134 C, 37–135 C, 11; 135 C, 15-18; 792 C, 1-15; 828 C, 27-34; 831 C, 19-34; 833 C, 29-33
318 C, 28–319 C, 2; 320 C, 6–321 C, 2; 332 C, 13-16; Caesaraugusta:151 C, 15-27; 161 C, 11-15; 162 C, 26-32
541 C, 17-27; 545 C, 14–546 C, 2; 563 C, 10-15; 566 C, Caesaria:831 C, 11-19
6-18; 576 C, 4-16; 583 C, 34–584 C, 11; 655 C, 29–656 C, Caesar’s provinces:840 C, 9-13; 840 C, 26-28
11; 677 C, 24-32 Caesena:216 C, 30–217 C, 5
Byzerians:549 C, 1-10 Caieta bay:233 C, 31-34
Caietas:367 C, 8-14
Calabria, Calabrians:277 C, 26-33; 282 C, 1-5
C Calachane/Calachene:503 C, 24-30; 530 C, 18–531 C, 1;

736 C, 13–737 C, 2
Calaguris:161 C, 18-25
Cabaeum:64 C, 8-20 Calamis:319 C, 3-10
Cabalis:629 C, 22–630 C, 9; 630 C, 15-19; 630 C, 26–631 C, 18 Calanus:686 C, 10-16; 714 C, 34–716 C, 4; 716 C, 28–717 C,
Caballa:529 C, 31–530 C, 12 8; 717 C, 21–718 C, 14
Caballio:178 C, 35–179 C, 9; 185 C, 11-19 Calapis:314 C, 9-14
Cabesus:600 C, 24–601 C, 4 Calasarna:254 C, 14-18
Cabira:556 C, 11-25; 556 C, 11–557 C, 13 Calatia:248 C, 31–249 C, 11; 282 C, 26–283 C, 8
Cabiro:472 C, 31–473 C, 5 Calauria:124 C, 11-15; 369 C, 3-7; 373 C, 28–374 C, 5; 374 C, 9-16
Cabyllinum:192 C, 18-21 Calbis:651 C, 14-24
Cadena:537 C, 5-11 Calchas:284 C, 11-19; 570 C, 16-25; 642 C, 21–643 C, 9;
Cadi:576 C, 20-25 668 C, 1-6; 675 C, 19–676 C, 5
Cadma:636 C, 19-25 Cale Peuce:602 C, 38–603 C, 12
Cadmia:321 C, 3-14; 401 C, 13-19; 412 C, 11-23 Cales:237 C, 18-22; 249 C, 12-16
Cadmus (mythical character):321 C, 3-14; 326 C, 21-25; Caletans:189 C, 5-11; 194 C, 15-18
401 C, 13-19; 446 C, 33–447 C, 4; 680 C, 9-24 Callaicians:152 C, 18-25; 152 C, 27-35; 155 C, 25-30; 157 C,
Cadmus (writer):18 C, 5-13 1-14; 162 C, 11-18; 164 C, 8-11; 166 C, 29–167 C, 10
Caduchians:747 C, 10-20 Callas:445 C, 33–446 C, 8
Cadurcians:190 C, 30–191 C, 6 Callatis:318 C, 14-18; 319 C, 3-18; 542 C, 31–543 C, 6
Cadusia, Cadusians:507 C, 6-13; 508 C, 10-26; 510 C, Calliarus:426 C, 19-22
26–511 C, 8; 513 C, 30–514 C, 7; 523 C, 26-34; 524 C, Callias:618 C, 16-27
23–525 C, 2 Callicolona:597 C, 25–598 C, 6
Caecias:29 C, 10-16 Callidromum:428 C, 10-14
Caecilius Bassus:752 C, 31–753 C, 10 Callimachus:44 C, 25-34; 46 C, 1-13; 215 C, 30–216 C, 5;
Caecubum:231 C, 24-30; 233 C, 31-34 299 C, 19-23; 347 C, 3-16; 354 C, 1-2; 397 C, 9-18; 437 C,
Caecus:571 C, 17-25; 572 C, 2-14; 576 C, 20-25; 581 C, 36–438 C, 8; 479 C, 2-8; 484 C, 19-28; 638 C, 19–639 C,
13–582 C, 14; 606 C, 33–607 C, 6; 611 C, 24–612 C, 8; 2; 805 C, 20-31; 837 C, 4-23; 837 C, 29–838 C, 8
615 C, 2-7; 615 C, 18–616 C, 22; 620 C, 8-21; 622 C, 1-15; Callinus:604 C, 20-36; 627 C, 23-30; 633 C, 20-31; 647 C,
624 C, 31-33; 691 C, 9-17 30–648 C, 5
993
Calliope:472 C, 13-20 163 C, 33–164 C, 8; 164 C, 27–165 C, 2; 165 C, 13-30;

Callipadians:550 C, 9-15 166 C, 29–167 C, 10; 287 C, 25-34
Callipolis:272 C, 27-32; 589 C, 9-23 Cantharium:639 C, 3-14
Callista:347 C, 3-16; 837 C, 4-15 Cantium:63 C, 14-23; 193 C, 9-14; 199 C, 10-22
Callisthenes:362 C, 13-22; 517 C, 20–518 C, 4; 531 C, 1-15; Canusium, Canusites:282 C, 26–283 C, 8; 283 C, 28-34
542 C, 17-30; 588 C, 3-18; 594 C, 18-29; 611 C, 10-23; Capedunum:318 C, 6-13
626 C, 33–627 C, 14; 627 C, 23-30; 635 C, 25-28; 667 C, Caphereus:368 C, 27–369 C, 1
14-33; 668 C, 1-6; 680 C, 9-24; 790 C, 9-21; 813 C, Caphyans:388 C, 28-36
31–814 C, 22 Capitulum:237 C, 33–238 C, 12
Callydium:574 C, 20-30 Cappadocia, Cappadocians:74 C, 16-24; 129 C, 27–130 C,
Calpas:543 C, 7-19 3; 175 C, 18-22; 187 C, 21-27; 288 C, 4-16; 490 C,
Calpe:51 C, 25-32; 108 C, 28–109 C, 5; 139 C, 29–140 C, 13–491 C, 5; 492 C, 10-16; 511 C, 28–512 C, 10; 520 C,
7; 140 C, 13-19; 141 C, 3-9; 148 C, 27-36; 156 C, 14-37; 32–521 C, 6; 521 C, 13-20; 522 C, 4-14; 525 C, 22-29;
168 C, 28–169 C, 5; 169 C, 29–170 C, 20 526 C, 34–527 C, 15; 533 C, 5–540 C, 29; 542 C, 17-30;
Calus Limen:308 C, 15-23 544 C, 5-14; 546 C, 30–547 C, 6; 547 C, 7-18; 552 C,
Calyba:320 C, 24-28 31–553 C, 6; 554 C, 24–555 C, 2; 568 C, 25–569 C,
Calycadnus:626 C, 33–627 C, 14; 670 C, 9–671 C, 7; 671 C, 10; 663 C, 19–664 C, 4; 677 C, 33–679 C, 10; 679 C,
33–672 C, 9 28–680 C, 9; 733 C, 7-16; 737 C, 3-8; 742 C, 10-26. See
Calydna:603 C, 30–604 C, 12 also Great, Taurean Cappadocia; Pontic, Euxine Cap-
Calydnae islands:488 C, 11-15; 489 C, 16-24 padocia; Pontus (kingdom)
Calydnians:603 C, 30–604 C, 12 Capreae/Capriae:22 C, 25-31; 59 C, 34–60 C, 7; 122 C,
Calydon:427 C, 3-10; 447 C, 26-30; 450 C, 23–451 C, 7; 34–123 C, 9; 247 C, 18-23; 248 C, 26-29; 258 C, 12-20
451 C, 8-16; 459 C, 31–460 C, 11; 460 C, 22-26; 462 C, Capria:667 C, 14-33
31–463 C, 7; 465 C, 26–466 C, 7 Caprus (Mesopotamia):737 C, 34–738 C, 4
Calymna:489 C, 16-27 Caprus (Phrygia):578 C, 19-24
Calynda:651 C, 14-24 Capsa:831 C, 26-34
Camarina:266 C, 6-19; 272 C, 5-10 Capua:236 C, 29–237 C, 4; 242 C, 21-30; 248 C, 31–249 C,
Camarinum/Camertes:227 C, 7-12; 227 C, 32-36 11; 250 C, 30–251 C, 6; 282 C, 26–283 C, 8
Cambisene:501 C, 13-21; 502 C, 27–503 C, 6; 528 C, 9-20 Capyae:608 C, 7-14
Cambodunum:206 C, 13-26 Caralis:224 C, 34–225 C, 8
Cambyses:472 C, 31–473 C, 5; 736 C, 3-11; 789 C, 32–790 C, Carambis:124 C, 32–125 C, 2; 125 C, 7-16; 309 C, 12-21;
8; 805 C, 7-19; 815 C, 28–816 C, 5 496 C, 26–497 C, 4; 545 C, 2-13; 546 C, 2-20
Camertes. See Camarinum/Camertes Carana, Caranitis:560 C, 5-11
Camici:272 C, 34–273 C, 2; 279 C, 3-11 Caranus:753 C, 20-28
Camillus:472 C, 31–473 C, 5 Carbo (Gnaeus):214 C, 24-28
Camirus:653 C, 9-33; 655 C, 3-16 Carcathiocerta:527 C, 17-29
Camisa:559 C, 28–560 C, 5 Carchedonia (region of Carthage):131 C, 11-19
Camisene:546 C, 21-25; 559 C, 28–560 C, 5 Carchedonia (region of New Carthage):161 C, 1-10
Campania:231 C, 19-23; 232 C, 34–233 C, 7; 237 C, 18-22; Carcinitian bay:307 C, 6-10; 310 C, 30–311 C, 7
240 C, 22-27; 242 C, 11–251 C, 14; 282 C, 26–283 C, 11 Cardamyla:359 C, 2-14; 360 C, 4-10; 360 C, 17-23; 360 C,
Campsianians/Campsanians:291 C, 7-10; 291 C, 23–292 C, 10 30–361 C, 3
Campus Martius:235 C, 33–236 C, 25; 249 C, 17-32 Carenitis:528 C, 21-31
Camunians:206 C, 7-13 Caresene:602 C, 31-37; 603 C, 13-21
Cana:615 C, 2-7 Caresus:554 C, 12-24; 595 C, 9-20; 602 C, 31–603 C, 21
Canae:446 C, 8-15; 581 C, 13–582 C, 3; 583 C, 34–584 C, 11; Caria, Carians:6 C, 10-16; 61 C, 16-29; 65 C, 17–66 C, 3;
606 C, 18-27; 606 C, 33–607 C, 6; 615 C, 8-17; 616 C, 87 C, 29–88 C, 5; 92 C, 29–93 C, 6; 114 C, 18-24; 124 C,
23–617 C, 14 16-24; 126 C, 3-11; 129 C, 27–130 C, 3; 134 C, 12-14; 321 C,
Canaea:615 C, 8-17 21–322 C, 5; 370 C, 13-17; 374 C, 22-32; 383 C, 19-27;
Candavia:323 C, 3-8; 327 C, 6-12 397 C, 19-27; 520 C, 32–521 C, 6; 534 C, 8-20; 550 C,
Canethus:447 C, 4-13 9-15; 561 C, 33–562 C, 9; 570 C, 4-15; 572 C, 21-30;
Canidius:500 C, 27–501 C, 4 573 C, 1-13; 573 C, 27–574 C, 13; 576 C, 26-33; 577 C,
Cannae:285 C, 21-28 20-31; 578 C, 24-30; 583 C, 34–584 C, 11; 611 C, 3-23;
Canobic Gate:795 C, 16-27; 800 C, 14-20 619 C, 30-41; 628 C, 31–630 C, 9; 632 C, 1-17; 635 C,
Canobic mouth:64 C, 8-20; 84 C, 26–85 C, 5; 85 C, 27-33; 31–636 C, 4; 637 C, 13-23; 640 C, 10-20; 647 C, 4-6;
91 C, 9-15; 786 C, 26-27; 788 C, 22-28; 790 C, 29–791 C, 648 C, 29–649 C, 10; 650 C, 33–651 C, 14; 655 C,
9; 791 C, 14-21; 800 C, 26–801 C, 1; 801 C, 14-34 29–664 C, 4; 665 C, 16-19; 675 C, 19–676 C, 5; 677 C,
Canobus (person):801 C, 2-13 33–678 C, 16
Canobus (place):85 C, 27-33; 666 C, 11-19; 788 C, 10-21; Cariatae:517 C, 20–518 C, 4
800 C, 14-20; 800 C, 26–801 C, 23 Carmalas:537 C, 1-11; 538 C, 31–539 C, 9
Canopa:460 C, 18-22 Carmania:78 C, 18–79 C, 3; 80 C, 1-8; 80 C, 31–81 C, 30;
Canopus:119 C, 24-31 84 C, 26–85 C, 5; 86 C, 12–87 C, 15; 89 C, 14-21; 130 C,
Cantabria, Cantabrians:153 C, 18-23; 155 C, 25-30; 156 C, 6-14; 133 C, 32–134 C, 2; 516 C, 1-11; 712 C, 4-8; 720 C,
5-13; 157 C, 1-14; 159 C, 15-18; 161 C, 1-10; 162 C, 11-18; 8-24; 721 C, 28-34; 723 C, 12-14; 723 C, 15-24; 723 C,
994
26–724 C, 6; 724 C, 16-23; 725 C, 16-21; 726 C, 18–727 C, 497 C, 34–498 C, 6; 499 C, 35–500 C, 11; 501 C, 13-21;
27; 729 C, 31–730 C, 7; 739 C, 1-8; 744 C, 7-9; 765 C, 503 C, 24-30; 506 C, 16-32; 506 C, 33–520 C, 21; 512 C,
27–766 C, 6; 766 C, 25-32 26–513 C, 1; 522 C, 32–523 C, 19; 524 C, 23–525 C, 2;
Carmel:758 C, 31–759 C, 9 526 C, 34–527 C, 9; 527 C, 29–528 C, 9; 529 C, 11-30;
Carmenta:230 C, 23-33 531 C, 1-15
Carmo:141 C, 22-32 Caspiana:502 C, 27–503 C, 6; 513 C, 30–514 C, 7; 528 C, 21-31
Carmylessus:665 C, 20-30 Caspians:517 C, 5-19; 520 C, 14-21
Carna, Carana:768 C, 7-14 Cassander:398 C, 3-14
Carneades:837 C, 29–838 C, 8 Cassandra:264 C, 12-18; 600 C, 24–601 C, 4
Carneates:382 C, 16-25 Cassiopa:324 C, 11-16
Carnians:206 C, 13-26; 207 C, 4-7; 207 C, 26-33; 216 C, Cassiopia:134 C, 31–135 C, 11
6-10; 292 C, 25-31; 314 C, 24-30 Cassius:751 C, 35–752 C, 7
Carnutans:193 C, 30-34 Cassopaeans:321 C, 15-20; 324 C, 5-11; 324 C, 21-28; 325 C,
Carpasia:682 C, 12-27 8-12
Carpasian islands:682 C, 27–683 C, 5 Castabala:534 C, 25–535 C, 3; 537 C, 22–538 C, 5
Carpathian sea:124 C, 16-24; 488 C, 8-15; 681 C, 33–682 C, 1 Castalian spring:418 C, 12-20
Carpathos:488 C, 24-29; 489 C, 6-11 Castellum:241 C, 3-14
Carpetania, Carpetanians:139 C, 1-9; 141 C, 3-9; 142 C, Casthanaea:443 C, 10-18
16-21; 152 C, 14-25; 152 C, 27-35; 162 C, 11-26 Castor Saocondarius:567 C, 24–568 C, 7
Carrhae:747 C, 3-10 Castrum:240 C, 27–241 C, 3
Carseoli:238 C, 13-15 Castrum Novum:241 C, 3-14
Carsuli:227 C, 25-32 Castulo:142 C, 4-9; 148 C, 7-16; 152 C, 25-26; 160 C, 18-32;
Carta:508 C, 27–509 C, 3 166 C, 21-24
Cartalia:159 C, 11-15 Casystes:644 C, 23-36
Carteia:141 C, 22-32; 145 C, 5-18; 151 C, 13-14 Catabathmus:790 C, 29–791 C, 9; 798 C, 28–799 C, 5;
Carthaea:486 C, 19-24 824 C, 26–825 C, 5; 838 C, 9-19; 838 C, 19-23
Carthage, Carthaginians:10 C, 6-20; 64 C, 8-20; 66 C, Catacecaumene:576 C, 20-25; 579 C, 10-21; 625 C,
23-31; 92 C, 29–93 C, 13; 119 C, 31–120 C, 3; 122 C, 16-23; 25–626 C, 10; 626 C, 33–627 C, 14; 628 C, 14-30
122 C, 23-31; 130 C, 35–131 C, 7; 131 C, 19-25; 133 C, Catana:240 C, 9-19; 247 C, 6-17; 266 C, 6-19; 266 C, 28-34;
29–134 C, 12; 151 C, 1-13; 158 C, 7-21; 224 C, 34–225 C, 267 C, 18-22; 267 C, 34–268 C, 10; 268 C, 18–269 C, 19;
8; 253 C, 19-22; 267 C, 5-14; 267 C, 34–268 C, 10; 270 C, 272 C, 1-4; 272 C, 23-27; 274 C, 26-29
15-24; 272 C, 5-10; 278 C, 7-18; 287 C, 4-24; 288 C, Catanaea:628 C, 14-30
1-4; 385 C, 13-24; 387 C, 11-15; 575 C, 24-30; 668 C, Cataonia, Cataonians:130 C, 4-6; 134 C, 12-14; 520 C,
26–669 C, 5; 802 C, 17-28; 824 C, 26–825 C, 5; 830 C, 32–521 C, 6; 528 C, 21-31; 533 C, 5–534 C, 7; 534 C,
1-10; 831 C, 19-26; 832 C, 1–834 C, 13; 836 C, 10-19 25–535 C, 3; 535 C, 12– 537 C, 5; 675 C, 19–676 C, 5;
Carura:578 C, 24-30; 580 C, 6-10; 663 C, 19-33 678 C, 17-31; 679 C, 28–680 C, 9
Caryanda:658 C, 4-12 Cataractes:667 C, 14-33
Carystus (Euboea):416 C, 2-10; 446 C, 16-21 Cathaea:699 C, 18–702 C, 2
Carystus (Laconia):446 C, 21-25 Cato (Marcus):514 C, 36–515 C, 3; 674 C, 7-13; 684 C,
Casiana:752 C, 23-31 24–685 C, 5; 836 C, 29-34
Casilinum:236 C, 29–237 C, 4; 237 C, 18-22; 237 C, Catopterius:423 C, 32–424 C, 2
33–238 C, 12; 248 C, 31–249 C, 11; 282 C, 26–283 C, 8 Catorigians:204 C, 8-14
Casinum:237 C, 13-22 Cattabanians:768 C, 7-26
Casium (Pelusium):38 C, 25-30; 50 C, 12-24; 55 C, 33–56 C, Cattiterides:120 C, 3-9; 129 C, 4-9; 147 C, 21-28; 175 C, 25-31
5; 58 C, 24-32; 741 C, 25–742 C, 3; 758 C, 15-30; Catus (Aelius):303 C, 19-31
759 C, 9-18; 759 C, 33–760 C, 10; 760 C, 17-23; 796 C, Caucasus:68 C, 9-17; 74 C, 32–75 C, 10; 75 C, 24-31; 85 C,
28–797 C, 6 27–86 C, 10; 91 C, 9-15; 107 C, 22-32; 117 C, 35–118 C,
Casium (Seleucia):750 C, 11-24; 751 C, 31-35 14; 129 C, 22-26; 134 C, 12-14; 182 C, 34–183 C, 12;
Casos:488 C, 11-15; 489 C, 12-20; 489 C, 20-24 492 C, 20-28; 493 C, 8-16; 495 C, 28–496 C, 3; 496 C,
Caspian Gates:60 C, 7-15; 64 C, 8-20; 78 C, 18-30; 79 C, 26–497 C, 4; 497 C, 11-26; 497 C, 34–498 C, 6; 499 C,
20-32; 80 C, 16-20; 80 C, 31–81 C, 30; 83 C, 3-15; 85 C, 14–500 C, 11; 500 C, 27–501 C, 4; 503 C, 31–504 C, 13;
27–86 C, 10; 86 C, 12–87 C, 15; 89 C, 14-21; 90 C, 11-21; 505 C, 19–506 C, 15; 506 C, 23-32; 510 C, 26–511 C, 8;
91 C, 5-8; 91 C, 15-22; 92 C, 5-7; 134 C, 12-14; 492 C, 10- 519 C, 32–520 C, 10; 526 C, 34–527 C, 9; 528 C, 9-20;
16; 505 C, 10-18; 508 C, 27–509 C, 3; 514 C, 8-22; 514 C, 687 C, 31–688 C, 14; 689 C, 3-17; 689 C, 32–690 C, 18
24-36; 520 C, 22-32; 521 C, 26–522 C, 4; 522 C, 14-27; Caucians:291 C, 7-10
524 C, 23–525 C, 15; 526 C, 12-20; 720 C, 8-14; 723 C, Caucon:342 C, 6-18; 387 C, 28–388 C, 3
15-24; 723 C, 26–724 C, 6; 724 C, 16-23; 727 C, 21-27; Caucon (person):345 C, 1-5
744 C, 10-13 Cauconia, Cauconians (Asia):541 C, 17-27; 542 C, 4-30; 572 C,
Caspian sea, Hyrcanian sea:65 C, 13-17; 68 C, 18-29; 70 C, 21-30; 619 C, 30-41; 677 C, 33–678 C, 16; 680 C, 9-24
31–71 C, 6; 74 C, 23-32; 91 C, 9-15; 91 C, 27–92 C, 7; Cauconia, Cauconians (Greece):321 C, 3-14; 322 C, 5-13;
93 C, 28–94 C, 8; 119 C, 10-17; 121 C, 16-21; 129 C, 16-22; 337 C, 10-17; 342 C, 6-10; 342 C, 18-37; 345 C, 1-5; 345 C,
129 C, 16–130 C, 3; 294 C, 15-34; 306 C, 21-24; 491 C, 6–346 C, 10; 353 C, 6-10; 366 C, 38–367 C, 7; 387 C,
12-23; 491 C, 32–492 C, 16; 492 C, 10-16; 497 C, 11-18; 28–388 C, 3
995
Caudium:248 C, 31–249 C, 11; 282 C, 26–283 C, 8 Cephalo:589 C, 24-33

Caudus:838 C, 9-19 Cephaloedis:272 C, 10-16
Caulcians:291 C, 7-10; 291 C, 23–292 C, 10 Cephaloedium:266 C, 6-19
Caulonia:261 C, 13-16 Cephalus:452 C, 15-24; 455 C, 35–456 C, 9; 459 C, 8-15;
Caunus:651 C, 14–652 C, 5 461 C, 5-13
Cavarians:185 C, 11-28; 186 C, 22-31 Cephenians:42 C, 24-33
Cayster:440 C, 17-32; 621 C, 21-24; 627 C, 15-22; 641 C, Cephisia:397 C, 19-27
24–642 C, 1; 642 C, 12-20; 650 C, 10-16; 691 C, 9-17 Cephissis:407 C, 32–408 C, 4; 410 C, 29–411 C, 7
Caystrian plain:620 C, 27–621 C, 10; 625 C, 25–626 C, 10; Cephissus (Apollonia):424 C, 29-33
629 C, 11-21 Cephissus (Argos):424 C, 29-33
Caystrius:627 C, 23-30; 650 C, 10-16 Cephissus (Athens):424 C, 29-33
Cebren(e):596 C, 24-31; 604 C, 13-19; 607 C, 6-19 Cephissus (Attica):400 C, 3-9
Cebrenia:596 C, 24–597 C, 25 Cephissus (Phocis, Boeotia):404 C, 36–405 C, 9; 406 C,
Cebrenians (Asia):606 C, 6-18 27–407 C, 3; 407 C, 19-31; 424 C, 11-26; 424 C, 29-33
Cebrenians (Thrace):590 C, 23-33 Cephissus (Salamis):424 C, 29-33
Cebriones (person):596 C, 31–597 C, 7 Cephissus (Scyros):424 C, 29-33
Cecropia:397 C, 19-27 Cephissus (Sicyon):424 C, 29-33
Cecrops:321 C, 3-14; 397 C, 1-8; 397 C, 19-27; 407 C, 3-11 Cephisus:590 C, 3-22
Ceians:448 C, 1-11; 517 C, 5-19 Cepi:494 C, 29–495 C, 5
Celaenae:577 C, 32–578 C, 7; 616 C, 11-22; 628 C, 31–629 C, Ceramus:656 C, 12-23
11 Cerasus:548 C, 19-25
Celaeno:579 C, 10-21 Cerata:395 C, 7-12
Celenderis:669 C, 32–670 C, 8; 760 C, 11-16 Ceraunians (Caucasus):501 C, 13-21; 503 C, 31–504 C, 13
Celossa:382 C, 16-25 Ceraunians (Epirus):21 C, 1-8; 105 C, 24-33; 281 C, 11-18;
Celsa:161 C, 11-15 283 C, 12-16; 285 C, 7-12; 316 C, 30–317 C, 6; 318 C,
Celtiberia, Celtiberians:33 C, 9-17; 142 C, 16-21; 148 C, 28–319 C, 2; 324 C, 5-16; 326 C, 14-20; 390 C, 8-21
12-16; 151 C, 15-27; 152 C, 14-17; 152 C, 27-35; 153 C, 11-23; Cerberus:363 C, 10-21
158 C, 7-21; 161 C, 18-25; 162 C, 5–167 C, 14 Cerbesians:580 C, 11–581 C, 1
Celtica, Celtic people:7 C, 23–8 C, 1; 10 C, 24-29; 33 C, Cercaphus:654 C, 9-18
9-17; 34 C, 4-10; 63 C, 14-23; 64 C, 20-26; 71 C, 30–72 C, Cercesura:806 C, 31–807 C, 3
15; 73 C, 28-35; 74 C, 8–75 C, 19; 93 C, 25-28; 115 C, 9-21; Cerceteus:488 C, 2-8
122 C, 16-23; 127 C, 26–128 C, 16; 137 C, 9-20; 139 C, Cercetians:492 C, 20-28; 496 C, 26–497 C, 4
1-9; 148 C, 27-36; 153 C, 28-34; 155 C, 14-24; 159 C, 29– Cercina/Cercinna: 123 C, 13-21; 831 C, 26-34; 834 C,
160 C, 4; 161 C, 1-10; 161 C, 33–162 C, 4; 163 C, 33–164 C, 22-33
8; 165 C, 2-4; 176 C, 9–199 C, 22; 199 C, 31–201 C, 2; Cercinnitis:834 C, 22-24
201 C, 8-12; 203 C, 29–204 C, 4; 208 C, 5-8; 211 C, 12-15; Cercitians:548 C, 27-34
212 C, 1-17; 212 C, 31–213 C, 5; 217 C, 5-12; 217 C, 30-33; Cereatae:237 C, 33–238 C, 12
218 C, 15-19; 218 C, 21-24; 226 C, 27–227 C, 4; 227 C, Cereus:449 C, 17-24
12-20; 240 C, 27–241 C, 3; 287 C, 4-18; 287 C, 25-34; Cerilli:255 C, 7-13
289 C, 1–290 C, 12; 292 C, 16-25; 293 C, 8-22; 295 C, Cerinthus:445 C, 19-25; 446 C, 8-15
36–296 C, 7; 301 C, 29–302 C, 4; 303 C, 33–304 C, 6; Cerne:47 C, 25–48 C, 2
312 C, 29–313 C, 4; 314 C, 31–315 C, 3; 566 C, 31–567 C, Cerretanians:161 C, 33–162 C, 4
10; 840 C, 13-26 Cerynia:387 C, 2-11; 387 C, 16-24
Celtoscythians:33 C, 9-17 Cestrus:571 C, 6-17; 667 C, 14-33
Cemmenum:128 C, 3-24; 146 C, 17-19; 176 C, 18–177 C, Cetians:615 C, 27–616 C, 10; 620 C, 8-21; 677 C, 33–678 C,
14; 177 C, 25–178 C, 9; 178 C, 12-18; 181 C, 28–182 C, 16; 680 C, 9-24
2; 182 C, 8-13; 185 C, 11-19; 185 C, 28-32; 187 C, 16-21; Ceutronians:204 C, 8-14; 208 C, 5-8
189 C, 11-17; 189 C, 25-34; 191 C, 14-22; 208 C, 8-14 Chaa:348 C, 4-14
Cenabum:191 C, 7-14 Chaalla:782 C, 8-18
Cenaeum:60 C, 16-35; 426 C, 6-11; 429 C, 10-14; 435 C, Chabaca:548 C, 9-14
5-14; 444 C, 12-18; 446 C, 8-15 Chabrias village:803 C, 13-24
Cenchreae:54 C, 23-31; 56 C, 18-25; 369 C, 10-17; 380 C, Chabum:312 C, 3-6
4-7; 380 C, 7-19 Chaeremon:806 C, 10-18
Cenchrius:639 C, 28–640 C, 9 Chaeronia, Chaeronians:407 C, 19-26; 413 C, 21-23; 414 C,
Centaurs:346 C, 29–347 C, 3 1-10; 424 C, 11-22
Centoripa:272 C, 1-4; 273 C, 26–274 C, 4 Chalcedon:320 C, 17-23; 541 C, 17-27; 543 C, 7-19; 563 C,
Ceos:485 C, 23-30; 486 C, 19-31 10-25; 566 C, 6-18; 609 C, 23–610 C, 7
Cephalae:835 C, 5-24; 836 C, 6-10; 836 C, 20-28 Chalcedonia, Chalcedonians:320 C, 6-23; 563 C,
Cephallenia, Cephallenians:124 C, 3-10; 335 C, 12-19; 16-25
337 C, 33–338 C, 11; 342 C, 38–343 C, 5; 394 C, 15-28; Chalcedonian Temple:319 C, 26-31; 563 C, 16-25
451 C, 34–452 C, 15; 452 C, 34–454 C, 13; 455 C, Chalcetor:658 C, 26–659 C, 5
26–458 C, 14; 461 C, 1-13; 637 C, 13-23 Chalcetores:635 C, 31–636 C, 4
Cephallenian strait:350 C, 19–351 C, 6 Chalcia:488 C, 11-15; 488 C, 24-29
996
Chalcidian Euripus:10 C, 6-20 Cherronesus (Iberia):159 C, 11-15

Chalcidian strait:55 C, 11-19 Cherronesus (Syria):752 C, 8-22
Chalcidice (Syria):753 C, 13-19 Cherronesus (Thracian):92 C, 23-29; 108 C, 24-28; 124 C,
Chalcidis:644 C, 8-22 24-28; 129 C, 4-9; 459 C, 18-25; 589 C, 9-23; 590 C,
Chalcis (in Syria, nr. Apamia):755 C, 20-29 34–591 C, 8; 591 C, 25-29; 595 C, 9-20; 595 C, 28-34
Chalcis (in Syria, “subject to Ptolemy”):752 C, 31–753 C, 10 Chersicrates:269 C, 20–270 C, 4
Chalcis (place in Aetolia):427 C, 3-10; 447 C, 26-30; 450 C, Chersiphron:640 C, 21–641 C, 5
32–451 C, 16 Cheruscians:291 C, 7-10; 291 C, 23–292 C, 10
Chalcis (place in Elia):343 C, 28-35 Chians:621 C, 11-20
Chalcis (river in Elia):343 C, 28-35; 350 C, 19–351 C, 22; Chiliocomum plain:561 C, 5-23
447 C, 26-30 Chimaera (gorge):665 C, 20-30; 666 C, 8-10
Chalcis/Chalcia (mountain in Aetolia):450 C, 32–451 C, Chimaera (mythical character):665 C, 20-30
16; 459 C, 31–460 C, 10 Chimerium:324 C, 21-28
Chalcis, Chalcidians (Euboea):40 C, 23-34; 243 C, 12-17; Chios:124 C, 16-24; 482 C, 19-27; 488 C, 16-23; 589 C, 9-23;
246 C, 4-15; 247 C, 29–248 C, 6; 257 C, 13-28; 267 C, 601 C, 5-24; 619 C, 11-12; 632 C, 5-17; 633 C, 10-19;
22-33; 403 C, 23-29; 404 C, 8-11; 428 C, 29–429 C, 645 C, 10-31; 657 C, 15–658 C, 4
2; 444 C, 18–445 C, 9; 446 C, 33–449 C, 30; 452 C, Chirocrates:641 C, 5-14
34–453 C, 6; 465 C, 19-26 Chloris:347 C, 3-16
Chaldaeans (Babylonia):686 C, 25–687 C, 8; 739 C, 9-28; Choarene:725 C, 6-16
765 C, 12-21; 766 C, 6-19; 767 C, 15-21 Choaspes (India):697 C, 4-17
Chaldaeans (Black Sea):548 C, 27-34; 549 C, 11–549 C, 30; Choaspes (Susa):47 C, 18-24; 728 C, 25–729 C, 5; 729 C,
551 C, 34-37; 555 C, 6-14; 555 C, 31–556 C, 8 22-31
Chaldaeans (wise men):23 C, 28–24 C, 4; 762 C, 18-30; Choerilus:302 C, 26–303 C, 7; 671 C, 33–672 C, 9
806 C, 18-30 Chona:254 C, 6-14
Chalonitis:529 C, 11-30; 736 C, 13–737 C, 2 Chonia, Chonians:253 C, 13-19; 254 C, 30–255 C, 7; 264 C,
Chalybe, Chalybians:528 C, 21-31; 549 C, 11-30; 550 C, 4-8; 1-11; 654 C, 19–655 C, 2
551 C, 25-34; 677 C, 33–679 C, 10 Chorasmians:513 C, 25-29
Chamanene:534 C, 25–535 C, 3; 540 C, 9-13 Chordiraza:747 C, 3-10
Chanes:499 C, 35–500 C, 11 Chorene:514 C, 24-31
Chaonians:323 C, 32–324 C, 11 Chorzene:528 C, 9-20; 528 C, 21-31
Charadra:360 C, 10-16 Chrysa:604 C, 13–605 C, 3; 612 C, 15–613 C, 15; 613 C,
Charadrus:669 C, 20-32 29–614 C, 4
Charax (Cyrnus):224 C, 28-29 Chryseïs:584 C, 31–585 C, 19; 612 C, 24–613 C, 9
Charax (Syrtis):836 C, 10-19 Chryses:612 C, 28–613 C, 9
Charaxus:808 C, 9-25 Chrysippus:301 C, 12-21; 610 C, 18-30; 671 C, 26-32
Chares:499 C, 10-13 Chrysopolis:563 C, 16-25
Charilaus:482 C, 19-27 Chrysorrhoas:755 C, 10-13
Charimortus:774 C, 18-23 Chytum:645 C, 32-36
Charmoleos:165 C, 6-13 Cibotus:795 C, 1-9
Charmothas:777 C, 16-24 Cibyra:630 C, 26–631 C, 18; 664 C, 28–665 C, 9
Charon:582 C, 30–583 C, 7; 589 C, 33–590 C, 2 Cibyratica:650 C, 33–651 C, 14
Charondas:539 C, 16-26 Cibyratis:629 C, 22–630 C, 9
Charybdis:20 C, 23-33; 21 C, 10-13; 25 C, 4-10; 43 C, 21-30; Cicero:455 C, 26-34; 660 C, 15-29; 798 C, 13-27
44 C, 9-19; 268 C, 10-14 Cichyrus:324 C, 21-28
Charybdis (Syria):275 C, 5-19 Cicynethus:436 C, 26-29
Chatramotitans:768 C, 7-26 Cicysium:356 C, 9-23; 357 C, 4-6
Chattians:291 C, 7-10; 291 C, 23–292 C, 10 Cidenas:739 C, 9-19
Chattuarians:291 C, 7-10; 291 C, 23–292 C, 10 Cierus:435 C, 32-39
Chaubians:291 C, 7-10 Cilbian plain:629 C, 11-21
Chaulotaeans:767 C, 22-30 Cilicia (Cappadocia):537 C, 29–539 C, 26
Chazene:736 C, 13–737 C, 2 Cilicia (Cappadocian):534 C, 25–535 C, 3
Chelidonia, Chelidonians:520 C, 32–521 C, 6; 650 C, Cilicia, Cilicians:47 C, 18-24; 48 C, 3-7; 52 C, 29–53 C, 5;
33–651 C, 14; 663 C, 19-33; 666 C, 11-19; 676 C, 61 C, 16-29; 67 C, 14–68 C, 5; 69 C, 8-18; 70 C, 31–71 C,
34–677 C, 15; 677 C, 24-32; 682 C, 2-12 15; 84 C, 26–85 C, 5; 125 C, 25-31; 126 C, 3-11; 130 C, 4-6;
Chelonatas:335 C, 1-8; 337 C, 33–338 C, 11; 342 C, 130 C, 18-24; 387 C, 28–388 C, 3; 417 C, 11-17; 477 C,
38–343 C, 11; 348 C, 1-4; 456 C, 25-31 7-15; 490 C, 13–491 C, 5; 510 C, 26–511 C, 8; 520 C,
Chelonon:773 C, 23-28 32–521 C, 6; 535 C, 12–536 C, 3; 536 C, 20-29; 537 C,
Cherronesus (Alexandria):799 C, 12-20 5-11; 537 C, 18-22; 566 C, 23-30; 569 C, 3-10; 570 C,
Cherronesus (Crete):478 C, 28–479 C, 2; 479 C, 23-26; 4-13; 570 C, 16-25; 572 C, 21-30; 626 C, 33–627 C, 14;
838 C, 9-19 632 C, 1-4; 642 C, 21–643 C, 9; 651 C, 14-24; 664 C, 5-15;
Cherronesus (Crimea):308 C, 7–309 C, 21; 494 C, 8-14; 668 C, 1–677 C, 15; 678 C, 32–679 C, 10; 683 C, 6-16;
542 C, 31–543 C, 6 684 C, 24–685 C, 5; 685 C, 6-10; 736 C, 13–737 C, 2;
Cherronesus (Cyrenaea):838 C, 9-19 749 C, 8-21; 750 C, 11-24; 754 C, 10-27; 760 C, 11-16
997
Cilicia, Cilicians (Homeric):221 C, 5-21; 572 C, 21-30; 586 C, Clanis (Alps):207 C, 7-17
8-11; 605 C, 15–606 C, 18; 611 C, 3-10; 611 C, 24–612 C, Clanis (river):235 C, 6-12
8; 612 C, 24-28; 613 C, 16-18; 615 C, 18–616 C, 10; 619 C, Clanis = Liris:233 C, 26-31
13-29; 626 C, 20–627 C, 14; 667 C, 14-33; 676 C, 29-33; Clarus:642 C, 21–643 C, 9; 668 C, 1-6
680 C, 9-24 Clastidium:217 C, 5-12
Cilicia Trachiotis, Trachiotians, Rough Cilicia:130 C, Claterna:216 C, 30–217 C, 5
18-24; 533 C, 5–534 C, 20; 534 C, 25–535 C, 3; 537 C, Claudius Pulcher (Publius):684 C, 24–685 C, 5
29–538 C, 5; 540 C, 27-29; 568 C, 25–569 C, 2; 664 C, Clautenatians:206 C, 13-26
5-27; 667 C, 14-33; 668 C, 7–671 C, 20; 672 C, 10-22; Clazomenae:58 C, 24-32; 633 C, 10-19; 645 C, 32-36
681 C, 25–682 C, 27 Clazomenians:494 C, 4-7; 644 C, 11-15
Cilician Gates:537 C, 18-22; 539 C, 16-26 Cleandria:602 C, 38–603 C, 12
Cilician sea:84 C, 16-26; 492 C, 10-16; 535 C, 12-19 Cleandridas:264 C, 19-24
Cilician Taurus:533 C, 5–534 C, 7; 535 C, 12-19 Cleanthes (painter):343 C, 24-27
Cilla:612 C, 15-23; 612 C, 28–613 C, 9 Cleanthes (philosopher):610 C, 18-30
Cillaeum (Lesbos):612 C, 15-23 Cleides:682 C, 2-27; 682 C, 27–683 C, 5; 683 C,
Cillaeum (mount):612 C, 15-23 34–684 C, 7
Cillaeus:612 C, 15-23 Cleitor:388 C, 28-36
Cillanian plain:629 C, 11-21 Cleobulus:655 C, 3-10
Cillas:613 C, 16-18 Cleomachus:648 C, 6-15
Cimarus:474 C, 21-30; 475 C, 20-26 Cleombrotus:336 C, 36–337 C, 8
Cimbria, Cimbrians:102 C, 20-22; 193 C, 18-24; 196 C, 14-20; Cleon:574 C, 20-30
214 C, 24-28; 291 C, 7-10; 292 C, 33–294 C, 34 Cleonae, Cleonaeans:377 C, 5-13; 377 C, 20-34; 379 C,
Cimiata, Cimiatene:562 C, 21-31 30–380 C, 3; 382 C, 16-25
Ciminian lake:226 C, 27–227 C, 4 Cleonymus (founder of Heraea):336 C, 36–337 C, 8
Cimmeria, Cimmerians:6 C, 16-23; 20 C, 23-33; 61 C, 16-29; Cleonymus (general):280 C, 20-30
149 C, 11-15; 244 C, 23–245 C, 9; 309 C, 21-26; 494 C, Cleopatra:288 C, 4-16; 325 C, 12-20; 595 C, 20-27; 669 C,
8-14; 511 C, 28–512 C, 10; 552 C, 19-30; 553 C, 21-31; 20-32; 671 C, 8-20; 672 C, 10-22; 684 C, 17–685 C, 5;
573 C, 27-32; 627 C, 23-30; 647 C, 30–648 C, 5 795 C, 16-27; 796 C, 19–797 C, 6
Cimmerica:494 C, 4-7 Cleopatra (Selene):749 C, 21-27; 828 C, 27-34
Cimmericum:494 C, 8-14 Cleopatra (wife of Euergetes):99 C, 3-20
Cimmeris:299 C, 12-18 Cleopatris:780 C, 20-28; 804 C, 19-33
Cimmerium:309 C, 21-26 Cleophanes:566 C, 19-22
Cimolos:484 C, 32-37; 485 C, 23-30 Cleues:582 C, 14-29
Cinaethium:359 C, 34–360 C, 4 Climax (Lycia):666 C, 26–667 C, 2
Cindya:658 C, 4-12 Climax (Syria):755 C, 30–756 C, 4
Cineas:329 C, 15 Clitarchus:223 C, 27–224 C, 3; 293 C, 8-22; 491 C, 23-32;
Cingulum:227 C, 7-12 505 C, 10-18; 718 C, 28-33
Cinnamomophorus:774 C, 6-18 Clusian lake:226 C, 27–227 C, 4
Cinnamonland:62 C, 33–63 C, 9; 72 C, 4-11; 72 C, 18-28; Clusium, Clusina:220 C, 6-10; 226 C, 23-26; 235 C, 6-12
74 C, 14-23; 94 C, 35–95 C, 9; 114 C, 6-11; 118 C, 25-32; Clymene:33 C, 29–34 C, 3
118 C, 36–119 C, 8; 119 C, 10-17; 119 C, 31–120 C, 3; Clypea:277 C, 20-25
132 C, 17–133 C, 2; 779 C, 14-18; 785 C, 13-19; 789 C, Clytaemestra:16 C, 3-12
23–790 C, 8 Cnemides:426 C, 6-18
Cinolis:545 C, 2-13 Cnemis:416 C, 22-30; 425 C, 6-13; 425 C, 22-28
Cinyras:39 C, 33–40 C, 3; 755 C, 30–756 C, 4 Cnidians:275 C, 20-28; 315 C, 24-27
Circaeum:231 C, 19-30; 232 C, 27-33; 233 C, 8-19 Cnidus:119 C, 24-31; 653 C, 9-33; 655 C, 29–656 C, 23;
Circe:21 C, 1-8; 43 C, 21–44 C, 9; 46 C, 18-25; 224 C, 9-13; 806 C, 31–807 C, 3
232 C, 27-33; 395 C, 12-18 Cnopia:404 C, 1-7
Cirphis:416 C, 11-21; 418 C, 12-28 Cnopus:633 C, 10-19
Cirrha:389 C, 25-36; 416 C, 11-30; 418 C, 20–419 C, 2 Cnossus, Cnossians:282 C, 12-18; 476 C, 6&478 C, 20;
Cirta:828 C, 18-27; 832 C, 1-7 479 C, 9-16; 479 C, 23-26; 481 C, 4-12
Cisamus:479 C, 9-16 Cobialus:545 C, 2-13
Cissia:728 C, 3-13 Cobus:61 C, 16-29
Cissians:728 C, 3-13 Cocalus:272 C, 34–273 C, 2; 279 C, 3-11
Cissus:389 C, 37-42 Cocceius:245 C, 4-9
Cisthena (on Megista):666 C, 8-10 Codrus:321 C, 3-14; 392 C, 38–393 C, 11; 653 C, 9-33
Cisthene (Troad):606 C, 33–607 C, 6 Coele Elis:337 C, 33–340 C, 6; 339 C, 31–340 C, 5; 345 C,
Cithaeron:26 C, 31-37; 379 C, 30–380 C, 3; 393 C, 17-21; 12-18; 350 C, 13-19; 354 C, 21-31; 366 C, 38–367 C, 7
404 C, 30-35; 405 C, 13-30; 405 C, 32–406 C, 1; 408 C, Coele Syria, Coelosyrians:133 C, 32–134 C, 2; 741 C,
30-34; 409 C, 3-6; 411 C, 35–412 C, 10 25–742 C, 3; 749 C, 14-21; 749 C, 28–750 C, 4; 753 C,
Citium:682 C, 27–683 C, 5 20-28; 754 C, 32–756 C, 31; 765 C, 12-21; 767 C, 22-30
Cius:562 C, 31–563 C, 3; 563 C, 26-32 Cogaeonum:298 C, 5-12
Cius (person):563 C, 35–564 C, 7 Colapis:207 C, 26-33
998
Colchian sea:491 C, 32–492 C, 9 Coraus’s Hunt:771 C, 22-30

Colchis, Colchians:6 C, 10-16; 14 C, 10-21; 21 C, 1-8; 45 C, Corax:417 C, 11-17; 450 C, 32–451 C, 7
28-36; 46 C, 1-13; 48 C, 3-7; 52 C, 20-29; 57 C, 5-18; 61 C, Corbiana:744 C, 33–745 C, 4
5-15; 68 C, 18-29; 69 C, 8-18; 70 C, 31–71 C, 6; 91 C, 9-15; Corbilo:190 C, 13-17
93 C, 28–94 C, 8; 129 C, 27–130 C, 3; 215 C, 30–216 C, 5; Corcoras:314 C, 9-14
288 C, 4-16; 309 C, 21-26; 491 C, 12-32; 492 C, 20-28; Corcyra:44 C, 25-34; 105 C, 24-33; 106 C, 28-31; 124 C,
496 C, 26–497 C, 4; 497 C, 4-11; 497 C, 18-26; 497 C, 3-10; 269 C, 20–270 C, 4; 299 C, 19-23; 326 C, 28–327 C,
18–499 C, 13; 499 C, 35–500 C, 11; 500 C, 18-27; 503 C, 4; 449 C, 25-30
24-30; 505 C, 19-28; 506 C, 4-15; 526 C, 34–527 C, Corcyra (Black):123 C, 30–124 C, 3; 315 C, 24-27
9; 528 C, 9-20; 531 C, 26–532 C, 7; 533 C, 5–534 C, 7; Corcyraea, Corcyraeans:316 C, 13-20; 324 C, 11-21
540 C, 30–541 C, 14; 541 C, 17-27; 546 C, 30–547 C, 6; Corduba:141 C, 9-18; 141 C, 22-32; 141 C, 35–142 C, 9; 160 C,
548 C, 19-27; 548 C, 27-34; 555 C, 6-14; 555 C, 21-29; 18-32
555 C, 31–556 C, 8; 563 C, 35–564 C, 7 Core:649 C, 25–650 C, 4
Collatia:230 C, 2-10 Coresia:486 C, 19-24; 486 C, 31–487 C, 4
Colline:228 C, 30-33; 234 C, 19-25; 272 C, 16-22 Coressus:633 C, 31–634 C, 5; 640 C, 10-20
Coloe:626 C, 10-19; 627 C, 15-22 Corfinium:238 C, 13-15; 241 C, 15–242 C, 3
Colonae (Erythraea):589 C, 24-33 Corinth, Corinthia, Corinthians:59 C, 1-10; 219 C, 28–
Colonae (nr Ilium):589 C, 24-33; 603 C, 30–604 C, 19 220 C, 6; 269 C, 20–270 C, 4; 316 C, 13-20; 338 C, 6-11;
Colonae (nr Lampsicus):589 C, 24-33 347 C, 26-34; 361 C, 22-32; 372 C, 11-18; 376 C, 24-28;
Colonae (Phocis):589 C, 24-33 377 C, 5-13; 377 C, 27–382 C, 29; 389 C, 37-42; 390 C,
Colonae (Thessaly):589 C, 24-33 1-7; 392 C, 38–393 C, 11; 414 C, 1-7; 428 C, 29–429 C, 2;
Colophon:633 C, 10-19; 634 C, 5-18; 642 C, 21–643 C, 32 452 C, 8-15; 485 C, 30–486 C, 14; 559 C, 8-20; 587 C,
Colossae, Colossenians:576 C, 26-33; 578 C, 8-19 24–588 C, 2; 668 C, 26–669 C, 5; 833 C, 29-33
Colotes:337 C, 26-33 Corinthian gulf:54 C, 23-31; 123 C, 21-29; 124 C, 3-10; 323 C,
Colyttus:65 C, 17-28; 66 C, 8-17 21-31; 324 C, 5-11; 332 C, 17–333 C, 3; 334 C, 10-13; 335 C,
Comana (Great Cappadocia):520 C, 32–521 C, 6; 535 C, 12-22; 335 C, 29–336 C, 13; 350 C, 19–351 C, 6; 380 C,
20–536 C, 3; 537 C, 11-17 7-15; 400 C, 27-37; 409 C, 25-34; 449 C, 36–450 C, 13;
Comana (Pontus):547 C, 19-32; 557 C, 14–559 C, 20; 560 C, 474 C, 16-21
5-11; 574 C, 30–575 C, 8; 796 C, 12-16 Corinthian isthmus:171 C, 1-14; 380 C, 4-19
Comarus:324 C, 28-32 Coriscus:608 C, 28–609 C, 3
Comisene:514 C, 24-31; 528 C, 1-9 Corocondama:494 C, 18–495 C, 5; 496 C, 26–497 C, 4
Commagene, Commagenians:520 C, 32–521 C, 6; 521 C, Corocondamitis:494 C, 29–495 C, 5
13-20; 522 C, 4-14; 526 C, 34–527 C, 15; 527 C, 17-29; Corona:360 C, 23-30; 361 C, 4-14
533 C, 5–534 C, 7; 535 C, 4-11; 678 C, 17-31; 746 C, Coronia (Boeotia):407 C, 19-26; 410 C, 29–411 C, 7; 411 C,
30–747 C, 10; 749 C, 14-27; 751 C, 5-18 10-14; 411 C, 15-29; 414 C, 8-10
Comum:192 C, 31-36; 204 C, 8-18; 206 C, 7-13; 213 C, 5-16 Coronia (Messene):411 C, 27-29
Concordia:214 C, 14-18 Coronia (Thessaly):433 C, 33–434 C, 6
Coniacians (Iberia):156 C, 5-13 Coropassus:663 C, 19-33
Coniacians (India):689 C, 26-31; 690 C, 31-34 Corsian islands:636 C, 25-33
Conisalus:587 C, 24–588 C, 2 Corsica:224 C, 20-28. See also Cyrnus
Coniscans:162 C, 11-18 Corus:499 C, 35–500 C, 11
Conistorgis:141 C, 32-34 Corybissa:473 C, 5-9
Convenians:190 C, 26-29; 191 C, 2-6 Corycian cave (Cilicia):626 C, 33–627 C, 14; 670 C,
Copae:406 C, 27–407 C, 3; 410 C, 29–411 C, 9 31–671 C, 7
Copaïs:59 C, 10-22; 406 C, 27–407 C, 3; 407 C, 19-31; Corycium:417 C, 11-17
407 C, 36–408 C, 4; 410 C, 29–411 C, 7; 411 C, 30-34; Corycus (Cilicia):670 C, 31–671 C, 20; 671 C, 21-25; 683 C,
412 C, 24-31; 412 C, 35–413 C, 8; 415 C, 22-24; 424 C, 6-16
11-22 Corycus (Crete):363 C, 21-22
Cophes:697 C, 4–698 C, 7 Corycus (Erythrae):644 C, 23–645 C, 5
Copiae:263 C, 28-31 Corycus (Lycia):666 C, 20-26
Copratas:729 C, 22-31 Corycus (Pamphylia):667 C, 14-33
Copria:268 C, 10-14 Corydallus:395 C, 12-18; 399 C, 28-31
Coptus:781 C, 16-21; 782 C, 19-26; 815 C, 6-17; 815 C, 17-27 Coryphantis:606 C, 33–607 C, 6
Cora (goddess):98 C, 17-21; 198 C, 31–199 C, 3; 256 C, Coryphasium:339 C, 20-27; 348 C, 1-4; 348 C, 27-31; 351 C,
14-20; 344 C, 16-24 15-22; 359 C, 15-21
Cora (Italy):237 C, 23-33 Cos, Coans:124 C, 16-24; 374 C, 22-32; 488 C, 2-8; 488 C,
Coracesium:667 C, 14-33; 668 C, 17-26; 669 C, 20–670 C, 8 11-23; 488 C, 30–489 C, 5; 489 C, 20-24; 573 C, 14-26;
Coracium:643 C, 23-32 653 C, 9-33; 654 C, 19–655 C, 2; 657 C, 12–658 C, 4;
Coracius’s territory:771 C, 13-21 685 C, 20–686 C, 9; 700 C, 28–701 C, 2
Coralis:568 C, 15-25 Cosa:237 C, 13-18
Coralius:411 C, 16-26 Coscinia:650 C, 17-23
Corallians:318 C, 18-24 Cosentia:256 C, 3-20
Corassians:488 C, 2-8 Cossa/Cossae:222 C, 3-8; 225 C, 25–226 C, 8
999
Cossaea, Cossaeans:522 C, 4-14; 524 C, 15-23; 741 C, 10-22; Crinagoras:617 C, 30–618 C, 4

744 C, 10-20 Crisa:265 C, 14-19; 416 C, 11-21; 418 C, 20–419 C, 7
Cossaeans (mountains):742 C, 4-10 Crisaean gulf/sea:259 C, 10-19; 323 C, 21-31; 334 C, 25-28;
Cossura/Cossurus:122 C, 34–123 C, 9; 277 C, 20-25; 834 C, 335 C, 29–336 C, 13; 379 C, 30–380 C, 3; 390 C, 8-21;
1-8; 834 C, 14-18 400 C, 23-37; 405 C, 13-30; 405 C, 32–406 C, 1; 409 C,
Coteis:825 C, 25–829 C, 9; 827 C, 31–828 C, 3 13-17; 409 C, 25-34; 410 C, 22-28; 416 C, 11-21; 417 C,
Cotho:832 C, 13-24; 833 C, 9-14 18-27
Cothus:321 C, 3-14; 446 C, 33–447 C, 4 Crisaean plain:418 C, 20-28; 427 C, 10-13
Cotiaeium:576 C, 20-25 Critasirus:303 C, 33–304 C, 6
Cotiliae:228 C, 9-19 Crithota (Acarnania):459 C, 18-25
Cotinae:142 C, 9-15 Crithota (Thrace):459 C, 18-25
Cottius:178 C, 35–179 C, 9; 204 C, 6-8; 217 C, 5-12 Criu Metopum:105 C, 33–106 C, 10; 124 C, 32–125 C,
Cotuantians:206 C, 13-26 2; 309 C, 12-21; 474 C, 21-30; 475 C, 20-26; 496 C,
Cotylus:602 C, 6-16 26–497 C, 4; 545 C, 2-13; 837 C, 4-15
Cotyorus:548 C, 19-25 Crobyzians:318 C, 14-18
Cotys:555 C, 31–556 C, 8 Crocian plain:433 C, 1-7; 435 C, 21-32
Cotyto:470 C, 30–471 C, 6 Crocodilon Polis (= Arsinoe):811 C, 30–812 C, 9
Cragus (Cilicia):669 C, 20-32 Crocodilon Polis (Syria):758 C, 31–759 C, 9
Cragus (Lycia):665 C, 20-30 Crocodilon Polis (upper Egypt):816 C, 34–817 C, 6
Crambusa (Cilicia):670 C, 31–671 C, 7 Crocylia:376 C, 7-19; 453 C, 6-15
Crambusa (Lycia):666 C, 20-26 Croesus:420 C, 19-23; 420 C, 32–421 C, 9; 534 C, 8-20;
Cranaa:399 C, 14-22 564 C, 9-11; 593 C, 5-16; 601 C, 28-33; 625 C, 25–626 C,
Cranii:455 C, 26-34; 456 C, 25-31 10; 680 C, 9-24; 735 C, 28–736 C, 2
Crannon:441 C, 21-30; 442 C, 9-17 Crommyon, Crommyonia:380 C, 15-22; 390 C, 1-7; 391 C,
Crapathos:488 C, 11-15; 489 C, 6-11; 489 C, 20-24 24-31; 392 C, 13-20
Crassus (Publius, died 130 BCE):646 C, 18-33 Crommyum:669 C, 20-32; 682 C, 12-27; 683 C, 27-33
Crassus (Publius, Roman commander in Iberia):176 C, 4-8 Cromna:542 C, 17-30; 544 C, 26–545 C, 13
Crassus (Publius, triumvir):747 C, 3-10; 748 C, 24-28 Cronium:169 C, 13-20
Crater bay:242 C, 15-30; 247 C, 23-28 Cronus:468 C, 21-34; 472 C, 13-20; 653 C, 34–654 C, 8
Craterus:702 C, 5-10; 721 C, 17-34; 725 C, 16-21 Cross-wall of Semiramis:529 C, 11-30
Crates:3 C, 31-36; 4 C, 34–5 C, 9; 30 C, 23–32 C, 3; 36 C, 15- Croton, Crotoniatis:254 C, 6-14; 259 C, 10-19; 261 C, 5-13;
23; 38 C, 13-20; 103 C, 9-17; 103 C, 24-33; 116 C, 20-29; 261 C, 24-26; 262 C, 6–263 C, 25; 269 C, 20–270 C, 4;
157 C, 21-32; 439 C, 5-14; 609 C, 23–610 C, 7; 676 C, 5-6 272 C, 10-16; 387 C, 16-24
Crates (engineer):407 C, 3-11 Cruni (Black Sea):319 C, 10-18
Crathis (Achaea):386 C, 23-25 Cruni (Triphylia):343 C, 28-35; 350 C, 19–351 C, 22; 447 C,
Crathis (Italy):263 C, 13-25; 263 C, 25-28; 386 C, 23-25; 26-30
449 C, 17-24 Ctenus:308 C, 23-30; 309 C, 11-12; 312 C, 6-16
Cremna:569 C, 10-23; 570 C, 4-13 Ctesias:43 C, 13-20; 507 C, 26–508 C, 9; 655 C, 29–656 C,
Cremon, Cremona:216 C, 30–217 C, 5; 246 C, 29–247 C, 5 11; 689 C, 32–690 C, 6; 778 C, 33–779 C, 14; 784 C,
Creontiades:252 C, 14-18 30–785 C, 5
Creophylus:638 C, 19–639 C, 2 Ctesiphon:743 C, 25-34
Cresphontes:389 C, 37-42 Ctimene:453 C, 25-34
Cretan sea:49 C, 32–50 C, 12; 124 C, 11-15; 265 C, 27-33; Cuarius:411 C, 16-26; 412 C, 32-35; 435 C, 32-39
323 C, 21-31; 335 C, 23-27; 369 C, 8-10; 375 C, 15-22; Cuban Biturigans:190 C, 30–191 C, 6
474 C, 21-30; 485 C, 1-3; 488 C, 8-10 Cuculum:238 C, 13-15
Crete, Cretans:26 C, 31-37; 46 C, 1-13; 57 C, 19-29; Culupene:559 C, 28–560 C, 5
105 C, 33–106 C, 10; 123 C, 21-29; 124 C, 3-24; 221 C, Cumae, Cumaeans (Boeotia):243 C, 12-17
5-21; 279 C, 3-11; 281 C, 11-18; 282 C, 6-18; 347 C, Cumae, Cumaeans (Italy):26 C, 15-24; 242 C, 21-30; 243 C,
3-16; 363 C, 21-22; 375 C, 26–376 C, 6; 440 C, 17-32; 12-25; 243 C, 29–244 C, 6; 245 C, 4-9; 245 C, 19-26;
462 C, 31–463 C, 7; 466 C, 9-18; 468 C, 21-34; 469 C, 246 C, 4-15; 246 C, 15-23; 248 C, 6-16; 274 C, 31–275 C,
20–470 C, 13; 472 C, 1-12; 472 C, 20-30; 473 C, 30-34; 5; 626 C, 33–627 C, 14
474 C, 16&484 C, 28; 484 C, 32-37; 485 C, 1-3; 488 C, Cumaean bay:22 C, 17-25; 22 C, 32–23 C, 10
11-15; 488 C, 16-23; 489 C, 12-15; 542 C, 4-16; 573 C, 1-13; Cuneus:137 C, 27-34
604 C, 20-36; 634 C, 32–635 C, 12; 636 C, 10-18; 639 C, Cupra:241 C, 3-14
3-14; 651 C, 25–652 C, 5; 653 C, 34–654 C, 8; 654 C, Curalius:438 C, 9-15
19–655 C, 2; 701 C, 21–702 C, 4; 761 C, 31–762 C, 17; Curetes:321 C, 28–322 C, 5; 340 C, 27-37; 451 C, 8-16; 462 C,
837 C, 4-23; 838 C, 9-19; 840 C, 13-26 31–467 C, 19; 468 C, 21–470 C, 13; 639 C, 28–640 C, 9
Creusa:400 C, 15-23; 405 C, 13-30; 409 C, 13-17; 409 C, Curias:682 C, 27–683 C, 5
25-34 Curium (Aetolia):450 C, 32–451 C, 7; 465 C, 26–466 C, 7
Creysis:409 C, 13-17 Curium (Cyprus):682 C, 27–683 C, 27
Crimissa (headland):254 C, 6-14 Curtians:727 C, 21-27
Crimissa (Old):254 C, 6-14 Cyaneae:21 C, 8-10; 91 C, 9-15; 91 C, 27–92 C, 5; 149 C, 15-20;
Crinacus:321 C, 3-14 319 C, 20-31; 320 C, 6-17; 545 C, 14–546 C, 2
1000
Cybela (place):469 C, 1-9; 567 C, 24–568 C, 7 Cyrene:56 C, 26-31; 57 C, 19-29; 133 C, 14-17; 133 C, 26-28;
Cybele (goddess):469 C, 1-9; 469 C, 20–470 C, 13; 475 C, 133 C, 32–134 C, 2; 157 C, 14-20; 347 C, 3-16; 836 C,
25-30; 567 C, 24–568 C, 7 10-19; 837 C, 4–838 C, 8
Cybelia:644 C, 37–645 C, 5 Cyres:228 C, 9-19
Cybistra:534 C, 25–535 C, 3; 537 C, 22–538 C, 5; 539 C, Cyrictica:123 C, 30–124 C, 3; 315 C, 7-10
16-26 Cyrites:230 C, 11-22; 231 C, 6-12
Cychreus:393 C, 28-34 Cyrnus:122 C, 34–123 C, 9; 223 C, 24-27; 224 C, 3-8;
Cychria:393 C, 28-34 224 C, 20-33; 225 C, 29–226 C, 8; 252 C, 14-18; 654 C,
Cyclades:58 C, 1-9; 124 C, 11-24; 368 C, 10-12; 474 C, 16-21; 19–655 C, 2; 840 C, 13-26
485 C, 1-3; 485 C, 21-30; 488 C, 16-23; 538 C, 31–539 C, Cyrrhestia:751 C, 5-18
9; 636 C, 25-33 Cyrsilus:530 C, 18–531 C, 1
Cyclopes:20 C, 23-33; 21 C, 19-28; 22 C, 3-12; 40 C, 10-20; Cyrtians:523 C, 26-34
372 C, 32–373 C, 4; 592 C, 26–593 C, 4 Cyrus:61 C, 5-15; 61 C, 16-29; 507 C, 18-26; 512 C, 11-22;
Cyclopia:369 C, 1-2 512 C, 26–513 C, 1; 524 C, 9-14; 686 C, 17–687 C, 8;
Cycnus:589 C, 24-33; 603 C, 30–604 C, 12 721 C, 34–722 C, 8; 724 C, 32–725 C, 6; 727 C, 30–728 C,
Cydippa:654 C, 9-18 3; 729 C, 31–730 C, 7; 730 C, 18-34; 736 C, 3-11
Cydnus:47 C, 18-24; 672 C, 23–673 C, 22; 675 C, Cyrus (plain):625 C, 25–626 C, 10; 629 C, 11-21
19–676 C, 5 Cyrus (river):491 C, 12-32; 498 C, 7-15; 499 C, 35–500 C, 11;
Cydonia, Cydoniates:376 C, 2-6; 476 C, 6-12; 478 C, 12-20; 500 C, 27–501 C, 4; 501 C, 22-34; 509 C, 11-25; 514 C,
479 C, 2-16 8-14; 528 C, 1-9; 528 C, 21-31; 529 C, 11-30
Cydonians:221 C, 5-21; 475 C, 27–476 C, 5 Cyrus (river in Persia):729 C, 22-31
Cydrelus:633 C, 10-19 Cythera:124 C, 11-15; 363 C, 10-21; 368 C, 12-19; 475 C,
Cydriae:327 C, 12-19 20-26
Cyinda:672 C, 10–673 C, 5 Cytherius:356 C, 31–357 C, 4
Cyllena (harbor):337 C, 26–338 C, 11 Cytherus:397 C, 19-27
Cyllena (mountain):388 C, 13-15; 388 C, 37–389 C, 2 Cythnos:485 C, 23-30
Cymaea:589 C, 24-33; 621 C, 28-33; 646 C, 18-33 Cytinium:427 C, 20-24; 475 C, 35–476 C, 5
Cyme:409 C, 18-24; 440 C, 17-32; 505 C, 5-10; 550 C, 9-15; Cytorum:542 C, 17-30; 544 C, 26–545 C, 2
550 C, 15-20; 581 C, 13–582 C, 3; 582 C, 14-29; 600 C, Cyzicus, Cyzicenes:44 C, 34–45 C, 10; 125 C, 20-23; 550 C,
17-22; 620 C, 22–621 C, 10; 622 C, 1–623 C, 9 32–551 C, 4; 564 C, 12-21; 565 C, 7-19; 575 C, 9–576 C,
Cynaetha:388 C, 28-36 19; 581 C, 13–583 C, 33; 586 C, 17–588 C, 2; 588 C,
Cynia:459 C, 25-31 3-18; 588 C, 33–589 C, 8; 634 C, 32–635 C, 12; 652 C,
Cynon Polis (nr Busiris):802 C, 7-17 34–653 C, 8; 655 C, 29–656 C, 11; 681 C, 3-24
Cynon Polis (nr Oxyrhynchus):812 C, 22–813 C, 2
Cynos Sema (Caria):655 C, 29–656 C, 11
Cynos Sema (Egypt):799 C, 12-20
Cynos Sema (Thracian Cherronesus):595 C, 9-20
Cynthus:485 C, 3-20
D
Cynuria:376 C, 20-24 Daans:304 C, 16-27; 508 C, 10-18; 511 C, 9-27; 515 C,
Cynus:60 C, 16-35; 425 C, 22-28; 426 C, 1-5; 446 C, 8-15; 4-23
615 C, 8-17 Dacians:207 C, 18-25; 212 C, 31–213 C, 5; 313 C, 5-12; 313 C,
Cyparisseeis (Homeric):349 C, 5-12; 349 C, 32-35 23-29
Cyparisseeis (river in Messenia):349 C, 32-35 Dacians, Daoi:304 C, 16–305 C, 15
Cyparissia (Laconian gulf):363 C, 23–364 C, 2 Daedala (mountain):664 C, 16-27; 665 C, 20-30
Cyparissia, Cyparissians (Messenia):345 C, 1-5; 348 C, Daedala (town):651 C, 14-24; 664 C, 5-27
15-20; 349 C, 32-35; 359 C, 21-29; 361 C, 4-14 Daës:612 C, 15-23
Cyparissus:423 C, 16-23 Daesitiatians:314 C, 17-20
Cyphus:440 C, 33–441 C, 20; 442 C, 17-26 Dalion:344 C, 16-24
Cyprus, Cyprians:6 C, 10-16; 8 C, 26–9 C, 7; 27 C, 13-27; 37 C, Dalmatia, Dalmatians:314 C, 17-20; 315 C, 4-6; 315 C, 13-23;
29–38 C, 5; 39 C, 33–40 C, 3; 40 C, 4-9; 40 C, 23–41 C, 317 C, 22-28
4; 52 C, 29–53 C, 5; 124 C, 16-24; 125 C, 25-31; 255 C, Dalmium:315 C, 13-19
20–256 C, 2; 340 C, 37–341 C, 3; 400 C, 27-37; 488 C, Damas Scombrus:649 C, 10-17
16-23; 536 C, 20-29; 653 C, 34–654 C, 8; 654 C, 19–655 C, Damascene:754 C, 32–755 C, 6; 756 C, 5-15
2; 668 C, 26–669 C, 5; 669 C, 20-32; 681 C, 25–685 C, 5; Damascus, Damascenians:755 C, 10-13; 756 C, 5-15
741 C, 10-22; 790 C, 29–791 C, 9; 840 C, 13-26 Damasia:206 C, 13-26
Cypsela:322 C, 28–323 C, 3 Damastes:47 C, 9-24; 582 C, 30–583 C, 7; 683 C, 34–684 C, 7
Cypselus:353 C, 23-34; 378 C, 12-19; 452 C, 8-15 Damastium:326 C, 14-20; 375 C, 26–376 C, 1
Cyra:517 C, 20–518 C, 4 Damathus:633 C, 10-19
Cyrbas:472 C, 6-12 Danaae, Danaïds:371 C, 13-19; 579 C, 10-21; 655 C, 3-10
Cyrenaea:57 C, 19-29; 123 C, 10-21; 130 C, 35–131 C, 7; 131 C, Danaans:371 C, 26-30; 431 C, 1-8; 573 C, 32–574 C, 13
11-19; 347 C, 3-16; 363 C, 10-21; 474 C, 21-30; 475 C, Danaë:487 C, 20-27
20-26; 484 C, 19-28; 790 C, 29–791 C, 9; 798 C, 28-31; Danaus:23 C, 28–24 C, 4; 221 C, 22-32; 321 C, 3-14; 371 C,
814 C, 31–815 C, 6; 836 C, 10–839 C, 9; 840 C, 13-26 20-26; 654 C, 9-18
1001
Dandarians:495 C, 16-27 Delphi, Delphians:187 C, 27–188 C, 22; 214 C, 5-13; 257 C, 13-
Dantheletians:318 C, 18-24 28; 260 C, 18-34; 264 C, 25-29; 269 C, 20–270 C, 4; 275 C,
Danube:304 C, 30–305 C, 2; 314 C, 9-15 20-28; 328 C, 18-20; 347 C, 26-34; 404 C, 11-19; 416 C,
Daorizians:315 C, 24-27 11-21; 416 C, 30–417 C, 6; 417 C, 27–424 C, 2; 464 C, 7-14;
Daphitas:647 C, 7-17 482 C, 19-27; 647 C, 18-30; 761 C, 31–762 C, 17; 814 C, 6-14
Daphne:750 C, 25-29 Delphinium:403 C, 8-20
Daphnus:60 C, 16-35; 416 C, 11-21; 424 C, 34–425 C, 13; Delta:701 C, 9-20; 788 C, 10–789 C, 22; 791 C, 14-21; 800 C,
426 C, 1-11 7-13; 801 C, 14–806 C, 30; 818 C, 22-32
Daphnus’s Harbor:774 C, 6-18 Delta (India):701 C, 9-20
Darada:771 C, 31–772 C, 11 Demaratus:219 C, 28–220 C, 6; 378 C, 19-22
Darapsa:516 C, 28-31 Demeter:198 C, 31–199 C, 3; 272 C, 23-27; 344 C, 8-12;
Dardania, Dardanians:313 C, 12-19; 315 C, 27–316 C, 1; 344 C, 16-24; 393 C, 28-34; 395 C, 7-12; 429 C, 10-14;
316 C, 2-12; 318 C, 18-24; 389 C, 25-36; 452 C, 34–453 C, 435 C, 21-32; 435 C, 39-43; 468 C, 10-20; 632 C,
6; 565 C, 7-19; 585 C, 20-32; 592 C, 1-11; 595 C, 9-20; 17–633 C, 10
596 C, 24-31; 602 C, 6-16; 602 C, 31-37; 606 C, 5-18; Demetrias:428 C, 29–429 C, 2; 436 C, 5-19; 436 C, 24-29;
661 C, 28–662 C, 6 438 C, 23-33; 441 C, 21-30; 443 C, 18-23
Dardanium:587 C, 15-23 Demetrias (Mesopotamia):737 C, 34–738 C, 4
Dardanus:587 C, 15-23; 590 C, 34–591 C, 8; 592 C, Demetrium:435 C, 21-32
26–593 C, 16; 595 C, 9-20; 600 C, 17-22 Demetrius (mathematician):548 C, 9-14
Dardanus (person):592 C, 1-11 Demetrius (of Callatis):60 C, 16-35
Darieces:784 C, 30–785 C, 5 Demetrius (of Phalerum):147 C, 10-21; 398 C, 3-14
Darius I:98 C, 13-17; 100 C, 24-34; 301 C, 12-21; 302 C, Demetrius (of Pharus):315 C, 10-12; 361 C, 22-32
26–303 C, 7; 305 C, 16-22; 305 C, 25-31; 591 C, 18-25; Demetrius (of Scepsis):44 C, 34–45 C, 10; 46 C, 25-33;
638 C, 14-18; 730 C, 21-28; 736 C, 3-11; 737 C, 20-33; 58 C, 10-23; 338 C, 33–339 C, 16; 344 C, 16-24; 374 C,
737 C, 20–738 C, 4; 784 C, 30–785 C, 5; 804 C, 19-33 32–375 C, 7; 438 C, 35–439 C, 21; 456 C, 32–457 C,
Darius III:79 C, 20-32; 587 C, 15-23; 676 C, 7-13; 676 C, 3; 472 C, 13-30; 473 C, 9-16; 489 C, 20-24; 550 C,
20-28; 697 C, 4-17; 766 C, 25-32 4-8; 551 C, 13–552 C, 8; 594 C, 2-8; 596 C, 31–597 C,
Dasaretians:316 C, 2-12; 318 C, 24-27 14; 599 C, 17-30; 600 C, 10-17; 602 C, 6-16; 602 C,
Dascylitis:550 C, 32–551 C, 4; 575 C, 9-17; 576 C, 4-16; 38–603 C, 30; 606 C, 6-18; 607 C, 20-27; 609 C,
582 C, 14-29; 586 C, 30–587 C, 5 23–610 C, 7; 610 C, 31–611 C, 3; 626 C, 33–627 C, 14;
Dascylium:575 C, 9-17 627 C, 23-30; 680 C, 9-24
Dasmenda:540 C, 9-13 Demetrius (Poliorcetes):54 C, 23-31; 232 C, 6-19; 382 C,
Dastarcum:537 C, 1-5 26-29; 436 C, 11-19
Dastira:555 C, 21-29 Demetrius (son of Euthydemus):516 C, 17-28
Datis:398 C, 34–399 C, 7 Demetrius (son of Seleucus):624 C, 22-30
Daulians:424 C, 11-22 Democles:58 C, 10-23
Daulis:321 C, 3-14; 416 C, 11-21; 423 C, 16-23 Democoon:585 C, 33–586 C, 7
Daulius:265 C, 14-19 Democritus:1 C, 1–2 C, 3; 61 C, 5-15; 65 C, 17-28; 65 C,
Daunia, Daunians:215 C, 5-12; 242 C, 8-10; 242 C, 11-14; 29–66 C, 3; 703 C, 19-27
277 C, 26-33; 279 C, 3-11; 281 C, 1-5; 282 C, 26–283 C, 8; Demodocus. See Phocylides (?= Demodocus)
283 C, 23-27; 283 C, 34–284 C, 19; 285 C, 21-28; 654 C, Demosthenes:121 C, 3-15; 374 C, 9-16; 424 C, 2-10; 445 C,
19–655 C, 2 25-29; 471 C, 25-31
Dazimonitis:547 C, 19-32 Demus:299 C, 24-25
Debaeans:777 C, 24-30 Derbe:534 C, 25–535 C, 3; 569 C, 3-10
Decaeneus:298 C, 5-12; 304 C, 7-11; 762 C, 18-30 Derbicans:513 C, 30–514 C, 7; 514 C, 36–515 C, 3; 519 C,
Decelia:396 C, 18-30; 397 C, 19-27 32–520 C, 10; 520 C, 14-21
Decietans:202 C, 14-15 Derceto:784 C, 30–785 C, 5
Degmenus:357 C, 13-28 Derdians:705 C, 33–706 C, 11
Deianira:451 C, 8-16; 458 C, 14-27 Derrhis Harbor:799 C, 12-20
Deimachus:68 C, 30–69 C, 7; 70 C, 16-30; 72 C, 28-31; Dertho:217 C, 5-12; 217 C, 15-19; 217 C, 20-26
74 C, 14-23; 75 C, 24-31; 76 C, 7-21; 77 C, 19-25; 689 C, Dertosa:159 C, 15-18; 160 C, 18-32
32–690 C, 6 Deucalion:322 C, 5-13; 425 C, 22-28; 443 C, 32–444 C, 7
Deiotarus:546 C, 30–547 C, 6; 566 C, 31–568 C, 7 Deucalion (island):435 C, 39-43
Deiotarus (Philadelphus):562 C, 21-31 Deudorix:291 C, 23–292 C, 10
Deiphontes:389 C, 37-42 Deuriopians:327 C, 12-19
Deira:769 C, 1-12; 769 C, 20–770 C, 2; 772 C, 32–773 C, 4; Deuriopus:326 C, 14-20
773 C, 23–774 C, 5; 774 C, 18-23 Dia:777 C, 4-15
Delians:635 C, 13-19 Diacopene:561 C, 5-23
Delium (Boeotia):403 C, 8-20 Diadic Athens:446 C, 8-15
Delium (Laconia):368 C, 12-19 Diagesbeis:224 C, 34–225 C, 8
Dellius:523 C, 20-25 Dicaearchia:26 C, 15-24; 99 C, 21-27; 145 C, 1-4; 245 C, 19–
Delos:271 C, 18-33; 373 C, 28–374 C, 5; 485 C, 1-23; 486 C, 246 C, 23; 248 C, 6-16; 285 C, 28-34; 792 C, 32–793 C, 9
4-18; 668 C, 26–669 C, 5 Dicaearchus:1 C, 1–2 C, 3; 104 C, 6–106 C, 10; 170 C, 20-30
1002
Dicta:478 C, 28–479 C, 8 Diotrephes:630 C, 19-25; 659 C, 17-32

Dictaeum:479 C, 2-8 Diphilus:546 C, 2-20
Dictynnaeum:479 C, 2-8 Dirce (Achaea):388 C, 3-7
Dictys:487 C, 20-27 Dirce (Thebes):408 C, 38–409 C, 3
Dido:832 C, 25-31 Ditionians:314 C, 17-20
Didyma:421 C, 15-21; 517 C, 20–518 C, 4; 647 C, 18-30 Dium:446 C, 8-15
Didyma (hills):442 C, 17-26; 647 C, 18-30 Dius (father of Hesiod):622 C, 28–623 C, 9
Didyma (Iberia):169 C, 5-13 Dius (mythical character):265 C, 7-13
Didyma (Liparaean island):276 C, 23-30; 277 C, 16-19 Docimia:577 C, 11-19
Diegylis:624 C, 22-30 Dodona (Epirus):28 C, 31-36; 256 C, 3-13; 327 C, 29–328 C,
Dindymene:575 C, 18-24; 625 C, 25–626 C, 10; 647 C, 18-30 10; 328 C, 21-24; 402 C, 3-24; 441 C, 30-35; 761 C,
Dindymum (Cyzicus):575 C, 18-24 31–762 C, 17
Dindymum (nr Pessinus):567 C, 24–568 C, 7 Dodona (Thessaly):440 C, 33–441 C, 20
Dio:796 C, 19-28 Doedalses:563 C, 16-25
Diodorus (elder):627 C, 36–628 C, 7 Dog Star:691 C, 34–692 C, 9; 771 C, 5-12
Diodorus (general):614 C, 4-17 Dolabella:646 C, 11-17; 751 C, 35–752 C, 7
Diodorus (logician):658 C, 13-25; 837 C, 29–838 C, 8 Dolicha:458 C, 6-14
Diodorus (of Tarsus):675 C, 7-18 Dolion:566 C, 6-18; 681 C, 3-24
Diodorus (younger):627 C, 36–628 C, 7 Dolionians:564 C, 12-21; 575 C, 9-17; 677 C, 33–678 C, 16
Diodotus (Bactrian):515 C, 19-23 Dolionis:576 C, 4-16
Diodotus (of Sidon):757 C, 27-31 Dolomene:736 C, 13–737 C, 2
Diodotus (sculptor):396 C, 18-30 Dolopia, Dolopians:28 C, 31-36; 430 C, 16-24; 431 C, 1-16;
Diodotus (Tryphon):668 C, 17-26; 752 C, 23-31; 755 C, 432 C, 23-26; 433 C, 1-7; 434 C, 16–435 C, 4; 437 C,
30–756 C, 4 15-35; 440 C, 9-17; 449 C, 36–450 C, 13
Diogenes (Cynic):546 C, 2-20; 716 C, 11-18 Domanitis:561 C, 33–562 C, 9
Diogenes (of Tarsus):675 C, 7-18 Domitius Ahenobarbus (Gnaeus):185 C, 20-28; 191 C,
Diogenes (Stoic):743 C, 34–744 C, 2 7-29
Diolcus:335 C, 8-11; 369 C, 10-17; 380 C, 7-19 Domitius Ahenobarbus (opponent of Julius Caesar):
Diomedes:17 C, 6-16; 150 C, 7-18; 214 C, 28–215 C, 18; 649 C, 10-17
283 C, 34–284 C, 19; 284 C, 25-32; 325 C, 29–326 C, 7; Domneclius:542 C, 31–543 C, 6
423 C, 5-10; 461 C, 34–462 C, 15 Donnus:204 C, 6-8
Diomedian islands:123 C, 30–124 C, 3; 215 C, 5-12; 283 C, Doracta:767 C, 3-14
34–284 C, 22 Dorians:61 C, 5-15; 221 C, 5-21; 267 C, 22-33; 269 C, 20–
Dione:328 C, 27–329 C, 2 270 C, 4; 333 C, 4-13; 333 C, 18-32; 361 C, 15-21; 365 C,
Dionysiades:675 C, 7-18 20-23; 375 C, 26–376 C, 1; 383 C, 7-12; 392 C, 38–393 C,
Dionysius (dialectician):566 C, 19-22 11; 416 C, 30–417 C, 6; 417 C, 11-17; 427 C, 18-32; 429 C,
Dionysius (I of Syracuse):212 C, 7-17; 225 C, 29–226 C, 8; 28-33; 442 C, 17-26; 475 C, 27–476 C, 5; 479 C, 27-31;
241 C, 3-14; 258 C, 28–259 C, 4 653 C, 9-33; 661 C, 5-16; 662 C, 19-31; 679 C, 16-22
Dionysius (II of Syracuse):255 C, 13-18; 259 C, 20–260 C, 4 Doricha:808 C, 9-25
Dionysius (of Attica):625 C, 1-15 Doris:373 C, 19-25; 434 C, 6-15; 437 C, 20-26; 475 C,
Dionysius (of Halicarnassus):656 C, 12-23 35–476 C, 5
Dionysius (of Thrace):655 C, 17-28 Dorium:339 C, 6-16; 349 C, 5-12; 350 C, 6-12
Dionysius (son of Heracleon):751 C, 5-18 Dorus:383 C, 7-12
Dionysius (tyrant of Heraclia):544 C, 26–545 C, 2 Dorylaïum:576 C, 20-25
Dionysius (writer):566 C, 6-18 Dorylaus (cousin of Strabo’s great-grandfather):477 C,
Dionysocles:649 C, 10-17 28–478 C, 11; 557 C, 21-29
Dionysodorus (geometer):548 C, 9-14 Dorylaus (great-great-grandfather of Strabo):477 C,
Dionysodorus (mathematician):548 C, 9-14 16–478 C, 11; 557 C, 21-29
Dionysus:27 C, 27-35; 48 C, 7-19; 171 C, 1-21; 198 C, 14-24; Doscians:495 C, 16-27
363 C, 6-10; 468 C, 10-20; 468 C, 10-34; 469 C, Dotian plain:442 C, 17-26
10–470 C, 24; 470 C, 30–471 C, 24; 505 C, 19-28; 587 C, Dotium:61 C, 5-15
24–588 C, 2; 628 C, 14-30; 643 C, 23-32; 652 C, 10-33; Dracanum:639 C, 3-14
686 C, 25–688 C, 24; 701 C, 2-9; 711 C, 30–712 C, 4 Draco:253 C, 7-11
Diophanes:617 C, 30–618 C, 4 Drangiana, Drangians:516 C, 1-11; 721 C, 28-34; 723 C, 15-
Diophantus:306 C, 25-32; 312 C, 6-16 24; 723 C, 26–724 C, 6; 724 C, 16–725 C, 6
Dios Polis (= Thebes). See Thebes, Thebaïs (Egypt) Dravus:314 C, 9-14
Dios Polis (nr Mendes):802 C, 7-17 Drecanum:657 C, 15–658 C, 4
Dioscuri:48 C, 7-19; 232 C, 6-19; 261 C, 5-13; 364 C, 22-29; Drepanum (= Rhium):335 C, 29–336 C, 5
396 C, 18-30; 495 C, 28–496 C, 3 Drepanum (Egypt):798 C, 32–799 C, 5
Dioscurias:91 C, 27–92 C, 5; 125 C, 2-16; 126 C, 12-23; 496 C, Drepanum (Icaria):637 C, 13-23
26–497 C, 18; 497 C, 27–498 C, 6; 499 C, 10-27; 506 C, 4-15 Drilon:316 C, 2-12
Diospolis:557 C, 3-13 Drium:284 C, 11-19
Diotimus:47 C, 18-24 Dromichaetes:302 C, 4-12; 305 C, 16-22
1003
Druentia (place):178 C, 35–179 C, 9 Egnatia:282 C, 26–283 C, 8; 283 C, 17-23

Druentia (river):185 C, 11-28; 203 C, 29–204 C, 4; 217 C, Egnatian road:322 C, 28–323 C, 13; 327 C, 5-6
5-12 Egra:782 C, 8-18
Drusus (brother of Tiberius):206 C, 26-28; 290 C, 13-17; Egypt (Roman province):790 C, 29–791 C, 9; 797 C, 7-18
291 C, 11-16 Egypt, Egyptians:6 C, 10-16; 8 C, 26–9 C, 7; 16 C, 13-22;
Drusus (son of Tiberius):288 C, 24-33 23 C, 28–24 C, 4; 27 C, 13-27; 29 C, 32–30 C, 22; 32 C,
Drymas:321 C, 3-14 3-25; 34 C, 23-36; 36 C, 2-11; 36 C, 34–37 C, 4; 37 C,
Drymus:445 C, 33–446 C, 8 29–38 C, 5; 39 C, 33–40 C, 3; 40 C, 4-20; 40 C, 35–41 C,
Drynemetum:566 C, 31–567 C, 10 4; 42 C, 33–43 C, 5; 50 C, 12-24; 55 C, 33–56 C, 5; 56 C,
Dryopis, Dryopians:321 C, 3-14; 434 C, 6-15; 586 C, 17-22 32–57 C, 5; 57 C, 19-29; 61 C, 5-15; 62 C, 33–63 C, 9;
Dryops:373 C, 19-25 66 C, 8-17; 84 C, 16-26; 85 C, 6-13; 88 C, 9-16; 90 C, 11-
Dubis:186 C, 8-21; 189 C, 5-11; 192 C, 8-14; 192 C, 18-21 21; 94 C, 35–95 C, 9; 98 C, 17–99 C, 20; 102 C, 31–103 C,
Dulichium:335 C, 12-19; 340 C, 27-37; 452 C, 34–453 C, 6; 8; 103 C, 17-24; 117 C, 35–118 C, 14; 125 C, 25-31; 130 C,
453 C, 16-34; 455 C, 35–456 C, 24; 458 C, 6-14; 459 C, 3-8 18-35; 133 C, 32–134 C, 2; 155 C, 14-24; 175 C, 18-22;
Dunax:208 C, 32–209 C, 4 183 C, 13-27; 212 C, 18-24; 288 C, 4-16; 297 C, 28–298 C,
Duras:207 C, 7-17 5; 298 C, 19–299 C, 12; 301 C, 12-21; 304 C, 7-11; 321 C,
Duria:203 C, 29–204 C, 4; 217 C, 5-12 3-14; 398 C, 3-14; 400 C, 27-37; 414 C, 19-29; 475 C,
Duria (Salassians):203 C, 29–204 C, 4; 205 C, 6-14 5-12; 475 C, 20-26; 498 C, 15-25; 501 C, 35–502 C,
Duricortora:194 C, 29-31 12; 536 C, 20-29; 551 C, 34-37; 554 C, 24–555 C, 2;
Duris:60 C, 7-15 558 C, 8-23; 595 C, 20-27; 637 C, 29–638 C, 13; 668 C,
Durius:152 C, 18-25; 153 C, 11-18; 154 C, 22-25; 162 C, 5-11; 26–669 C, 5; 681 C, 25-33; 684 C, 17-24; 686 C, 10-16;
166 C, 24–167 C, 10 686 C, 25–687 C, 8; 690 C, 21-30; 691 C, 9-17; 692 C,
Dyma:336 C, 36–337 C, 8; 337 C, 26-33; 340 C, 23-27; 341 C, 9-19; 692 C, 30–693 C, 5; 695 C, 1-9; 696 C, 14-26;
7-17; 341 C, 22-29; 342 C, 6-37; 345 C, 12-18; 346 C, 6-10; 698 C, 8-14; 706 C, 24–707 C, 9; 707 C, 31–708 C, 5;
383 C, 1-6; 384 C, 9-13; 385 C, 28–386 C, 8; 387 C, 16-24; 749 C, 8-13; 756 C, 16-18; 757 C, 16-27; 757 C, 32–758 C,
387 C, 28–388 C, 3; 388 C, 9-12; 440 C, 17-32; 449 C, 15; 758 C, 31–759 C, 9; 759 C, 19-33; 760 C, 23–761 C, 8;
36–450 C, 13; 665 C, 9-16 764 C, 32-33; 768 C, 7-20; 769 C, 1-7; 770 C, 3-13;
Dymaea:356 C, 31–357 C, 4; 388 C, 3-7 770 C, 31–771 C, 4; 776 C, 4-13; 777 C, 4-15; 780 C,
Dyras:428 C, 19-28 20-28; 785 C, 13-19; 786 C, 15-19; 786 C, 26–824 C,
Dyris:33 C, 3-8; 825 C, 25-33 21; 825 C, 5-10; 837 C, 15-23; 837 C, 29–838 C, 8;
Dyrrhachium:316 C, 13-20 839 C, 3-9
Dyspontium:357 C, 4-6 Egyptian Fort:755 C, 30–756 C, 4
Dyteutus:558 C, 23–559 C, 7; 560 C, 5-11 Egyptian sea:30 C, 23-31; 35 C, 20–36 C, 2; 58 C, 24-32;
Dytochthones:422 C, 20-31 121 C, 21-28; 123 C, 13-21; 125 C, 25-31; 298 C, 19–299 C,
12; 474 C, 21-30; 488 C, 8-10; 492 C, 16-19; 681 C,
25–682 C, 1; 736 C, 13–737 C, 2; 749 C, 8-13; 789 C,
E 13-22; 792 C, 32–793 C, 9; 819 C, 7-17

Egyptian Village:798 C, 32–799 C, 5
Eileithyia:476 C, 12-20
Ebrodunum:178 C, 35–179 C, 9 Eileithyias Polis:816 C, 34–817 C, 6
Ebura:140 C, 25-33 Eilethyia:225 C, 29–226 C, 8
Eburonians:194 C, 15-26 Eilisium:410 C, 16-21
Ebusus:159 C, 19-28; 167 C, 19-22; 167 C, 32-37 Eïones:372 C, 26-31; 373 C, 26-27; 376 C, 7-19
Ebysus:122 C, 34–123 C, 9 Eiretria:452 C, 34–453 C, 6
Ecbatana:79 C, 20-32; 522 C, 28-32; 524 C, 9-23; 525 C, Ela:252 C, 7–253 C, 6
3-15; 531 C, 16-23; 724 C, 24-32; 742 C, 4-10; 743 C, Elaea (Aeolid):606 C, 33–607 C, 6; 615 C, 2-7; 615 C, 18-27;
25-34 622 C, 1-15
Echiae:360 C, 10-16 Elaea (Arabian gulf):770 C, 27-31; 771 C, 13-21
Echinades:59 C, 22-33; 124 C, 3-10; 335 C, 12-19; 340 C, 27- Elaeussa (Aeolid):614 C, 25–615 C, 2
37; 350 C, 19–351 C, 6; 452 C, 34–453 C, 6; 456 C, 9-18; Elaeussa (Attica):398 C, 21-33
458 C, 6-14; 459 C, 3-8; 459 C, 18-25 Elaeussa (Cilicia):534 C, 25–535 C, 3; 537 C, 29–538 C, 5;
Echinus:60 C, 16-35; 433 C, 33–434 C, 6; 435 C, 5-14; 442 C, 671 C, 8-20
17-26 Elaeussa (Rhodian Peraea):651 C, 14-24; 652 C, 6-9; 655 C,
Ecregma:65 C, 13-17; 759 C, 33–760 C, 10 29–656 C, 11
Ecretosirus:313 C, 23-29 Elaeussa (Thracian Cherronesus):595 C, 28-34
Ecscingomagus:178 C, 35–179 C, 9 Elaïtic bay:581 C, 13–582 C, 3; 606 C, 18-27; 606 C,
Edessa (Macedonia):323 C, 3-8; 449 C, 25-30 33–607 C, 6; 615 C, 2-17; 624 C, 9-22
Edessa (Mesopotamia):747 C, 32–748 C, 6 Elaïtis:571 C, 26–572 C, 1
Edetanians:156 C, 14-24; 162 C, 11-18 Elara:423 C, 24-29
Eëtion:611 C, 24–612 C, 8; 619 C, 13-29 Elarium:423 C, 24-29
Egelasta:160 C, 18-32 Elatia:60 C, 16-35; 407 C, 19-26; 417 C, 27–418 C, 8; 424 C,
Egeria:239 C, 21–240 C, 3 2-22; 426 C, 1-5
Egertius:633 C, 10-19 Elatria:324 C, 21-28
1004
Elbe:14 C, 10-21; 290 C, 13-17; 290 C, 32–291 C, 7; 291 C, Epaminondas:388 C, 28-36; 400 C, 37–401 C, 7; 402 C,
17-22; 292 C, 11-16; 294 C, 15-34; 294 C, 34–295 C, 4 27–403 C, 7; 414 C, 11-18
Elea:252 C, 7–253 C, 6 Epaphus:445 C, 9-18
Electrides islands:215 C, 5-12 Ephesium:179 C, 10-25
Eleon:410 C, 16-21; 439 C, 5-21 Ephesus, Ephesians:179 C, 10-25; 387 C, 11-15; 440 C, 17-
Elephant Hunt:768 C, 27-34; 769 C, 20–770 C, 2 32; 505 C, 5-10; 550 C, 15-20; 551 C, 13-17; 577 C, 20-31;
Elephantine:786 C, 30–787, 5; 803 C, 24-32; 813 C, 3-9; 620 C, 27-33; 632 C, 5–633 C, 10; 634 C, 18-32; 639 C,
817 C, 7-20; 817 C, 29–818 C, 10; 818 C, 33–819 C, 4; 15-27; 640 C, 10–642 C, 11; 643 C, 21-32; 646 C, 18-33;
819 C, 33–820 C, 9 647 C, 4–648 C, 5; 663 C, 8-14; 663 C, 19-33
Elephas:774 C, 6-18; 827 C, 24-28 Ephialtes:10 C, 20-24
Eleusinian gulf:380 C, 15-19 Ephorus:1 C, 1–2 C, 3; 33 C, 3-8; 34 C, 4-10; 137 C, 34–138 C,
Eleusis (Alexandria):800 C, 14–801 C, 1 9; 199 C, 4-9; 220 C, 31–221 C, 5; 221 C, 22-32; 244 C, 23–
Eleusis (Attica):393 C, 28-34; 395 C, 7-12; 396 C, 10-30; 245 C, 3; 259 C, 10-19; 260 C, 5-17; 262 C, 14-26; 265 C,
397 C, 19-27 14-19; 266 C, 21-22; 267 C, 22-33; 270 C, 8-15; 279 C,
Eleusis (Boeotia):407 C, 3-11 12-21; 280 C, 1-13; 302 C, 13–303 C, 18; 305 C, 31-34;
Eleutherae:375 C, 26–376 C, 1; 411 C, 35–412 C, 10 325 C, 29–326 C, 7; 327 C, 29–328 C, 1; 332 C, 4-13; 334 C,
Eleutherus:753 C, 20-28; 754 C, 28-32 4-10; 357 C, 7–358 C, 24; 361 C, 15-21; 364 C, 30–365 C,
Elia, Elis, Elians:328 C, 11-17; 333 C, 24-29; 335 C, 12-22; 8; 366 C, 6-20; 373 C, 28–374 C, 5; 376 C, 2-6; 389 C,
336 C, 16–359 C, 2; 362 C, 7-13; 366 C, 38–367 C, 7; 383 C, 37-42; 400 C, 27–401 C, 12; 401 C, 29–402 C, 24; 422 C,
1-6; 387 C, 11-15; 387 C, 28–388 C, 3; 388 C, 9-12; 389 C, 4–423 C, 10; 426 C, 35–427 C, 3; 452 C, 30-33; 461 C,
37-42; 423 C, 5-10; 425 C, 29-31; 440 C, 17-32; 447 C, 26- 34–462 C, 27; 463 C, 17–465 C, 9; 476 C, 20&477 C, 15;
30; 448 C, 1-11; 452 C, 34–453 C, 6; 456 C, 9-18; 458 C, 479 C, 27-31; 480 C, 15&484 C, 14; 544 C, 26–545 C,
6-14; 459 C, 3-8; 463 C, 17–464 C, 7; 464 C, 14-20 2; 550 C, 9-15; 582 C, 30–583 C, 7; 600 C, 17-22; 622 C,
Elimia:326 C, 14-20; 326 C, 28–327 C, 4 28–623 C, 9; 634 C, 32–635 C, 12; 677 C, 33–680 C, 9
Elimiotians:434 C, 16-24 Ephyra (= Cichyrus):324 C, 21-28; 328 C, 11-17; 338 C, 6-11;
Elisa:337 C, 33–338 C, 5 443 C, 32–444 C, 7
Elison:337 C, 33–338 C, 5 Ephyra (Aetolia):338 C, 31-32
Elixus:486 C, 31–487 C, 4 Ephyra (Elia):328 C, 11-17; 338 C, 6–339 C, 5; 371 C,
Elona:439 C, 26-28; 440 C, 33–441 C, 8 30–372 C, 2
Elpiae:654 C, 19–655 C, 2 Ephyra (nr Corinth):338 C, 6-11
Elymaea, Elymaeans:522 C, 4-14; 524 C, 15-23; 524 C, Ephyra (Sicyon):338 C, 31-32
23–525 C, 2; 732 C, 7-17; 736 C, 13–737 C, 2; 739 C, Ephyra (Thessaly):338 C, 6-11
23-28; 744 C, 14–745 C, 4 Ephyrians:442 C, 9-17
Elymais:744 C, 10-13 Epians:336 C, 18-26; 337 C, 10-17; 338 C, 18-30; 340 C,
Elymus:608 C, 7-14 6–341 C, 17; 345 C, 12-18; 354 C, 21-31; 357 C, 13-28;
Emathia:27 C, 13-27 423 C, 5-10; 432 C, 10-22; 456 C, 9-18; 459 C, 3-8;
Emisenians:752 C, 31–753 C, 10 463 C, 17-25; 464 C, 21-32
Emoda:510 C, 26–511 C, 8; 698 C, 14-23 Epicharmus:364 C, 4-22
Emodum:689 C, 3-7; 719 C, 15-20 Epictetians:563 C, 10-15
Empedocles:274 C, 4-21; 276 C, 4-9; 364 C, 4-22 Epictetus:129 C, 27–130 C, 3; 450 C, 23-31; 534 C, 8-20;
Emporicus Bay:825 C, 33–829 C, 22 564 C, 21-27; 571 C, 17-25; 575 C, 9-17; 625 C, 16-24
Emporium (Iberia):159 C, 29–160 C, 17 Epicurus:589 C, 33–590 C, 2; 638 C, 19–639 C, 2
Emporium (Italy):256 C, 21-30 Epidamnus:92 C, 29–93 C, 6; 106 C, 28-31; 283 C, 12-16;
Encheleans:326 C, 21-25 316 C, 13-20; 322 C, 28–323 C, 3; 323 C, 9-13; 326 C,
Endera:771 C, 13-21 14-20; 327 C, 5-6; 357 C, 4-6
Endymion:635 C, 31–636 C, 4 Epidauria:368 C, 10-12
Enetians (Adriatic):209 C, 15–210 C, 8; 211 C, 4-12; 212 C, Epidaurus:369 C, 10-17; 372 C, 26-31; 373 C, 8-15; 374 C,
1-24; 214 C, 24-28; 215 C, 12-18; 216 C, 6-10; 216 C, 15- 6-9; 374 C, 22–375 C, 7; 375 C, 15-22; 375 C, 26–376 C, 1;
29; 283 C, 34–284 C, 10; 284 C, 25-32; 314 C, 24-30 567 C, 24–568 C, 7
Enetians (Paphlygonia):48 C, 19-28; 61 C, 5-15; 543 C, Epidaurus Limera:368 C, 12-19
7–544 C, 4; 552 C, 31–553 C, 11; 607 C, 28–608 C, 6 Epigoni:325 C, 29–326 C, 7
Eniconiae:224 C, 28-29 Epiphanes:795 C, 28-33
Enienians:440 C, 33–441 C, 8 Epirotis:129 C, 4-9
Enipeus (Peloponnese):356 C, 24-31 Epirus, Epirotes:123 C, 21-29; 124 C, 3-10; 221 C, 5-21; 281 C,
Enipeus (Thessaly):431 C, 37–432 C, 7; 432 C, 8-9 28-35; 283 C, 12-16; 312 C, 29–313 C, 4; 321 C, 15-20;
Enna:272 C, 23-27; 273 C, 2-14; 273 C, 23-25 322 C, 14-24; 323 C, 9-13; 323 C, 32–324 C, 11; 325 C,
Ennius:281 C, 28-35 8-12; 326 C, 8-14; 326 C, 25-28; 327 C, 24-28; 332 C,
Enopa:359 C, 2-14; 360 C, 17-23 13–333 C, 3; 334 C, 4-10; 417 C, 6-10; 427 C, 33-37;
Enydra:753 C, 20-28 429 C, 28-33; 429 C, 33–430 C, 2; 434 C, 16-24; 453 C,
Enyo:535 C, 20–536 C, 3 6-15; 764 C, 8-17; 840 C, 13-26
Eordians:323 C, 3-8; 326 C, 14-20 Epistrophus:549 C, 23-30; 550 C, 21-26; 551 C, 4-9; 584 C,
Eos:33 C, 29–34 C, 3 31–585 C, 19; 611 C, 24–612 C, 8; 619 C, 13-29
Epacria:397 C, 19-27 Epitalium:343 C, 15-21; 349 C, 14-19; 349 C, 24-31
1005
Epius:263 C, 32–264 C, 1; 423 C, 24-29 Erythrae, Erythraea, Erythraeans (Ionia): 404 C, 30-35;
Epomeus:248 C, 17-25 588 C, 19-32; 589 C, 24-33; 613 C, 19-28; 633 C, 10-19;
Erana:361 C, 4-14 644 C, 8–645 C, 9
Erasinus (Arcadia):371 C, 1-12 Erythran sea (= Arabian Sea):765 C, 21-26
Erasinus (Argia):371 C, 1-12 Erythran sea (= Persian Gulf):174 C, 22-26; 525 C,
Erasinus (Argolid):275 C, 5-19; 389 C, 3-9; 389 C, 12-22 30–526 C, 11
Erasinus (Attica):371 C, 1-12 Erythran sea (= Persian Gulf, Arabian Sea):766 C, 33-36;
Erasinus (Eretria):371 C, 1-12 778 C, 33–779 C, 14
Erasistratus:486 C, 19-24 Erythran sea (= Red Sea, Arabian Sea):790 C, 29–791 C,
Erastus:608 C, 28–609 C, 3 9; 804 C, 19-33
Eratosthenes:1 C, 1–2 C, 3; 6 C, 31–7 C, 22; 14 C, 10–94 C, Erythran sea (Red Sea):58 C, 24-32
20; 95 C, 9-11; 97 C, 24-29; 104 C, 6-34; 106 C, 27–107 C, Erythras:778 C, 33–779 C, 14
11; 108 C, 19-24; 113 C, 25–114 C, 1; 123 C, 13-21; 125 C, Eryx:254 C, 6-14; 272 C, 16-22; 273 C, 23-25; 608 C, 7-14
31–126 C, 3; 126 C, 12-23; 132 C, 3-10; 134 C, 12-24; 135 C, Esopis:259 C, 10-19
11-14; 148 C, 27-36; 159 C, 19-28; 170 C, 12-20; 170 C, Esquiline:234 C, 19-25; 237 C, 4-13
20-30; 224 C, 3-8; 298 C, 13–299 C, 18; 299 C, 25–301 C, Estiones:206 C, 13-26
1; 317 C, 7-15; 384 C, 29-33; 389 C, 12-22; 475 C, 20-26; Eteocles:414 C, 30–415 C, 10
490 C, 3-9; 497 C, 18-26; 507 C, 6-13; 509 C, 11-25; Eteocretans:221 C, 5-21; 475 C, 27–476 C, 5; 478 C,
513 C, 30–514 C, 22; 522 C, 14-27; 529 C, 11-30; 663 C, 28–479 C, 2
33–664 C, 4; 683 C, 34–684 C, 17; 687 C, 9-30; 688 C, Eteonus:298 C, 19–299 C, 12; 408 C, 38–409 C, 3; 409 C,
25–689 C, 7; 689 C, 17-26; 690 C, 19-35; 693 C, 19–694 C, 6-8
4; 723 C, 15-24; 727 C, 21-27; 741 C, 25–742 C, 3; 743 C, Etesians:690 C, 19-21; 691 C, 18–692 C, 9; 731 C, 24-30;
3-20; 746 C, 14–747 C, 2; 764 C, 27-29; 765 C, 27–766 C, 776 C, 4-13; 777 C, 16-24
6; 767 C, 1-2; 767 C, 22-30; 769 C, 18-19; 778 C, 33–779 C, Ethiopia, Ethiopians:2 C, 21-33; 3 C, 13-19; 7 C, 23–8 C, 1;
14; 785 C, 20–786 C, 26; 786 C, 28-29; 802 C, 17-28; 8 C, 26–9 C, 7; 16 C, 13-22; 27 C, 13-27; 29 C, 32–30 C,
825 C, 25-33; 829 C, 1-11; 837 C, 29–838 C, 8 5; 30 C, 9–35 C, 20; 37 C, 29–38 C, 13; 39 C, 11-22; 39 C,
Eratyra:326 C, 14-20 33–40 C, 3; 40 C, 10-22; 40 C, 35–41 C, 4; 42 C, 33–43 C,
Erembians:2 C, 21-33; 8 C, 26–9 C, 7; 27 C, 13-27; 29 C, 32–30 C, 5; 61 C, 5-15; 61 C, 31–62 C, 4; 62 C, 4-8; 64 C, 1-8; 72 C,
5; 37 C, 29–38 C, 5; 41 C, 23–42 C, 33; 784 C, 12-20 18-28; 85 C, 6-13; 94 C, 9-20; 94 C, 35–95 C, 9; 97 C,
Eressus:618 C, 8-16 34–98 C, 7; 99 C, 3-11; 100 C, 1-12; 101 C, 24–102 C, 3;
Eretria (Athens):447 C, 31-36 103 C, 9-24; 117 C, 12-20; 130 C, 18-32; 131 C, 11-19; 157 C,
Eretria (Thessaly):433 C, 33–434 C, 6; 447 C, 31-36 14-20; 183 C, 13-27; 298 C, 19–299 C, 12; 300 C, 20–301 C,
Eretria, Eretrians (?Euboea):371 C, 1-12 1; 519 C, 16-26; 554 C, 24–555 C, 2; 686 C, 25–687 C, 8;
Eretria, Eretrians (Euboea):40 C, 23-34; 247 C, 29–248 C, 690 C, 21-34; 692 C, 9-19; 692 C, 30–693 C, 5; 695 C, 1-9;
6; 433 C, 33–434 C, 6; 445 C, 29-33; 446 C, 21-25; 695 C, 22–696 C, 26; 759 C, 28-33; 767 C, 31–768 C, 6;
446 C, 33–447 C, 4; 447 C, 31–448 C, 25; 747 C, 20-23 769 C, 1-7; 772 C, 12-21; 776 C, 4-13; 776 C, 18-21; 778 C,
Eretrieus:447 C, 31-36 17-32; 780 C, 1-11; 784 C, 12-30; 785 C, 13-19; 786 C,
Eretum:228 C, 9-19; 228 C, 30-33; 238 C, 16-26 19-26; 786 C, 30–787, 11; 788 C, 10-21; 789 C, 13–790 C, 8;
Erginus:414 C, 19-29 797 C, 13-18; 798 C, 13-27; 808 C, 9-25; 812 C, 22–813 C,
Ericodes:277 C, 16-19 2; 815 C, 14-17; 817 C, 7-20; 818 C, 3-10; 819 C, 7-17; 819 C,
Ericthonius:604 C, 20-36 29–823 C, 14; 825 C, 5-19; 828 C, 18-27; 830 C, 1-10;
Ericussa:276 C, 23-30 835 C, 16-29; 839 C, 3-9; 839 C, 16-26
Eridanus:215 C, 5-12; 397 C, 9-18 Etna:20 C, 23-33; 23 C, 14-27; 54 C, 4-15; 247 C, 6-17; 248 C,
Erigon:327 C, 12-19 6-16; 267 C, 18-22; 268 C, 18–269 C, 4; 272 C, 1-4; 273 C,
Erineus:362 C, 13-22 2-14; 273 C, 26–274 C, 4; 273 C, 26–274 C, 30; 275 C,
Erineus (Doris):427 C, 20-24; 429 C, 28-33; 475 C, 32–276 C, 4; 626 C, 33–627 C, 14
35–476 C, 5 Etruscans:219 C, 15-22
Erineus (Thessaly):433 C, 33–434 C, 6 Euaemon:438 C, 35–439 C, 5
Erineus (Troad):597 C, 14-25; 598 C, 6-20 Euanthes:259 C, 10-19
Eropedia:205 C, 28–206 C, 3 Euboea (Argia):449 C, 25-30
Erpha:663 C, 19-33 Euboea (Corcyra):449 C, 25-30
Erycinian Aphrodite:272 C, 16-22 Euboea (Lemnos):449 C, 25-30
Erymanthus:343 C, 15-21 Euboea (Macedonia):449 C, 25-30
Erymnae:442 C, 35–443 C, 9 Euboea (Sicily):272 C, 27-32; 449 C, 25-30
Erysichaeans:460 C, 12-18 Euboea, Euboeans:40 C, 23-34; 58 C, 1-9; 60 C, 7-15;
Erythia:148 C, 16-36; 169 C, 21-28; 269 C, 4-19 60 C, 35–61 C, 4; 124 C, 16-24; 267 C, 22-33; 328 C,
Erythini/Erythrini:542 C, 17-30; 545 C, 2-13 2-10; 350 C, 6-12; 356 C, 9-23; 386 C, 9-23; 395 C,
Erythra (= Persian Gulf):80 C, 16-20; 529 C, 11-30 18-21; 399 C, 22-26; 400 C, 23-37; 403 C, 8-20; 405 C,
Erythra (Red Sea):32 C, 26–33 C, 3; 38 C, 25–39 C, 11; 50 C, 30-31; 417 C, 18-27; 423 C, 24-29; 425 C, 6-13; 425 C,
12-24; 55 C, 33–56 C, 25; 65 C, 13-17; 298 C, 19–299 C, 13-28; 426 C, 6-11; 429 C, 24-28; 435 C, 39-43; 437 C,
12; 491 C, 23-32; 768 C, 7-14; 786 C, 19-26; 809 C, 21-29; 20-26; 438 C, 16-21; 444 C, 8–449 C, 30; 452 C,
815 C, 6-14 34–453 C, 6; 467 C, 2-10; 472 C, 1-6; 504 C, 18-24;
Erythrae (Boeotia):404 C, 30-35; 409 C, 6-8; 410 C, 16-21 654 C, 19–655 C, 2
1006
Euboean sea:416 C, 11-30; 424 C, 34–425 C, 5 Euromus:635 C, 31–636 C, 4; 658 C, 26–659 C, 5

Eucarpia:576 C, 26-33 Europe:49 C, 32–50 C, 12; 57 C, 5-18; 64 C, 8-20; 65 C,
Euclides:393 C, 12-17 29–66 C, 7; 92 C, 23-29; 104 C, 6–106 C, 16; 107 C, 11-18;
Eucratidas/Eucratides:515 C, 4-18; 516 C, 32–517 C, 4; 685 108 C, 19-24; 109 C, 6-11; 121 C, 29–122 C, 4; 124 C,
C, 20–686 C, 9 32–125 C, 2; 126 C, 24–129 C, 9; 136 C, 13-17; 136 C, 18,
Eucratidia:516 C, 28-31 1–332 C, 1; 490 C, 1-3; 491 C, 5-23; 492 C, 10-16; 492 C,
Eudemus:655 C, 17-28 29–493 C, 8; 493 C, 17-24; 495 C, 6-15; 507 C, 13-17;
Eudielus:415 C, 25–416 C, 2 509 C, 26–510 C, 3; 553 C, 31–554 C, 5; 824 C, 26–825 C,
Eudorus:790 C, 22-28 5; 839 C, 16-26; 840 C, 13-26
Eudoxus (of Cnidus):1 C, 1–2 C, 3; 119 C, 24-31; 378 C, Europus (= Rhagae):524 C, 23–525 C, 2
31–379 C, 2; 390 C, 8–391 C, 3; 413 C, 10-16; 474 C, 21- Europus (Epirus):327 C, 19-24
30; 510 C, 15-25; 550 C, 9-15; 562 C, 31–563 C, 3; 582 C, Europus (river):440 C, 33–441 C, 20
30–583 C, 7; 655 C, 29–656 C, 11; 806 C, 18–807 C, 3 Eurotas:275 C, 5-19; 343 C, 11-15; 363 C, 23–364 C, 2; 364 C,
Eudoxus (of Cyzicus):98 C, 17–102 C, 7; 103 C, 17-24 22-29; 389 C, 3-9
Euenus (Aetolia):327 C, 6-12; 335 C, 29–336 C, 13; 451 C, Eurus:28 C, 27-30; 29 C, 3-16
8-16; 459 C, 25–460 C, 3 Eurycles:363 C, 10-21; 366 C, 1-4
Euenus (Troad):614 C, 25–615 C, 2 Eurydice:326 C, 21-25
Euergetians:724 C, 32–725 C, 6 Eurylochus (Salaminian):393 C, 28-34
Euhemerus:47 C, 9-18; 102 C, 7-11; 104 C, 19-29; 299 C, 12-18 Eurylochus (Thessalian):418 C, 29–419 C, 2; 421 C, 22-28
Eulaeus:728 C, 33–729 C, 5; 735 C, 17-20 Eurymachus:461 C, 13-23
Eumaeus:599 C, 1-16 Eurymedon (a general):359 C, 15-21
Eumedes:770 C, 13-27 Eurymedon (river):571 C, 6-17; 667 C, 14-33
Eumelus:45 C, 10-23; 436 C, 1-29; 441 C, 36–442 C, 8; Eurypontus:366 C, 6-20
442 C, 35–443 C, 9 Eurypylus (son of Eueamon):432 C, 23-26; 434 C, 6-15;
Eumenes (brother of Philetaerus):623 C, 34–624 C, 9 435 C, 32-39; 438 C, 23–439 C, 25; 584 C, 12-30
Eumenes (I):623 C, 34–624 C, 9 Eurypylus (son of Telephus):586 C, 8-11; 615 C, 27–616 C,
Eumenes (II):577 C, 1-10; 624 C, 9-22 10; 620 C, 8-21
Eumenes (Macedonian):537 C, 5-11; 672 C, 10-22 Eurysthenes:364 C, 30-39; 366 C, 6-20; 389 C, 37-42
Eumenes’s Grove:771 C, 31–772 C, 11 Eurystheus:377 C, 14-20
Eumenes’s Harbor:772 C, 32–773 C, 4 Eurytanians:448 C, 12-14; 451 C, 8-16; 465 C, 26–466 C, 7
Eumenia:576 C, 26-33 Eurytus:339 C, 6-16; 349 C, 5-12; 350 C, 6-12; 438 C, 16-21;
Eumolpus:321 C, 3-14; 383 C, 12-19; 471 C, 11-18 638 C, 19–639 C, 2
Euneos:41 C, 16-22; 44 C, 34–45 C, 10; 46 C, 18-25 Eusebia:537 C, 29–538 C, 5
Eunomus:260 C, 18-34 Euthydemus (of Bactriana):515 C, 4-23; 516 C, 17-28
Eunostus Harbor:792 C, 1-15; 795 C, 1-9 Euthydemus (of Mylasa):659 C, 17-32
Eunus:272 C, 23-27; 273 C, 2-14 Euthymus:255 C, 20–256 C, 2
Euonymus:276 C, 23-30; 277 C, 1-15 Eutresis:410 C, 29–411 C, 9
Eupalium:427 C, 10-13; 450 C, 23-31 Eutychia:381 C, 16-23
Eupatoria:556 C, 11-25 Euxine:6 C, 10-16; 48 C, 3-7; 49 C, 26-32; 51 C, 17–52 C,
Euphorion:364 C, 4-22; 681 C, 3-24 9; 73 C, 16-24; 108 C, 19-24; 117 C, 12-20; 121 C, 21-28;
Euphrates:47 C, 18-24; 64 C, 8-20; 79 C, 3-12; 79 C, 20-32; 124 C, 28–125 C, 2; 128 C, 31–129 C, 3; 129 C, 16-22;
80 C, 9-16; 80 C, 20-28; 80 C, 31–81 C, 8; 82 C, 25–83 C, 129 C, 27–130 C, 3; 288 C, 4-16; 298 C, 19–299 C, 12;
3; 84 C, 9–85 C, 5; 88 C, 30–89 C, 9; 90 C, 27–91 C, 4; 309 C, 12-21; 319 C, 26-31; 491 C, 12-23; 497 C, 18-26;
130 C, 18-24; 288 C, 4-16; 515 C, 4-18; 520 C, 32–522 C, 497 C, 27-34; 505 C, 19–506 C, 3; 507 C, 18-26; 509 C,
14; 524 C, 1-8; 526 C, 34–527 C, 33; 528 C, 32–529 C, 10; 11-25; 531 C, 26–532 C, 7; 533 C, 5–534 C, 7; 534 C, 8-20;
529 C, 11-30; 532 C, 7-25; 533 C, 5–534 C, 7; 535 C, 4-11; 541 C, 17-27; 544 C, 5-25; 545 C, 2-13; 634 C, 32–635 C,
539 C, 16–540 C, 1; 555 C, 21-29; 587 C, 15-23; 663 C, 19- 12; 676 C, 34–677 C, 15; 678 C, 17-31; 737 C, 3-8; 765 C,
33; 669 C, 11-19; 678 C, 17-31; 711 C, 30–712 C, 8; 728 C, 27–766 C, 6
33–729 C, 21; 736 C, 13–737 C, 2; 739 C, 29–740 C, 4; Euxynthetus:478 C, 24-28
740 C, 4-17; 741 C, 25–742 C, 3; 742 C, 4-26; 743 C, 3-11; Evander:230 C, 23-33
746 C, 14-23; 746 C, 30–747 C, 10; 747 C, 32–748 C, 19; Exarthrians:511 C, 17-27
749 C, 8-13; 749 C, 21-27; 751 C, 5-18; 752 C, 31–753 C, Exitanian city:156 C, 25-37
10; 765 C, 12-21; 765 C, 27–766 C, 19; 767 C, 3-21
Euripi:371 C, 20-26
Euripides:27 C, 7-13; 27 C, 27-35; 33 C, 29–34 C, 3; 183 C,
13-27; 221 C, 22-32; 356 C, 9-31; 366 C, 21-38; 377 C,
20-26; 379 C, 19-25; 415 C, 10-22; 469 C, 20–470 C, 13;
F
472 C, 20-30; 498 C, 15-25; 519 C, 32–520 C, 10; 615 C, Fabius:228 C, 25-30
18-27; 616 C, 11-22; 645 C, 32-36; 670 C, 12-30; 687 C, Fabius Maximus:278 C, 7-18
9-30; 761 C, 31–762 C, 17 Fabius Maximus Aemilianus (Quintus):185 C, 28-32
Euripus:36 C, 15-23; 60 C, 7-15; 400 C, 27-37; 403 C, 23-29; Fabrateria:237 C, 13-18
429 C, 10-14; 443 C, 18-23; 444 C, 18–445 C, 9; 446 C, Falerii:226 C, 10-18
33–447 C, 4 Faliscum:226 C, 10-18
1007
Faustulus:229 C, 28–230 C, 2 Galatia, Galatians (Asian):533 C, 5–534 C, 7; 538 C,

Faventia:216 C, 30–217 C, 5 31–539 C, 9; 540 C, 2-9; 540 C, 30–541 C, 14; 542 C, 31–
Fennel Plain:160 C, 18-32 543 C, 6; 544 C, 14-25; 546 C, 21-25; 546 C, 30–547 C,
Ferentinum (Ferentino):237 C, 13-18 6; 560 C, 5-19; 566 C, 23–568 C, 15; 571 C, 17-25; 573 C,
Ferentinum (Ferento):226 C, 10-18 27-32; 594 C, 2-8; 623 C, 34–624 C, 9; 677 C, 33–678 C,
Feronia:226 C, 18-23 16; 679 C, 23-27; 840 C, 13-26
Festi:230 C, 2-10 Galatian bay (ocean):128 C, 3-16; 166 C, 11-13; 190 C, 19-26
Fidenae:226 C, 10-18; 230 C, 2-10 Galatian bay (our sea):106 C, 17-21; 115 C, 9-21; 122 C, 23-31;
Fimbria:594 C, 9-29 128 C, 3-16; 137 C, 15-20; 166 C, 11-13; 181 C, 18-28;
Firmum Picenum:241 C, 3-14 190 C, 19-26
Flaminian road:217 C, 26-30; 226 C, 10-18; 227 C, 20-23; Galilaea:760 C, 23-31
227 C, 25-32 Gallesium:642 C, 21–643 C, 9
Flamininus (Titus):277 C, 1-15 Gallograecians:129 C, 27–130 C, 3
Flaminius:226 C, 27–227 C, 4 Gallus:543 C, 7-19
Flaminius (Gaius):217 C, 26-30 Gallus (Aelius):117 C, 35–118 C, 14; 780 C, 1–782 C, 26;
Formiae:233 C, 8-31 806 C, 10-18; 816 C, 5-17; 819 C, 29–820 C, 9
Fort of Coraus:771 C, 22-30 Gallus (Cornelius):819 C, 22-29
Foruli:228 C, 9-19 Gamabrivians:291 C, 7-10
Forum Cornelium:216 C, 30–217 C, 5 Gambarus:753 C, 13-19
Forum Flaminium:227 C, 25-32 Gandaris:699 C, 18-21
Forum Iulium:184 C, 11-18 Gandaritis:697 C, 4-17
Forum Sempronium:227 C, 25-32 Gange:719 C, 15-20
Fregellae:233 C, 26-31; 237 C, 23–238 C, 12 Ganges:686 C, 10-16; 689 C, 17-26; 690 C, 7-18; 697 C, 27–698 C,
Fregena:225 C, 29–226 C, 8 2; 702 C, 5-26; 711 C, 10-17; 718 C, 15-28; 719 C, 15-20
Frentanians:241 C, 15-27; 242 C, 3-8; 242 C, 11-14; 283 C, Gangra:562 C, 21-31
23-27; 285 C, 28-34 Ganymedes:587 C, 15-23
Frusino:237 C, 13-18 Garamantians:131 C, 11-19; 835 C, 16-24; 838 C, 24–839 C, 3
Fucina:240 C, 9-19 Garganum:284 C, 20-22; 285 C, 1-7; 285 C, 21-34
Fundi:233 C, 31-34 Gargara:583 C, 8-33; 606 C, 18-27; 610 C, 31–611 C, 3; 612 C,
15-23
Gargarians:606 C, 6-18
G Gargarians (Caucasus):503 C, 31–504 C, 24

Gargarid:610 C, 8-12
Gargarum:40 C, 23-34; 583 C, 8-33
Gabae:728 C, 14-19 Gargettus:377 C, 14-20
Gabala:753 C, 20-28 Garindaeans:776 C, 28–777 C, 3
Gabalians:190 C, 30–191 C, 6 Garsaura/Garsauira:537 C, 11-17; 539 C, 27–540 C, 1; 568 C,
Gabiana:744 C, 33–745 C, 4 15–569 C, 2; 663 C, 19-33
Gabii:237 C, 33–238 C, 12; 238 C, 16-26 Garsauritis:534 C, 25–535 C, 3
Gabinius (ex-consul):558 C, 8-23; 796 C, 16-28 Garuna/Garunna:177 C, 8-24; 189 C, 17-20; 189 C, 25–190 C,
Gabinius (writer):829 C, 11-19 12; 190 C, 30–191 C, 2; 193 C, 14-18; 199 C, 23-30
Gabreta:292 C, 31-32 Gassys:552 C, 31–553 C, 6
Gadara, Gadaris:759 C, 9-18 Gaudus:44 C, 25-34; 277 C, 20-25; 299 C, 19-23
Gadaris:764 C, 29-31 Gaugamela:79 C, 20-32; 737 C, 20-33
Gadilo, Gadilonitis:546 C, 30–547 C, 18 Gaza, Gazaeans:756 C, 18-21; 759 C, 19–760 C, 10
Gadilotus:560 C, 12-19 Gazaca:523 C, 20-25
Gadira, Gadirans:38 C, 6-13; 99 C, 11-27; 100 C, 18-20; Gazacene:552 C, 31–553 C, 6
101 C, 24–102 C, 3; 104 C, 6-29; 107 C, 6-11; 108 C, Gazaluitis:552 C, 31–553 C, 6
28–109 C, 5; 119 C, 17–120 C, 3; 129 C, 4-9; 138 C, Gazans:749 C, 14-21
25-33; 140 C, 13-19; 140 C, 33–141 C, 9; 148 C, 16-36; Gaziura:547 C, 19-32
150 C, 19-29; 156 C, 25-37; 160 C, 18-32; 168 C, Gedrosia:130 C, 6-14; 130 C, 35–131 C, 7; 133 C, 14-17; 133 C,
28–170 C, 30; 172 C, 3–175 C, 24; 199 C, 4-9; 825 C, 32–134 C, 2; 686 C, 17-25; 721 C, 7–723 C, 24; 724 C,
25-33; 827 C, 5-11 9-16; 724 C, 16-23; 726 C, 18-28; 746 C, 3-13; 767 C,
Gaditanians:141 C, 9-21; 141 C, 32-34 31–768 C, 6
Gaesatans:212 C, 31–213 C, 5; 216 C, 11-15 Gela:272 C, 27-32
Gaetulians:131 C, 11-19; 825 C, 33–829 C, 9; 829 C, 31-34; Gelans:503 C, 31–504 C, 13; 508 C, 10-18; 510 C,
835 C, 16-24; 838 C, 24-32 26–511 C, 8
Galabrians:316 C, 2-12 Gelo:98 C, 13-17
Galatia, Galatians (= Celts):61 C, 16-29; 107 C, 6-11; 129 C, Geloans:272 C, 5-10
27–130 C, 3; 146 C, 17-19; 176 C, 13-18; 180 C, 30–181 C, Gelon:449 C, 25-30
13; 189 C, 25–190 C, 12; 192 C, 1-8; 209 C, 15–210 C, 8; Genaunians:206 C, 7-13
220 C, 11-19; 289 C, 7-21; 293 C, 23–294 C, 3; 313 C, Genetes:548 C, 19-25
23-29; 315 C, 27–316 C, 1; 385 C, 13-24 Gennesaritis:755 C, 6-9
1008
Genomanians:216 C, 6-10 Gorgon(s):299 C, 12-18; 379 C, 25-30; 487 C, 20-27

Genua:201 C, 31–202 C, 3; 202 C, 24-31; 203 C, 22-25; Gorgus:325 C, 8-12
210 C, 31–211 C, 4; 216 C, 11-15; 217 C, 15-19 Gortyn(a), Gortynians:476 C, 6-20; 477 C, 16-28; 478 C,
Gephyraeans:404 C, 1-7 12&479 C, 22; 481 C, 4-12; 647 C, 7-17
Geraestus (headland):444 C, 12–445 C, 9; 446 C, Gorys:697 C, 4-17
26–447 C, 4 Gracchus (Tiberius):162 C, 32–163 C, 13
Geranius:339 C, 31–340 C, 5 Graea:376 C, 7-19; 404 C, 1-7; 410 C, 16-21
Geranus:339 C, 31–340 C, 5 Granicus:581 C, 13–582 C, 3; 582 C, 14-29; 587 C, 15-23;
Geren:633 C, 10-19 593 C, 19–594 C, 1; 602 C, 6-16; 602 C, 38–603 C, 12
Gerena:299 C, 24-25; 353 C, 10-12; 360 C, 4-10 Gras:582 C, 14-29
Gerenia:353 C, 10-12; 360 C, 17-23 Gravisci:225 C, 29–226 C, 8
Gergitha:616 C, 11-22 Great Bear. See Bear, Plough, Great Bear
Gergitha, Gergithes (Lampsacene):589 C, 24-33 Great Cataract:785 C, 20–786 C, 9
Gergithes (Cymaea):589 C, 24-33 Great Cherronesus:307 C, 6-10; 308 C, 23-30; 310 C,
Gergithium (Cymaea):589 C, 24-33 30–312 C, 16
Gergithium (Lampsacene):589 C, 24-33 Great Cibyra:630 C, 15-19
Gergovia:191 C, 14-22 Great Media:521 C, 26–522 C, 4; 522 C, 28-32; 522 C,
Germanicus (son of Tiberius):288 C, 24-33; 291 C, 32–523 C, 19; 524 C, 9–525 C, 15; 526 C, 34–527 C, 9
23–292 C, 10 Great Rhombites:493 C, 28–494 C, 4
Germany, Germans:10 C, 24-29; 14 C, 10-21; 71 C, 15-20; Great Syrtis:126 C, 12-23; 835 C, 5-24; 835 C, 30–836 C, 34;
93 C, 25-28; 117 C, 35–118 C, 14; 128 C, 31–129 C, 3; 838 C, 24-32
192 C, 21-29; 193 C, 18-24; 194 C, 3-15; 195 C, 29–196 C, Great/Taurean Cappadocia:546 C, 21-25; 557 C, 14-20;
5; 206 C, 13-26; 287 C, 25-34; 289 C, 7-21; 289 C, 560 C, 12-19; 561 C, 23-32; 563 C, 4-9; 566 C, 23-30;
7–295 C, 4; 304 C, 16-27; 305 C, 11-15; 306 C, 17-24; 567 C, 11-23; 568 C, 8-15; 671 C, 8-20; 678 C, 17-31;
313 C, 5-12; 313 C, 19-22 737 C, 3-8; 796 C, 12-16
Geron:339 C, 31–340 C, 5 Greece, Greeks:10 C, 6-20; 16 C, 13-22; 26 C, 31-37; 28 C,
Gerrha (Phoenicia):50 C, 12-24; 55 C, 33–56 C, 5; 759 C, 31-36; 34 C, 36–35 C, 8; 48 C, 19-28; 57 C, 19-29; 60 C,
33–760 C, 10 16-35; 61 C, 5-15; 65 C, 17–66 C, 3; 66 C, 23-31; 108 C,
Gerrha, Gerrhaeans (Arabia):766 C, 6-19; 768 C, 21-26; 24-28; 124 C, 16-24; 126 C, 30–127 C, 7; 127 C, 8-18;
776 C, 28–777 C, 3; 778 C, 17-32 128 C, 31–129 C, 3; 129 C, 4-9; 129 C, 10-15; 155 C, 14-24;
Gerrhaeïdae:644 C, 8-11 158 C, 7-21; 160 C, 4-11; 166 C, 1-11; 180 C, 30–181 C, 6;
Geryon(es):148 C, 16-27; 150 C, 19-29; 169 C, 21-28; 230 C, 183 C, 13-27; 202 C, 24-31; 203 C, 1-8; 208 C, 32–209 C,
23-33; 245 C, 10-18 4; 212 C, 7-17; 213 C, 5-16; 214 C, 5-13; 219 C, 15-22; 220 C,
Getans:93 C, 25-28; 117 C, 35–118 C, 14; 128 C, 31–129 C, 3; 19–221 C, 38; 222 C, 9-22; 232 C, 6-19; 235 C, 19-32; 238 C,
290 C, 29-31; 294 C, 34–305 C, 22; 306 C, 13-17; 313 C, 26–239 C, 4; 241 C, 3-14; 246 C, 4-15; 246 C, 23-28; 250 C,
5-12; 762 C, 18-30 5-16; 253 C, 7-11; 253 C, 13-19; 253 C, 19-25; 261 C, 16-24;
Gezatorix country:562 C, 21-31 262 C, 27–263 C, 2; 263 C, 13-25; 267 C, 22-33; 270 C,
Gigarta:755 C, 20-29 8-24; 277 C, 26-33; 280 C, 20-30; 282 C, 26–283 C, 8;
Gindarus:751 C, 5-26 283 C, 12-16; 286 C, 22-26; 287 C, 19-24; 289 C, 1-21;
Glaucias:601 C, 28-33 295 C, 16-22; 300 C, 6–301 C, 21; 311 C, 8-15; 312 C, 29–
Glaucopium:299 C, 24-25 313 C, 12; 320 C, 29–321 C, 14; 321 C, 15–322 C, 24; 323 C,
Glaucus (bay):651 C, 14-24 13–332 C, 1; 332 C, 1–489 C, 27; 493 C, 17-24; 494 C, 8-14;
Glaucus (river):498 C, 7-15; 500 C, 18-27 495 C, 28–496 C, 3; 505 C, 19-28; 507 C, 6-13; 507 C,
Glechon:424 C, 22-26 18-26; 508 C, 18-26; 510 C, 26–511 C, 8; 511 C, 9-17; 516 C,
Glissas:411 C, 15-16; 412 C, 11-14 17-28; 524 C, 23–525 C, 2; 530 C, 18–531 C, 1; 534 C, 8-20;
Glycera:410 C, 10-14 545 C, 14–546 C, 2; 548 C, 15-19; 553 C, 21-31; 572 C,
Glycus Harbor:324 C, 21-32 15-21; 573 C, 14-32; 577 C, 20-31; 581 C, 1-12; 582 C, 4-14;
Gogarene:528 C, 1-9; 528 C, 21-31 611 C, 10-23; 612 C, 15-23; 647 C, 4-6; 661 C, 5–663 C, 7;
Gomphi:437 C, 26-35 677 C, 33–678 C, 16; 679 C, 16-22; 685 C, 20–686 C, 9;
Gonnus:440 C, 33–441 C, 8 716 C, 11-18; 729 C, 31–730 C, 7; 735 C, 21–736 C, 2; 757 C,
Gonoessa:377 C, 5-13 16-27; 761 C, 31–762 C, 17; 792 C, 16-23; 797 C, 24–798 C,
Gorbeus:567 C, 24–568 C, 7 4; 805 C, 31–806 C, 6; 806 C, 18-30; 816 C, 28-33; 817 C,
Gordium:567 C, 24–568 C, 7 20-27; 825 C, 20-25; 832 C, 1-7
Gordius:567 C, 24–568 C, 7 Grove of Asclepius:756 C, 22-31
Gordius Village:574 C, 20-30 Grove of the colobi:771 C, 31–772 C, 11
Gordus:602 C, 38–603 C, 12 Grumentum:254 C, 14-18
Gordyaea, Gordyaeans:80 C, 9-16; 522 C, 4-14; 529 C, 11- Grynium:622 C, 1-15
30; 532 C, 7-25; 736 C, 13–737 C, 2; 739 C, 23-28; 746 C, Guneus:440 C, 33–441 C, 8
23-29; 747 C, 10-23; 750 C, 11-24 Guranians:531 C, 16-23
Gordyene:80 C, 20-28; 527 C, 17-29; 747 C, 20-23 Gutones:290 C, 25-29
Gordys:747 C, 20-23; 750 C, 11-24 Gyaros:485 C, 23–486 C, 3
Gorgippia:494 C, 29–495 C, 5; 495 C, 16-27; 495 C, Gygaea:626 C, 10-19
28–496 C, 3 Gygas:590 C, 34–591 C, 8
1009
Gyges:420 C, 32–421 C, 9; 590 C, 34–591 C, 8; 680 C, 9-24 Harma (Boeotia):404 C, 8-25; 405 C, 13-30; 410 C, 16-21
Gymnesian islands:122 C, 34–123 C, 9; 129 C, 4-9; 144 C, Harmonia:46 C, 1-13; 326 C, 21-25
6-11; 144 C, 22-28; 159 C, 19-28; 167 C, 15–168 C, 27; Harmoza:765 C, 27–766 C, 6
654 C, 19–655 C, 2 Harmozica:500 C, 27–501 C, 4
Gymnosophists:762 C, 18-30 Harpagia:587 C, 15-23
Gynaecon Polis:803 C, 13-24 Harpagus:252 C, 14-18
Gyrton/Gyrtona:439 C, 26-28; 439 C, 29–440 C, 3; 441 C, Harpalus:837 C, 15-23
21-30; 441 C, 36–442 C, 17; 443 C, 23-31 Harpina:356 C, 31–357 C, 4
Gythium:343 C, 11-15; 363 C, 23–364 C, 2 Hasdrubal:158 C, 21-29
Hebe:382 C, 16-25
Hebrus:322 C, 28–323 C, 3; 590 C, 23-33
H Hecabe:457 C, 16-23; 595 C, 9-20

Hecataeus (historian, geographer):1 C, 1–2 C, 3; 7 C, 7-13;
18 C, 5-13; 271 C, 33-37; 316 C, 13-20; 321 C, 3-14; 341 C,
Hades:344 C, 8-12; 344 C, 16-24 7-17; 550 C, 26–551 C, 4; 551 C, 37–552 C, 8; 553 C, 6-11;
Hadylium:424 C, 11-22 635 C, 20-24; 635 C, 31–636 C, 4
Haemon:443 C, 32–444 C, 7 Hecataeus (writer):299 C, 12-18; 644 C, 1-8
Haemonia:46 C, 1-13; 443 C, 32–444 C, 7 Hecate:468 C, 10-20; 472 C, 20-30
Haemus:208 C, 32–209 C, 4; 301 C, 21-28; 313 C, 12-19; Hecatomnus:656 C, 24–657 C, 11; 659 C, 5-16
318 C, 18-24; 318 C, 28–319 C, 2; 319 C, 10-18; 323 C, Hecatompolis:362 C, 27-32
15-21; 440 C, 17-32 Hecatompylus:514 C, 14-22; 514 C, 31-36
Halae (Araphenian):398 C, 34–399 C, 7; 446 C, 16-21 Hecatonnesi:618 C, 28-35
Halae (Boeotia):404 C, 36–405 C, 9; 425 C, 13-22 Hector:40 C, 23-34; 584 C, 31–585 C, 32; 590 C, 23-33;
Halesian plain:605 C, 9-14 598 C, 6-20; 599 C, 17-30; 619 C, 13-29; 620 C, 1-7
Haliartis:410 C, 29–411 C, 7 Hector’s Grove:595 C, 20-27
Haliartus, Haliartia:16 C, 13-22; 298 C, 19–299 C, 12; 407 C, Hedylus:683 C, 6-16
11-18; 407 C, 26-31; 410 C, 22-28; 410 C, 29–411 C, 7; Hedyphon:744 C, 20-33
411 C, 15-16; 411 C, 30-34; 412 C, 24-31 Hegesianax:594 C, 2-8
Halicarnassus:374 C, 17-21; 611 C, 3-23; 635 C, 25-28; 653 C, Hegesias:396 C, 10-18; 648 C, 6-15
9-33; 656 C, 12–657 C, 11 Heilisium:406 C, 14-26
Halicyrna:459 C, 31–460 C, 3 Helen:40 C, 35–41 C, 15; 183 C, 13-27; 396 C, 18-30; 399 C,
Halieis:373 C, 8-15 14-22; 596 C, 31–597 C, 7; 800 C, 26–801 C, 1
Halisarna:657 C, 15–658 C, 4 Helena:399 C, 14-26; 485 C, 23-30
Halius:432 C, 31-37 Heleon:404 C, 30-35; 405 C, 13-30; 406 C, 14-26
Halizonians:549 C, 23-30; 550 C, 4-15; 550 C, 26-32; 551 C, Heliads:215 C, 5-12
4-9; 552 C, 9-19; 603 C, 13-21; 676 C, 34–677 C, 15; Helians:364 C, 39–365 C, 8
677 C, 33–678 C, 16; 678 C, 32–679 C, 10; 680 C, 9-24 Helica (Achaea):59 C, 10-22; 377 C, 5-13; 384 C, 9–385 C, 9;
Halonnesos:436 C, 34-39 385 C, 28–386 C, 2; 387 C, 2-11; 387 C, 16-24
Halonnesus:644 C, 37–645 C, 5 Helica (Thessaly):385 C, 9-12
Halus (Locris):432 C, 31-37 Helicon:26 C, 31-37; 379 C, 25–380 C, 3; 405 C, 13-30;
Halus (Phthiotis):432 C, 31–433 C, 15; 435 C, 21-32; 435 C, 407 C, 26-31; 409 C, 13–410 C, 14; 411 C, 16-26; 412 C,
39-43 32-35; 414 C, 8-10; 423 C, 11-15; 622 C, 28–623 C, 9
Halys:126 C, 3-11; 129 C, 27–130 C, 3; 287 C, 19-24; 298 C, Heliopolitans:646 C, 18-33
19–299 C, 12; 492 C, 10-16; 533 C, 5–534 C, 7; 534 C, Heliu Polis (Egypt):805 C, 7–807 C, 3
8-20; 538 C, 31–539 C, 9; 540 C, 30–541 C, 14; 541 C, 17-27; Heliu Polis (Syria):752 C, 31–753 C, 10
544 C, 5-25; 546 C, 21-25; 546 C, 30–547 C, 6; 552 C, Helius:33 C, 29–34 C, 3; 363 C, 23–364 C, 2; 366 C, 21-38;
9–553 C, 11; 560 C, 12-19; 561 C, 5-32; 561 C, 33–562 C, 503 C, 7-19; 513 C, 2-11; 652 C, 10-33; 732 C, 18-28;
9; 572 C, 15-21; 676 C, 34–677 C, 15; 735 C, 28–736 C, 2; 805 C, 7-19
840 C, 13-26 Hellanicus:43 C, 13-20; 366 C, 6-20; 426 C, 23-26; 456 C,
Hamarium:385 C, 13-24; 387 C, 2-11 9-18; 507 C, 26–508 C, 9; 550 C, 9-15; 601 C, 33–602 C,
Hamaxia:669 C, 20-32 5; 610 C, 31–611 C, 3; 618 C, 16-27
Hamaxitia:473 C, 5-9 Hellas (= Haemonia):443 C, 32–444 C, 7
Hamaxitus:440 C, 17-32; 604 C, 13-36; 605 C, 3-14; 606 C, Hellas, Hellenes:340 C, 27-37; 430 C, 33-38; 431 C,
6-18; 612 C, 24–613 C, 15; 620 C, 22-27 22–432 C, 9; 438 C, 35–439 C, 5. See also Greece,
Hannibal:158 C, 21-29; 159 C, 11-15; 209 C, 4-7; 216 C, 6-10; Greeks
217 C, 20-26; 226 C, 27–227 C, 4; 245 C, 19-26; 248 C, Hellen:383 C, 7-12; 431 C, 37–432 C, 7; 443 C, 32–444 C, 7
31–249 C, 11; 250 C, 30–251 C, 6; 251 C, 20-25; 255 C, Hellenes (city in Iberia):156 C, 1-14.
20–256 C, 13; 285 C, 21-28; 287 C, 4-18; 528 C, 32–529 C, Hellespont:46 C, 1-13; 49 C, 26-32; 62 C, 33–63 C, 9; 68 C,
10; 563 C, 32-35 18-29; 69 C, 8-18; 124 C, 16-24; 124 C, 28-32; 135 C, 11-
Hapsus:316 C, 13-20 14; 295 C, 22-36; 312 C, 29–313 C, 4; 323 C, 15-21; 400 C,
Harbor of Heracles:225 C, 25-29 27-37; 534 C, 8-20; 563 C, 10-15; 571 C, 26–572 C, 1;
Harbor of Psygmus:774 C, 6-18 583 C, 8-33; 586 C, 12-16; 590 C, 34–591 C, 8; 634 C,
Harma (Attica):404 C, 11-19 32–635 C, 12
1010
Hellopia, Hellopians (= Euboea):328 C, 2-10; 445 C, 19-29; Heraclium (Cimmerian Bosporus):494 C, 15-18
445 C, 33–446 C, 15 Heraclium (Crete):476 C, 12-20; 484 C, 19-28
Hellopia, Hellopians (Epirus):328 C, 2-10 Heraclium (Egypt):788 C, 10-21; 801 C, 14-23
Hellopia, Hellopians (Histaeotis):445 C, 19-25 Heraclium (Gadira):169 C, 13-20; 170 C, 20-30; 172 C, 3-20;
Hellops:445 C, 19-25 172 C, 24-31
Helos (Boeotia):406 C, 14-26 Heraclium (nr Neapolis):246 C, 29–247 C, 5
Helos (Laconia):343 C, 11-15; 349 C, 5-12; 349 C, 19-24; Heraclium (Sicily):266 C, 6-19
350 C, 2-6; 364 C, 39–365 C, 8 Heraclium (Syria):751 C, 5-18; 753 C, 20-28
Helots:701 C, 21–702 C, 4 Heraea:336 C, 36–337 C, 8; 388 C, 28-36
Helvettians:192 C, 31-36; 193 C, 18-30; 196 C, 21-26; 206 C, Heraeum:368 C, 23-27
13-26; 208 C, 14-19; 292 C, 25-31; 293 C, 23–294 C, 3 Hera’s Island:168 C, 25-27; 170 C, 12-20
Hemeroscopium:159 C, 1-11; 161 C, 18-25 Hercynian Forest:207 C, 7-17; 290 C, 17-25; 292 C, 11-25;
Heniochia, Heniochans:129 C, 22-26; 492 C, 20-28; 495 C, 292 C, 31-32; 293 C, 23–294 C, 3; 294 C, 34–295 C, 4
28–496 C, 25; 496 C, 26–497 C, 4; 506 C, 4-15; 839 C, 16-26 Herdonia:282 C, 26–283 C, 8
Heorta:318 C, 6-13 Hermaea (headland):832 C, 7-13; 834 C, 8-13
Hephaestium:807 C, 21-27 Hermaeum:834 C, 8-13
Hephaestus:41 C, 4-22; 472 C, 31–473 C, 5 Hermagoras:621 C, 28-33
Hepta Phreata:782 C, 8-18 Hermes:42 C, 18-23; 104 C, 19-29; 343 C, 22-24; 816 C, 28-33
Heptacometae:548 C, 27-34; 549 C, 1-10 Hermias:610 C, 18-30; 614 C, 25–615 C, 2
Heptaporus:554 C, 12-24; 583 C, 8-33; 587 C, 5-14; 595 C, Hermion(a):369 C, 3-7; 372 C, 26-31; 373 C, 8-25; 374 C,
9-20; 602 C, 31–603 C, 12 6-9; 374 C, 22-32; 376 C, 7-19; 385 C, 13-24
Hera:215 C, 12-18; 252 C, 1-7; 261 C, 24-26; 354 C, 12-20; 372 C, Hermionic gulf:59 C, 10-22; 335 C, 23-27; 368 C, 10-12;
3-11; 373 C, 4-7; 380 C, 7-15; 426 C, 26-31; 583 C, 8-33; 369 C, 3-10; 380 C, 15-19; 390 C, 8-21
636 C, 33–637 C, 12; 639 C, 28–640 C, 9; 838 C, 9-19 Hermocreon:588 C, 3-18
Heracleotes:308 C, 15-23; 319 C, 3-10 Hermodorus:642 C, 2-11
Heracleotic mouth:85 C, 27-33; 788 C, 22-28 Hermonassa (Cimmerian Bosporus):494 C, 29–495 C, 5
Heracleotis:642 C, 12-20 Hermonassa (Pontus):548 C, 19-25
Heracles:2 C, 34–3 C, 12; 9 C, 8-12; 26 C, 31-37; 48 C, 7-19; Hermonax:305 C, 34–306 C, 8
139 C, 29–140 C, 7; 157 C, 1-14; 170 C, 20-30; 171 C, 1-21; Hermonthis:816 C, 34–817 C, 6
172 C, 3-11; 182 C, 34–183 C, 27; 185 C, 28-32; 202 C, Hermopolitans:812 C, 22–813 C, 2
32-35; 219 C, 15-22; 230 C, 23-33; 238 C, 16-26; 245 C, Hermopolite Watch-post:813 C, 3-9
10-18; 278 C, 7-18; 281 C, 19-28; 338 C, 11-17; 341 C, 7-17; Hermu Polis (nr Butus):802 C, 1-6
348 C, 4-14; 351 C, 23-36; 352 C, 20-23; 352 C, 37-39; Hermu Polis (nr Chabrias):803 C, 13-24
354 C, 21–355 C, 7; 358 C, 9-19; 363 C, 10-21; 373 C, Hermu Polis (nr Mendes):802 C, 7-17
19-25; 414 C, 19-29; 425 C, 22-28; 427 C, 24-29; 428 C, Hermundurians:290 C, 32–291 C, 7
19-28; 438 C, 16-21; 448 C, 12-14; 451 C, 8-16; 458 C, Hermus:554 C, 12-24; 581 C, 13–582 C, 3; 583 C, 34–584 C,
14–459 C, 2; 459 C, 18-25; 487 C, 15-19; 495 C, 6-15; 11; 586 C, 23-29; 621 C, 21-24; 621 C, 28-33; 625 C, 16-24;
505 C, 19-28; 563 C, 35–564 C, 7; 582 C, 14-29; 596 C, 625 C, 25–626 C, 10; 632 C, 5-17; 691 C, 9-17
5-22; 613 C, 19-28; 686 C, 25–688 C, 24; 711 C, 30–712 C, Hernicians:228 C, 34–229 C, 4; 231 C, 1-12; 237 C, 23–238 C, 12
4; 813 C, 31–814 C, 6; 826 C, 10-22; 828 C, 27-34 Herod:760 C, 23-31; 764 C, 34–765 C, 11
Heracles City:812 C, 10-21 Herodotus:30 C, 9-22; 35 C, 29–36 C, 2; 43 C, 13-20; 59 C,
Heracles Harbor:256 C, 21-30 22-33; 61 C, 31–62 C, 4; 62 C, 8-13; 98 C, 13-17; 100 C,
Heracles Island:159 C, 1-11 24-34; 151 C, 1-13; 282 C, 6-11; 301 C, 12-21; 428 C,
Heraclia (?= Salbaca):658 C, 26–659 C, 5 19-28; 448 C, 1-11; 472 C, 31–473 C, 5; 507 C, 26–508 C,
Heraclia (Aeolid):606 C, 33–607 C, 6 9; 531 C, 1-15; 532 C, 26–533 C, 4; 534 C, 8-20; 536 C,
Heraclia (beneath Latmus):635 C, 31–636 C, 9 20-29; 544 C, 5-14; 550 C, 9-15; 573 C, 1-13; 611 C, 10-23;
Heraclia (Brettia):264 C, 1-11; 264 C, 19-29; 281 C, 1-5 618 C, 16-27; 625 C, 25–626 C, 10; 627 C, 15-22; 656 C,
Heraclia (Macedonia):323 C, 3-8 12-23; 668 C, 1-6; 691 C, 9-17; 818 C, 33–819 C, 4; 823 C,
Heraclia (nr Bambyca in Syria):751 C, 5-18 33–824 C, 11
Heraclia (nr Posidium in Syria):751 C, 31-35; 753 C, 20-28 Heroon Polis:85 C, 27-33; 759 C, 19-27; 767 C, 22-30;
Heraclia (nr Rhagae):514 C, 24-31 768 C, 27-34; 769 C, 20–770 C, 2; 803 C, 3-12; 804 C,
Heraclia (Pontus):540 C, 30–541 C, 27; 542 C, 4–543 C, 33–805 C, 4; 809 C, 21-29; 819 C, 22-29; 836 C, 10-19
19; 544 C, 14-25; 546 C, 2-20; 553 C, 12-21 Hero’s Tower:591 C, 8-18
Heraclia (Trachinian):60 C, 16-35; 382 C, 16-25; 389 C, Herostratus:640 C, 21–641 C, 5
25-36; 408 C, 34-37; 428 C, 14-18; 429 C, 10-14; 434 C, Herpa:537 C, 5-11; 538 C, 31–539 C, 9
6-15; 442 C, 27-34 Hesiod:23 C, 14-27; 29 C, 27-30; 42 C, 18-23; 42 C, 33–43 C,
Heraclian promontory:548 C, 19-25 13; 221 C, 22-32; 298 C, 19–299 C, 12; 300 C, 20–301 C,
Heraclides:98 C, 13-17; 100 C, 24-34; 384 C, 33–385 C, 9; 1; 302 C, 13-26; 322 C, 5-13; 327 C, 29–328 C, 1; 342 C,
540 C, 30–541 C, 14; 604 C, 20-36 10-18; 364 C, 4-22; 370 C, 4-12; 371 C, 13-19; 385 C, 9-12;
Heraclides (doctor):645 C, 5-9 393 C, 28-34; 409 C, 18-24; 413 C, 10-16; 424 C, 22-26;
Heraclids:333 C, 18-29 442 C, 17-26; 471 C, 32-38; 507 C, 26–508 C, 9; 587 C,
Heraclitus:3 C, 31-36; 642 C, 2-11; 656 C, 12-23; 784 C, 2-11 24–588 C, 2; 622 C, 28–623 C, 9; 642 C, 21–643 C, 9;
Heraclium (Brettia):259 C, 5-10; 259 C, 10-19 647 C, 18-30; 676 C, 7-13
1011
Hesperides (Cyrenaea):123 C, 13-21; 457 C, 34–458 C, 5 70 C, 20-27; 83 C, 16-24; 102 C, 12-20; 103 C, 9-24;
Hesperides (lake):836 C, 20-28 111 C, 19-28; 149 C, 1–150 C, 18; 157 C, 21-32; 212 C, 7-17;
Hesperides (mythical divinities):150 C, 19-29; 182 C, 221 C, 5-21; 224 C, 13-18; 244 C, 7-15; 255 C, 20–256 C, 2;
34–183 C, 12; 299 C, 12-18 256 C, 21-30; 271 C, 18-33; 295 C, 22–296 C, 19; 298 C,
Hesperus:416 C, 22-30 13–300 C, 14; 301 C, 12-21; 302 C, 13-26; 303 C, 8-18;
Hestia:220 C, 11-19 328 C, 2-17; 328 C, 27–329 C, 10; 332 C, 4-13; 336 C, 18–
Hestiaea:599 C, 17-30 337 C, 8; 337 C, 17–338 C, 11; 339 C, 6-16; 340 C, 6-37;
Hestiaeotis (Thessaly):431 C, 16-24; 441 C, 9-20; 475 C, 341 C, 7-17; 342 C, 18-26; 343 C, 36–344 C, 7; 345 C,
35–476 C, 5. See also Histiaeotis (Thessaly) 6-11; 345 C, 19-24; 346 C, 19-29; 348 C, 4-14; 348 C,
Hicesias:580 C, 6-10 20–355 C, 19; 354 C, 2-20; 355 C, 7-9; 356 C, 9-23; 359 C,
Hiera (headland):666 C, 11-26 30-33; 360 C, 17-30; 363 C, 23–364 C, 2; 364 C, 4-2;
Hiera (island):275 C, 20–276 C, 30; 277 C, 1-15 365 C, 12-20; 367 C, 8-14; 367 C, 19-29; 368 C, 27–369 C,
Hiera City:747 C, 32–748 C, 6 1; 369 C, 3-7; 369 C, 18–370 C, 38; 371 C, 26–372 C, 2;
Hieracon:773 C, 23-28 372 C, 26-31; 375 C, 8-15; 376 C, 7-24; 376 C, 24-28;
Hieracon Polis:816 C, 34–817 C, 6 377 C, 5-13; 384 C, 16-26; 387 C, 28–388 C, 3; 388 C,
Hierapolis (Phrygia):578 C, 31–579 C, 9; 629 C, 22–630 C, 19 28-36; 392 C, 3-13; 394 C, 8-14; 394 C, 28-33; 399 C,
Hierapytna:440 C, 17-32; 472 C, 6-12; 472 C, 20-30; 475 C, 14-22; 401 C, 19-28; 404 C, 30–405 C, 9; 405 C,
5-12 13-30; 406 C, 27–407 C, 3; 407 C, 11–414 C, 29; 417 C,
Hierapytnians:478 C, 28–479 C, 2 27–418 C, 1; 420 C, 24–421 C, 9; 423 C, 16-29; 424 C,
Hiericus:760 C, 23-31; 763 C, 5-23; 779 C, 21-27 2-10; 424 C, 11-22; 425 C, 31-38; 426 C, 19-22; 426 C,
Hiero (of Laodicia):578 C, 8-19 32-35; 427 C, 3-10; 429 C, 15-20; 430 C, 24–443 C, 9;
Hiero (of Syracuse):268 C, 18-32 445 C, 9-18; 446 C, 26-32; 448 C, 32–449 C, 16; 451 C,
Hierocepia:683 C, 17-27; 683 C, 34–684 C, 7 17-23; 451 C, 34–452 C, 7; 452 C, 34–455 C, 13; 455 C,
Hieronymus (historian):378 C, 31–379 C, 2; 443 C, 23-31; 35–456 C, 24; 456 C, 32–457 C, 33; 459 C, 3-8; 460 C,
474 C, 31–475 C, 5 12-18; 460 C, 22-26; 460 C, 31-35; 461 C, 5-34; 462 C,
Hieronymus (philosopher):655 C, 17-28 20-27; 462 C, 31–463 C, 16; 467 C, 10-16; 473 C, 9-16;
Himera:272 C, 27-32; 274 C, 31–275 C, 5 475 C, 27–477 C, 6; 478 C, 12-20; 479 C, 27&480 C, 2;
Himeras:266 C, 6-19 482 C, 19-27; 484 C, 29-32; 487 C, 10-14; 488 C, 11-15;
Hipparchus:2 C, 11-20; 5 C, 32–6 C, 4; 7 C, 14-23–8 C, 501 C, 35–502 C, 12; 507 C, 26–508 C, 9; 536 C, 20-29;
1; 14 C, 22-32–15 C, 1-6; 16 C, 31–17 C, 2; 27 C, 13-27; 543 C, 25–544 C, 4; 544 C, 26–545 C, 13; 549 C, 23-30;
55 C, 11-19; 56 C, 8–57 C, 18; 62 C, 22-29; 63 C, 24-34; 552 C, 19-30; 553 C, 12–555 C, 2; 564 C, 27–565 C, 19;
67 C, 7–94 C, 20; 106 C, 10-16; 113 C, 25–114 C, 1; 131 C, 572 C, 2-14; 573 C, 1–574 C, 13; 581 C, 1-12; 582 C, 4-14;
26–132 C, 33; 332 C, 4-13; 529 C, 11-30; 566 C, 19-22 582 C, 30–583 C, 33; 584 C, 12–587 C, 14; 589 C, 9-23;
Hippi:644 C, 15-22 590 C, 3-33; 592 C, 1-11; 592 C, 26–593 C, 16; 594 C, 18-
Hippo (near Ityca):832 C, 1-7 29; 595 C, 6-20; 596 C, 17-22; 597 C, 14-25; 598 C, 21-31;
Hippo (toward Tretum):832 C, 1-7 599 C, 1-30; 600 C, 24–601 C, 24; 602 C, 16-37; 603 C,
Hippobotus:525 C, 3-15 30–604 C, 12; 605 C, 1-3; 605 C, 15–606 C, 4; 607 C,
Hippocles:243 C, 12-17 28–608 C, 6; 608 C, 14-27; 611 C, 3-10; 611 C, 24–612 C,
Hippocoon:461 C, 23-29 8; 612 C, 28–613 C, 9; 613 C, 29–614 C, 4; 615 C,
Hippocorona:472 C, 20-30 27–616 C, 10; 619 C, 13–620 C, 21; 622 C, 28–623 C, 9;
Hippocoronium:472 C, 20-30 626 C, 10-19; 627 C, 23-30; 630 C, 26–631 C, 4; 635 C,
Hippocrates:657 C, 15–658 C, 4 31–636 C, 4; 638 C, 19–639 C, 2; 643 C, 9-21; 645 C,
Hipponax:340 C, 37–341 C, 3; 633 C, 31–634 C, 5; 636 C, 22-30; 645 C, 36–646 C, 11; 650 C, 10-16; 653 C, 9-33;
19-25; 642 C, 2-11 654 C, 19–655 C, 2; 661 C, 17-28; 667 C, 5-13; 674 C, 13-
Hipponian bay:254 C, 30–255 C, 7; 255 C, 13-18; 261 C, 26; 676 C, 29-33; 677 C, 33–678 C, 16; 678 C, 32–679 C,
16-24 10; 679 C, 28–680 C, 9; 696 C, 14-26; 711 C, 3-10; 735 C,
Hipponium:256 C, 14-20 21-28; 756 C, 22-31; 757 C, 16-27; 761 C, 31–762 C, 30;
Hippothous:620 C, 8-21; 620 C, 22-27 784 C, 12–785 C, 5; 790 C, 9-21; 793 C, 27–794 C, 4;
Hippucrena:379 C, 25-30 797 C, 24–798 C, 4; 802 C, 17-28; 814 C, 6-14; 815 C,
Hippus:498 C, 7-15; 500 C, 18-27 28–816 C, 5; 834 C, 25-33
Hira:359 C, 2-14; 360 C, 17-23 Homola/Homolium:442 C, 35–443 C, 9; 443 C, 23-31
Hirpini:250 C, 26-28 Homonadians:569 C, 3–570 C, 4; 678 C, 32–679 C, 10
Hispellum:227 C, 32-36 Hormiae:233 C, 20-26
Histi:639 C, 3-14 Horn of the Byzantines:319 C, 32–320 C, 17
Histiaea, Histiaeotis (Euboea):437 C, 20–438 C, 21; Hortensius:514 C, 36–515 C, 3
445 C, 19–446 C, 15 Hyamitis:361 C, 15-21
Histiaeotis (Thessaly):446 C, 33–446 C, 8. See also Hyampia:424 C, 2-10
Hestiaeotis (Thessaly) Hyampolis:401 C, 28; 415 C, 31–416 C, 2; 424 C, 2-10
Holmi (Cilicia):670 C, 9-12 Hyantes:321 C, 3-14; 401 C, 13-28; 424 C, 2-10; 464 C,
Holmi (Parorius):663 C, 19-33 21-32
Homer:1 C, 1–7 C, 13; 8 C, 18-22; 8 C, 26–9 C, 7; 9 C, Hyarotis:694 C, 14-26; 697 C, 27–698 C, 2; 699 C,
35–10 C, 5; 12 C, 2-9; 12 C, 14-29; 16 C, 3–48 C, 28; 53 C, 18-21
6-22; 58 C, 10-23; 59 C, 1-22; 59 C, 22-33; 65 C, 10-12; Hybla:267 C, 22-33; 268 C, 18-32
1012
Hybreas:630 C, 19-25; 659 C, 17–660 C, 14 Hysiae (Boeotia):404 C, 30-35

Hybrianians:318 C, 24-27 Hyspiratis:529 C, 31–530 C, 12
Hyda:407 C, 36–408 C, 4; 626 C, 20-33
Hydara:555 C, 14-21
Hydarnes:531 C, 26–532 C, 7
Hydaspes:685 C, 20–686 C, 9; 691 C, 25–692 C, 9; 692 C,
30–693 C, 5; 696 C, 14-26; 697 C, 27–698 C, 2; 700 C,
I
17–701 C, 9; 721 C, 28-34 Iaccetania:161 C, 15-18; 161 C, 29-32
Hydra:346 C, 29–347 C, 3 Ialmenus:416 C, 2-10
Hydra (headland):622 C, 1-15 Ialysus:655 C, 3-16
Hydra (lake):460 C, 18-22 Iamblichus:752 C, 31–753 C, 10
Hydracians:686 C, 25–687 C, 8 Iamnia:759 C, 9-18
Hydrelus:650 C, 17-23 Iaolcus:385 C, 9-12
Hydrus:281 C, 28-35 Iaones:432 C, 10-22
Hydrussa:398 C, 21-33 Iapodes:202 C, 7-14; 207 C, 18-25; 313 C, 29–314 C, 9; 314 C,
Hyela:252 C, 7–253 C, 6 31–315 C, 10
Hyla, Hylae:407 C, 36–408 C, 4; 408 C, 6-15; 410 C, 16-21 Iapydia:105 C, 24-33
Hylas:563 C, 35–564 C, 7 Iapygae:254 C, 24-30
Hylica:407 C, 36–408 C, 4 Iapygia, Iapygians:210 C, 17-27; 211 C, 15-26; 261 C, 24-26;
Hyllus (person):427 C, 24-29 261 C, 27–262 C, 2; 262 C, 14-26; 264 C, 29–265 C, 6;
Hyllus (river):554 C, 12-24; 625 C, 25–626 C, 10 265 C, 20-26; 277 C, 26–285 C, 34
Hymettus:399 C, 28-31 Iapygian headland:108 C, 28–109 C, 5; 124 C, 3-10; 210 C,
Hypaepa:627 C, 15-22 17-27; 281 C, 11-18
Hypana:344 C, 16-24 Iapyx:279 C, 3-11
Hypanis (Beas, Sutlej r.):516 C, 17-28; 685 C, 20–686 C, Iardanus:347 C, 17-19
9; 691 C, 25-34; 697 C, 27–698 C, 2; 700 C, 17–701 C, 2; Iardanus’s Tomb:348 C, 4-14
702 C, 27-33 Iasus:658 C, 13-25
Hypanis (Bug r.):107 C, 22-32; 298 C, 19–299 C, 12; 306 C, Iaxartes:507 C, 6-13; 510 C, 3-14; 511 C, 9-17; 513 C, 30–514 C,
9-13 14; 516 C, 32–517 C, 4; 517 C, 20–518 C, 4; 518 C, 9-20
Hypanis (Kuban r.):494 C, 29–495 C, 5; 495 C, 16-27 Iazyges:294 C, 15-34; 306 C, 13-17
Hypasians:691 C, 25-34; 698 C, 3-7 Iber (Ebro r.):156 C, 5-13; 156 C, 14-24; 158 C, 30–159 C,
Hypatum:412 C, 11-14 1; 159 C, 11-28; 160 C, 18-32; 161 C, 11-18; 162 C, 11-18;
Hypelaeus:633 C, 31–634 C, 5; 640 C, 10-20 162 C, 26-32; 166 C, 29–167 C, 10
Hyperasia:383 C, 1-6 Iber (?Rio Tinto):175 C, 10-14
Hyperboreans:62 C, 8-13; 295 C, 4-15; 507 C, 18-26; 711 C, Iberia, Iberians:2 C, 34–3 C, 12; 7 C, 23–8 C, 1; 21 C, 29–22 C,
24-29 3; 28 C, 24-26; 33 C, 9-17; 61 C, 5-15; 64 C, 1-8; 64 C,
Hyperesia:377 C, 5-13 20–65 C, 3; 83 C, 24–84 C, 2; 93 C, 25-28; 100 C, 1-12;
Hyperia:431 C, 37–432 C, 7; 438 C, 23-25; 439 C, 22-25 100 C, 18-20; 104 C, 19-29; 105 C, 33–106 C, 10; 107 C,
Hyperion:103 C, 9-17 6-11; 108 C, 19-24; 119 C, 24-31; 122 C, 16-23; 127 C,
Hypernotians:61 C, 31–62 C, 4 26–128 C, 2; 136 C, 18–176 C, 12; 178 C, 24-27; 179 C,
Hypnus:583 C, 8-33 33–180 C, 7; 187 C, 3-15; 196 C, 5-13; 199 C, 4-9; 201 C,
Hypochalcis:450 C, 32–451 C, 7 8-12; 208 C, 29-31; 218 C, 15-19; 270 C, 8-15; 287 C, 4-18;
Hypocremnus:644 C, 11-15; 644 C, 15-22; 644 C, 287 C, 25-34; 289 C, 1-7; 499 C, 14-27; 654 C, 19–655 C, 2;
37–645 C, 5 686 C, 25–687 C, 8; 711 C, 24-29; 718 C, 15-28; 756 C, 22-
Hypsicrates:311 C, 27-31; 503 C, 31–504 C, 13 31; 825 C, 20-25; 830 C, 16-27; 832 C, 25-31; 840 C, 13-26
Hypsois:349 C, 36-37 Iberia, Iberians (Asia):45 C, 28-36; 61 C, 5-15; 117 C, 35–118 C,
Hyrcania, Hyrcanians:14 C, 10-21; 69 C, 8-18; 72 C, 31–73 C, 14; 129 C, 22-26; 288 C, 4-16; 491 C, 12–492 C, 9; 497 C,
10; 73 C, 24-27; 93 C, 28–94 C, 8; 117 C, 35–118 C, 14; 11-26; 499 C, 10–501 C, 21; 502 C, 13–503 C, 19; 503 C,
129 C, 22-26; 134 C, 15-24; 304 C, 16-27; 505 C, 10-18; 24-30; 506 C, 4-15; 521 C, 26–522 C, 4; 526 C, 34–527 C, 9;
507 C, 6-13; 508 C, 10-18; 508 C, 27–509 C, 25; 510 C, 528 C, 9-20; 531 C, 26–532 C, 25; 711 C, 24-29
15–511 C, 27; 513 C, 30–514 C, 7; 514 C, 24-31; 514 C, Iberian sea:122 C, 31-34
36–515 C, 3; 516 C, 1-11; 518 C, 9-20; 518 C, 26–519 C, 3; Ibycus:59 C, 1-10; 271 C, 18-33
520 C, 14-21; 743 C, 25-34 Icaria:488 C, 2-8; 636 C, 25-33; 637 C, 13-23; 639 C, 3-14
Hyrcanian plain:629 C, 11-21 Icarian sea:28 C, 36–29 C, 2; 124 C, 16-24; 488 C, 2-10
Hyrcanian sea. See Caspian sea, Hyrcanian sea Icarius:452 C, 30-33; 461 C, 13-29
Hyrcanium:763 C, 5-10 Icarus (island in Persian gulf):766 C, 6-19
Hyrcanus:762 C, 30–763 C, 5; 764 C, 34–765 C, 11 Icarus (island=Icaria):634 C, 32–635 C, 12
Hyria (Italy):282 C, 6-11 Icarus (son of Daedalus):639 C, 3-14
Hyria (Boeotia):404 C, 26-30 Ichnae:435 C, 32-39
Hyrieus:404 C, 26-30 Ichthyophagi:130 C, 35–131 C, 7; 720 C, 14–721 C, 6; 725 C,
Hyrmina:340 C, 6-13; 341 C, 18-22 32–726 C, 5; 726 C, 18-28
Hyrmina (headland):341 C, 20-22 Ichthys:836 C, 29-34
Hysiae (Argolid):376 C, 24-28; 404 C, 30-35 Iconians:185 C, 11-19; 203 C, 26-29
1013
Icos:436 C, 34-39 117 C, 35–118 C, 14; 119 C, 10-17; 129 C, 10-26; 130 C,
Ictinus:395 C, 7-12 6-14; 133 C, 8-9; 133 C, 14-17; 133 C, 32–134 C, 2; 134 C,
Ida (Crete):472 C, 20-30; 478 C, 28–479 C, 2; 604 C, 20-36 12-14; 223 C, 27–224 C, 3; 301 C, 12-21; 471 C, 18-24;
Ida (Troad):40 C, 23-34; 59 C, 34–60 C, 7; 321 C, 21-28; 490 C, 9-13; 492 C, 10-19; 505 C, 19–506 C, 3; 510 C,
457 C, 23-33; 466 C, 9-18; 469 C, 1-9; 470 C, 14-24; 3-14; 514 C, 14-22; 516 C, 17-28; 518 C, 34–519 C, 16;
472 C, 20-30; 473 C, 17-34; 565 C, 7-19; 574 C, 14-19; 663 C, 33–664 C, 4; 685 C, 6–720 C, 7; 685 C, 6–720 C,
576 C, 20-25; 581 C, 13–582 C, 3; 583 C, 8–584 C, 11; 14; 721 C, 7-17; 721 C, 34–722 C, 8; 723 C, 26–724 C, 16;
585 C, 20-32; 586 C, 30–587 C, 5; 592 C, 1-11; 592 C, 724 C, 32–725 C, 16; 725 C, 32–726 C, 5; 730 C, 8-18;
26–593 C, 16; 596 C, 24-31; 602 C, 6-16; 604 C, 20-36; 732 C, 2-6; 739 C, 29–740 C, 4; 762 C, 18-30; 767 C,
605 C, 15–606 C, 4; 606 C, 6-18; 606 C, 27-33; 607 C, 31–768 C, 6; 781 C, 16-21; 782 C, 27-30; 785 C, 6-12;
6-27; 612 C, 15-23; 613 C, 29–614 C, 4; 616 C, 11-22 815 C, 14-17; 816 C, 18-27; 828 C, 27-34; 839 C, 16-26
Idanthyrsus:686 C, 25–687 C, 8 Indian ocean, Indian sea:510 C, 26–511 C, 8; 519 C, 9-16
Ideëssa:499 C, 10-13 Indicetans:160 C, 4-11
Idomena:389 C, 25-36 Indus:64 C, 8-20; 689 C, 13-17; 689 C, 26-31; 690 C, 7-18;
Idomeneus (Homeric character):394 C, 15-28; 413 C, 697 C, 27–698 C, 14; 701 C, 2-20; 702 C, 10-26; 706 C,
16-20; 479 C, 31&480 C, 14 24–707 C, 9; 720 C, 8-24; 723 C, 15–724 C, 6; 724 C,
Idomeneus (of Lampsacus):589 C, 33–590 C, 2 9-16; 726 C, 18-28
Idrians:677 C, 33–678 C, 16 Ingaunans:202 C, 3-14
Idrieus:656 C, 24–657 C, 11 Innesa:268 C, 18-32
Idubeda:161 C, 1-15; 162 C, 5-11; 162 C, 11-18 Inopus:271 C, 18-33
Idumaeans:749 C, 14-21; 760 C, 17-23 Insubrians:212 C, 31–213 C, 16; 216 C, 6-10; 216 C, 15-29;
Ielysus:653 C, 9-33 218 C, 10-15; 292 C, 25-31
Ierne:63 C, 9-14; 63 C, 24-34; 72 C, 11-15; 75 C, 19-31; 118 C, Interamna:227 C, 32-36
25-32; 118 C, 36–119 C, 8; 119 C, 10-17; 132 C, 17-24; Interamnium:237 C, 13-18
201 C, 3-8 Intercatia:162 C, 26-32
Iguvium:227 C, 32-36 Interocrea:228 C, 9-19
Ikizari:560 C, 19–561 C, 4 Intimilians:202 C, 3-14
Ilasarus:781 C, 29–782 C, 8 Io:673 C, 17-22; 750 C, 11-24
Ilerda:161 C, 15-25 Iol:831 C, 11-19
Ilergetian region:161 C, 15-18 Iolaans:224 C, 34–225 C, 8
Ilian Village:593 C, 5-16; 595 C, 35–596 C, 5; 597 C, Iolaus:224 C, 34–225 C, 8; 377 C, 14-20
25–598 C, 20 Iolcus:436 C, 1-19; 436 C, 24-26; 438 C, 23-33
Ilibirris:182 C, 3-8 Ion (dramatist):60 C, 7-15; 364 C, 4-22; 645 C, 22-30
Iliocolona:589 C, 24-33 Ion (river):327 C, 19-24
Ilipa:141 C, 22-32; 142 C, 4-9; 174 C, 27–175 C, 10 Ion (son of Xuthus):383 C, 1-6; 383 C, 12-19
Ilium. See Troad, Troy, Trojans Ionia, Ionians (Asia):58 C, 10-23; 61 C, 16-29; 65 C, 17-28;
Ilium (Hisarlik):594 C, 2-18; 595 C, 35–596 C, 5; 597 C, 114 C, 18-24; 124 C, 16-24; 126 C, 3-11; 129 C, 27–130 C,
14–599 C, 30; 601 C, 33–602 C, 5 3; 149 C, 11-15; 264 C, 1-11; 321 C, 21-28; 338 C, 33–339 C,
Illyria, Illyrians:46 C, 1-13; 71 C, 15-20; 105 C, 24-33; 108 C, 5; 384 C, 14-16; 404 C, 30-35; 494 C, 8-14; 534 C,
24-28; 123 C, 30–124 C, 3; 128 C, 31–129 C, 3; 206 C, 8-20; 550 C, 15-20; 554 C, 12-24; 565 C, 20-27; 581 C,
7-13; 207 C, 7-17; 207 C, 26-33; 212 C, 31–213 C, 5; 214 C, 13–582 C, 3; 628 C, 31–629 C, 11; 632 C, 1–633 C, 31;
18-24; 283 C, 12-16; 287 C, 19-24; 289 C, 7-21; 303 C, 636 C, 10-18; 639 C, 15-27; 644 C, 15-22; 647 C, 1-6;
33–304 C, 6; 305 C, 2-11; 312 C, 29–313 C, 4; 313 C, 5-12; 648 C, 29–649 C, 10; 655 C, 29–656 C, 11; 661 C, 5-16;
313 C, 12–314 C, 5; 314 C, 24–315 C, 3; 315 C, 27–316 C, 662 C, 19-31; 663 C, 14-19; 679 C, 16-22
1; 317 C, 7–318 C, 16; 318 C, 18-24; 318 C, 28–319 C, 2; Ionia, Ionians (Attica):171 C, 1-14; 267 C, 22-33; 333 C, 4-13;
320 C, 29–321 C, 2; 321 C, 15-20; 323 C, 3-13; 326 C, 8-14; 333 C, 18-24; 384 C, 33–385 C, 9; 392 C, 3-20; 392 C,
327 C, 12-19; 327 C, 24-28; 332 C, 13–333 C, 3; 375 C, 38–393 C, 11
26–376 C, 1; 449 C, 25-30; 840 C, 13-26 Ionia, Ionians (Peloponnese):333 C, 18-24; 383 C, 1-6;
Ilus:592 C, 26–593 C, 4; 597 C, 14-25 383 C, 19–384 C, 3; 385 C, 28–386 C, 8
Imaum, Imaeum:129 C, 15-22; 510 C, 26–511 C, 8; 518 C, Ionian colonization:10 C, 6-20; 61 C, 5-15; 298 C, 19–299 C,
34–519 C, 3; 689 C, 3-7 12; 621 C, 11-20
Imbrasus:457 C, 14-16; 636 C, 33–637 C, 12 Ionian gulf:123 C, 21–124 C, 3; 259 C, 5-10; 316 C, 30–317 C,
Imbros:28 C, 12-24; 124 C, 16-24; 221 C, 33-38; 338 C, 6; 326 C, 8-20
33–339 C, 5; 457 C, 5-14 Iope:42 C, 33–43 C, 5; 758 C, 31–759 C, 9
Inachus (Argolid):271 C, 18-37; 370 C, 18-23; 371 C, 1-12 Ios:484 C, 29-32
Inachus (Epirus):325 C, 29–326 C, 7; 327 C, 6-12 Iphicrates:827 C, 12-20
India, Indians:7 C, 23–8 C, 1; 34 C, 4-10; 38 C, 6-13; 39 C, Iphigenia:535 C, 20–536 C, 3
22-32; 64 C, 1-20; 64 C, 27–65 C, 3; 66 C, 23-31; 67 C, Iphitus (Homeric character):367 C, 19-29
7–68 C, 29; 69 C, 8-18; 69 C, 31–70 C, 20; 71 C, 11-15; Iphitus (king of Elia):357 C, 28–358 C, 9
71 C, 24-29; 72 C, 18-28; 72 C, 31–73 C, 3; 73 C, 24-27; Iris:52 C, 20-29; 547 C, 19-32
74 C, 23-32; 76 C, 7–77 C, 25; 78 C, 8-18; 80 C, 31–81 C, Isadicians:506 C, 16-23
8; 84 C, 3-9; 84 C, 16-26; 87 C, 15-19; 98 C, 21-28; 99 C, Isamus:516 C, 17-28
21–100 C, 12; 100 C, 24-34; 101 C, 6-13; 103 C, 9-24; Isar:185 C, 11-32; 191 C, 14-22; 204 C, 4-5
1014
Isara:207 C, 4-7 Ithomaean mountains:279 C, 27-33

Isaurica:568 C, 25–569 C, 10 Itonus:435 C, 32-39
Isauricus:671 C, 21-25 Ituraeans:752 C, 31–753 C, 10; 755 C, 20-29; 756 C, 5-15
Ischopolis:548 C, 19-25 Ityca:831 C, 19-26; 832 C, 7-13
Isinda:631 C, 19-21 Iulia Ioza:140 C, 8-13
Isis:683 C, 27-33; 815 C, 6-14 Iulis:486 C, 19-24; 486 C, 31–487 C, 4
Island of the Egyptian Fugitives:118 C, 25-32; 119 C, 10-17 Iuncarian Plain:160 C, 12-32
Ismenus:408 C, 38–409 C, 3 Ixia:655 C, 11-16
Isocrates:622 C, 28–623 C, 9 Ixion:439 C, 29–440 C, 3
Ispalis:141 C, 18-21; 142 C, 4-9
Issa:123 C, 30–124 C, 3; 315 C, 10-12
Issa (= Lesbos):59 C, 34–60 C, 7
Issian gulf, Issian sea:47 C, 25–48 C, 2; 67 C, 7-14; 68 C,
18-29; 105 C, 33–106 C, 10; 118 C, 25-32; 121 C, 21-28;
J
125 C, 25-31; 126 C, 12-23; 492 C, 16-19; 537 C, 29–538 C, Jason:11 C, 10-22; 21 C, 1-8; 45 C, 10-23; 46 C, 1-13; 46 C,
5; 632 C, 1-4; 664 C, 5-15; 673 C, 5-16; 676 C, 20-28; 18–47 C, 8; 48 C, 3-7; 48 C, 7-19; 57 C, 5-18; 224 C,
678 C, 17-31; 681 C, 25-33; 736 C, 13–737 C, 8 9-18; 252 C, 1-7; 436 C, 5-11; 495 C, 28–496 C, 3; 498 C,
Issus:125 C, 25-31; 519 C, 9-16; 672 C, 23–673 C, 16; 26–499 C, 9; 503 C, 24-30; 526 C, 12-20; 530 C,
676 C, 7-13; 676 C, 20-28; 676 C, 34–677 C, 32; 681 C, 18–531 C, 15; 531 C, 23-26
33–682 C, 1; 749 C, 8-13; 751 C, 26-30 Jasonia:45 C, 28-36; 526 C, 12-20; 531 C, 1-15
Ister:6 C, 24-29; 14 C, 10-21; 46 C, 14-17; 49 C, 32–50 C, 12; Jasonium:526 C, 12-20; 548 C, 19-25
52 C, 20-29; 107 C, 22-32; 117 C, 35–118 C, 14; 128 C, 31– Jerusalem:758 C, 31–759 C, 9; 760 C, 17-23; 761 C, 9-17;
129 C, 3; 207 C, 4-33; 287 C, 19-24; 289 C, 1-21; 292 C, 762 C, 30–763 C, 5
16-25; 293 C, 23–294 C, 3; 294 C, 34–295 C, 4; 295 C, Jordan:755 C, 10-13
16-22; 295 C, 36–296 C, 7; 298 C, 19–299 C, 12; 301 C, Juba (I):828 C, 27-34; 829 C, 25-31; 831 C, 19-26
21-28; 303 C, 19-31; 303 C, 33–304 C, 6; 304 C, 16-27; Juba (II):288 C, 1-4; 828 C, 27-34; 829 C, 25-31; 831 C, 11-19;
304 C, 30–305 C, 11; 305 C, 16-22; 305 C, 25–306 C, 21; 840 C, 13-26
312 C, 27–314 C, 5; 314 C, 31–315 C, 3; 317 C, 7-15; 317 C, Judaea, Judaeans:749 C, 14-21; 756 C, 18-21; 758 C,
22–318 C, 18; 318 C, 28–319 C, 2; 319 C, 3-10; 320 C, 31–759 C, 18; 760 C, 17–765 C, 11; 767 C, 31–768 C, 6;
24–321 C, 2; 493 C, 8-16; 507 C, 18-26; 553 C, 21-31; 780 C, 20-28; 800 C, 7-13; 803 C, 3-12; 818 C, 22-32;
702 C, 10-26; 839 C, 16-26 823 C, 33–824 C, 11
Isthmus:335 C, 1-8 Jugurtha:831 C, 19-34
isthmus (Isthmus of Suez):30 C, 23-31; 32 C, 3-11; 35 C, Julius City:574 C, 20-30
12–36 C, 2; 38 C, 6-13; 38 C, 21-30; 39 C, 11-13; 58 C, Jura:208 C, 14-19
24–59 C, 10; 298 C, 19–299 C, 12; 803 C, 3-12 Jurasian mountain range:193 C, 25-30
Istria, Istrians:215 C, 30–216 C, 5; 314 C, 24-30
Istrus:318 C, 14-18; 319 C, 3-10
Italica:141 C, 22-32
Italiotes:203 C, 22-25; 206 C, 13-26; 209 C, 15–210 C, 8;
241 C, 15-27; 249 C, 17-32; 253 C, 7-11; 283 C, 29-34;
K
384 C, 3-9; 420 C, 19-23 Kaiatas:233 C, 20-26
Italiotis:551 C, 34-37 Knuphis:817 C, 7-20
Italy:6 C, 29-31; 21 C, 1-8; 21 C, 29–22 C, 3; 22 C, 17–26 C 24;
46 C, 1-13; 54 C, 4-15; 92 C, 10-16; 108 C, 19-24; 108 C,
28–109 C, 5; 122 C, 16-31; 123 C, 21–124 C, 3; 128 C,
16-30; 143 C, 35–144 C, 11; 149 C, 30–150 C, 6; 157 C,
1-14; 177 C, 25–178 C, 2; 178 C, 18-23; 178 C, 35–179 C,
L
9; 180 C, 8-20; 184 C, 25-30; 187 C, 3-15; 192 C, 21-29; Labana waters:238 C, 16-26
195 C, 9-13; 203 C, 26-29; 204 C, 6-8; 206 C, 7-26; Labican road:237 C, 4-13
208 C, 5-8; 209 C, 15–287 C, 18; 288 C, 24-33; 289 C, Labicum:230 C, 2-10; 237 C, 4-13
1-7; 292 C, 25-31; 293 C, 23–294 C, 3; 313 C, 5-12; 313 C, Labienus:574 C, 20-30; 659 C, 32–660 C, 14
19-22; 314 C, 24-30; 378 C, 1-12; 380 C, 4-7; 384 C, 9-13; Labotas:751 C, 18-26
400 C, 27-37; 418 C, 29–419 C, 2; 443 C, 23-31; 447 C, Labraynda:659 C, 5-16
4-13; 486 C, 4-14; 561 C, 33–562 C, 9; 577 C, 20-31; Labyrinth:811 C, 5-29; 813 C, 10-20
664 C, 16-27; 827 C, 5-11; 839 C, 10-16 Lacedaemon, Lacedaemonians:65 C, 17-28; 102 C, 31–
Ithaca, Ithacans:22 C, 3-12; 27 C, 36–28 C, 11; 34 C, 11-22; 103 C, 8; 183 C, 13-27; 257 C, 13-28; 278 C, 19-27; 279 C,
59 C, 22-33; 106 C, 28-31; 124 C, 3-10; 299 C, 24-25; 12–280 C, 13; 282 C, 12-18; 325 C, 20-26; 343 C, 11-15;
335 C, 12-19; 350 C, 19–351 C, 6; 376 C, 7-19; 451 C, 345 C, 19–346 C, 6; 347 C, 3-16; 350 C, 19–351 C, 6; 355 C,
34–452 C, 7; 452 C, 34–453 C, 6; 453 C, 16-25; 454 C, 19-30; 358 C, 19-24; 359 C, 15-29; 361 C, 4-14; 361 C, 22-
1–455 C, 34; 456 C, 32–457 C, 3; 461 C, 5-13; 637 C, 13-23 32; 361 C, 33–362 C, 6; 362 C, 7-22; 362 C, 27-32; 362 C,
Ithoma (Messene):358 C, 27–359 C, 2; 361 C, 22-32; 437 C, 34–363 C, 10; 364 C, 22–365 C, 8; 365 C, 8-11; 366 C, 4-6;
26-35 367 C, 8-14; 367 C, 34–368 C, 4; 369 C, 18-26; 373 C, 8-15;
Ithoma (Thessaly):437 C, 26-35 374 C, 6-9; 375 C, 26–376 C, 1; 376 C, 20-24; 376 C,
1015
Lacedaemon, Lacedaemonians(continued) Larisa (Ossa):440 C, 17-32

29–377 C, 4; 383 C, 12-19; 383 C, 28–384 C, 3; 388 C, 28- Larisa (Syria):440 C, 17-32; 752 C, 23-31
36; 389 C, 37-42; 397 C, 27–398 C, 3; 398 C, 34–399 C, Larisa, Larisaeans (Cyme):440 C, 17-32; 620 C, 22-27;
7; 402 C, 27–403 C, 7; 414 C, 11-18; 423 C, 32–424 C, 620 C, 22–621 C, 10; 621 C, 21-27; 622 C, 1-15
2; 428 C, 14-18; 429 C, 3-9; 445 C, 33–446 C, 8; 461 C, Larisa, Larisaeans (nr Ephesus):440 C, 17-32; 620 C,
13-23; 484 C, 19-28; 570 C, 16-25; 650 C, 17-23; 654 C, 27–621 C, 10; 621 C, 21-24
9-18; 761 C, 31–762 C, 17 Larisa, Larisaeans (Thessaly):431 C, 18-22; 438 C, 9-15;
Laceter:657 C, 15–658 C, 4 440 C, 9-17; 441 C, 21-30; 443 C, 23-31; 503 C, 24-30;
Lacinium:261 C, 24-26; 261 C, 27–262 C, 14; 281 C, 11-18 530 C, 18–531 C, 1; 621 C, 21-24
Lacmus:271 C, 18-37 ; 316 C, 13-20 Larisa Cremasta/Larisa Pelasgia:60 C, 16-35; 435 C, 5-14;
Laconia, Laconians:92 C, 23-29; 124 C, 3-10; 157 C, 1-14; 435 C, 21-32; 440 C, 17-32
233 C, 20-26; 250 C, 16-20; 264 C, 29–265 C, 6; 335 C, Larisaean cliffs:440 C, 17-32
22-23; 345 C, 19-24; 350 C, 2-6; 353 C, 12-18; 358 C, Larisiona:388 C, 7-9
27–359 C, 2; 359 C, 34–360 C, 4; 360 C, 10-16; 361 C, Larisium plain:440 C, 17-32
33–362 C, 6; 362 C, 27–368 C, 22; 376 C, 20-24; 386 C, Larisus:387 C, 28–388 C, 3; 440 C, 17-32
28-32; 446 C, 21-25; 474 C, 21-30; 479 C, 9-16; 481 C, Larius:204 C, 8-14; 209 C, 7-13; 213 C, 16-18
4&482 C, 27; 484 C, 19-28; 495 C, 28–496 C, 3; 682 C, Lartolaeëtians:159 C, 29–160 C, 4
12-27; 701 C, 21–702 C, 4; 836 C, 35–837 C, 15 Larymna (Boeotia):404 C, 36–405 C, 9; 406 C, 27–407 C, 3
Laconian gulf:335 C, 23-27; 362 C, 33-34 Larymna (Locris):406 C, 27–407 C, 3
Laconian Thera:46 C, 1-13 Las:364 C, 22-29; 364 C, 30-39
Lada:635 C, 28-30 Lathon:836 C, 20-28
Ladon:60 C, 7-15; 343 C, 15-21; 389 C, 9-22 Latin road:236 C, 29–238 C, 12; 249 C, 12-16
Laeëtanians:159 C, 29–160 C, 4 Latina, Latins:145 C, 25-31; 218 C, 28–219 C, 13; 227 C,
Laertes:59 C, 1-10; 451 C, 34–452 C, 7; 455 C, 35–456 C, 9; 37–228 C, 7; 228 C, 34–242 C, 14; 249 C, 17-32; 286 C,
461 C, 1-13 27–287 C, 18; 608 C, 7-14
Laertes (place):669 C, 20-32 Latinus:229 C, 4-16
Laestrygonians:20 C, 23-33; 22 C, 3-12; 40 C, 10-20 Latmian bay:635 C, 31–636 C, 4
Lagaria:263 C, 32–264 C, 1 Latmus:635 C, 31–636 C, 4
Lagetas:477 C, 28–478 C, 11 Latomiae:770 C, 27-31
Lagina:660 C, 15-29; 663 C, 8-14 Laton Polis:816 C, 34–817 C, 6
Lagussa:484 C, 29-32 Latopolitans:812 C, 22–813 C, 2
Lamia, Lamians:60 C, 16-35; 433 C, 19-30; 433 C, Laurentum:229 C, 4-16; 232 C, 20-26
33–434 C, 6; 435 C, 5-14; 449 C, 36–450 C, 13 Laus (city):252 C, 18–253 C, 6; 253 C, 7-11; 255 C, 20–256 C, 2
Lampia:341 C, 24-29 Laus (river):252 C, 18–253 C, 6; 254 C, 24-30; 255 C, 7-13
Lamponia:610 C, 31–611 C, 3 Laviansene:534 C, 25–535 C, 3; 540 C, 9-13; 559 C,
Lampsacus:587 C, 24–588 C, 2; 589 C, 4–590 C, 22 28–560 C, 5
Lamus (river):671 C, 8-20; 671 C, 26-32 Lavinia:229 C, 4-16
Lamus (village):671 C, 8-20 Lavinium:230 C, 11-22; 232 C, 20-26; 264 C, 12-18; 608 C,
Landians:291 C, 23–292 C, 10 7-14
Langobardians:290 C, 32–291 C, 7 Lebadia:413 C, 21-23; 414 C, 8-10; 423 C, 24-29
Lanuvium:231 C, 6-12; 231 C, 24-30; 239 C, 21–240 C, 3 Lebedos:633 C, 10-19; 643 C, 23-35
Laodicia (Media):524 C, 23–525 C, 2 Leben:478 C, 21-28
Laodicia (nr the Libanus):755 C, 20-29 Lebinthos:487 C, 32–488 C, 1
Laodicia (Phrygia):576 C, 26-33; 578 C, 8-24; 579 C, Lechaeum:56 C, 18-25; 380 C, 4-15
21–580 C, 10; 629 C, 22–630 C, 19; 663 C, 19-33 Lectum:581 C, 13–582 C, 3; 582 C, 30–584 C, 11; 586 C, 23-
Laodicia (Syria):749 C, 28–750 C, 4; 751 C, 35–752 C, 7; 29; 605 C, 9–606 C, 4; 606 C, 18-27; 616 C, 23–617 C, 3
753 C, 20-28 Leda:461 C, 23-29
Laodicia Catacecaumene:663 C, 19-33 Legans:503 C, 31–504 C, 13
Lapa:426 C, 23-26 Lelantine plain:58 C, 1-9
Lapathus:682 C, 12-27 Lelantum:447 C, 14-25; 448 C, 22-25; 465 C, 19-26
Lapersae:364 C, 22-29 Lelegians:321 C, 3-14; 321 C, 21–322 C, 13; 401 C, 13-19;
Lapithians:8 C, 26–9 C, 7 ; 439 C, 29–440 C, 3; 440 C, 9-17; 570 C, 16-25; 572 C, 21-30; 573 C, 1-13; 584 C, 12-30;
441 C, 21-30; 442 C, 27-34; 443 C, 23-31 605 C, 15–606 C, 4; 606 C, 6-18; 610 C, 12-18; 611 C,
Laranda:569 C, 3-10 3–612 C, 8; 619 C, 13–620 C, 8; 632 C, 5-17; 634 C, 5-18;
Larisa (Argia):370 C, 18-23; 440 C, 17-32 634 C, 32–635 C, 12; 640 C, 10-20; 661 C, 5-16; 677 C,
Larisa (Attica):440 C, 17-32 33–678 C, 16; 680 C, 9-24
Larisa (Crete):440 C, 17-32 Lelex:321 C, 28–322 C, 5
Larisa (Dyme):440 C, 17-32 Lemenna:186 C, 8-21; 204 C, 8-14; 208 C, 14-19
Larisa (Homeric):221 C, 5-21; 620 C, 8-27 Lemnos:28 C, 12-24; 44 C, 34–45 C, 23; 46 C, 1-13; 46 C,
Larisa (nr Hamaxitus):440 C, 17-32; 604 C, 13-19; 620 C, 18-25; 124 C, 16-24; 221 C, 33-38; 347 C, 3-16; 449 C,
22-27 25-30; 457 C, 5-14; 466 C, 18-27; 619 C, 11-12
Larisa (nr Naulochus):440 C, 17-32 Lemovicians:190 C, 30–191 C, 2
Larisa (nr Trallis):440 C, 17-32 Leo:774 C, 18-23
1016
Leonidas:10 C, 20-24; 429 C, 3-9 Leucocomas:478 C, 24-28

Leonides:655 C, 17-28 Leucolla:682 C, 27–683 C, 5
Leonnatus:433 C, 33–434 C, 6 Leuconotus:29 C, 16-25; 837 C, 4-15
Leontesia:388 C, 3-9 Leucopetra:211 C, 26-32; 259 C, 5-10
Leonteus:589 C, 33–590 C, 2 Leucophrys:603 C, 30–604 C, 12
Leontini, Leontina, Leontinians:20 C, 23-33; 272 C, 27-34 Leucosia:122 C, 34–123 C, 9; 252 C, 1-7; 258 C, 12-20
Leonton Polis (Egypt):802 C, 7-17 Leucosyrians:542 C, 17-30; 544 C, 5-14; 546 C, 21-25;
Leonton Polis (Syria):756 C, 22-31 552 C, 31–553 C, 6; 553 C, 6-11; 554 C, 24–555 C, 2;
Leontopolitans:812 C, 22–813 C, 2 737 C, 3-8
Leo’s Lookout:774 C, 6-18 Leucothea:498 C, 15-25
Leosthenes:433 C, 33–434 C, 6 Leuctra:384 C, 3-9; 413 C, 21-23; 414 C, 11-18; 445 C,
Lepidus (Marcus):217 C, 26-30 25-29
Lepontians:204 C, 15-18; 206 C, 7-13 Leuctrum (Achaea):387 C, 16-24
Lepra Acta:633 C, 31–634 C, 5 Leuctrum (Laconia):360 C, 4-16; 361 C, 4-14
Lepreum:342 C, 27-37; 344 C, 25–345 C, 5; 346 C, 13-17; Leuternia, Leuternians:281 C, 19-28
348 C, 1-14; 355 C, 19-30 Lexovians:189 C, 5-11; 194 C, 27-29
Leptis:835 C, 5-15 Libanotophorus:774 C, 6-18
Lerna (lake):371 C, 1-12 Libanus:741 C, 25–742 C, 3; 754 C, 28–755 C, 6; 755 C,
Lerna (river):368 C, 23-27 20-29; 755 C, 30–756 C, 4; 756 C, 16-18
Lero:184 C, 31–185 C, 4 Libes:291 C, 23–292 C, 10; 772 C, 22-31
Leros:487 C, 32–488 C, 8; 489 C, 16-20; 634 C, 32–635 C, 12 Libethrum:409 C, 34–410 C, 9; 471 C, 11-18
Lesbocles:617 C, 30–618 C, 4 Libya, Libyans:2 C, 21-33; 6 C, 10-16; 8 C, 26–9 C, 7; 16 C,
Lesbos:44 C, 34–45 C, 10; 59 C, 34–60 C, 7; 124 C, 16-24; 13-22; 27 C, 13-27; 32 C, 16–33 C, 8; 35 C, 20–36 C, 2;
221 C, 5-21; 356 C, 9-23; 488 C, 16-23; 554 C, 12-24; 37 C, 29–38 C, 5; 40 C, 4-9; 40 C, 20-22; 48 C, 3-19;
581 C, 13–582 C, 3; 582 C, 14-29; 583 C, 8-33; 584 C, 49 C, 32–50 C, 12; 57 C, 5-18; 65 C, 29–66 C, 3; 66 C,
12-30; 586 C, 12-16; 590 C, 23-33; 599 C, 34–600 C, 8-17; 98 C, 13–104 C, 5; 103 C, 9-24; 105 C, 8-21; 106 C,
10; 604 C, 13-19; 606 C, 6-18; 612 C, 8-14; 612 C, 15-23; 17-21; 107 C, 11-18; 109 C, 6-11; 115 C, 9-21; 119 C,
616 C, 23–619 C, 12; 621 C, 11-20; 622 C, 16-28; 645 C, 31–120 C, 3; 121 C, 29–122 C, 4; 122 C, 16–123 C, 21;
30-31; 654 C, 19–655 C, 2; 657 C, 15–658 C, 4; 808 C, 124 C, 3-10; 126 C, 24-29; 130 C, 25–131 C, 25; 137 C, 27-
9-25 34; 144 C, 6-11; 144 C, 28-34; 150 C, 30-32; 157 C, 14-20;
Lesser Bructerians:291 C, 11-16 225 C, 20-24; 265 C, 27-33; 275 C, 5-19; 277 C, 20-25;
Lesser Rhombites:493 C, 28–494 C, 7 287 C, 4-18; 288 C, 1-4; 298 C, 19–299 C, 18; 400 C,
Lethaeus (Crete):478 C, 21-23 27-37; 489 C, 6-11; 491 C, 5-12; 553 C, 31–554 C, 5; 647 C,
Lethaeus (Gortyna):647 C, 7-17 7-17; 664 C, 5-15; 685 C, 6-10; 736 C, 13–737 C, 2; 756 C,
Lethaeus (Libya):647 C, 7-17 22-31; 760 C, 31–761 C, 8; 785 C, 13-19; 785 C, 20–786 C,
Lethaeus (Magnesia):554 C, 12-24; 647 C, 7-17 9; 786 C, 19-26; 790 C, 29–791 C, 9; 806 C, 31–807 C, 3;
Lethaeus (Trycca):647 C, 7-17 809 C, 7-21; 813 C, 20-25; 819 C, 7-17; 821 C, 26–822 C,
Lethus:620 C, 8-21 13; 824 C, 22–839 C, 9; 839 C, 16-26; 840 C, 13-26
Leto:349 C, 36-37; 373 C, 28–374 C, 5; 485 C, 3-20; 485 C, Libyan sea:122 C, 31-34; 123 C, 13-21; 267 C, 5-10; 323 C, 21-
30–486 C, 3; 639 C, 28–640 C, 9; 651 C, 14-24; 652 C, 31; 335 C, 12-19; 335 C, 23-27; 358 C, 27–359 C, 2; 359 C,
6-9; 802 C, 1-6 21-29; 474 C, 21-30; 475 C, 5-12; 476 C, 12-20; 478 C,
Letoium:485 C, 3-20; 665 C, 31–666 C, 8 21-23; 488 C, 8-10; 681 C, 33–682 C, 1
Leuca (island):125 C, 2-7; 305 C, 34–306 C, 8 Libyphoenicians:835 C, 16-24
Leuca (mountain):475 C, 13-19 Libyrnians:315 C, 4-6; 316 C, 30–317 C, 6
Leuca (plain):363 C, 23–364 C, 2 Libyrnides:123 C, 30–124 C, 3; 317 C, 7-15
Leuca (town):281 C, 19-35 Licattians:206 C, 13-26
Leuca Acta:489 C, 6-11; 799 C, 6-12 Lichades:60 C, 16-35; 426 C, 6-11
Leuca Coma:780 C, 29–781 C, 28 Lichas (historical person):774 C, 18-23
Leucadius:452 C, 30-33 Lichas (mythical person):426 C, 6-11; 447 C, 14-25
Leucae:646 C, 18–647 C, 3 Lichas’s Elephant Hunt:773 C, 29–774 C, 5
Leucania, Leucanians:211 C, 15-23; 211 C, 26-32; 228 C, Licinius Murena:631 C, 5-18
25-30; 250 C, 26-28; 251 C, 7-14; 251 C, 20-25; 252 C, Licinius Varro Murena:670 C, 12-30
1–255 C, 19; 261 C, 16-24; 263 C, 28-31; 280 C, 20-30; Licymna:372 C, 32–373 C, 4
282 C, 26–283 C, 11 Licymnius:372 C, 32–373 C, 4; 653 C, 9-33
Leucas (island):59 C, 1-10; 105 C, 24-33; 451 C, 29–452 C, Liger:177 C, 16-24; 189 C, 11-17; 189 C, 25–190 C, 17; 190 C,
33; 453 C, 6-15; 459 C, 17-25; 461 C, 30-34 30–191 C, 2; 191 C, 7-14; 191 C, 30-37; 193 C, 14-18; 193 C,
Leucas (town):450 C, 14-22 30-34; 195 C, 13-17; 196 C, 14-20; 198 C, 14-24; 199 C,
Leucaspis:799 C, 12-20 23-30
Leucatas:456 C, 25-31; 461 C, 5-13 Ligyans:129 C, 4-9; 178 C, 18-23; 179 C, 33–180 C, 7; 182 C,
Leucians:193 C, 25-30 34–183 C, 27; 184 C, 11-25; 202 C, 3–203 C, 15; 203 C,
Leucimma:324 C, 16-21 19-25; 204 C, 6-8; 209 C, 4-7; 210 C, 31–211 C, 4; 212 C,
Leucippus:265 C, 14-19 1-7; 216 C, 11-15; 216 C, 15-29; 217 C, 26-30; 223 C, 1-7;
Leuco:301 C, 12-21; 309 C, 33–310 C, 10; 311 C, 8-15 300 C, 20–301 C, 1
1017
Ligystica:92 C, 10-16; 122 C, 16-23; 122 C, 34–123 C, 9; 426 C, 32–427 C, 19; 449 C, 36–450 C, 13; 459 C,
128 C, 16-30; 165 C, 6-13; 176 C, 18–177 C, 8; 187 C, 31–460 C, 3
3-15; 204 C, 6-8; 207 C, 7-17; 209 C, 15–210 C, 8; 210 C, Locrus:322 C, 5-13
31–211 C, 12; 212 C, 1-7; 218 C, 10-15; 218 C, 21-24; 219 C, Lookouts of Demetrius:771 C, 13-21
3-13; 222 C, 23-24; 287 C, 25-34 Lookouts of Eudoxus:806 C, 31–807 C, 3
Ligystican sea:106 C, 21-26; 122 C, 31–123 C, 9 Lopadussa:834 C, 18-22
Lilaea:16 C, 13-22; 407 C, 19-26; 424 C, 11-22; 427 C, 20-24 Loryma:652 C,

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STRABO’S

Translated & introduced by foreword by

SARAH P OT H ECARY P E TE R FRANKO PAN

Prince­ton University Press is committed to the protection of copyright and the

Requests for permission to reproduce material from this work

Published by Prince­ton University Press

All Rights Reserved

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Strabo, author. | Pothecary, Sarah, 1958– translator.

British Library Cataloging-­in-­Publication Data is available

Editorial: Rob Tempio and Chloe Coy

Jacket Credits: (top) Vemaps.com; (bottom) Jean-Baptiste d'Anville, Terram

This book has been composed in Signifier and Geograph

Printed in the United States of Amer­ic­ a

—­Strabo, Geography, 65 C, 3-9

Navigating Strabo’s Geography 1

Translation of Strabo’s Geography 7

A Directory for the Modern Reader 971

Map 1. Strabo’s “Lived-in World” 2

I am grateful to the Classics Department of the University of Toronto, Canada, which

What Is This a Translation Of?

The Modern World

This is potentially controversial. In a world where bound­aries are often disputed or

The Ancient World

Pleiades (https:/​/­pleiades​.­stoa​.­org) is a continually updated online database of ancient

To use Pleiades, go to the website, https:​/­​/­pleiades​.­stoa​.­org, and enter the place-­

The World Factbook, by the Central Intelligence Agency (https://­www​.­cia​.­gov​/­the​-­world​

Navigating Strabo’s Geography

Paragraphs and Paragraph Identifiers

Older-­Style Referencing System

Strabo’s Engagement with ­Earlier Scholars

Parentheses and Square Brackets

A Directory for the Modern Reader

Some readers of this translation ­will be primarily interested in a specific present-­day

How to Cite This Translation

Looking Up an Older-­Style Reference to Strabo’s Geography

What Does “. . . *” Mean in This Translation?

Strabo routinely expresses distances in terms of the stade. The longest

Converting from Stades to Present-­Day Miles

Converting from Stades to Kilo­meters

The Roman Mile

Strabo occasionally gives distances in terms of the mile, by which he means

Converting from Roman Miles to Present-­Day Miles

Converting from Roman Miles to Kilo­meters

M A P 1. Strabo’s “Lived-In World”

Chapter One: Geography and Geographers

Chapter Two: The “Lived-in World”

Translator’s Introduction 129

Chapter Three: ­Europe

Part 1. Western ­Europe

Part 2. Eastern ­Europe

Third Band: Phocis (cen. Greece) 489

Chapter Four: Asia

Part 1. Northern Asia

Part 2. Southern Asia

Chapter Five: Libya (= Africa)

Translator’s Introduction 939

Epilogue: The Roman Empire (late 1st c. BCE–­early 1st c. CE)

Translator’s Introduction 963

Strabo is interested) are available to us ­today. In their absence, Strabo’s repre­sen­ta­tions

Remember when reading this chapter that “. . . *” represents a gap or a pre-

Describing the World

it is the science of geography, to which I have now de­cided

Princeton University Press is committed to the protection of copyright and the

Published by Princeton University Press

British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available

Printed in the United States of Americ a

—Strabo, Geography, 65 C, 3-9

This is potentially controversial. In a world where boundaries are often disputed or

Pleiades (https://pleiades.stoa.org) is a continually updated online database of ancient

To use Pleiades, go to the website, https://pleiades.stoa.org, and enter the place-

The World Factbook, by the Central Intelligence Agency (https://www.cia.gov/the-world

Older-Style Referencing System

Strabo’s Engagement with Earlier Scholars

Some readers of this translation will be primarily interested in a specific present-day

Looking Up an Older-Style Reference to Strabo’s Geography

Converting from Stades to Present-Day Miles

Converting from Stades to Kilometers

Converting from Roman Miles to Present-Day Miles

Converting from Roman Miles to Kilometers

Chapter Three: Europe

Part 1. Western Europe

Part 2. Eastern Europe

Epilogue: The Roman Empire (late 1st c. BCE–early 1st c. CE)

Strabo is interested) are available to us today. In their absence, Strabo’s representations

it is the science of geography, to which I have now decided

west and to their moderate climate. Probably, he has heard

no empty expression, as will be shown later);1 that they are at

mention them by name (even nowadays, there is not one

graphic al map, and Hecataeus left to posterity a written work, which

edge of earthly m atters, for example, of fauna and flora, and

were blind alleys, narrowly avoided great disaster and left

also includes no small amount of theory—technical, astro-

i nformation. That is why the geographer, too, is concerned

if the earth w ere rooted to an infinite depth, such a revolution

fore me have described, I should not be blamed, unless I am

the coastline ending with Colchis, w ere made known to us

The Problem of Sources

one city, a flourishing of p hilosophers—those p hilosophers in the circle

none of that fellow’s successors but says of those who dis-

16 C, 28-31 He complicates t hings further when he asks: How does it He = Eratosthenes

[ 1 ] The expression “those associated with Cadmus, Pherecydes, and Hecataeus” is

also, much earlier, cities and lawgivers approved of myths for

people of that time; and that Charybdis and Scyllaeum w ere

consider what those people mean who say that Odysseus’s

there and, taking this assumption as true, used poetic embel-