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made himself master in Ivan’s time. In all places he injured the
Moscow prince, set aside his authority, and extended his own power;
in one place by dominion, in another by influence. In Tver, in Nizni-
Novgorod, even in Ryazan, he had adherents. In Tsargrad itself he
met no refusal. At his request, and through gifts, a second
metropolitan, named Roman, was appointed for Russia.
Olgerd considered as his own not only all parts of Western and
Southern Russia, but also those regions which were under the Khan;
caring little that the Mongol was its master. Nay, he used this fact as
reason for extending dominion, since the shield of Lithuania
promised freedom from the Mongol. Olgerd looked on the Tver
principality as half conquered. In Tver at this time, the reduced
princes, descendants of Constantine and Vassili, the younger sons
of Michael the Martyr, were on the verge of political extinction.
Alexander, Michael’s second son, had become the eldest of the line,
through the death of Michael’s brother Dmitri Terrible-Eyes, who died
childless. The chief power of this prince and his brothers came from
Olgerd, whose wife was Julianna, their sister, the mother of Yagello,
It is clear that at this time Olgerd’s influence in Tver was very great.
The descendants of Constantine and Vassili, who had become poor
and were quarreling continually, sought the assistance of Moscow,
while Olgerd’s brothers-in-law turned from Moscow and were
growing hostile to Ivan.
Not long before Chanibek’s death, there rose in the Horde a strong
personage, Tavlug Bey, who disliked Chanibek and did not cease to
whisper to Berdibek, the Khan’s son: “It is time for thee to sit on the
throne. It is time for thy father to leave it.” Through various devices
he was able to bring the Horde magnates to that way of thinking.
When in 1358 his perfidious advice was accepted, Chanibek died by
strangulation.
Berdibek was followed by Kulpa, who ruled six months and five days,
then “the judgment of God did not suffer him longer.” He and his two
sons were assassinated by Nurus, but not long could Nurus hold the
throne, for Hidjrbek of the Blue Horde on the Yaik intrigued against
him. He was given up to Hidjrbek, and he and his sons were
murdered. Hidjrbek was murdered by his son, Timur Khoja, in 1361.
One month and seven days later Timur Khoja was slain in a
revolution effected unexpectedly by a new man, Mamai. This Mamai
surpassed in a short time all others to such a degree that the bloody
revolution made by him put an end to uprisings.
Mamai placed now in his own Horde a new Khan, Abdul; but the
Sarai men proclaimed Hidjrbek’s brother, Murad; thus the original
Volga Horde became divided, and the seeds of destruction were
sown. About that time Kildybek, who declared himself to be
Chanibek’s son, and a grandson of Uzbek, began war as a third
Khan, and killed many prisoners, after which he himself was killed.
Khan Murad now made an effort to unite the two Hordes. He
attacked Mamai, and slew many warriors, but did not succeed in his
purpose. There were now two Khans, Abdul was made Khan by
Mamai on the right bank of the Volga, and Murad was Khan on the
east of that river, “and those two Khans were in enmity always.”
The Horde was so divided, that no one knew whom to obey. In Sarai,
east of the Volga, was Murad, and west, on the Don side, was Abdul.
Moscow preferred Murad because he held Sarai, the old capital. But
as this Khan gave no troops, the Suzdal prince would neither obey
nor abandon Vladimir. The Moscow boyars then put Dmitri on
horseback, and also his brother and cousin, both young boys, and
set out with great forces to expel the son of Constantine, who fled
from Vladimir to Suzdal. His brother, Andrei, now reproached him a
second time: “Have I not told thee never to trust Mongols? Why not
listen to me? Thou seest that it is easy to lose what is thine while
striving to take what belongs to another.” And he advised friendship
with Moscow, “that Christianity might not perish.” For in Moscow men
began now to see the first hope of liberation from the Mongol. The
two brothers divided their inheritance. Andrei took Nizni; to Dmitri fell
Suzdal.
Dmitri of Moscow entered Vladimir and took his seat on the throne
there. That done, he returned to Moscow. So Kalitá’s [348]grandson
made certain the purpose of his grandfather. He made that
inheritance of his family secure, and began the great work, the real
mission of Russia.
It was given to the Russian people as a task from the first to stand
unbroken between Europe and Asia, to stand apart and independent
of both. From the time that the name Rus first appeared the country
had its own individuality, and was self-determining. From of old two
warring principles attacked her, one from the West, the other from
the East. This gave the great problem to Russian history. Russia was
to give way neither to Europe, nor Asia; she was to fathom and
understand both of them, but be subject to neither. This, too, was the
position of the whole Slav race, a position which tortured and tore it,
till some parts were conquered and absorbed by strange nations, so
that on the west they were turned into Germans, Magyars and
Italians, while on the south they were turned into Mussulman.
This old and difficult problem had to be met in all its weight and its
terrible bitterness by the Moscow principality. To meet it, struggle
with it, and solve it successfully required an enormous waste of
force, a continuous and endless persistence. If Moscow had not
grown sufficiently strong at the right time there would have been no
Russia at present. For on the one side there would not have been
strength enough to emerge from Mongol slavery, while on the other
side, if there had not been the moral and physical power to face
Western Europe, Russia would have been absorbed, would have
taken another form, would have been an element in the strength of
her enemy. On the east, Moscow was forced to defend herself,
weapons in hand, or yield to the Mongol forever. She had either to
rise up in desperate war, or be voiceless and obedient. On the west,
a still more dangerous power was threatening, a power which might
be permanent and inexorable.
Abdul, the Khan on the right bank of the Volga, became jealous upon
learning that Dmitri had received his patent from Murad, and
immediately sent a patent from himself with a gracious embassy,
though no one had asked him to do so. The Moscow [349]boyars met
these men courteously, and gave them good presents at parting. But
when Murad of Sarai heard that a patent had gone from Abdul to
Dmitri, he was greatly enraged against Moscow, and, to spite Abdul,
he made Dmitri of Suzdal Grand Prince a second time.
The mild Sergius, who obeyed the command sorrowfully, was forced
to bear another burden also: in case Boris would not obey he was to
close the Nizni churches. The mildness of Sergius, his continual
avoidance of quarrels and disturbance, frequent in his day, was well
known, and if he did not refuse these difficult tasks it was clear to all
that the disobedience of Boris was beyond measure.
Boris was unbending. He would not go to Moscow; he would not
yield to his brother. So troops were moved from Moscow against
him; and because he refused to obey the Church order the churches
in Nizni were closed to all people. Dmitri, his brother, at the head of
troops sent from Moscow and his own troops, approached Nizni in
great force. But the affair did not come to blows. Boris came out to
meet his brother, repented, and was forgiven. The Grand Prince did
not take all from him; he left Gorodets, and took Nizni, joining it again
to Suzdal. Soon after this the Nizni See was restored to the Suzdal
bishop.
But barely had Moscow won agreement with Suzdal and the
principalities attached to it, when a long and stubborn struggle began
with Tver, which at that time had come to an alliance with Olgerd.
Moscow might have answered with war, but another course was
thought better. It seemed well to connect with this settlement all the
Tver princes, and in giving a part of the inheritance to Michael to let
him have as much as Simeon had a right to bequeath, and give the
remainder to Yeremi and Vassili, who had struggled so stubbornly for
their rights. Moreover, by thus doing justice, Moscow would
somewhat weaken the Tver prince, which was the real point of the
question. The complainants being allies, or rather subordinates of
Moscow, Michael of Tver did not oppose this division, and agreed to
visit Moscow. The Grand Prince invited him, and the metropolitan
declared that they awaited him in peace and good-will for a general
discussion.
Michael, then thirty years old, went to visit Dmitri, who was only
eighteen, but he found in Moscow what he had not expected. Having
brought his most notable boyars, he thought to see the principal
Moscow boyars, and present his own in Dmitri’s capital. They
received him, however, not as a relative, but with haughtiness. He
had thought to astonish Moscow by readiness to yield a part of his
own to the other two princes, but this was considered in Moscow as
decided long before, and they let him feel that that was not the main
question. They wanted him to show subjection to Moscow. Michael
flushed up with rage, and did not hesitate to tell Dmitri before all his
boyars that the rights of hospitality had been violated. After that was
said, Moscow violated those rights in reality.
The men who had gone to Moscow with Michael were taken from
him, and treated as if in detention. Michael himself was lodged in a
separate house, or palace, as if in imprisonment. Such a turn of
affairs was almost more grievous for Dmitri than for Michael, and it
grieved most of all the metropolitan, for the Tver prince put the
blame of the act on him. That passionate prince was indignant at the
metropolitan: “I believed his words, and came hither to Moscow,”
said Michael; “now see what they have done to me.” Michael
considered it all planned previously through policy and cunning. Both
sides were equally vehement, each side declared itself right, and
each felt offended. There seemed no way to reconcile them. To
hasten Michael’s release [354]would be to declare that Dmitri had
been the offender; his boyars would not agree to this; they had
brought about the detention and they insisted that it should continue.
During this year, 1368, Prince Vassili died in Kashin, and Michael, by
the death of his uncle, became Prince of Tver in the fullest sense
possible. He was now the eldest of the house, and besides, the Tver
people were satisfied with him. The angry enemy of Moscow was
strengthened. The position was still more entangled by the fact that
the heir of the late Prince Vassili, also Michael, now Prince of
Kashin, and married to Vassilissa, a daughter of Simeon the Proud,
hastened in his turn to Moscow with petitions. In Moscow, opposition
from Michael was expected, and even an attack upon Moscow
regions was looked for. But the storm struck unexpectedly from
elsewhere.
The Lithuanian army stood three days outside those new walls.
Olgerd had not power to meet or crush them, but he did great
[355]harm to Moscow in many parts. He burned nearly everything in
the city and in the country round, and took a multitude of captives.
Then, driving along every beast which he could find, he hastened
homeward, for news had come to him that the Germans had
attacked his lands. He could say, however, that he had satisfied the
tearful prayers of the Tver prince, his brother-in-law, Michael. Surely
Moscow would remember him, for he had done as much harm as
possible, and Michael was avenged.
The war ended only when Dmitri and all the princes who
acknowledged him rose against Olgerd and the Mongols, and
brought Tver to conditions. Early in September, 1370, Moscow
troops, led by Dmitri, marched against Michael. They moved from
Voloko-Lamsk directly on Zubtsoff, a city which with Rjeff, its
neighbor, had passed more than once into Olgerd’s possession,
thanks to Tver men. This time the Moscow troops did not treat it with
tenderness; they stormed, sacked, and destroyed the place. Then,
taking everyone captive, they marched to Mikulin, which stood on the
road between Moscow and Novgorod. This was [356]Michael’s own
personal inheritance, hence no mercy was shown it. The native nest
of Alexander’s descendants was given to destruction. The troops
took it by storm, and then razed it to the ground.
After taking Mikulin, they made the whole region around it empty.
They captured the people, and seized all their cattle. Cattle were the
main wealth of Russia at that time, hence at the end of hostilities it
was often stipulated in treaties that the cattle should be returned.
The Grand Prince went back to Moscow with great herds, and filled
his land with cattle. He had avenged Olgerd’s insult, and humiliated
the Tver men most effectively.
Thus ended Olgerd’s stay of eight days before the Kremlin. The
haste, and the care with which he retreated, show that numerous
forces were following. He had not found the Grand Prince
unprepared, and had boasted vainly in Vilna, for he did not break
fast in Moscow. His fear and his hurried retreat prove how little he
trusted in truces or in treaties. [358]
[Contents]
CHAPTER XVI