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patron Cortés was at stake. In awe of the friars, and in terror of the conquerors
whose encomienda slaves they were, the Indians hardly dared to say aught to
implicate the latter. This is doubtless the view Las Casas would have taken. Intent
on pleading the cause of his dusky protégés, he cared not to sift statements that
might create sympathy for them. Yet, had he foreseen how widely his accusations
would be used to sully Spanish fame, he might have been more circumspect. ‘E’
vero, che fu troppo rigorosa la vendetta, ed orribile la strage,’ says Clavigero; yet
he severely condemns Las Casas for his distorted account. Storia Mess., iii. 63-4.
According to Sahagun’s native record, the Tlascaltecs persuaded Cortés to
avenge them on the Cholultecs, and as the latter received him coldly, he began to
believe the accusations of his allies. Assembling the chiefs and soldiers, together
with citizens, in the temple court, he slaughtered them, defenceless as they were.
Hist. Conq., 18. Bustamante comments on this version, and denounces the
conquerors as atrociously cruel. Id. (ed. 1840), 56-63. Duran’s version is a little
milder. His main object being to give the life of Montezuma, he has passed by
many events connected with the Spaniards, and has suppressed many accounts
of their cruelties. He accordingly refers but briefly to the Cholula massacre, saying
that ‘the Indians, in their eagerness to serve the Spaniards, came in such large
numbers to their quarters with provisions, grass, etc., that Cortés suspected
treasonable designs, and put them to the sword.’ Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 438-9.
Ixtlilxochitl evidently struggles between his fear of the Spanish rulers and the
desire to tell what he regards as the truth. He intimates that the only ground for
suspicion against the Cholultecs was the effort to dissuade Cortés from going to
Mexico. The chiefs and the citizens were assembled on the pretence of selecting
carriers, and over 5000 fell beneath the sword. Hist. Chich., 294. An antagonistic
view of the affair is offered by Juan Cano, of Narvaez’ expedition, who gave
Oviedo the hearsay statement that Cortés had asked for 3000 carriers, and
wantonly killed them. iii. 552. Carbajal Espinosa, a Mexican historian, like
Bustamante, regards the victims as innocent and the deed as barbarous. Hist.
Mex., ii. 182. Robertson considers that Cortés had good reasons for it, yet ‘the
punishment was certainly excessive and atrocious.’ Hist. Am., ii. 452. Solis
condemns those who seek to accuse the Spaniards of cruelty and to pity the
Indians—‘maligna compasion, hija del odio y de la envidia.’ The conquerors gave
religion to them, and that he regards as sufficient compensation. Hist. Mex., i. 345.
‘Cortez felt but doubtful of their fidelity, and feared to leave his rear to a people
who might ruin his enterprise,’ says Wilson, Conq. Mex., 383, in explanation of the
motive; but he forgets that a few hostages, as taken from other peoples on the
route, would have secured Cortés far more than the murder of a small percentage
of this population. Prescott compares the deed with European cruelties, and,
considering the danger threatening the Spaniards, he excuses it. He prefaces his
comments by a consideration of the right of conquest. Mex., ii. 29-39. Alas for
honesty, humanity, decency, when talented American authors talk of the right of
one people to rob and murder another people! See also Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii.
381-2; Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 86-9; Peralta, Not. Hist., 112-13, 313-
14; Pimentel, Mem. Sit., 90-2. Although some of the early Dutch writers eagerly
copy and even exaggerate Las Casas’ version, the contemporary German writers
are quite moderate. Cortés’ version is given in the Weltbuch Spiegel und bildtnis
des gantzen Erdtbodens von Sebastiano Franco Wördensi, Tübingen, 1534,
ccxxxvii leaves, beside preface and register. This book was much sought after in
its day, and received several editions, in German and Dutch, as late as the
seventeenth century. The earliest mentioned by Harrisse is dated 1533. The new
continent was gradually receiving a larger space in the cosmographies at this
period, and Franck actually assigns it a whole section, as one of the four parts of
the world. The historic and geographic description of Africa occupies the first and
smallest section; Europe follows and absorbs about half the pages, while Asia
receives 100 folios, and America the remainder, beginning at folio 210. The
heading reads: Von America dem vierdten teyl der welt, Anno M.CCCC.XCVII.
erfunden; but after this chapter follow several pages on Portuguese discoveries in
Africa and eastward, till folio 220, when begins the voyage of Columbus, ‘sunst
Dauber genant,’ the German translation of the admiral’s name. After several
chapters on the physical features, natural resources, and inhabitants of the new
discoveries, comes one relating how Americus Vespucius found the fourth part of
the world. This is followed by three pages of matter on Asia, as if the author,
fearful of forgetting it, there and then gave his story. Several interpolations occur,
but the chief portion of the remaining folios relates to Cortés’ conquest of Mexico.
The carelessly compiled and badly arranged material of the volume claims to be
based on over sixty authorities, among which figure Apianus, Munster, Vespucci,
Columbus, and Cortés. The affix Wördensi indicates that Franck was a Hollander,
although he is often referred to as a German, probably because his life was
passed chiefly in Germany. Here he issued, among other works, a not very
orthodox chronicle, which was excommunicated at Strasburg. Franck was chased
from more than one place, but enjoys the honor of standing in the first class
among authors condemned by the Roman Church, and of having been deemed
worthy of special refutation by Luther and Melancthon. Even the liberal-minded
Bayle, after applying the term Anabaptist, refers to him as ‘un vrai fanatique.’ Dict.
Hist., ii. 1216.
CHAPTER XV.
FROM CHOLULA TO IZTAPALAPAN.
October-November, 1519.
FOOTNOTES
[400] Cortés, Cartas, 75-6; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 96-7.
[401] ‘Sacrificassen çinco mill personas para festejar é aplacar sus dioses.’
Oviedo, iii. 499. ‘Estuuo encerrado en sus deuociones, y sacrificios dos dias
juntamente con diez Papas.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 61. ‘Estuuo en oracion, y
ayuno ocho dias.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 97. ‘Si ritirò al palazzo tlillancalmecatl,
destinato pel tempo di duolo.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 69.
[402] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 182; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 304. According to Arias
de Villalobos, the idol was already stricken mute by the shadow of the
approaching cross; the angel released the captive, one of 500 destined for
slaughter, and he set forth to join the Spaniards. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii.
126.
[403] From the lord of Tepeaca came 30 female slaves and some gold, and from
Huexotzinco a wooden box, bordered with gold and silver, containing jewels worth
400 pesos de oro. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.
[405] Cortés, Cartas, 75-6; Torquemada, i. 442. Gomara is confused about these
messages between Cholula and Mexico, while Bernal Diaz ignores this attempt to
keep back the Spaniards.
[407] Cortés, Cartas, 77. Bernal Diaz relates that six chiefs brought this message,
together with a number of gold jewels, worth upward of 2000 pesos, and some
loads of robes. Hist. Verdad., 62. Most authors are, like Gomara, somewhat
confused about these messages.
[408] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 96. ‘Algunos querian decir que era boca del infierno.’
Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 180; Torquemada, i. 436-7.
[409] ‘Vinieron muchos Indios a besarles la ropa, y a verlos, como por milagro, ó
como a dioses.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 96. According to Cortés they failed to reach
the summit, although coming very near to it. But this statement is open to doubt,
for Cortés is not liberal in according credit to others where it might tend to call
attention from himself, particularly to a man like Ordaz, who had, until quite lately,
been his most bitter opponent. Gomara had evidently good authority for his
statement, since he in this case failed to follow his patron’s version; and Bernal
Diaz, who is always ready to contradict him, and who was no friend of Ordaz, does
also admit that he reached the summit. He gives him only two companions,
however, and starts them from Tlascala. Hist. Verdad., 55. Leading modern
authors are inclined to doubt their success. Prescott, Brasseur de Bourbourg, and
others, from a misinterpretation of Cortés’ text, allow the ascent to be made while
the army was camped on the summit of the range, en route for Mexico.
Ordaz no doubt claimed to have reached the summit, since the emperor
granted him a coat of arms, wherein the achievement is commemorated by a
blazing mountain. Had he not merited it, his many jealous companions would
surely have raised a clamor. He became also a knight of Santiago, in
acknowledgment of his services during the conquest. Having beside acquired
great wealth, he might have rested on his laurels; but eager to emulate his late
chief, he in 1530 petitioned for and obtained the governorship of the tract between
Rio Marañon and Cabo de la Vela, in South America, with a right to extend the
conquest. After suffering great hardship there he set out for Spain, two years later,
to recruit his health and seek redress against rival conquerors. He died on the
way. Oviedo, ii. 211-24; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. ix.; dec. v. lib. i. cap. xi. Simon
has him arraigned at Española for cruelty to his men, etc. Ordaz insists on going
to Spain for justice, and fearing the result, since he stood in high favor there, his
enemies poisoned him during the voyage. Conq. Tierra Firme, 104-35. His portrait
is given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 192, and Prescott’s Mex. (Gondra ed.
of Mex.), iii. 221. ‘Su familia establecida en Puebla, en donde creo que todavía
quedan descendientes suyos.’ Alaman, Disert., i. 101. Montaño, among other
conquerors, made the ascent of the volcano not long after this, and he is even
said to have descended into the crater. Padre Sahagun also reached the summit.
Hist. Gen., iii. 317; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. xviii.; Torquemada, i. 436-7; Peter
Martyr, dec. v. cap. ii. The next successful ascent was not made till 1827, by
Messrs Glennie. Sonneschmidt had explored Popocatepetl partially only in 1772,
but had reached the summit of the consort peak. Berkbeck explored in the same
year as the Glennies. Gérolt and Gros attempted the ascent in 1833 and 1834,
and succeeded in reaching the summit on the second occasion. The record is
given in Revista Mex., i. 461-82. In 1857 the Mexican government sent up a
successful exploring expedition under Sonntag and Laverrière, whose report, with
drawings, is given in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, vi. 218-45. Meanwhile the
observations of Gérolt and Gros had led to the examination of the crater for
sulphur, an industry carried on pretty regularly since 1836. The volcano was in
frequent eruption about the conquest period, as if in sympathy with the political
turmoils around it. One of the heaviest discharges recorded took place in 1539-40,
which covered the neighboring towns, as far as Tlascala, with ashes. Since then it
has been comparatively silent, the last two outbreaks being in 1663-4 and 1697.
ubi sup., 204-5; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 55; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. xviii.
The eruption of 1663-4 created great terror in Puebla, as Vetancurt relates. Teatro
Mex., pt. i. 26. Bustamante extends this activity to 1665. Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed.
1840), 75.
Rude cuts of the volcanic eruption of 1519 are to be seen in the old and
curious cosmographies of Sebastian Munster. This learned man, famous as a
Hebrew scholar, as mathematician and cartographer, was the author of some forty
printed works, and would probably have issued as many more had not the plague
cut him off at Basle, in 1552, at the age of 63. His editions of Ptolemy’s Geography
began in 1540, and in the following year, according to Labanoff’s Catalogue,
appeared the first edition of his Cosmographia Beschreibung; but this date,
accepted by several bibliographers, as well as that of 1543 for a Latin edition, are
evidently wrong, since Munster in his dedication of 1550, to King Gustavus I. of
Sweden, remarks that ‘Inn dise dritt edition’ he had hoped to include a description
of Stockholm and other towns under the king, but had not received a reply to his
demands therefor. A few lines above this he writes equally to the point: ‘Als ich
aber vor sechs jaren noch mit diser arbeit vmbgieng, ist zũ mir kommen E. K. M.
diener, der hochgelert herr, herr Georgius Normannus, dem ich vorhin auss
etlichen büchern vnder meinem namen aussgangen, bekãt wz, vnd als er
besichtiget dise für genom̄ en arbeit, schetzet er sie wol wirdig, das sie vnd dem
künigliche schirm E. M. an tag käme.’ Nothing could more conclusively show that
the work had not appeared in print before 1544. The second edition appeared in
1545. The title of the first reads: Cosmographia. Beschreibũg aller Lender Durch
Sebastianum Munsterum. Getruckt zü Basel durch Henrichum Petri. Anno MDxliiij.
The Gothic text is accompanied by marginals in Italics, and illustrated with
numerous small wood-cuts, some being of the character which permits their
reproduction in different chapters and for different countries. In the African division
we find beings of the Anubis and Polyphemus type, and animal monsters of
different form. In the dedication to Gustavus, Munster speaks of having spent
eighteen years in collecting and arranging his material, on the plan of ‘dẽ
hochgelerten man̄ Strabõi,’which is not very flattering to that geographer, if the
method before us be accepted as a specimen. He divides the volume into six
books—the first devoted to mathematical geography, the next three to a general
rambling description of Europe, chiefly with reference to the natural resources and