Pakistan's Quest for Democracy

Author(s): Benazir Bhutto

Source: Harvard International Review , July/August 1987, Vol. 9, No. 6 (July/August
1987), pp. 26-28
Published by: Harvard International Review

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/42760697

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 Democracy in South Asia

Pakistan's Quest for Democracy

By Benazir Bhutto

part of the subcontinent than elsewhere. Paternalistic,

authoritarian rule from above, rather than democratic ex-
Democracy
Democracy fathers years of as has existence.asayears
fathers democratic of Pakistan
eluded
a democratic existence. state,Envisaged
Envisaged state, by mostby
for PakistanPakistanits of hasitsfounding
founding
has itsbeen
forty been pression from below, was the hallmark of the British
racked by instability and subjected to repeated cycles ofcolonial system. There was no notion of accountability
autocratic rule, unrest, and divisiveness. Brief periods of built into such a paternalistic order. Even when limited self-
civilian government have alternated with protracted periods government was gradually introduced, representative in-
of military-bureaucratic rule, punctuated by eruptions of stitutions remained subservient to the executive, with a
popular protest against authoritarianism. crippling effect on the political structure.
Why has democracy so far eluded Pakistan? The The regions that constituted Pakistan were the most
reasons lie deep in the colonial legacy, the history of the backward socially and politically and had little exposure
state's formative years, and its social structure. The specific even to the experience of a sharply circumscribed self-
nature of these factors retarded the growth of political in- government. For example, no kind of self-government or
stitutions and enabled the strong military-bureaucratic ap- representative institution was ever introduced in Baluchi-
paratus bequeathed by British colonialism to reign stan. The frontier was governed as a special area until the
supreme, further inhibiting the development of representa- mid-1930's and became a province only in 1937. British
tive political structures. The long periods of military stran- rule was fully extended to Sind and Punjab in 1849. The
gulation of the political process, however, failed to dampen administrative system established in these provinces retard-
people's democratic aspirations, especially às socio- ed the development of political institutions and political
economic changes - the emergence of new urban social consciousness. The imperial legacy, in other words, was
groups - have generated more strident demands for long on institutions and practices of control but short on in-
representative government. stitutions and practices of representative rule.
In the 1980's the tension between the forces of authori- This institutional imbalance, or political debility, was
tarianism and the people's yearning for democracy hasexacerbated by a number of other factors concerned with
grown more acute. Unless Pakistan establishes a legitimate the social structure and developments in the early years of
democratic government, the threat of strife will grow,Pakistan's independent existence.
together with the deepening of regional strains, which Punjab and Sind were provinces in which the British
centralized military rule has already exacerbated to theleft feudal landed power and privileges largely undisturbed
point where it is almost too onerous to bear. (unlike other parts of British India), seeking to work within
and through them. Virtually no industrial and urban
development took place in the areas that comprised Paki-
If it is the middle class which has histor- stan. At the time of independence, the country's industry
ically spearheaded democratic move- was negligible, as was the presence of an indigenous mid-
dle class. If it is the middle class which has historically
ments, Pakistan clearly began with a
spearheaded democratic movements, Pakistan clearly began
serious disability. with a serious disability. And it is not hard to see how a
tribal and feudal social structure inhibited the emergence of
democracy.
British colonialism is often credited with the introduc- But there were other complicating factors. Pakistan's
tion of representative institutions to the Indo-Pakistan sub-party of independence, the Muslim League, deprived of its
continent. What is less well known, or insufficiently em- leader, Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah, within
phasized, is the impact of colonialism in the region that waseighteen months of partition, was unable to strike deep
later to comprise West Pakistan. Here the strongest
roots among the indigenous population. It was unable to
traditions that the colonial power implanted were autocratictransform itself from a movement into a political party
and marked by a powerful civil-military bureaucracy. Pun- which could govern effectively. Its main leadership came
jab and the North- West Frontier Province were the key from areas that were part of India, and the conflict between
recruitment areas for the British Indian Army. In these them and the rural feudal-based leaders left political forces
divided and weak.
areas, the "theory" of the "martial races" was nurtured.
Moreover, the district officers of the colonial bureaucracy The fractious nature of the country's political forces
functioned with much greater discretionary powers in this enabled the military and the bureaucracy to gain an early
dominant role, which in turn thwarted the growth of a vi-
Benazir Bhutto is Co-Chairperson of Pakistan's major op- able civilian political structure. In 1958, when the country
position party , the Pakistan People's Party. She is also thewas preparing for its first-ever general election which could
daughter of the late Prime Minister of Pakistan , Zulfikarhave marked the beginning of democracy in Pakistan, the
Ali Bhutto . civil-military bureaucracy was powerful enough to block
■ ■

26 • July/August 1987

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 Democracy in South Asia

these elections. Instead, in October 1958, Pakistan was sub- popular democracy under the leadership of Prime Minister
jected to the first period of martial law. The long night of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
the generals had begun, only to be broken briefly by Paki- The policies of Field Marshal-turned-President Ayub
stan's first and only popularly elected leader, Zulfikar Ali Khan triggered intended and unintended changes in the so-
Bhutto, in the 1970's. cial and economic sphere that transformed the structural
It was the hostile circumstances in which Pakistan was bases of Pakistan's politics. Rapid industrialization, ac-
born which left an enduring political legacy. The traumatic
celerated urbanization, and development policies aimed at
transfer of population between Pakistan and India was
economic and social modernization widened income and
marked by the most gruesome riots and killings in recent regional disparities. They also brought in their wake the
history. These left bitter memories on both sides. Within
emergence and expansion of urban-based professional mid-
months of independence, war broke out between Pakistan dle-class groups of teachers, lawyers, and students, and a
and India over the disputed territory of Kashmir, while growth
on in the size of the industrial labor force with the at-
Pakistan's western border, Afghanistan's irridentist claims
tendant rise, despite restrictions, in trade-union member-
ship.
Ayub's political system of controlled or "guided"
democracy, however, was grossly inadequate to accom-
modate an increasingly complex and sophisticated society.
Disaffection among urban groups grew, and popular fer-
ment especially picked up momentum following Pakistan's
war with India in September 1965.
Ayub's policies had aroused political expectations
without providing the means to fulfill them, and had
generated acute socio-economic tensions which could not
be resolved within an authoritarian- and status quo-oúznteà
framework. The mounting political discontent and social
frustration was articulated and given political direction by a
new kind of leader, Bhutto, who addressed his appeal to the
people and especially to the underprivileged among them.
He built a populist party which spearheaded the movement
for democracy; the Pakistan People's Party (established in
1967) represented and accommodated the new emerging
social groups and the new generation that had come of age.
In a society characterized by a wide gulf between the haves
Pakistani opposition leader Benazir Bhutto. and have-nots, Bhutto raised the rallying cry of social jus-
tice and democracy. This sent shock waves through the es-
on its territory across the Durand Line, which Kabul tablishment, but rallied the people to see the fulfillment of
refused to recognize, reinforced the conviction that hostile
their democratic urges.
forces on all sides were bent on destroying the new state. Bhutto's populist leadership helped to unlock the
Pakistan and India were to fight two more wars in 1965 people's
and aspirations for change and democracy and brought
1971, the latter resulting in the dismemberment of Pakistan
about the awareness among people that they could be mas-
with the secession of its eastern wing. ters of their political destiny - an awareness that they were
The continuing perception of security threats to Paki-
citizens, not subjects.
stan from both sides justified huge and spiraling military
expenditures and a large and growing army. This made the
The Zia regime has been the most repres-
military a powerful force in a society where political forces
remained divided and weak, and undermined the develop-
ment of a viable democratic structure. It enabled the cap-sive in Pakistan's history precisely be-
cause it has had the most to repress.
ture and retention of political power by the military, which
then used its power to weaken further existing political for-
ces and suppress emerging ones. It was a vicious cycle in-
deed. This change in attitude remains the most durable of
Military rule also eroded national unity by fanning the
Bhutto's contributions to the democratic struggle. It was
flames of regionalist sentiment. Highly centralized rule this
by awareness of their political efficacy which has kept the
the military (70 percent of which is drawn from the Punjab)
people's faith in democracy intact even during subsequent
resulted in divisive strains and regional tensions between
periods of repressive rule. The fact that Ayub's carefully
the Punjab and people from the other three minority constructed system fell like a house of cards in the face of a
provinces, inhabited by different ethnic groups. people's movement reinforced that faith.
It was in the 1960's that socio-economic changes inId the first free and fair elections held in the country in
Pakistan set in train a series of developments that cul- 1970, Bhutto swept the polls in West Pakistan and in 1972
minated in mass protest and demands for democracy. This inaugurated the first period of popularly-based civilian
led to the country's first and so far only experiencedemocratic
in rule. Bhutto's economic and social measure, in-
I-

International Review • 27

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 Benazir Bhutto

eluding land reforms, nationalization, and new labor Problems, however, remain. Vested interests that will
laws - aimed at providing social justice - struck fear in the
resist the march of democracy include a military that has
grown accustomed to power and a bureaucracy that has
hearts of forces hostile to change. His efforts to provide dis-
tributive justice within an open and competitive political long remained accountable only to itself. Tensions with
framework provoked the ire of vested interests. neighbors, aggravated by the' Soviet intervention in Af-
Such forces, together with the army waiting in the
ghanistan in 1979, provide an all-powerful military ma-
wings, conspired to topple the legitimate and democrati- chine. In this sense, regional peace is a prerequisite for the
cally elected PPP Government. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was sent establishment of firmly-rooted democracy in Pakistan. Nar-
to the gallows in 1979 for the "crime" of bringing rowly-based regimes in Pakistan have had a strong interest
democracy to Pakistan and giving the country the 1973 in keeping regional tensions high which in turn have had a
Constitution, the first document that reflected a genuine na- serious destabilizing effect on the regional balance of
tional political consensus. To this day, the 1973 Constitu- power. A vicious circle is perpetuated: tensions with
tion remains the touchstone of political legitimacy in the neighboring states help to keep the army powerful, and a
country. powerful military keeps the regional pot boiling. The con-
sequence is to make regional peace and stability well-nigh
impossible. The fact that long-standing suspicions and past
rancor between Pakistan and two of its neighbors are al-
ways readily available for easy manipulation results in wide
swings in relations with them and contributes to instability.
This is why Zulfikar Ali Bhutto strenuously worked to
achieve peace with honor with neighboring states. He
negotiated the Simla Agreement with India that laid the
basis for the longest lasting peace with India. He was also
in the process of striking a historic accord with Afghanistan
under President Daoud when Zia toppled the legally con-
stituted government of the PPP.

Voters' patience outlasts the heat.
Pakistan's checkered political history may suggest that
prospects for restoring democracy in the future appear dim.
But there is much to suggest the contrary. It is, after all, ex-
ceedingly difficult to turn the clock back after the people
have acquired political consciousness. Repression can put
the lid on popular mobilization for democracy, which
Bhutto helped to bring about, but it cannot permanently roll
back a historical process. The masses that Bhutto ushered
into the political system have been shut out by General Zia-
ul-Haq's military rule, but the demands for democratic ex-
pression have only grown stronger. The Zia regime has
been the most repressive in Pakistan's history precisely be-
cause it has had the most to repress. But the floggings of
political workers and the executions of others demanding
only the restoration of democracy have failed to deter the
people. The most compelling evidence of the popular
yearning for democracy is the fact that Zia's regime has
failed to consolidate itself in the style of a Pinochet or a
Suharto. Increasingly, the authoritarian and repressive state
structure has become incongruous with a self-confident and
politically literate nation that will not be beaten into sub-
mission. Despite the imposition of the longest period of
martial law by Zia, from 1977-1985, and the unrelenting
use of repressive measures such as the jailing of opposition
leaders and the banning of political parties and political ac-
tivities, the regime has been unable to stem the tide of the
democratic opposition or even dent its popularity.
Prospects
are are therefore
therefore forlinked.
closely democracy
Only closely linked. andis regional Only when peace democracy and stability is
when democracy
restored in Pakistan can the people of the country look to a
future of lasting peace and security. The most damaging ef-
fect of military rule has, however, been on the national
fabric of the country. Only a delicate balance between
Pakistan's disparate regions and heterogeneous population
achieved through a genuinely federal democratic
framework can provide the real basis for unity.
Authoritarian rule aggravating tensions between the prov-
inces has pitted ethnic groups against each other and fanned
separatist feeling in smaller provinces. This raises serious
questions about Pakistan's long-term unity. Today, the
People's Party is the only national institution in that it has
firm roots among all of the country's four provinces. Its
goal of restoring federation wherein all provinces have a
say and a stake is the only way of restoring the country's
badly shattered unity. In democracy lies Pakistan's survival.
From his death cell Zulfikar Ali Bhutto wrote before his
martyrdom: "If a coup d'état becomes a permanent part of
the political infrastructure, it means the fall of the last petal
of the last withered rose. It means the end." His enduring
legacy in the form of a National Institution in the Pakistan
Peoples' Party and a politically awakened citizenry has en-
sured that this has not yet happened. The people continue
vigorously to challenge military rule. But another of his
perceptive observations should be recalled as a warning for
the future: "If India had suffered from martial laws and
military dictatorships in the pattern of Pakistan, India
would have been in three or four separate pieces by this
day. India is more heterogeneous than Pakistan, but India
has been kept in one piece by the noise and chaos of her
democracy." Democracy must return to Pakistan to keep it
in one piece. □

28 • July/August 1987

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