Term-End Examination May 2024

BPSE-142 : INDIA’S FOREIGN POLICY IN CHANGING WORLD

Time : 3 Hours Maximum Marks : 100
Note: Answer five questions in all, selecting at least two questions from each Section in about
400 words. Each question carries 20 marks.

Section—I

1. Elaborate the foreign policy of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Ans: The BJP election manifesto of 2014 expressed a general wish to “reboot and reorient”
foreign policy. The document noted India emerging as a power and connecting stakeholders
in a multi-polar world. It listed seven foreign policy priorities which largely represent the
trends of the post-2014 foreign policy and included things like reaching out to Indian diaspora
and a permanent seat in the UN Security Council.
The notable changes in the scope of India’s Foreign Policy under PM Modi are given below:
(i)Focus on Civilizational Values: Modi government has attempted to connect foreign policy
with Indian values by stressing civilizational and religious ties with East and Southeast Asia; by
focusing on yoga; and especially in its campaign to connect with Indian diaspora. The Prime
Minister has sought to utilize Buddhism to build closer ties with countries in East Asia and South
East Asia. He has visited important Buddhist shrines in Sri Lanka, Japan and China. He has used
Sufism to trace the historical link between India and Central Asia. India‘s initiative led to the UN
General Assembly in 2014 declaring 21 June as “International Day of Yoga”.
(ii) Diasporic Dimension:
Reaching out to Indian diaspora has become a celebratory aspect of Indian foreign policy
harnessed for India‘s economic development; and for dealing effectively with US and other
countries. In September 2014, Modi visited the US and addressed the Indian diaspora in New
York's Madison Square Garden. The high watermark of this diasporic summit policy was the
“Howdy, Modi” – a popular Texan greeting. Today, diaspora is part of India‘s “soft power”
diplomacy.
(iii)A Foreign Policy of Multi-Alignment:
Non-alignment has been replaced by the policy of multi-alignment. Today, India joins hands with
US for security and development in the Indo-Pacific region; while Russia remains India‘s
“special and privileged strategic partner” and a source of military hardware. India engages both
US and Russia simultaneously under different formats. Relations with US have reached higher
stages of strategic partnership under Modi. India is not hesitant about seeking a new strategic
alignment with US in view of growing presence of China in the Indian Ocean. The government
signed the bilateral Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement with the US in 2016 to
facilitate logistical support, supplies and services between the US and Indian militaries. This was
followed by the signing of Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement in 2018 to
help access advanced defence systems and enable India to optimally utilize its existing US-origin
platforms. India is part of the “Quad” involving the US, Japan and Australia.

India joins hands with Russia in plurilateral groupings – BRICS to push for a multipolar world
order; Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) for security and economic development in
South Asia and Eurasian region and the Russia-India-China (RIC) grouping for a dialogue among
emerging powers. Not just great powers, India is engaging mutual adversaries as its strategic
partners. For instance, India is a reliable partner of Israel and the UAE. Don‘t avoid partnerships;
seek partnership to serve India‘s national and security interests. This has been the mantra of
Indian foreign policy since 2014. In other words, the concept of strategic autonomy has
undergone some meaningful change: today, India is not averse to risk taking in international
affairs. Modi has brought lots of maturity and clarity in relationship with China. The informal
summits – at Wuhan and Mamallapuram – underscore the ability of two countries to discuss
bilateral and global issues in a spirit of understanding. Meanwhile, India has moved away from its
Non-aligned framework. Prime Minister gave a skip to the Non Aligned Movement‘s (NAM)
summit both in 2016 and in 2019.
(iv)Impact of the Personality: There is a concurrence that Prime Minister is more energetic and
visible on foreign policy front. He has been firm and categorical in defending national interest
while dealing with US and China. India‘s new assertive posture toward both Pakistan and China
and a host of new strategic partnerships—such as the ones with Saudi Arabia and UAE—are
actually indicators of new foreign policy pragmatism. The personal imprint of strong leadership
on the course of external relations is there.
(v) ‘Emerging’ to ‘Leading’ Power: The scope of Indian foreign policy has broadened; it is in
consonance with India‘s rising global profile and capability. India has staked the claim, from the
“emerging” to being the “leading” power. India wants to be a rule writer rather than a rule
taker in the international system.

2.Discuss the objectives of India’s foreign policy.

Ans: Some of the Objectives of India‘s Foreign Policy are:
a) Protection and Promotion of National Interests: National interest ranges from the
national defence and security to the short term objectives that India‘s foreign policy seeks
to achieve in both bilateral as well as multilateral dealings with the rest of the world.
Thus, after independence, the core of national interest involved zealously guarding the
hard earned freedom of the country. This also focused on fortifying the defences of the
country from both external and internal threats. At the same time, enhancement in the
global standing of the country, contribution to the securing and maintenance of
international peace and security, peaceful and mutually beneficial relations with the
neighboring countries etc. are some of the permanent markers of national interests of
India. So, the conduct of India‘s foreign policy has precisely been visualized in such a
way that it is able to secure such objectives to the maximum extent possible.
b) Autonomy of Independent Decision Making: when India became independent, the
international scenario was extremely dicey as the Cold War was in the air and the two
super power appeared hell bent to wean away the newly independent nation to their side
by any means. In those testing times, India‘s foreign policy could save the autonomy of
independent decision making of the country through the innovative doctrine of Non-
alignment. But even while carrying on with the policy of Non-alignment, India faced a
number of occasional threats to its security and autonomy of independent decision
making from the menacing overtures of both neighbouring and global powers. India’s
Foreign Policy has built such an image and prestige for the country in the arena of
international relations that no country could dare to go beyond a point in anticipating
India‘s adherence to their point of view. Moreover, a number of other countries in Asia
and Africa now look to India for providing them a sense of security and ensuring their
autonomy in the uncertain world where bigger fishes are always out to predate the
vulnerable nations.
c) Economic Drivers of Foreign Policy: When India gained independence, it was beset
with twin economic challenges of arranging for adequate food grains to feed the teeming
millions, as well as to secure capital and technology from the developed nations so as to
set the country on the path of economic growth and prosperity. Fulfillment of such
economic interests appeared quite challenging at that time given the dynamics of Cold
War and India‘s insistence on policy of Non-alignment as the functional framework of
 her relations with the super powers. It was not an easy task; even food aid came with
conditions attached. India seeks to deepen her economic relations through the policy
measures like Act East Policy, prioritizing investment in African countries and creation of
a number of multilateral frameworks for enhanced economic cooperation amongst leading
economies of the East.

2. How did the end of cold war impact India-China relations ? Elaborate.

Ans: At the end of the Cold War, Top-level dialogues were held during the December 1991 visit
of PRC Premier Li Peng to India and the May 1992 visit to China of Indian President R
Venkataraman. Six rounds of talks of the Indian-Chinese Joint Working Group on the Border
Issue were held between December 1988 and June 1993. Progress was also made in reducing
tensions on the border via mutual troop reductions, regular meetings of local military
commanders. In 1993, the sixth-round of the joint working group talks was held in New Delhi but
resulted in only minor developments. Prime Minister P V Narasimha Rao and Premier Li Peng
signed a border agreement dealing with cross-border trade, cooperation on environmental issues
and radio and television broadcasting.
Beijing announced in January 1994 that it not only favoured a negotiated solution on Kashmir,
but also opposed any form of independence for the region. Talks were held in New Delhi in
February aimed at confirming established "confidence-building measures", discussing
clarification of the "line of actual control", reduction of armed forces along the line, and prior
information about forthcoming military exercises. China's hope for settlement of the boundary
issue was reiterated.
In April 1995 The Taipei Economic and Cultural Centre was opened in New Delhi in April 1995.
The Centre serves as the representative office of the Republic of China (Taiwan) and is the
counterpart of the India-Taipei Association located in Taiwan. Both institutions share the goal of
improving India-ROC relations that were strained since India‘s recognition of Beijing in 1950.
Sino-Indian relations hit a low point in 1998 due to India's nuclear tests. In 1998, China was one
of the strongest international critics of India's nuclear tests and entry into the nuclear club.
In the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Summit in 2005, China was
granted an observer status. While other countries in the region were ready to consider China for
permanent membership in the SAARC, India appeared reluctant.

China is a strong “neighbouring” country and already arriving on the global political stage as a
superpower. India's current perception of China is that it is more of a powerful neighbour than
a reliable partner. China has emerged as a strong military and political power.

In 1993, the signing of an Agreement on the Maintenance of Peace and Tranquility along the Line
of Actual Control (LAC) on the India-China Border Areas during Prime Minister Narasimha
Rao‘s visit reflected the growing stability and substance in bilateral ties.
Both India and China are engaged bilaterally, regionally and globally and this approach is
expected to continue for years to come. In June 2012, China stated its position that "Sino-Indian
ties" could be the most "important bilateral partnership of the century". Nevertheless trust deficit
and a “security dilemma” still remains an irritant in the bilateral relationship between India and
China. India understands that any war with China would not be in its interests since the Chinese
military is far more superior and stronger. Similarly, it is equally clear to China that a conflict
with India would adversely impact its huge investment in India‘s neighbourhood and the best way
ahead would be to maintain peace. China certainly has excess manufacturing capacity and is
looking for dumping its products in huge Indian market.
Thus, India‘s approach to China has recently shifted from a hard line to a conciliatory approach.
4. Write short notes in about 200 words each on the following :
(a) Gujral Doctrine
(b) Act East Policy
Ans a) Gujral Doctrine:
Prime Minister Inder Kumar Gujral who was India’s PM between April 1997 to March 1998 had
vast experience and sharp acumen in understanding international affairs and foreign policy
nuances. As Prime Minister, he introduced a novel idea in the realm of Indian foreign policy
which is called “Gujral Doctrine”. The core of the “Gujral Doctrine” was extension of benefits to
neighbours, excluding Pakistan, on non-reciprocal basis. The doctrine had five principles: (i)To
neighbours, like Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Maldives and Sri Lanka, India would not ask for
reciprocity but would give all it can in good faith. (ii) No South Asian country would allow its
territory to be used against interest of another country of the region. (iii) No country would
interfere in the internal affairs of the other country. (iv) All would respect each other‘s territorial
integrity and sovereignty. (v) All disputes would be resolved through peaceful bilateral
negotiations.
(b) Act East Policy :
On becoming Prime Minister, Modi transformed the two-decade old “Look East” into “Act East‘
policy – a decision to step up and expand the scope of relations with the strategically important
East and South East Asian countries and their myriad regional groupings. The purpose of “Act
East” is to join the Asian value chain besides become a partner in the evolving Asian security
architecture. “Act East” aims to connect India to East Asia through better infrastructure, trade and
regional institutions. Under Modi, India has made Indo-Pacific a key foreign policy and a
strategic issue. It has been active and more vocal about free maritime navigation and a rules-
based order for maritime security in the Indo Pacific, especially in South China Sea. “Act East”
puts India at the centre of stability and security of Indo-Pacific. South East Asian countries look
at India as a factor of stability and security in the region. Under Modi, India has reached out to
Myanmar in a big way – again for reasons of Indo-Pacific. Myanmar is India‘s gateway to
ASEAN countries through Thailand and Laos; it is the only ASEAN country with whom India
has both land and maritime borders. Andaman Islands lie alongside Myanmar‘s maritime
boundaries. Further, Myanmar could provide China with land connection to India‘s northeast.
China plans to build the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM) Economic Corridor under its
“Silk Road” project. In short, Myanmar offers itself as central point of connectivity and transit
between India, Bangladesh, China and Thailand.
The strengthening of cultural and other links has become a part and parcel of the new revamped
Act East policy. One of the central areas of the “Act East” policy is to promote cultural,
civilizational, linguistic and other relations, which would also contribute to people-to-people
contacts besides advancing Indian interests. The defence diplomacy is also becoming a significant
dimension of the “Act East” policy.
Section—II

5. Explain India’s foreign policy in post-cold war period.

Ans: In the post-Cold War period, India sought to increase its relative power at the regional and
global level both in order to satisfy its own development goals domestically and to increase its
security and influence externally. India has been less of a conformist and more of a
“revisionist” power in international relations; it has invariably sought to question the dominant
norms and institutions of global governance. In changed geo-strategic environment that emerged
after the post-Cold War, while India continues to adhere to and pursues the policy of Non-
alignment and strategic autonomy, periodic hiccups across Pakistan and China have been irritants
to strategic India-US relations. China‘s intents to establish its hegemony in trade and foreign
relations has upset US. The objectives of both India and the US have been constantly challenged
by China and Pakistan axis which threatens India‘s security and influence along the common
borders. In a way, the competition between the US and China, on one hand, and between China
and India, on the other, has opened the door for greater India-US cooperation since the end of the
Cold War.
Indo-US relations have made significant strides in the post-Cold War era, leaving the infamous
tag of "estranged democracies" behind. In fact, the two countries have premised their strong
bonds upon the strength of their traditions as the oldest and largest democracies in the world. As
governance structures, education, awareness and governments themselves have evolved in both
countries, there is even more that has come under the ambit of “common values” shared between
the US and India.
These shifts have also coincided with changing contours of the international order since the end
of the Cold War. This marks one of the most important changes concerning India-US relations:
one that seeks to balance shifting global power centers with a stable world order essentially
determined by a new balance of power. As Asia transitions into the strongest continent, there is a
new power scramble that seeks to upend the world's traditional understanding of state alliances
and partnerships.
In 1990-1991, the collapse of Soviet Union, the end of Cold War and the economic liberalization
of India, the two countries looked afresh at their bilateral relations. During Prime Minister
Narasimha Rao‘s tenure, therefore, despite several irritants both sides tried to move forward with
their bilateral relations. Two countries held Joint Naval exercise in May 1992. Prime Minister
Rao paid an official week-long visit to the US in May 1994, which helped to strengthen ties and
was followed by signing of several Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs).
In 1995, following the India visits by the US Defence and Commerce Secretaries, several
agreements were signed. However, US trade laws still affected India‘s export, which again was a
disturbing factor in Indo-US relations. Relations saw setback regarding the sale of F-16 aircrafts
to Pakistan. Once again supply of nuclear fuel to Tarapur reactor suffered, sales of cryogenic
engines were hit, which created discomfort between the two. And US refused to sell super
computer to India needed for better forecasting of weather – so necessary for the agriculture-
dependent economy. India responded by devising one of its own which made US realize India‘s
growing technological prowess.

As India‘s economy continued to grow and the country engaged with the rest of the world on a
more equal footing, India underwent a third evolution in the country‘s strategic outlook. This
shift, which is ongoing even today, seeks to position India among the great powers by
showcasing a willingness to take on more international responsibilities. India is taking on these
responsibilities to achieve a permanent seat at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC).
India gradually moved from cautions isolationism to more active engagement with regional
multilateral institutions in the post-Cold War period. In recent years, with the modern armed
forces and rising economic growth, India has emerged as one of the major Asian giants with
quest for great power status, resulting in significant shifts in India‘s strategic policies.

6. What is Belt and Road initiative ? Explain.

Ans: China’s BRI (Belt Road Initiative), represents a multifaceted development

strategy aimed at enhancing global connectivity and cooperation. It was launched in 2013
and aims to link Southeast Asia, Central Asia, the Gulf region, Africa and Europe with a
network of land and sea routes.The project was first named the ‘One Belt, One Road’ but
renamed as the BRI to convey a more open and inclusive initiative as opposed to a Chinese-
dominated one.The initiative includes two principal components: the Silk Road Economic
Belt and the Maritime Silk Road.

Silk Road Economic Belt: This segment of the BRI is dedicated to improving connectivity,
infrastructure, and trade links across Eurasia through a network of overland transportation
routes.
Maritime Silk Road: This component emphasizes maritime connections and cooperation in
the form of ports, shipping routes, and maritime infrastructure projects. It begins via the South
China Sea going towards Indo-China, South-East Asia and then around the Indian
Ocean thus reaching Africa and Europe.
Objective of BRI:The primary goal of the BRI is to boost international connectivity by
enhancing infrastructure, trade, and economic cooperation.The initiative encompasses a wide
range of projects, including railways, ports, highways, and energy infrastructure.
Geographic Corridors:
The land-based Silk Road Economic Belt envisions six key corridors for development:
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).
New Eurasian Land Bridge Economic Corridor.
China-Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor.
China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor.
China-Central Asia-West Asia Economic Corridor.
China-Myanmar Economic Corridor.
The Belt and Road Initiative is an informal coalition with the objective of actualizing trillions of
dollars for infrastructure investment across more than 60 countries. The BRI develops new
markets for Chinese firms, channels excess industrial capacity overseas, increases China's access
to resources, and strengthens its ties with partner countries.
China‘s grand strategic motivation for the BRI is as much defensive as offensive. China has
become the world‘s largest commodities importer as well as largest exporter of finished goods.
The more the BRI becomes a multilateral exercise, the more it connects Asian countries to China
as well as rest of Asians to each other. From Russia and Turkey to Iran and Iran to Myanmar and
Thailand, the resurrection of multidirectional Silk Roads with no dominant power symbolizes the
return of Asia‘s past, one characterized by deference, not dominance. Asia has nearly 5 billion
people, of which about 3.5 billion are not Chinese. Other Asians aspire not to live in a Chinese-
dominated world order.

China has made its intentions publicly clear with its Belt and Road initiative (BRI) which
includes development of massive maritime and land based connectivity infrastructure in the
region, reviving the ancient “silk road” concept. New Delhi has expressed displeasure over the
China‘s BRI, particularly given India‘s reservations over the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor
(CPEC) going through Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (POK). Given the concerns, India had refused
to attend the Belt Road Forum in Beijing in 2017.
7. Identify the major issues in India-Sri Lanka bilateral relations.

Ans: India and Sri Lanka occupy a strategic position in South Asia; further, their mutual security
cooperation is needed for protection of their maritime interests in the Indian Ocean. India and Sri
Lanka have deep religious, cultural and racial links.
Ethnic Divide and the Issue of Tamils: Relations between the majority Sinhalese and minority
Tamil populations have been strained for long; there have been periodic violent incidents since
independence in 1948. Discriminated and marginalized, the demand for independence or
autonomy has been strong among the Tamils.
Treatment of Sri Lankan Tamils at the hands of their central government resonates in the politics
of Tamil Nadu – which New Delhi cannot ignore. There was a smaller group of the so-called
Indian Tamils who went to as indentured labour in the 19th century to work on the rubber and tea
plantations in the highlands of Sri Lanka. When Sri Lanka became independent in 1948, its
Citizenship Acts of 1949 declared Indian Tamils as non-citizens and thus stateless. Sri Lanka
sought their repatriation to India.
India‘s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru agreed to accept as Indian citizens only those
Tamils who qualified under the provisions of the Indian Constitution. India signed agreements
with Sri Lankan governments in 1964 and 1974. These agreements stipulated that the Indian
Tamils are the joint responsibility of the two countries and provided for repatriation of a fixed
number of Indian Tamils to India. Many Tamils in Sri Lanka held the view that India would come
to their rescue and “liberate” them the way it had liberated Bangladesh. These false hopes
strengthened the sentiments for a separate Tamil nation.
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi supported Tamil parties and Tamil militant groups in the 1980s. In
1983, there were anti-Tamil riots which led to the brutal crackdown on Tamils and exodus of a
large number of Tamil refugees into India.
Security Concerns: A stable Sri Lanka without the presence of any foreign power is necessary
for India‘s security. Any outside power in Sri Lanka could pose a threat to various nuclear, space
and defence establishments located in southern India. India does not want a separate Tamil state
in Sri Lanka either. Such a state would be small and vulnerable to outside power plays, besides
might encourage separatism in Tamil Nadu. India feared growing proximity of Colombo with
China and Pakistan. In July 1987, the India-Sri Lanka accord was signed which led to the
deployment of Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in Sri Lanka to enforce the agreement. At its
peak strength, twenty thousand Indian army personnel were under the banner of IPKF. India was
concerned with the reported presence of foreign military advisors and trainers, the leasing rights
granted to foreign companies in the strategically important harbour of Trincomalee, and the
launch of the Voice of America radio stations which India suspected to be a cover for electronic
surveillance over India. After the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, LTTE was banned in India and
declared a terrorist organization. India also declined to provide military assistance to Sri Lankan
armed forces. There was a drift in Indian foreign policy for several years which cost India in the
long term. India‘s approach left the field open for China, Pakistan, EU, Japan, Israel and the US
to gain influence in Sri Lanka – offering various ideas for a negotiated settlement or establishing
economic linkages. As civil war ended, Mahinda Rajapaksa and successive governments sought
to build closer strategic ties with China.
Economic Ties: A part of Indian foreign policy towards its neighbours has been to offer them
trade concessions and economic incentives. Sri Lanka was the first country to sign a free trade
agreement with India in 1998. The free trade agreement benefitted Sri Lanka in terms of rise in
exports to India and higher Indian investment in Sri Lanka. Major exports from India to Sri Lanka
include motor vehicles, mineral fuels and oils, cotton, pharmaceutical products, plastic articles,
iron and steel, chemicals, cement, sugar etc. Major imports from Sri Lanka to India includes
processed meat products, poultry feed, insulated wires and cables, bottle coolers, apparel,
pneumatic tires, tiles and ceramics products, rubber gloves, electrical panel boards and
enclosures, machinery parts, food preparations and spices, furniture, MDF boards, glass bottles,
etc. India is also among the leading investors in Sri Lanka. Besides trade, Indian tourists make up
around 27 per cent of all tourists visiting Sri Lanka.
Fishing Disputes: Fishing in the Palk Strait, which separate India from Sri Lanka by 12 nautical
miles, is a matter of dispute. There have been incidents of Sri Lankan navy firing on Indian
fishermen in the Palk Strait. Indian fishermen use mechanized fishing trawlers which deprives the
Sri Lankan, including Sri Lankan Tamil, fishermen of their catch. Sri Lanka had demanded a ban
on the use of mechanized boats; India wants a regulated use of the mechanized trawlers rather
than their ban. Besides, Sri Lanka also complains of Indian fishermen fishing in the Sri Lankan
waters.

8. Write short notes in about 200 words each on the following :

(a) SAGAR
(b) ‘New Great Game’ in Central Asia.

Ans:
a) SAGAR: “Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR).” India‘s initiatives, like
“SAGAR” are intended to expand the country‘s geostrategic space. This is what the
Prime Minister Modi had elaborated during his travels to Indian Ocean countries in
March 2015 when he talked of “SAGAR”. He had said that ―the Indian Ocean shores
have the main responsibility for the… “Security and Growth for All in the Region
(SAGAR).” Modi‘s foreign policy seeks closer ties with the Indian Ocean states – Sri
Lanka, Maldives, Seychelles, and Mauritius. Maldives and Sri Lanka became the first
countries, Prime Minister Modi visited after the elections of 2019. This is the import of
the four-nation “Quad” also – Australia, Japan, India and the US. India is an Indian Ocean
country. It has a coastline which is 7500 kilometres long. India has 1,200 islands spread
over in Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea and the country has an exclusive economic
zone (EEZ) of 2.4 million square kilometres. Indian Ocean is important for India‘s food
and energy security. The goal is to develop the “blue economy” by harnessing the wealth
of seas sustainably in cooperation with the Indian Ocean shores and beyond.

b) ‘New Great Game’ in Central Asia:

Ans: Central Asia is a landlocked region in the heart of Asia. In the nineteenth century, it
was the battle ground for the two expanding empires – the Czarist Russia and the British
Indian Empire. There ensued the “Great Game” for power and influence. Because of its
geo-strategic location at the crossroads of Russia, China, West Asia and Europe, and its
hydrocarbon and other mineral resources, the region is witnessing an intense rivalry for
influence among important global and regional powers, namely, the United States, Russia,
China, Turkey, Iran, India and Pakistan. This is often referred to as the “New Great
Game”. Lack of an outlet to the sea makes these states vulnerable to intimidation from
their neighbours, especially Russia, through which most of the existing trade and transit
routes and oil pipelines pass. Search for alternative transit routes to minimize their
dependence on Russia induces them to look towards their other neighbours – China,
Japan and Korea. Central Asian republics need investment and technology for
development and friendship of US to balance security relations with Russia. US and its
European allies offer security cooperation through NATO‘s Partnership for Peace
Programme.
US sees Central Asian republics and Afghanistan as strategically important to keep a
watch on China and Russia; more so, in the light of the growing proximity between the
two countries. It also sees Central Asia as an important theater in the war on terrorism. It
deems it necessary to check any extension of Iranian influence. Turkey has its own
cultural expansion with the Turkic speaking populations in Central Asia. Russia and
China consider the region their sphere of interest. The Shanghai Cooperation
Organization (SCO) and Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) are mechanisms to keep
Central Asia within Chinese and Russian fold. Central Asia is the “strategic backyard” of
Russia who describes as its “near abroad”. Other regional powers such as Turkey, Iran
and Pakistan are also in the fray in the Central Asia. There is asymmetry of interest and
capability. And this is a major factor in the competition among states for influence in the
region.
Central Asia has thus emerged as an arena of intense rivalry among major global and
regional powers. This is called the “new great game” reminiscent of the “great game”
played by imperial Britain and Czarist Russia for control and expansion over Central
Asia.