Author’s name: Fathiaty Murtadho, Fernandes Arung, Endy Boeriswati, Reni Nur Eriyani,

Miftahulkairah Anwar, and Asep Supriyana. “Title: Mutual Language Policy: A Novel
Approach to Language Policy in Chinese-Indigenous Worker Interactions.” Jurnal Gramatika:
Jurnal Penelitian Pendidikan Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia. 10 no. 1 (2024): 146-169. DOI:
10.22202/jg.v10i1.7457
https://ejournal.upgrisba.ac.id/index.php/jurnal-gramatika/index

Jurnal Gramatika: Jurnal Penelitian Pendidikan Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia

Volume 10 Issue 1, 2024 (146-169)
P-ISSN: 2442-8485, E-ISSN: 2460-6316
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License

Mutual Language Policy: A Novel Approach to Language

Policy in Chinese-Indigenous Worker Interactions

Kebijakan Bahasa Bersama: Pendekatan Baru terhadap

Kebijakan Bahasa dalam Interaksi Pekerja Tionghoa-
Pribumi
Fathiaty Murtadho1, Fernandes Arung2, Endry Boeriswati3, Reni Nur Eriyani4, Miftahulkhairah Anwar5,
Asep Supriyana6
1
Universitas Negeri Jakarta, Indonesia. E-mail: fathiatym@gmail.com
2
Universitas Sulawesi Tenggara, Indonesia. E-mail: fedyarg@gmail.com
3
Universitas Negeri Jakarta, Indonesia. E-mail: endry.boeriswati@unj.ac.id
4
Universitas Negeri Jakarta, Indonesia. E-mail: reni_eryani@unj.ac.id
5
Universitas Negeri Jakarta, Indonesia. E-mail: miftahulkhairah@unj.ac.id
6
Universitas Negeri Jakarta, Indonesia. E-mail: asupriyana1969@gmail.com

Abstract: We propose a Mutual Language Policy to mediate shared interests between Chinese and
indigenous workers in minimalizing frictions related to language attitudes, socio-cultural attitudes,
ideologies and identities. So far, language policy has only sided with indigenous interests initiated by the
government and has not involved foreign interests. By using multiple case study, we analyzed language
attitudes, socio-cultural attitudes, as well as ideologies and identities of Chinese and indigenous workers
to understand the frictions that occurred. We found that the language attitude of the Chinese workers
was considered positive while the dominant use of Mandarin was only caused by the lack of mastery of
both Indonesian and English. Next, the socio-cultural attitude of Chinese workers that seemed exclusive
was basically caused by two main things, firstly, their concern about counterculture and contra behavior
towards indigenous people. Secondly, the social class in employment context. Finally, the defense of the
ideology and identity of the indigenous community seemed so strong was because of the collective
defense system. Shared interests among them in a mutual language policy concept are also discussed.

Keywords: Language Policy; Mutual Language Policy; Foreign Workers; Indigenous Workers;
Socioculture; Ideology; Language Identity

Abstrak: Kami mengusulkan Kebijakan Bahasa Bersama untuk memediasi kepentingan bersama antara
pekerja China dan pekerja pribumi dalam meminimalkan gesekan-gesekan terkait dengan sikap bahasa,
sikap sosio-kultural, serta ideologi dan identitas. Selama ini, kebijakan bahasa hanya berpihak pada
kepentingan pribumi yang diprakarsai oleh pemerintah dan belum melibatkan kepentingan asing.
Dengan menggunakan studi kasus majemuk, kami menganalisis sikap bahasa, sikap sosial-budaya, serta
ideologi dan identitas pekerja China dan pribumi untuk memahami gesekan-gesekan yang terjadi. Kami
menemukan bahwa sikap berbahasa pekerja China dinilai positif sedangkan dominansi penggunaan
bahasa Mandarin hanya disebabkan oleh kurangnya penguasaan bahasa Indonesia dan Inggris.
Berikutnya, sikap sosia-budaya pekerja China yang terkesan eksklusif pada dasarnya disebabkan oleh

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dua hal utama yaitu pertama, kekhawatiran mereka terhadap kontra-budaya dan kontra-perilaku
terhadap masyarakat adat. Kedua, kelas sosial dalam konteks ketenagakerjaan. Terakhir, pertahanan
ideologi dan identitas masyarakat adat tampak begitu kuat karena adanya sistem pertahanan kolektif.
Kepentingan bersama di antara mereka dalam konsep Kebijakan Bahasa Bersama juga dibahas.

Kata kunci: Kebijakan Bahasa; Kebijakan Bahasa Bersama; Pekerja asing; Pekerja Pribumi; Sosiokultural;
Ideologi; Identitas Bahasa

1. Introduction
In the era of Industrial Revolution 4.0 – a collective term for technology and the
concept of value chain organization (Wang et al., 2017; see Xu et al., 2021) – as well as
5.0 – technological solutions centered on human values (Nahavandi, 2019) – nations
are actively developing science, technology and art. This does not only happen within
the nation itself but also in the international context which itself requires a more
complex communication system, mastery of language and culture, language policy, to
changes in the governance system of the world of work and industry related to
language. This condition certainly gives rise to a disruption phenomenon which can be
interpreted in general as a disturbance that can intervene in an activity and social
process which can cause a shift or be uprooted from its natural roots. Related to
linguistic variables, this disruption phenomenon has in fact disrupted the Indonesian
language, literature and culture defense system. The presence of foreign workers,
especially through the outgoing industrial transfer system (Liu & Zhang, 2022), in
Indonesia cannot be separated from the problem of the Indonesian nation's language,
literature and culture defense system which could threaten the defense system or
uproot the roots of the national and regional language, literature and culture of the
Indonesian nation.. The fact is that the world of work in several regions in the Republic
of Indonesia is experiencing disruption in the context of activities and social processes
related to the functions of Indonesian and regional languages and the obligations to
use them. The presence of foreign workers in certain areas of the Republic of
Indonesia, to a lesser extent, is threatening the local and even national language,
literary and cultural defense system.
Several regions can be taken from the Provinces of Southeast Sulawesi and Central
Sulawesi. The world of work in the two provinces, in the last decade or so, has been
dominated by the mining sector. However, the largest mining area is in the province of
Southeast Sulawesi. In the province of Central Sulawesi there are large mining
companies such as PT. Indonesia Morowali Industrial Park (IMIP) which is owned by
the Shanghai Decent Investment Group as the largest shareholder (49.69%), PT
Bintang Delapan Investama (25.31%), and PT. Sulawesi Mining Investment (25%)
(Subitmele, 2022). PT. IMIP began operating in 2013 with around 40,000 employees
(Humas Politeknik ATI Makassar, 2021). Of the 28,000 jobs in Morowali, there are
around 3,000 Chinese foreign workers (Silaban, 2019). For the region of Southeast
Sulawesi Province, apart from PT. ANTAM as BUMN and PT. Vale Indonesia that
belongs to Brazil, there is PT. Virtue Dragon Nickel Industry (VDNI) and PT. Obsidian
Stainless Steel (OSS) owned by De Long Nickel Co. Ltd. from China (Ruddi, 2021). In
June 2020, the two PTs brought in 500 Chinese foreign workers (Hidayat, 2020). In
2023, PT. Indonesia Pomalaa Industrial Park (IPIP), as one of the electric battery

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industry producers in Indonesia, which will recruit a workforce of around 501 - 1000
workers, is operating in the Lamedai village, Kolaka regency, Southeast Sulawesi. PT.
IPIP has started its work by bringing in Chinese workers who cannot speak Indonesian
as well as English at all. Currently, the number of foreign workers in all regions in
Indonesia as of May 2022 is around 96,570 people, dominated by China, with 42,822
workers (Kusnandar, 2022). Meanwhile, the Southeast Sulawesi Province
Transmigration and Manpower Office reported that as of August 2021, there are 1,089
foreign workers currently in the Southeast Sulawesi Province area (Mulawati, 2021).
The data is sufficient to provide an overview of the challenges regarding the frictions in
the two regions of Sulawesi Island related to language attitudes, socio-cultural
attitudes, ideologies and identities. The results of our observations since 2013,
specifically in the Southeast Sulawesi region, showed that there had been cases of
negative language attitudes and the superiority of foreign languages, especially
Mandarin and English, towards Indonesian and regional languages by foreign workers.
They are apathetic towards using Indonesian, let alone local languages. Almost all
foreign workers in Southeast Sulawesi are completely unable to demonstrate
Indonesian language abilities and skills, as well as English abilities and skills. This
condition is actually further strengthened by Permenakertrans Number 16 of 2015
which is a revision of Permenakertrans Number 12 of 2013 concerning Indonesian
language abilities and skills for foreign workers. The results of this revision are based
on the intention of increasing foreign investment into the territory of the Republic of
Indonesia. However, does government have to pursue something but ignore other
important things, including national identity such as language and culture? There's
nothing wrong with increasing foreign investment, but we don't have to underestimate
language as a national identity and at the same time a means of communication within
our own nation. To follow up on this, we need to conduct further research to mediate
the frictions that occur and try to find the right language policy concept design for this
context.
Language conflicts, even social conflicts, cannot be separated from language attitudes.
This condition needs serious attention from various stakeholders in designing and
planning language policy. Therefore, the national goals can be achieved without
neglecting other important variables such language attitudes, socio-cultural attitudes,
ideologies and identities. Nguyen and Hamid (2016) point out that positive attitude
alone are not sufficient to ensure L1 maintenance or identity empowerment but
institutional support is also needed to promote language use. Therefore, we focused
on investigations related to the variables of language attitudes, socio-cultural
attitudes, ideologies, and identities as well as the intersections that occured in the
research area. This investigation aimed of constructing a more ideal language policy
concept in order to mediate shared interests between Chinese and indigenous workers
in minimalizing frictions related to language attitudes, socio-cultural attitudes,
ideologies and identities, specifically for the context of the Sulawesi region. The design
of language policies may mediate the socio-cultural activities in the midst of local
communities without having to ignoring the principles of maintaining national
language, literature and culture.

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2. Method
This study applies a qualitative approach with multiple case study methods by looking
at several cases that exist in the same phenomenon. The various cases in question are
in the form of language attitudes, cultural linguistics, language ideology,
sociolinguistics and sociology of language, and linguistic instrumentalism.
The involvement of research informants was carried out using a purposive selection
technique based on the characteristics of the data needs. Initially, it was planned to
involve informants from Chinese foreign workers to be interviewed with the assistance
of spokeperson, but due to accessibility issues that could not be provided to
researchers, the researchers could not involve Chinese workers as informants to be
interviewed. Thus, the informants involved in the research consisted of four (4)
indigenous workers and one (1) member of the community. Of the four informants,
two (2) informants were indigenous workers at the Chinese company in the Lamedai
village area, Southeast Sulawesi, one (1) informant was indigenous workers at the
Chinese company in the Morosi area, Southeast Sulawesi, and one (1) informant was
indigenous worker at the Chinese company in the Morowali region, Central Sulawesi.
One (1) informant from the community domiciled in the area of Lamedai village,
Southeast Sulawesi.
Data was collected through in-depth interview techniques with selected informants
and by direct and indirect observation. Direct observation was made with attention
and without attention. Direct observation without attention was carried out with
accessibility in mind, especially at mining sites where non-workers were prohibited
from entering. For indirect observations aimed at forms of behavior recorded in the
past or forms of observation that have existed through informants. These two types of
observation techniques were carried out in a non-participatory manner in the area of a
foreign company located in the area of Lamedai village, Southeast Sulawesi. The
interview data collection instrument used an unstructured interview guide with
consideration of the various characteristics of the focus of research cases. In addition,
a tape recorder was used to record the interview activities in question. For
observation, the instrument used was an observation sheet containing indicators of
the focus of the cases observed.
The process of data analysis applied coding techniques on the results of interview data
transcripts while the observed data were analyzed using reduction techniques by only
taking the forms of data needed. The results of the analysis from the two data sources
were then continued in the data crystallization process to find and determine a core
meaning which was then constructed into a concept.
The process of validity of the research data was carried out using method triangulation
techniques, data source triangulation, and theory triangulation. For the validity of the
research results, the credibility test of the research results was carried out by
extending the observations for two months, and the dependability test was carried out
to audit the entire research process.

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3. Results
3.1. Chinese and Indigenous Language Attitude
From the results of the analysis, it appears that the language attitude shown by
Chinese workers in the Lamedai Village area and Southeast Sulawesi in general is
basically positive although the use of their native language appears to be more
dominant. This is shown by the following excerpt from interview data with informants.
mereka sebetulnya mau juga berusaha bisa berbahasa Indonesia
[they actually want to try to be able to speak Indonesian]
Sebenarnya mereka itu ingin sekali... ini yang sebagian besar
[Actually they really want... this is the majority]
Kalau mereka yang sudah tahu sedikit bahasa Indonesia, mereka berusaha untuk
pakai bahasa Indonesia
[Those who have already had a little Indonesian, they try to use it]
...Tapi bahasa Indonesia yang ditahunya, langsung diucapkan
[...but the Indonesian language that they know, they immediately speak it up]
Asalkan mereka tahu bahasa Indonesia, mereka akan gunakan itu
[As long as they know Indonesian, they will use it]
mereka yang sudah tahu bahasa Indonesia, mereka akan pakai bahasa Indonesia
[those who already know Indonesian, they will use it]
Kecuali dengan kita, mereka selalu ingin berusaha pakai bahasa Indonesia
[to us, they always want to try to use Indonesian]
Mereka ingin sekali belajar bahasa Indonesia bahkan mereka minta diajar bahasa
Indonesia
[They really want to learn Indonesian, they even ask to be taught]
sepertinya mereka juga mau belajar bahasa Indonesia
[it seems, they also want to learn Indonesian]

To provide further confirmation regarding the language attitude of Chinese foreign

workers, we took another area on the island of Sulawesi, namely Central Sulawesi, by
interviewing one of the indigenous workers who also worked for a foreign company
owned by China. The results of the interviews show the same thing that the language
attitude of Chinese foreign workers in the region is quite positive. The following
interview data excerpts show it.
Sebenarnya mereka mau tapi mereka tidak bisa berbahasa Indo
[Actually, they want to, but they can't speak Indonesian]
teman kerja saya orang China, dia justru kayak bukan orang China, dia sudah fasih
berbahasa Indonesia
[my Chinese co-worker, he actually looks like he's not Chinese, he's fluent in
Indonesian]
ternyata mereka China asli karena mereka pelajari juga
[it turns out that they are native Chinese but they also learn Indonesian]
Ada buku panduan yang dikasih kayak semacam kamus begitu, dan belajar
langsung dengan orang Indo
[There is a guide book that is given like a kind of dictionary, and they study
directly with Indonesians]

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In addition, the results of observations on the issues of Sociology of Language and

Linguistic Instrumentalism show that Chinese foreign workers are observed to
occasionally use Indonesian when interacting with indigenous people in addition to
using English and sign language. The following quotations of observational data show
what is meant.
Teramati seorang tenaga kerja asing pria tanpa pendampingan jubir sedang
berbelanja di sebuah warung milik orang Indonesia berjenis kelamin wanita.
Mereka menggunakan bahasa isyarat saat berinteraksi. Pemilik warung sesekali
menggunakan bahasa Indonesia dan direspon oleh tenaga kerja asing dengan
bahasa isyarat dan sesekali bahasa Indonesia. Pemilik warung terlihat sabar
melayani tenaga kerja asing
[It was observed that a male foreign worker without the assistance of a
spokesperson was shopping at a stall owned by a female Indonesian. They use
sign language when interacting. Stall owners occasionally use Indonesian and are
responded by foreign workers with sign language and occasionally Indonesian.
The stall owner looks patiently serving foreign workers]
Teramati bahwa penggunaan bahasa Mandarin di antara tenaga kerja asing di
wiayah penambangan memang hanya untuk memfasilitasi efektifitas dan efisiensi
produksi. Mereka sesekali berupaya untuk menggunakan bahasa Indonesia dan
Inggris hanya untuk memediasi isu-isu di luar dari urusan pekerjaan
[It is observed that the use of Mandarin among foreign workers in mining areas is
only to facilitate production effectiveness and efficiency. They occasionally try to
use Indonesian and English only to mediate issues outside of work matters]

These data provide a sufficiently strong proposition to explain how the attitude of the
language of Chinese workers to Indonesian, both in the work domain and outside of
work or in the midst of indigenous peoples. As for the language attitude of the native
workforce, it shows the opposite. Indigenous workers are reluctant to use Mandarin
and prefer to use sign language or rely on a spokesperson or use the Google Translate
application when interacting or even staying silent. The following interview data
excerpts show what is meant.
kalau tidak bisa ya kita pakai kode-kode dengan tangan begitu
[if we can't, we use codes by hand like that]
Paling bahasa isyarat dikasih
[Most sign language is used]
Selama ini hanya pakai bahasa isyarat saja
[So far, we have only used sign language]
cenderung lebih menggunakan gesture
[tend to use more gestures]
Bahasa isyarat
[Sign language]
kalau kita mau komunikasi dengan mereka, ada jubir yang biasa kita pakai
[if we want to communicate with them, there is a spokesperson that we usually
use]
kalau mau komunikasi, kita panggil jubir
[if we want to communicate, we call a spokesperson]
Bahkan kita sudah pakai alat translate juga gak nyambung

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[We have even used a translation tool but it doesn't work either]
Biasa saya ketemu di tempat belanjaan tapi khan ndak ada komunikasi terjalin
[I usually meet at the grocery store but there's no communication]

The language attitude of the indigenous workforce towards Mandarin appears to be

slightly different for the indigenous workforce who have worked longer in Chinese-
owned foreign companies that have been operating longer. In this case, the indigenous
workforce was accustomed to occasionally using Mandarin when interacting although,
overall, they also used sign language more. This condition is clearly seen in the
experience of informant 5 who has worked for seven (7) years in a Chinese company
that has been operating since 2013. Likewise, informant 1 has worked for six (6) years
in a Chinese company that has been operating since 2014 The following interview data
excerpts show what is meant.
Kadang bahasa Chinanya kita tahu mih juga sebagian
[Sometimes, we know some of the Chinese too]
kadang juga kita bahasakan dengan bahasa yang kita dengar, dia mengerti juga
karena dia tahu
[sometimes too, we speak the language we hear, they also understand because
they know]

Different language attitudes are shown by foreign company workers, both Chinese and
native foreign workers. Likewise, differences exist between indigenous workers who
have worked longer in foreign companies that have been operating longer and
indigenous workers who have recently worked in foreign companies that have only
recently been in operation.

Even though the language attitude of Chinese foreign workers shows a positive
attitude, overall, the use of Mandarin remains more dominant. The dominance of the
use of Mandarin basically does not aim to show the impression of a language
prejudiced identity. This dominance is only caused by the problem of the lack or even
the absence of mastery of Indonesian and English, work domain issues, and more time
with their own community. The following interview data excerpts show what is meant.
Lebih banyak mereka menggunakan bahasa Mandarin
[Most of them use Mandarin]
Ketahui atau tidak, tetap mereka menggunakan bahasa itu (Mandarin)
[They know Indonesian or not, they still use that language (Mandarin)]
mereka tidak mau menampakkan identitas seperti itu tapi hanya karena tidak
tahu bahasa yang lain
[they don't want to reveal such an identity but only because they don't know
another language]
menunjukkan superioritas bahasa mereka - Tidak jih seperti itu
[demonstrating superiority of their language - Not like that I guess]
Lebih banyak sebenarnya (pada) karena (alasan) tidak tahu bahasa lain
[More actually (on) for (reason) not knowing another language]
Bahasa Inggris mereka kurang [Their English is lack]
China asli itu memang sama sekali tidak bisa bahasa Indonesia
[native Chinese people really do not speak Indonesian at all]

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This condition is also supported by observational data on the issue of Sociology of

Language and Cultural Linguistics which explains that the dominant use of Mandarin by
Chinese workers is due to their complete lack of mastery of Indonesian. The following
quotations of observational data show what is meant.
Paling tidak, terlihat adanya pengaruh penggunaan bahasa yang dominan
terhadap lingkungan kerja dan lingkungan masyarakat umum setempat.
Dominansi penggunaan bahasa Mandarin terlihat lebih menonjol dalam konteks
interaksi [At least, it can be seen that there is an influence of the use of the
dominant language on the work environment and the environment of the local
general community. The dominance of using Mandarin looks more prominent in
the context of interaction]
Penggunaan bahasa asli oleh tenaga kerja asing dan tenaga kerja pribumi serta
masyarakat sekitar masing-masing belum menunjukkan pemahaman yang tepat
tentang bahasa dan budaya di antara mereka. Kecenderungan tenaga kerja asing
menggunakan bahasa asli mereka disebabkan oleh tiadanya penguasaan bahasa
Indonesia sama sekali
[The use of native languages by foreign and indigenous workers and the
surrounding communities have not shown proper understanding of the language
and culture among them. The tendency for foreign workers to use their native
language is due to their lack of mastery of Indonesian at all]

The dominance of the use of the native language in the midst of different language
communities is not always interpreted as language superiority which indicates
language prejudice. Such language attitudes are not always understood as negative
attitudes. Everything depends on the context.

3.2. Socio-Cultural Attitudes of Chinese and Indigenous Workers

The socio-cultural attitude of Chinese workers shows an exclusive attitude. This
condition is caused by, at least, two things, namely the issue of counter-culture-
behavior and social class. The following interview data excerpts show what is meant.
Mereka masih di dalam kelompoknya sendiri karena kalau pulang kerja langsung
ke dalam mesnya saja [They are still in their own group because when they come
home from work they go straight to their base camp]
Mereka tinggal dalam mes saja [They live in basecamp only]
Mereka biasa keluar tetapi dengan batasan tertentu. [They always go out but with
certain limitations]
Jarang mereka berinteraksi dengan saya [They rarely interact with me]
Tidak ada nongkrong di luar atau jalan-jalan gitu? - Tidak ada. [No hanging out or
going for a walk like that? - There isn't any]
Mereka saja kalau ada acara, apalagi kalau habis pembangunan, tidak luput itu
petasan dibakar. Itu khan salah satu adat mereka toh [If there is an event,
especially when construction is finished, firecrackers are not spared. It's one of
their customs, isn't it]
Semacam hari raya mereka toh. Tapi cukup di mes mereka saja, minum bir...
kayak pesta poralah selayaknya di China [A kind of their holiday. But enough in
their basecapm alone, drinking beer... is like an orgy as it should be in China]

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Selama ini yang saya tahu kadang mereka hanya terheran dengan makanan-
makanan yang kami bawa [So far, what I know is that sometimes they are just
astonished by the food we bring in]
Padahal sebenarnya karena adatnya dari sana memang begitu dan mereka bawa
ke sini padahal mereka tidak tahu kalau di sini tidak bisa seperti itu. [In fact,
actually because their custom come from there it is like that and they behave it
here and they don’t know that it cannot be like that here]
khan mereka dimeskan. Jadi mereka berkumpul di suatu tempat. Jadi kita tidak
hidup bersama. Mereka di kawasan, kami di luar. [they are laid off. So they
gathered somewhere. So we don't live together. They are in the company area,
we are outside]
karyawan China itu manajemen tersendiri dan kita Indonesia pun manajemennya
tersendiri. [Chinese workers have their own management and we, Indonesians,
have our own]
Kadang yang membuat antara pekerja pribumi dengan China, kurang ini toh...
eee... itu dari penghasilannya, mereka lebih tinggi, padahal status kita sama
sebagai karyawan. [Sometimes what makes indigenous workers and Chinese
workers less fair... eee... is their income, they are higher, even though we have
the same status as employees]
Mereka khan difasilitasi di dalam mes itu. Ada olahraganya, ada bioskopnya, ada
gymnya... [They are facilitated in the basecamp. There are sports, there are
cinemas, there are gyms...]

The results of observations on the issues of Language Ideology, Sociolinguistics, and

Sociology of Language, also support the conditions in question. The following
observational data quotes show it.
Identitas tenaga kerja asing sangat kental dengan bagaimana mereka
menggunakan bahasa asli mereka. Tidak hanya itu, identitas mereka dapat
terlihat dengan mudah dari pola hidup yang ditunjukkan oleh tenaga kerja asing
sehingga masyarakat pribumi lebih mudah mengenali mereka walau tanpa
interaksi komunikasi [The identity of foreign workers is very strong with how they
use their native language. Not only that, their identity can be seen easily from the
lifestyle shown by the foreign workers so that it is easier for indigenous people to
recognize them even without communication interactions]
Dari segi etnis, baik tenaga kerja pribumi maupun tenaga kerja asing masing-
masing terlihat lebih enggan untuk berkomunikasi [In terms of ethnicity, both
indigenous and foreign workers seem more reluctant to communicate]
Penduduk asli setempat cukup memahami bagaimana tenaga kerja asing
menggunakan bahasanya sendiri. Namun, sebagai penduduk asli setempat
berharap agar tenaga kerja asing tetap harus belajar memahami bahasa dan
kultur penduduk asli setempat [Local natives understand enough how foreign
workers use their own language. However, as local natives, they hope that foreign
workers must still learn to understand the language and culture of the local
natives]
Perbedaan kelas sosial antara tenaga kerja asing dan masyarakat pribumi terlihat
dengan jelas dalam sebuah interaksi. Namun, masyarakat pribumi dengan kelas
sosial tertentu dapat segera memahami bagaimana bahasa digunakan oleh
tenaga kerja asing dengan kelas sosialnya melalui jubir [The difference in social
class between foreign workers and indigenous people can be seen clearly in an

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interaction. However, indigenous people with a certain social class can

immediately understand how language is used by foreign workers with their social
class through a spokesperson]

This socio-cultural exclusivity often causes socio-cultural frictions and even results in
conflict. Generally, socio-cultural conditions that are in crisis only experience changes
after the occurrence of socio-cultural frictions. The following interview data excerpts
show what is meant.
Makanya ada banyak mereka di sini dikeroyok dengan pekerja pribumi karena
cara-caranya itu [Hence, there are many of them here beaten by indigenous
workers because of their behaviors]
Dalam perbedaan budaya itu juga biasa timbul kayak gesekan [In cultural
differences, it is also common to arise like friction]
Orang Indonesia banyak mengeluh kalau mereka dalam bekerja kurang dihargai
begitu [Many Indonesians complain that they are underappreciated at work]
Nah, kalau kita yang lihat tidak cocok seperti itu maka timbul lagi gesekan hingga
menghabat pekerjaan lagi [So, if we see that it doesn't fit like that, then there will
be more friction that will hinder work again]
banyak kejadian khan banyak China-china yang pertama itu arogan, keras... cara
memerintahnya kayak penjajah. [many incidents, many of the first Chinese
workers were arrogant, tough... the way of governing them was like the
colonialists]

The results of observations on the issue of Sociology of Language also support this
condition where Chinese workers and indigenous people experience a socio-cultural
friction.
Teramati enam orang tenaga kerja asing bersama jubir sedang berbelanja di
sebuah warung milik orang ndonesia (setelah dikonfirmasi oleh peneliti, pemilik
warung berlatar suku asli di wilayah tersebut. Pemilik warung mengatakan bahwa
ia memberi saran kepada jubir untuk menyampaikan kepada tenaga kerja asing
agar mereka mencoba untuk mengurangi intonasi saat berbicara) [It was
observed that six foreign workers together with the spokesperson were shopping
at a shop owned by Indonesians (after being confirmed by researchers, the owner
of the shop has an indigenous background in the area. The shop owner said that
he advised the spokesperson to convey to the foreign workers so that they try to
reduce intonation when speaking)]

These socio-cultural frictions are inseparable from the socio-cultural attitudes of policy
makers, both local government and management. Instead of being facilitators of
social-cultural issues in society, they actually become one of the causes of the frictions
that are meant because they don't function as they should, for example in terms of
outreach, pro-labor, pro-community, and the like. The following interview data
excerpts show what is meant.
bagaimana tidak ada dari pemerintah juga semacam informasi bahwa akan ada
orang asing masuk di sini [nothing from the government nor any kind of
information that foreigners would enter here]

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Bahkan para staf yang orang Indonesia pun juga tidak ada mau interaksi dengan
masyarakat. [Even the staff who are Indonesian also don't want to interact with
the community]
Ada semacam permainan jugalah dari pihak pemerintah Desa. Tidak ada
keterbukaan. Tidak ada upaya pemerintah di sini untuk mensejahterakan
masyarakat di sini [There is also a kind of game on the part of the village
government. No openness. There is no government effort here for the welfare of
the people here]
Tapi kalau dari pihak China mengatakan sebenarnya tinggi upahnya untuk pekerja
Indonesia, Cuma orangnya kita itu... Ya itu orang-orang di kantor di HR yang
mungkin mereka pangkas [But if the Chinese say that actually the wages for
Indonesian workers are high, it's just our people... Yes, it's the people in the HR
office who might cut it]

In fact, when the authorities can function as they should, these frictions can be
minimized. This was experienced by one of the informants who had worked longer in a
foreign company that had also been operating longer. The following excerpts of
interview data show what is meant.
apakah untuk suku asli di situ, mereka tidak merasa terganggu ya’ dengan
datangnya tenaga kerja asing? - Saya rasa tidak karena memang khan sudah
disosialisasikan sejak awal [for the native tribes there, they don't feel disturbed
by the arrival of foreign workers? - I don't think so because you've been socialized
since the beginning]

In addition, the research results also show that the process of adaptation, fairness, and
acceptance of socio-cultural differences is an absolute consideration to minimize socio-
cultural frictions. The following interview data excerpts show what is meant.
mereka berusaha untuk beradaptasi dengan kebiasaan atau cara-cara kita yang
ada di sini... Akhirnya mereka juga menyesuaikan oh berarti jangan dan akhirnya
mereka tidak buat lagi. [they try to adapt to our habits or ways that are here...
Finally, they also adjust, 'oh that means don't' and in the end they don't do it
anymore]
kalau kita yang sudah mengerti, ya kita juga sudah bisa maklumi sepanjang itu
tidak merugikan kita toh [if we already understand, yes we can also understand as
long as it doesn't harm us anyway]
Kalau saya pribadi bisa saya pahami [Personally, I can understand]
Justru banyak dari mereka yang ikut budaya kita karena ada yang menikah
dengan orang sini... orang Chinanya itu juga ikut di perempuan [In fact, many of
them follow our culture because some people marry here... the Chinese also join
the women]
Uniquely, Chinese workers actually have proper attention to indigenous workers and
indigenous people compared to the authorities, both the local government and the
management. The following interview data excerpts show what is meant.
‘mengapa kalian itu gajinya kecil, sementara kita sama-sama pekerja?’ Justru
mereka yang bingung ... Harusnya gajinya sama saja... mereka justru heran
mengapa gaji kita kecil [(Chinese workers say) ‘why do you have a small salary,

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while we are both workers?’ They are the ones who are confused... The salary
should be the same... they are actually surprised why our salary is small]
Mereka baik-baik dan ramah... ‘kamu kerja sama saya bukan dianggap bawahan.
Kita ini teman. Tidak ada atasan, tidak ada bawahan. Kita semua sama’ ...Di sini
gak ada atasan, gak ada bawahan, semuanya sama [They are kind and friendly...
(their leader says) 'You cooperate with me and I'm not considered a subordinate.
We're friends. No superiors, no subordinates. We are all the same...Here there are
no superiors, no subordinates, everyone is the same']
Tapi kalau saya pribadi menilai mereka baik-baik saja. Malahan kalau mereka
lihat kami agak capek begitu, kami disuruh istirahat [But if I personally assess,
they are fine. In fact, if they saw that we were a bit tired, we were told to rest]

For the socio-cultural attitudes of indigenous workers, they tend to show an attitude of
acceptance and a faster adaptation process. This attitude is at least influenced by
economic fulfillment factors. The following excerpts of interview data and
observations on the issues of Sociolinguistics and Linguistic Instrumentalism show
what is meant.
Khusus bagi para pedagang, mereka senang sekali karena ketika orang China beli
barang, mereka tidak akan menawar. [Especially for the traders, they are very
happy because when the Chinese buy goods, they will not bargain]
Masyarakat kelihatannya senang dengan kehadiran orang-orang China,
khususnya dalam hal perekonomian, ada sedikit pemasukan yang lumayan.
[People seem happy with the presence of Chinese people, especially in terms of
the economy, there is a bit of decent income]
ada juga tukang masaknya orang di sini. Ada juga supir orang sini [there are also
people who cook here. There are also local drivers here]
Justru mereka senang karena... dulunya kehidupannya di bawah rata-rata...
[Precisely they are happy because... their life used to be below average...]
Terhadap tenaga kerja asing, baik tenaga kerja pribumi maupun masyarakat
pribumi tidak mempersoalkan status sosial mereka ketika berinteraksi dengan
tenaga kerja asing [Regarding foreign workers, both indigenous workers and
indigenous people do not question their social status when interacting with
foreign workers]
Para pemilik usaha kecil dan menengah di wilayah sekitar perusahaan asing tidak
berpikir untuk menguasai bahasa Mandarin maupun Inggris dengan anggapan
bahwa pemasukan ekonomi mereka dianggap lebih meningkat dibanding
sebelumnya walaupun pertumbuhan ekonominya tidak begitu signifikan. Mereka
menganggap bahwa hal itu sudah lebih dari cukup [Owners of small and medium
businesses in the area around foreign companies do not think of mastering both
Mandarin and English with the assumption that their economic income is
considered to have increased compared to before even though the economic
growth is not so significant. They thought that this was more than enough]

Thus, the exclusive socio-cultural attitude of Chinese workers does not always have to
be understood as a negative socio-cultural attitude. Community exclusivity can be
overcome by a process of cooperation between the functions of the authorities with
an attitude of adaptation and acceptance from different communities. The goal of

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positive economic fulfillment might be a facilitator for minimizing socio-cultural

frictions.

3.3. Ideology and Identity

The ideological principles and identity of the Chinese nation are still clearly visible in
the midst of the life of the indigenous people, especially among the indigenous
workers. However, the arrival of Chinese workers is basically not aimed at influencing
the ideology and identity of the workforce and indigenous people but rather for
employment and economic purposes. The following excerpts of interview data and
observations on the issue of Linguistic Instrumentalism show what is meant.
Mungkin seperti itu cara memimpinnya sampai sekarang [Maybe that's how their
leadership looked until now]
China di tempat saya rata-rata tidak punya agama [Chinese workers in my place
on average have no religion]
Hal yang dia tahu itu bahwa tuhan itu adalah uang. Jadi kerjanya mereka hidup
hanya untuk uang dan uang [The thing they know is that god is money. So their
work lives only for money and money]
Mereka ingin agar orang Indonesia ini tahu apa pekerjaan itu [They want these
Indonesians to know what work is]
Teramati di semua titik perusahaan asing, tenaga kerja asing menggunakan
bahasa Mandarin tidak untuk menunjukkan superioritas bahasa tetapi lebih
kepada superioritas ekonomi [Observed at all points of foreign companies, foreign
workers use Mandarin not to show language superiority but rather to economic
superiority]

The emergence of ideological principles and the identity of Chinese workers will be
seen more clearly in the characteristics of certain indigenous work areas and
communities such as in indigenous communities where foreign companies are more
established in production and also in the characteristics of regions that have a weak
government system. The following interview data excerpts show what is meant.
karena mereka yang punya uanglah, jadi bebas mereka atur toh [because they
have the money, so they are free to control us, right]
mereka orang China masuk di sini tapi mereka orang Indo mau masuk susah
karena bingung siapa yang mereka mau temui [they, the Chinese, enter here (to
work) but it is difficult for Indos wanting to enter because they are confused
about who they want to meet]
Mereka khan datang ke negara kita toh ... Indonesia ini... penuh dengan
nepotisme segala macam. Jadi jangan heran, kita tidak bisa pungkiri. ... Kita
karyawan biasa mau apa, tinggal terima saja khan. [They just came to our
country... Indonesia is... full of all kinds of nepotism. So don't be surprised, we
can't deny it. What can we ordinary employees do, we just have to accept it,
right?]
Tapi kadang, orangnya kita juga yang tidak terima apa yang kita sampaikan
karena mungkin mereka sudah diapa dari atas pimpinannya (China). [But
sometimes, our own people also don't accept what we convey because maybe
they have been addressed from above by the leaders (China)]

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Buktinya, kejadian kemarin yang WNI saja yang sangat fatal justru pihak
pemerintah seakan-akan mereka pro ke China. [The proof is that yesterday's
incident, which was a very fatal Indonesian citizen, was actually our government,
which seemed to be pro-China, right]
Mereka itu sistemnya, cek (billing) itu nomor dua, nomor satu itu produksi, kalau
tidak produksi khan pasti rugi. [In the system, cheque (billing) is number two,
number one is production, otherwise production will definitely suffer a loss]

In addition, the ideological principles and identity of Chinese workers will also be seen
more clearly in communities with self-serving members. The following interview data
excerpts show what is meant.
Yang difokuskan adalah yang penting bisa dapat kerja, bisa dapat uang, bisa
dapat gaji, bisa hidupi keluarga ya selesai. [What is focused on is that the most
important thing is that you can get a job, you can earn money, you can get a
salary, you can support your family, that's it]
pikiran ya yang pentimg dapat kerja dan uang sehingga mereka tampak tidak
kompak [Yes, the important thing is to get a job and money, so they don't seem
unified]
Ya sebenarnya karena faktor uang. Siapa yang tak mau uang kalau bunyi ‘M’ lagi
yang dihadapkan sekalipun itu melanggar UU. Orang mau cari hidup toh [Yes,
actually because of the money factor. Who doesn't want money if there are
'billions' in front of their eyes, the law will be violated. People want to make a
living, right]
Padahal pembawaan mereka bukan seperti itu toh tetapi karena memang
kehidupan keras, ya mau tidak mau, suka tidak suka maka harus seperti mereka
[In fact, they are not like that in nature, but because life is indeed quite hard,
whether you like it or not, like it or not, you have to be like them (the Chinese)]

However, the influence of ideological principles and their identity seems insignificant
because all indigenous communities in the company's location points mostly still have
a strong ideological and identity defense system. The following excerpts of interview
data and observations on the issue of Linguistic Instrumentalism show what is meant.
kita orang-orang di sini akan tetap dengan gaya kita sendiri dan mereka juga
akan dengan gaya mereka sendiri [we people here will stick with our own style
and they will also have their own style]
Mereka tampaknya tidak akan berani untuk meminta seperti itu karena mereka
paham bahwa mereka ada di tempat kita [They don't seem to dare to ask like that
because they understand that they are in our village]
Ada pengaruh terhadap tatakrama makan Litha? - Tidak ada pengaruhnya [Does
it affect your eating habits, Litha? - No, it doesn't matter]
masa sudah di negara ta, di tempat ta lagi, kita yang dijajah, jangan dulu...
sekalipun uangmu banyak tapi harga diri ini, tidak mungkin kau mau injak-injak
begitu saja. [it's time for us in our country, even more so in our villages, we are
colonized, not just yet... even though you have a lot of money but this pride, you
can't just trample it on]
Apalagi kita di sini tuan rumah, masa mereka yang lebih daripada kita di mana
tempat mereka ambil hasil bumi khan. Saya rasa kita yang seharusnya di atas dari
mereka [What's more, we are the hosts here, it can't be those who are more than

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us who are the place where they extract the produce of the earth. I think we
should be above them]
kalau saya pribadi tidak setuju. Masa di tempat kita sendiri, kita harus bisa dulu
bahasa Mandarin baru bisa masuk bekerja di sini. Mereka yang seharusnya lebih
dulu bisa berbahasa Indonesia baru datang kerja di sini. [I personally don't agree.
In our own place, it's impossible for us to be able to speak Mandarin first before
we can come to work here. Those who should first be able to speak Indonesian
just came to work here]
Teramati bahwa tenaga kerja pribumi tidak memiliki keinginan yang kuat untuk
mempelajari bahasa Mandarin. Mereka bekerja di perusahaan asing tanpa bekal
penguasaan bahasa Mandarin tidak membuat mereka berpikir tentang
dampaknya terhadap ekonomi mereka sendiri. Mereka terlihat dengan sikap
bahwa mereka bekerja di perusahaan asing tanpa adanya tuntutan penguasaan
bahasa Mandarin. Namun, mereka mengalami pemenuhan ekonomi walaupun
tidak signifikan. [It was observed that the native labor force did not have a strong
desire to learn Mandarin. Their working in a foreign company without their
mastery of Mandarin doesn't make them think about the impact on their own
economy. They are seen with the attitude that they work in foreign companies
without any demand for mastery of the Mandarin language. However, they
experienced economic fulfillment although not significant]
Thus, the real threat to the ideology and identity of the nation comes from within the
community itself, both from society and the government, both individually and in
groups. The ideology and identity of Chinese workers is not a significant threat as long
as their goals are jobs and the economy. However, even if they really aim to influence
the ideology and identity of the workforce and indigenous people, it will not be easy as
long as the system of defending the ideology and identity of the indigenous
community remains in collectivity. In other words, the ideological and identity defense
system will look stronger when the defense system is in a collectivity.

4. Discussion
The results showed that the language attitude of Chinese workers in foreign
companies in the Lamedai village area in particular and in Southeast Sulawesi generally
showed a positive attitude even though their native language appeared to be more
dominant. This is simply due to their lack of mastery of both Indonesian and English.
Garvin and Mathiot (1968) stated that there are three characteristics of language
attitudes, namely language loyalty, language pride, and awareness of the norm. From
what they mentioned, the last characteristic – awareness of norms – can form a
minimal basis for the language attitudes of Chinese workers towards Indonesian. An
article about language attitude, all participants included Tionghoa showed 100% aware
of the norms of the language. Attitudes related to awareness of language norms are
understood as spontaneous attitudes that are generally unconsciously used by a
speaker in a careful, corrective, and polite manner. For the first and second
characteristics it is considered impossibility for Chinese workers to be shown the
Indonesian language and that is only natural. However, at least one indicator of a
positive language attitude can be shown by them. This attitude can be related to what
McKenzie and McNeill (2022) call an implicit language attitude, which is “evaluative

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behavior that occurs without awareness of the attitude object or oneself”. Therefore,
the dominance of the use of the native language in the midst of different language
communities is not always interpreted as language superiority which shows language
prejudice or negative attitudes towards different languages.
On the other hand, the language attitude of indigenous workers who are accustomed
to using Mandarin is also not immediately understood as a positive or negative
attitude towards Indonesian. This condition occurs due to several social factors such as
length of time working, length of time interacting, and language acquisition issues.
That is, the use of Mandarin by indigenous workers is considered as a language
acquisition process that occurs within a certain period of time, both within and outside
the work domain. This process occurs unconsciously just as someone acquires their
first language (Krashen, 1989) or consciously only by focusing on linguistic input
(Arung, 2016). In addition, such language attitudes are also basically driven by special
communication needs in work activities which according to Nikolaus and Fourtassi
(2023) can be understood as communicative feedback in the process of language
acquisition through social interaction. That is why there is a difference in language
attitudes between indigenous workers who have worked for a long time in Chinese
foreign companies that have been operating for a long time and those who have not.
This condition will depend on differences in the desire to integrate and not just on the
level of contact with Chinese workers (Danzer & Yaman, 2016). In addition, the
attitude of the indigenous workforce towards Mandarin is due to consideration of the
urgent need and use of the language. This means that the need for and use of
Mandarin is not an urgent matter for native workers who do work in Chinese
companies located outside cities. This understanding is also supported by Xu and Liu
(2023) who show that the benefits of using Mandarin will be greater for individuals
who live in urban areas than in rural areas. So, this is also a natural thing related to
one's language attitude.
The positive and negative attitudes of a person's language can be seen from the
willingness and effort shown by speakers in using a language that is foreign to them.
Crystal (2008) understands language attitudes as a feeling that a person has about
their own language or someone else's language, positive or negative. As long as
willingness and effort can be shown, the rare frequency of language use is not an
indication of a negative attitude. Conversely, even if the frequency of language use is
intense or high, it is not a guarantee for a positive attitude towards language. Changes
in attitude depend on how a person responds to factors that influence a change such
as cognition, social, and motivation. These factors, according to Caldwell-Harris and
MacWhinney (2023), can change systematically over a lifetime. The results of this
research indeed show that the initial arrival of Chinese workers looked so arrogant and
superior. This is due to the distinctive characteristics of Chinese ethnic who generally
live in groups with their fellow communities which are built based on their character
(Afrinda & Rahmat, 2019). However, with the encouragement of the tense conditions
that had occurred at several points in the company's location, they began to
understand the characteristics of the community in which they were located. This is in
line with what Baker (1992) said that "changes in language attitudes can be driven by
personal experiences, important events - such as violence, mass protests, and policies

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imposed by the government - communities, families, peer groups, institutions, and the
mass media".
In terms of socio-cultural attitudes, Chinese workers show quite high exclusivity.
However, this condition is caused by two main things, namely the issue of counter-
culture-behavior (counterculture and contrary behavior) and social class (social class).
The issue of counter-culture-behavior in this study refers to the efforts of Chinese
workers to avoid erroneous prejudices about their community by indigenous workers
and indigenous peoples related to cultural behavior. Thus, counterculture here is not
understood as a radical sociopolitical attitude that occurred in America in the 1960s
(Gair, 2007; Brownell, 2011). Meanwhile, the issue of social class in this study refers to
the consequences of the first attempt regarding concerns about counter-cultural-
behavior prejudices. That is, the social classes exhibited by Chinese workers emerged
precisely because they had to be isolated from the workforce and native society simply
because of concerns about counter-cultural-behavioral prejudices against them. But
the fact is that these efforts actually give the impression of high social exclusivity in the
eyes of the workforce and indigenous people. It is this social exclusivity that actually
creates socio-cultural frictions, and the clearest indicator is social jealousy.
From the results of research, Chinese workers, basically, are showing efforts to be able
to mingle more with the workforce and indigenous people. In conditions like this, the
role of government and management becomes very important considering the
propositions of social security theory are needed in conditions like this. Social safety
theory argues that developing and maintaining friendly social bonds is very important
(Slavich, 2022). Otherwise, according to Marinucci et al. (2022) and Zhang et al. (2021),
then continued social exclusivity can have a negative impact on the mental health of
marginalized individuals and groups which can lead to oppression, moral detachment,
and feelings of guilt. On the other hand, Mazzone et al. (2021) show that repression,
moral disengagement, and guilt can actually provide opportunities for the processing
of exclusivity. That is, the relationship between social exclusivity and psychological
behavioral conditions becomes an endless paradox. The problem is that it is the policy
makers – the local government and the management – that provide space for this
social exclusivity where the government is not very open and fair while on the
management side it has to separate management between Chinese and native
workers. Whereas, Savoia et al. (2023) assert that higher institutional quality at the
local level can have a positive impact on corporate employment. The fact is that
indigenous workers have very different wages from Chinese workers even though they
have the same work position. Housing facilities provided to Chinese workers are far
more luxurious than native workers who have to live in rented houses or rooms. The
status of the indigenous workers is unclear within the same company as the Chinese
workers. In fact, according to Richards and Paskov (2016), that employment status
deserves greater attention because of its fundamental influence.
The unique thing about the findings of this study is that Chinese workers seem to pay
more attention to issues of social class, especially in terms of differences in labor
wages. In fact, according to Burridge et al. (2023), that a person's ability to filter
information and give selective attention is limited. This shows that the socio-cultural

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attitudes of Chinese workers are still superior to policy makers. Paying such simple
attention would go a long way in enhancing the dignity of the indigenous workforce.
This is in line with what was said by Camargo et al. (2022) that employment practices
that restore dignity can improve organizational performance while contributing to
sustainable development goals.
For the socio-cultural attitude of the indigenous workforce, it shows an attitude of
acceptance and a faster adaptation process even though this attitude is only based on
the principle of fulfilling economic needs. Generally, Indonesian people, especially
rural communities, are communities that tend to have an acceptable attitude,
especially in terms of fulfilling economic needs. The complexity of their social life is
almost commensurate with the complexity of their economic life. The absence of
companies in their area is less of an issue with regards to achieving their economic
growth. In fact, Sulistroyini (2023), Director General of Economic Development and
Investment at the Ministry of Villages, said that often in rural Indonesia, money is not
the problem. So, if companies, especially foreign companies, are present in their area,
the level of acceptance will be higher. This principle is still a natural thing. O'Boyle
(1998) says that actually, the purpose of a company is not only to seek profit, but is
found in its own existence as a community of people who in various ways try to meet
their basic needs. So, fulfillment of needs is one of the factors that influence a person's
socio-cultural attitudes. Indonesian society is also included in the category of
consumer society so they are not too concerned about the hard efforts to fulfill
economic needs. Such an attitude is also normal because personalist economics
emphasizes that there are needs of the human soul that are met only through
consumption and recreation (O'Boyle, 2011).
The results of the study also show that Chinese workers do appear to show their
ideology and identity, but the aim is not to threaten the ideology and identity of the
workforce and indigenous people in the Southeast Sulawesi region. Their political
ideology and identity does not have enough evidence to say that it influences the
ideology and political identity of the workforce and indigenous peoples. Likewise with
the ideology and language identity of Chinese workers, this does not have enough
evidence to say that it has a significant impact on the workforce and indigenous
people. According to Schieffelin et al. (1998, eds.) that language ideology is a cultural
representation, both explicit and implicit, of the intersection between language and
humans in the social world that connects language with identity, power, aesthetics,
morality and epistemology. Related to the ideology and language identity of Chinese
workers, the use of Mandarin does not have a significant effect on identity, power,
aesthetics, or morality in the socio-cultural life of the workforce and indigenous
people.
However, the ideology and language and socio-cultural identity of Chinese workers will
only be more visible in the characteristics of certain work areas and indigenous
communities. The regional characteristics in question refer to areas where foreign
companies are more established in production and in areas that have a weak
government system. Makihara and Schieffelin (2007) say that language contact can
drive deep social change and can irrevocably change ideology and linguistic practices.

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It can be understood that language contact in social interaction can indeed have an
influence on socio-cultural changes in a community, but the effect depends on the
ideological and identity defense system of that community. The weaker the defense
system, the faster changes will occur under the influence of ideology and outside
identities. These changes can occur in all respects, including the language itself.
From the results of the research, it is clear that a short way of entry for ideological
influences and outside identities into a community is a weak collectivity defense
system by a community. This collective government system is very dependent on the
power of policy makers. Unfortunately, the research results show that a weak
government system in the location of foreign companies is actually a wide-open door
for ideological influences and outside identities. Here, ideology and identity are not
only related to language but to everything related to socio-cultural, economic and
political life, as Gal (2006) says that language ideology does not only discuss language
but also includes conceptual systems whatever else is considered relevant to the
language by speakers and institutions.
Why then is local governance important in warding off ideological influences and
outside identities from entering into local communities? That's because the
government is not only a policy maker but also a political and power holder. Not
surprisingly, a government that has a negative socio-cultural attitude will always be
ready to sell collective defense for certain interests. The wide open door refers not
only to the government but also to the community members as the supporting pillars.
Self-interest becomes a small door and can become a big door when self-interest is
seen to be a common social attitude and behavior. It is advantageous that at all points
of location foreign companies still have a collective ideological and identity defense
system so that the influence of foreign ideology and identity does not have a
significant effect.

5. Proposed Language Policy

From these results, it is important to propose a conceptual design of language policy
related to language attitudes, socio-cultural attitudes, ideology and identity, as well as
the world of work and industry. In constructing the concept in question, it is important
to involve several important things that are the findings in this study. The important
matters referred to refer to the intersection between the language attitudes of the
natives and foreigners, the intersection between the socio-cultural attitudes between
the natives and foreigners, the intersection between the ideology and identity of the
natives and foreigners, as well as the policies of the world of work and industry of the
natives and foreigners. The intersection here is understood as a contextual midpoint
that aims to facilitate benefits for both parties; natives and foreigners. It is not just two
of them but also the language it self. So, the intersection among them should be
clearly established to mutual help as what Sayers (2023) says “Using language to help
people, or using people to help language?. Thus, we call this language policy concept
as Mutual Language Policy. The phrase 'Mutual Language Policy' is not then
understood as a joint policy maker between indigenous and foreign parties but it must
be understood that this language policy was initiated by both parties but the policy

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maker remains with the native or local policy maker. If the concept of Family Language
Policy (FLP) is designed for language use within the family as a dynamic network of
mutual family influences (Luykx, 2003; King et al., 2008; Spolsky, 2009 & 2012), then
Mutual Language Policy (MLP) is designed for language use within the scope of work
by involving the local government and foreign workers all together in the process. This
Language Policy departs from the consideration that language changes go hand in
hand with social and cultural changes (Crystal, 1992) and vice versa, social and cultural
changes go hand in hand with language changes. This means that in planning and
determining language policy, one must always look at language, social, and cultural
change factors, both from internal and external parties. Pay attention to the Figure of
the Mutual Language Policy Concept.
Figure. Mutual Language Policy

The concept of Mutual Language Policy includes planning, identification, approval, and
management. The planning stage refers to the process of discourse between the two
parties to describe the ways and means to the next stage. This stage includes the
process of socialization and feedback. The identification stage refers to the
apperception process in various contexts which aims to lay the foundation for common
interests between the two parties. This stage provides equal opportunities for both
parties to put forward and emphasize the principles of language use, social and
cultural principles, ideological and identity principles, as well as principles of work and
industry policies. The next stage is approval, which is an honest, useful, and
constructive agreement process between the two parties regarding the results of
identifying various contexts. This stage provides space for both parties in terms of
openness. The final stage is management which refers to the process of testing,
implementing and handling. The testing process refers to the policy eligibility
validation process. The implementation process is the process of being officially
enforced, while the handling process is an ongoing process to facilitate deficiencies.

6. Conclusion
The results of the study show that the language attitude of Chinese workers towards
Indonesian shows a positive attitude while the dominance of the use of Mandarin is
only due to the lack of mastery of both Indonesian and English. This positive language

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attitude also occurs after social friction occurs. On the other hand, the attitude of the
native workers' language towards Mandarin can be said to be positive, while the
absence of the use of Mandarin by the indigenous workers is basically based on the
absence of demand for the use of Mandarin.
Next, the exclusive socio-cultural attitude of Chinese workers is basically caused by
two things, namely first, concern about the issue of counter-culture-behavior towards
their community by the indigenous community, and second is the issue of social class.
On the other hand, the socio-cultural attitudes of policy makers and management have
negative socio-cultural attitudes, especially towards indigenous workers. Next, the
ideology and identity of the Chinese workers do not have sufficient influence in the
socio-cultural life of the indigenous workers and the indigenous people. The ideology
and identity of Chinese workers is more oriented towards economic goals. On the
other hand, the ideological and identity defense system for workers and indigenous
people is still quite strong. The strong defense system is caused by a collective defense
system. Ideological and identity threats actually come from within the indigenous
community itself through the local government and management.
Finally, the construction of the concept of language policy is designed with reference
to research findings which are then labeled Mutual Language Policy which refers to
the understanding that language planning in determining language policies related to
the world of work and industry should be initiated by both parties, indigenous and
foreign, but the holders of policy makers remain on the part of indigenous or local
policy makers. The stages in the concept of the Mutual Language Policy consist of
planning, identification, approval, and management stages. This research also implies
that there is a form of change in language attitudes that occurs on the part of foreign
workers while they are in the area for quite a long period of time. Lastly, this research
focuses on language policies related to the world of work and industry, so the
researchers suggest that this research should be understood contextually. The
researcher also suggests that future researchers who want to highlight the same thing
should first identify the context gap to determine the research focus. This research
should be worth for the government and language researchers in monitoring the
development of language policies that are needed in line with developments and
changes in social and cultural issues in society. However, the limitations of the
contribution of the results of this research are greater on government policies related
to language.

Declaration of Conflicting Interest

The authors have no conflict of interest concerning the publication of this paper.

Funding Acknowledgments
We thank to the BLU UNJ 2023 that funded this research.

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