GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS IN NORTH EAST INDIA

PAPER –VII

6TH SEMESTER

Ms. Vishizonu Kulnu

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Mr. Imtinungkum Ao

Department of Political Science

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 A note to the reader

I am greatly pleased to present this work titled, ‘Government and Politics in North East India’
before its readers. This piece of work is prepared in accordance with the North East Hill
University (NEHU) syllabus to cater the needs of the students (6th Semester, Political Science
Honors), and also to provide a better understanding of the subject in a simple and
unambiguous manner.

Keeping in mind the trend of examination papers, every unit contains important questions to
help the students prepare for their examinations. The last two years of university questions
are included at the end.

I owe a debt of gratitude to all the authors whose standard texts and literatures I have
referred, and consulted to incorporate each aspect that may prove helpful to the readers.

My special thanks to Miss Keren for her support and her efforts, without whom, it would
have never been possible to present this piece of work in this shape. Suggestions for
improvement shall be gratefully acknowledged.

Vishizonu Kulnu

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 GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS IN NORTH EAST INDIA

SYLLABUS – 2016

Unit – 1

Profile and Importance of North-East India

1.1. Profile of North-East India

1.2. Socio-Economic Features of North East Region

1.3. Culture system in North Eastern States of India

1.4. Northeast India as an important region with a rich biodiversity in India

1.5. Geographical Features of Northeast Region of India

1.6. Political significance of North-East India (NEI) as a region

1.7. Political significance of North-East India (NEI) as a region

1.8. Profile of Meghalaya State of North East India

Unit – 2

Traditional Political Institutions (Meghalaya and Mizoram): Powers. Functions and

Relevance

2.1. Indigenous Tribal Institutions during Pre-British Period in Meghalaya

2.2. Indigenous Tribal Institutions during Post-Independent Period in Meghalaya

2.3. Traditional Institution of Meghalaya

2.4. Powers and functions of the ‘Chief’ in the Garo Hills

2.5. Powers and functions of ‘Syiem’ in Khasi Hills

2.6. Traditional Political Institution of Mizoram

2.7. Traditional Institution of Mizo Society and its Role

2.8. Effects of British annexation on the institution of chieftainship in Mizo society

2.9. Origin of Lushai Hills and its annexation by the British

2.10. Annexation of the Jaintia Hills by the British

2.11. Annexation of the Khasis by the British

2.12. Annexation of the Garos by the British

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 Unit – 3

Constitutional governance and Autonomous District Councils

3.1. Historical background of Constitutional Governance and Autonomous District

Councils of North East India

3.2. Qualifications to become a member of autonomous district council

3.3. Constitution of the Autonomous District Council

3.4. Powers and functions of the Autonomous District Councils

3.5. Political developments leading to the inclusion of the Sixth Schedule in the

Constitution of India

3.6. Recommendations of the Bordoloi committee

3.7. Composition, powers and functions of the District Council as recommended by the

Bordoloi Committee

3.8. Autonomous District Councils in Meghalaya

3.9. Autonomous District Councils in Tripura

3.10. Status of Autonomous District Councils in the Sixth Schedule Areas of Assam

3.11. Simon Commission with regard to the constitutional position of the hill areas

3.12. Excluded and Partially Excluded Areas

3.13. Nehru Plan or Full Autonomy

Unit – 4

Reorganization of Assam, Autonomy movements and emergence of new states

4.1. Reorganization of Assam

4.2. Causes of separation

4.3. The Autonomy movements of northeast region

4.4. Emergence of Meghalaya State

4.5. Scottish plan

4.6. Emergence of Nagaland State

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 Unit – 5

Major regional political parties (AGP, MNF, UDP, SDF)

5.1. Emergence of regional political party in North-East India

5.2. Factors behind the emergence of regional parties

5.3. Asom Gana Parishad 1985

5.4. Objectives and programmes of AGP

5.5. Mizo National Front (MNF)

5.6. United Democratic parties (UDP) 1997

Unit – 6

Ethnic politics, insurgency and role of women and youth in North-East India

6.1. Ethnicity – Meaning and definition

6.2. Transfer of power from the British rule to the government of independent India

6.3. Insurgency in North-East India

6.4. Assam insurgency ULFA

6.5. Role of women in North-East India

6.6. Role of the Youth in North-East India

Question Bank

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Model Answers

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 Unit – 1

Profile and Importance of North-East India

Introduction

North- East India is essentially the creation of the British. Before 1947, the whole of North-
East India (except Manipur and Tripura) was Assam. However, immediately after
independence fissiparous forces led to the dismemberment of greater Assam resulting in the
formation of North- Eastern States of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya,
Mizoram, Nagaland and Sikkim, but today there are eight states with Tripura coming under
the umbrella of this region (in 2002).

North East states have a common border with foreign nations, with China in the north, Nepal
in the west, Bhutan in the north-west, Myanmar in the east and Bangladesh in the south-west.
North East India is officially recognized as North East Region (NER) under the North Eastern
Council (NEC) which was constituted in 1971 as the acting agency for the development of
the north eastern states.

NER is the easternmost part of India. These states are ethnically diverse, having distinctive
social, cultural and economic identity. Before one talks about the North Eastern region, it is
important to know what a region means.

The word ‘region’ derived from the Latin word “regio” which means area, zone, boundary,
space, district etc. The ancient Romans used this name for indicating some areas within the
country without any legal impact.

A region is an area on the earth’s surface marked by certain properties that are homogeneous
inside and distinct from outside. A region is defined as a part of the earth’s surface with one
or many similar characteristics that make it unique from other areas. It is an area of land that
has common features.

The most common features are ethnic, cultural, or linguistic, climatic or topographical,
industrial or urban economic specialization, administrative units and international political
areas. Regional geography studies the specific unique characteristics of places related to their
culture, economy, topography, climate, politics and environmental factors such as their
different species of flora and fauna.

George defines region, “any portion of the earth’s surface ‘where physical conditions are
homogeneous, is considered as region”.

Aronvici defines region as “a geographical area or areas which a given civilization standard
of a people seems to require for the fulfillment of its aspirations through material resources”.

Herbertson opines a region as “a complex of land, water, air, plant, animal, and man,
regarded in the spatial relationship as together constituting a definite portion of the earth’s
surface”

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Brown suggests that, “a region may be composed of areas or locational entities which in
some specified respect are homogeneous. It is further stated that such areas or locational
entities need to be contiguous to each other and the variables upon which the region is
defined are attributes of the areas being grouped. Such regions are termed as uniformed
regions”.

Amadeo defined a region as “a set of location units homogeneous with respect to their values
on a particular set of characteristics”.

A region has a location, distinct areas and limits. It is conceptually a short hand way of
describing the variable characters of an area dissected deliberately from the extensive land
mass.

Among the significant factors that on which a region is identified, mention may be made of
physiographic, ethnicity, social, political and economic system, language, religion, degree of
mobility, organization, cultural-historical evaluation and many others.

Considered from all these points, North Eastern region of India, because of its geo-political
disadvantage, has achieved and integrated insularity. Furthermore, its under-development is
an aspect of the larger scenario of unequal and uneven development in the various parts of the
Indian Union.

1.1. Profile of North-East India

North East India consists of eight States namely, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur,
Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim and Tripura. They are called the land of ‘Seven
Sisters’. These states were carved out of Assam from time to time. The states have a common
border with foreign nations, namely, Bangladesh, Bhutan, China, Myanmar and Nepal.

North East1ndia shares 2% of the border with mainland of the country and more than 98% of
the border is linked with international boundary. Arunachal Pradesh is surrounded on three
sides by the international border with Bhutan, China and Myanmar.

Assam shares international boundary with Bangladesh and Bhutan. Manipur is bounded by
Myanmar. The international border of Meghalaya is with Bangladesh whereas Mizoram is
bounded by Myanmar and Bangladesh.

Nagaland shares India’s international boundary with Myanmar. Sikkim is bordered by China,
Nepal and Bhutan and Tripura is surrounded by Bangladesh on all sides, except for a narrow
neck in North-East.

Therefore, the entire region may be regarded as landlocked part of India. The eight states
cover an area of 2, 62, 179 sq.km and comprises about 39 million people of the total
population of the country (2001 census) and spread over 8 percent of its land area.

There are 75 major population groups and sub-groups that speak about 400 different
languages and dialects. Urbanization has made very slow progress in North East India. A vast
majority of the people continue to live in rural areas.

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About 70 to 80 percent of the population depends on agriculture for its livelihood. Another
unique feature of the region is its high rainfall, which ranges between 3000mm to 12,000mm.
The North-Eastern region of India is endowed with vast reserves of natural resources. The
region is identified as one of the world’s biodiversity hotspots.

There are many rare species of animals; a beautiful collection of plants and flowers in the
region. The region contributes about 50 percent of India’s annual tea production. Oil is a
thriving industry and the region is endowed with huge timber and water resources.

The region is also rich in manpower resources with a literacy rate that stands much above the
national average. The North East accounts for one-third of the country’s total hydro-power
potential. The region is covered by the mighty Brahmaputra-Barak river systems and their
tributaries.

1.2. Socio-Economic Features of North East Region

The NER is the home of extremely diverse ethnic groups having distinctive social, cultural
and economic identity. There are hundreds of races, tribes, ethnic groups, cultures, religions,
languages and dialects spoken in this region, but broadly these are categorized in to three
distinct groups of people - the hill tribes, the plains tribes and the non- tribal population of the
plains.

The majority of those living in the plains are Hindus and Muslims while a substantial
proportion of hill tribes in Meghalaya, Mizoram and Nagaland are Christians. The economy
of North East India has got its definite due to its peculiar physical, economic and socio-
cultural characteristics. Its economy is predominantly agricultural based.

More than 65% of the population of the region is dependent on agriculture. There are places
in the region where the most primitive form of cultivation i.e., slash and burn, is being
practiced, whereas, there are places in the plains where modern techniques are increasingly
being used in cultivation.

The condition of agriculture, however, remains depressed in the region due to various hurdles
like lack of modern techniques, industries, knowledge and geographical factors like situation,
location ,underlying geological structures, relief, etc .

In spite of covering 7.7% of countries total geographical area, it produces only 2.37% of the
country’s total food grain production. The full potential of the region is yet to be exploited
and this has left the economy in a primarily agrarian state.

Although Net State Domestic Product (NSDP) share of agriculture sector has declined to
about 30 per cent, the number of population dependent upon this sector continued to remain
high even in the post reform period. The decline in the NSDP’s share of agriculture sector has
been more or less compensated by the increase in the share of service sector.

Industrially, the NER continues to be the most backward region in the country, and the states
in the region hardly have any industrial base, except perhaps Assam, because of its traditional

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tea, oil and wood based industries. To some extent Meghalaya has made some headway in
setting up of small and medium industries. There are a number of factors contributing to the
lack of industrial growth in the region

The main factors behind are lack of infrastructural facilities, isolated location, difficult
terrain, lack of capital and entrepreneurship, inadequate electricity, violence and extortion,
low level of public sector investment, shyness of capital due to high cost of production etc.

Unemployment is one of the serious and burning problems of the north eastern region. In the
absence of major industrial establishment and other employment opportunities in the region
unemployment rate, particularly among urban educated youths, is not only high but also
increasing rapidly.

North East Region has an estimated backlog of 30 lakh unemployed. Growing migration of
population from neighboring countries is also responsible for the wide spread unemployment
in the north-east. Other factors such as poor rate of growth, slow industrialization, prevailing
education system which fails to impart technical and commercial education etc are all
responsible.

1.3. Culture system in North Eastern States of India

North East India is a multi-cultural region. It is the easternmost region of India representing
both a geographic and political administrative division of the country. It comprises eight
states- Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim and
Tripura.

The North East is one of the most ethnically and linguistically diverse regions in India. Each
of the states that form this part of India has its own culture and tradition. Assam occupies the
lush low lands of the Brahmaputra valley and is the most densely populated.

Arunachal Pradesh occupies the densely forested and sparsely populated foot hills of the
Himalayas, and each one of the major tourist attractions because of its Buddhist influence.
Meghalaya, with its pine clad hills and lakes, is famous for the wettest region of the world.

Nagaland has a rich war history that attracts tourist. The other three states – Manipur, known
as the ‘land of jewels’, Mizoram and Tripura made up a fascinating area consisting of green
valleys, lush hills with variety of flora and fauna.

There are about 220 languages spoken in these states, belonging mainly to three language
families, namely Indo-Aryan, Sino-Tibetan and Austric. The eight states comprised the
region with a population of about forty million people.

North Eastern India has been facing increasing challenges and pressures emanating from its
ethnic diversity. The rising challenges of ethno-nationalism, erosion of the state authority and
the present socio political scene in the North East pose increasing threat and underline
disturbing trends.

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Widespread poverty and unemployment, increasing economic disparities and growing
corruption in public life are further adding fuel to the fire. Increase in mobilization for
economic and political space by more and more socio- economic groups is causing
turbulence in an environment of limited resource and constrained capabilities of
redistribution of wealth.

Thus, the fear of identity in future compounded by social security factor, which essentially
boils down to protect the land from outsiders and other ethnic groups. North East India is a
land of varied cultures, traditions and beliefs. These make each of this state more beautiful
than the other. The Mask Dance of Meghalaya is a part of religious and cultural traditions.

The main purpose of this dance is to propitiate the deity, kill the evil king and protect the
people from the wrath of natural calamities, diseases and epidemics and ensure health,
happiness and prosperity for the people of the area.

The culture of Assam is traditionally a hybrid one, developed due to cultural assimilation of
different ethno-cultural groups under various politico-economic systems in different periods
of pre-history and history. With a strong base of tradition and history, the modern Assamese
culture is greatly influenced by various events that took place in the British Assam and in the
Post-British Era.

The variety of people has made Assam the home of the most colourful festivals which are
passionate, compelling and mesmerizing reflecting the true spirit, tradition and lifestyle of
people of Assam. The cultural traditions of the Nagas are head hunting, common sleeping
house (Morung) for men which are taboo to women, a sort of trial marriage, disposal of dead
on raised platforms, etc. Weaving is a traditional art.

Each of the major tribes has its own unique designs and colours. Nagaland is a land of
festivals. The festivals are greatly cherished and regarded sacrosanct. Most of these festivals
revolve around agriculture, which is still the mainstay of the Naga society.

In Manipur, agriculture is the main stay of the people. About 88% of the total working
population in the hills and about 60% of the working population in the valley depend entirely
on the agriculture and allied pursuits like animal husbandry, fisheries and forestry.

The people of Manipur have inherent love of performing art with lyrical beauty and rhythm.
Their rich culture and tradition are also reflected in their hand loom, tasteful clothes and in
finer workmanship of handicrafts. Weaving among them is a traditional art of women and
finds an easy market.

They are deeply sensitive and their unique pattern of life with inherent love of arts is reflected
in their dance and music. Their dances, whether folk or classical or modem, are devotional in
nature. The indigenous Tripuri people comprise various hill tribal communities who migrated
to this land in successive waves in the ancient past.

Each community had its own elementary social and administrative organization starting from
the village level and up to the chieftainship of the whole tribe. The tribes enjoy their

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traditional freedom based on the concept of self- determination. The Tripuri people have a
rich historical, social and cultural heritage which is totally distinct from that of the mainland
Indians, their distinctive culture as reflected in their dance, music, festivals, management of
community affairs, dress and food habit has a strong base.

Mizos are a gregarious and close-knit society. They evolved the principles of self-help and
co-operation to meet social obligations and responsibilities. Every family was expected to
contribute labour for the welfare of the community.

The Mizos are a distinct community and the social unit was the village. No class distinction
and no discrimination on grounds of sex are seen in Mizo society. 90% of them are
cultivators and the village exists like a big family.

Birth of a child, marriage in the village and death of a person in the village or a community
feast arranged by a member of the village are important occasions. The whole population of
Arunachal can be divided into three cultural groups on the basis of their socio- politico
religious affinities.

For about 35% of the population of Arunachal Pradesh, agriculture is the main occupation.
Festivals are an essential part of the socio-cultural life of the people. The festivals are usually
connected with agriculture and are associated with ritualistic gaiety either to thank God or to
pray for bumper harvest.

1.4. Northeast India as an important region with a rich biodiversity in India

Biodiversity is the variety and differences among living organisms from all sources,
including terrestrial, marine, and other aquatic ecosystems and the ecological complexes of
which they are a part. This includes genetic diversity within and between species and of
ecosystems.

Thus, in essence, biodiversity represents all life. India is one of the mega biodiversity centers
in the world and has two of the world’s 18 ‘biodiversity hotspots’ located in the Western
Ghats and in the Eastern Himalayas.

The North East India comprising of eight states namely Assam, Arunachal Pradesh,
Meghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim and Tripura has a total geographical area
of 2,62,179 sq. km which is about 8 % of the country’s total area with a population of about
40 million.

Because of its vast diversity in soil, slope, altitudes and ecological conditions, it hosts diverse
life forms, the plant biodiversity primarily forms the basis of existence of human life on
earth, which concern agriculture production systems existing among farming communities.

The North Eastern region of India is a biodiversity hotspot and represents one of the highest
avian biodiversity of the Indian sub-continent. The region is ecologically represented by the
eastern Himalayan biome and is rich in a number of endemic flora and fauna.

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Several avian species inhabiting this unique eco system are not found or reported anywhere
else in the world. The region is represented by eight Indian states, namely: Assam, Arunachal
Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura and Sikkim. Often these states
are called as the Seven Sisters.

The NE India constitutes vast ever green forest of the Brahmaputra river valley, the broad
leaf forest at the foothills and the high altitude sub-alpine coniferous vegetation and the Indo-
Myanmar dense bamboo and pine forest.

This region host one of the most famous and celebrated sanctuaries and reserved forest of the
sub continent as well as the world, knowing for the spectacular avian biodiversity Dibang,
Namdapha, Eaglenest, Kamlang and Mehao (Arunachal Pradesh); Manas, Kaziranga,
Garampani, Nameri, Dipor Bil, Pobitora, Pabha, Laokhowa, Bornadi and Oram (Assam),
Bagmara, Siju and Nongkhyllem (Meghalaya), Fakim, Intanki and Pulebadze (Nagaland);
Keibul Lam Jao (Manipur), Ngengpui and Khawnglung (Mizoram), Gumti, Cherilam and
Sepaijhola (Tripura), Kyongnosla, Pangolakha, Meanam and Shingba (Sikkim).

Avifauna diversity of this region is spectacular and home to the great Indian Hornbill that has
been placed under Near Threatened status. Several rare species of both resident and migratory
birds are reported from this pristine habitat.

Being located within the biome of the Majestic Eastern Himalayas, the eco region provides a
unique habit for a wide diversity of local species. The unique ecosystem provides multiple
species with adequate opportunity to feed and forage as well as nest breed and rest their
chicks successfully with relatively little anthropogenic pressures and carbon foot prints.

Northeast India is geographically nestled in one of the most biodiversity-rich regions of the
world. During the past three decades, the region has been through several priority-setting
processes on the initiative of the national and international conservation agencies. These have
highlighted the species and sites of conservation concern.

The region is not a homogenous entity but a highly diverse mosaic of ecological, social and
physiological landscapes and thus needs intensive analysis and attention to conservation. The
region is endowed with diversities of economic plants. Inter specific diversities among the
various crops are also too high due to the occurring of such variability, perhaps the region has
been identified as one of the ‘HOT SPOT’ of India.

The immense biodiversity of the North eastern Region has made it a priority area for
investment by the leading conservation agencies of the world. For example, WWI has
identified the entire eastern Himalaya as a priority Global 2000 Eco region; and Conservation
International has subsumed its eastern Himalaya “hotspot” into a wider Indo-Burma hotspot
which now includes all the eight states of northeast India along with the neighboring
territories of Bhutan, southern China, and Myanmar (Myers and others 2000).

The richness of the region's avifauna largely reflects the diversity of habitats associated with
a wide altitudinal range. Northeast India supports one of the highest bird diversities in the
Orient, with about 850 bird species. The eastern Himalaya and the Assam plains have been

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identified as an endemic bird area by the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds (Bibby and
others1992). The global distribution of 24 restricted-range species is limited to the region.
The region’s lowland and montane moist to wet tropical evergreen forests are considered to
be the northernmost limit of true tropical rainforests in the world (Proctor, Haridasan, and
Smith 1998).

The region has been identified by the Indian Council of Agricultural Research as a center of
rice germ plasm while the National Bureau of Plant Genetic Resources, India, has highlighted
the region as being rich in wild relatives of crop plants. Two primitive varieties of maize,
Sikkim Primitive 1 and 2 have been reported from Sikkim (Dhawan 1964). It is the center of
origin of citrus fruits. Although jhum cultivation, a traditional system of agriculture, is often
cited as a reason for the loss of forest cover in the region, this primary agricultural economic
activity practiced by local tribes uses 35 varieties of crops. The region is rich in medicinal
plants and many other rare and endangered taxa. Its high endemism in higher plants and
vertebrates and its avian diversity have led to its recognition as a biodiversity hotspot and this
aspect will be elaborated in detail in subsequent sections.

The World Conservation Union (IUCN) in 1995 identified Namdapha in Arunachal Pradesh
as a center of plant diversity. Six major forest types occur in the region, namely tropical moist
deciduous forests, tropical semi evergreen forests; tropical wet evergreen forests, subtropical
forests, temperate forests, and alpine forests. The diversity of flowering plants is particularly
striking, especially in the gymnosperm, pteridophyte, orchid, rhododendron, bamboo, and
cane families (Hedge 2000; FSI 2003). Among northeastern states, the highest diversity of
floral species is reported from Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim.

1.5. Geographical Features of Northeast Region of India

Northeast India has three district regions: Assam Valley, Purvanchal and Meghalaya-Mikir
region. The Assam valley or the Brahmaputra valley (25o44- 27o55’ N and 89o41’-96o02’E) is
a well demarcated physical unit within the girdle formed by the Eastern Himalayas, Patkai
and Naga Hills and the Garo-Khasi-Jaintia and Mikir Hills. It is about 720 km in length and
80 km in breadth. It covers an area of about 56, 274 km. T he valley includes the
administrative districts of Lakhimpur, Sibsagar, Nowgong, Darrang, Dibrugarh, Kamrup and
Goalpara of the state of Assam. It is bounded by Arunachal Pradesh and Bhutan in the North,
Bangladesh in the West, Meghalaya in the South, Nagaland in the south east and the Tirap
division in Arunachal Pradesh in the East.

The Purvanchal region, covering an area of 94,800 km consists of Nagaland, Manipur,

Tripura, Mizo Hills and Cachar District along with a fifth of Haflong Tahsil of Assam state
and a part of NEFA. Its maximum length is about 755 km. It is surrounded by Bangladesh in
the South West, Burma in the South –East and China in the North-East.

The Meghalaya-Mikir region comprises the Garo Hills, the Khasi and Jaintia Hills and the
outlying Mikir Hills. The region from Dhansiri in the East to Singimari River on the West is
about 400 km with an average width of about 40 km covering about 35,291 km. It includes
the state of Meghalaya, Mikir Hills and a portion of North Cachar Hills. It is bordered on the

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north by Goalpara district and Kamrup district, on the West by the south western part of
Goalpara district and a part of Rangpur district (Bangladesh) on the south by the district of
Sylhet and Mymensing, and on the east by Sibsagar district.

Thus, North-East India is located in a corner of the Indian Union. She has natural frontiers on
three sides. Her northern frontier from Sankosh River on the west to the entrance of the
mighty Brahmaputra into Assam is guarded by the Assam Himalayas. The Macmohan Line
separates North-East India from Tibet. She is bounded by Bhutan in the west, Tibet and
China in the north and east, Burma in the south-east and Bangladesh in the south.

The physiographic features of the North-East India may be divided into three major groups,
Hills and Mountains, Plateaus and Plains. The physiographic divisions of North-East India
are Northeastern Frontier Mountain Ranges, South Eastern hill ranges, Assam Plateau, Assam
Valley and the Cachar hills. The North-Eastern Frontier ranges extend from Tista River in
Sikkim and Namcha Barwa Peak in the Mishmi Hills. Here, the Brahmaputra makes a hair
pin bend and cuts across the mountains before flowing into the Plains of Assam. The total
land of this region is 720 km. This region is divisible into several sections.

The southern hill ranges include the Patkai, the Naga, the Barail hills, the highlands of
Manipur and the Lushai Hills. With the exception of Manipur Basin, the entire region is very
much undulating. The general elevation of the ranges is 3000ft or 914.5 meters above the sea
level. There are few notable peaks, Saramati and Japfii in the Naga Hills and Noi-isong. The
ranges of this region are separated from one another by narrow steep sided valleys. The
Meghalaya plateau includes the Garo Hills, the Khasi and Jaintia Hills and the Mikir Hills.
The land of the plateau from the river Dhansiri in the East and Singaimari River in the West
is approximately 250 miles or 420.2 km and the wide is 25 miles or 40.2 km or the average.
The Meghalaya Plateau with the exception of the south-eastern part is surrounded by plains
of Brahmaputra, Surma and the Kopily rivers.

The Brahmaputra Valley hemmed in between the North-East Frontier hills, Patkai and the
Naga Hills and the Meghalaya plateau, occupies a most significant part of the physiographic
of Assam. The valley is very extensive: 450 miles in length and 60 miles in width on the
average. The river Brahmaputra passes through the middle of the valley. The Cachar Plains is
125 miles in length and 60 miles in width.

1.6. Political significance of North-East India (NEI) as a region

Although the North Eastern states are small economically, physically and numerically, they
are increasingly gaining a significant strategic value. These states play an important role as
the physical bridge between India and Southeast Asia. Due to the increasing importance of
the northeast there has been renewed interest in its local politics, particularly from the
governing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) which is taking steps to integrate itself in this remote
region. Three recent state government elections in the northeast have produced results that
signal the BJP’s expanding reach and the consolidation of the party’s position as the new
center of power in Indian politics.

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 The BJP’s penetration into the northeast also demonstrates its comprehension of the strategic
importance of the region. Political instability in the northeast has the potential to be exploited
by China for its territorial claims, as well as to add disruption to India’s most geographically
sensitive point. So, although these states are electorally significant to winning federal
government, the party understands it requires a strong presence in the northeast to maintain
understanding, influence and control over the larger geopolitical issues that are present within
it.

While all the frontier States have a series of silent and informal trade with their immediate
foreign neighbours, officially they live behind a bamboo curtain thinly separated from
immediate but foreign neighbour. Look at the situation. Myanmar borders on Arunachal,
Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram. Bhutan borders on Arunachal, Assam and Sikkim.
Bangladesh has a common border with Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Tripura. Tibetan
region of People’s Republic of China shares its southern borders with Arunachal and Sikkim,
and Nepal is located on the western border of Sikkim. On the other hand, the only Indian
State bordering the region is that of West Bengal, which shares its borders with Sikkim and
Assam. Development of the region must be seen in a large perspective; larger than mere
economics and politics. The region must preserve its natural assets and embark on selective
and careful exploitation of its resources inclusive of human beings. The regional societal unit
of smallness should be turned into an advantage provided we forge meaningful and cautious
alliances and linkages across the political boundaries with our neighbours.

1.7. Variables that make North-East India as a region

The North Eastern States are different in terms of geographical location and variable in terms
of different ethnic groups that form the society in all the eight states of North East India. The
region earlier comprised the states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya,
Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura, and popularly known as the ‘Seven Sisters.’ Recently, the State
of Sikkim also comes under the umbrella of this region.

The North East Region is the home of extremely diverse mosaic of ethnic groups having
distinctive social, cultural and economic identity. There are hundreds of races, tribes and their
sub-groups, ethnic groups, cultures, religions, languages and dialects spoken in this region,
but broadly these are categorized in to three distinct groups of people - the hill tribes, the
plains tribes and the non- tribal population of the plains. The majority of those living in hill
areas in Meghalaya, Mizoram, Manipur and Nagaland are Christians. Geographically, apart
from Brahmaputra, Barak (Assam) and Imphal (Manipur) valleys and some flat lands in
between the hills of Meghalaya and Tripura, two-thirds of the area of the region consists of
hilly terrain. Most of this hilly portion is either owned, controlled or managed by tribes, clans
or village communities.

North East India has been regarded as the bio-geographical gate to diverse array of flora and
fauna. It is a land of undulating hills and plains, streams and rivers. The hills are covered with
dense forests because of the heavy rainfall. In some places, the ridges rise one after another.
The valleys are deep, narrow and steep sided and the streams are deepening and cutting the
valleys.

15
North-East India is a home to varied number of tribal groups. There are about 220 ethnic
tribes in the eight states. Each tribe has its own distinct culture, which gives them a unique
cultural identity. Numerous of art forms and festivals of the region are intrinsic part of its rich
culture and tradition. North-East India is very rich in its food culture, but it differs vastly
from the rest of the country in its taste as well as flavours. North-East India is one of the most
significant regions of South- Asia in terms of availability of eco tourism opportunities. As the
whole region is abode to majestic Himalayan hills, beautiful valleys and dense forests, the
opportunity of nature based tourism is immense. Abundance of eco activities like Trekking,
Rafting, Nature Walk, Jungle Exploration and Wildlife Viewing indulge tourists
predominantly in discovering the exquisite natural heritage of the region.

North-Eastern region of India is endowed with vast reserves of natural resources. The region
is rich in economic plants and medicinal plants. Its high endemism in higher plants and
vertebrates, and its avian diversity have led to its recognition as a biodiversity ‘Hot Spot’ of
India.

1.8. Profile of Meghalaya State of North East India

The State of Meghalaya was carved out of Assam. Meghalaya was declared an autonomous
State on 2nd April 1970 and as a full- fledged State on 21st January 1972. This marked the
beginning of a new era of the geo-political history of North Eastern India. It covers an area of
22,429 sq. km. and endowed with dense forests. The forest of Meghalaya is rich in
biodiversity and endowed with rare species of orchids and medicinal plants. Major forest
types found in the state are Sub-tropical Pine, Tropical Wet Evergreen, Tropical Semi-
Evergreen, and Tropical Moist Deciduous Forest. Scared group mostly located in Khasi and
Jaintia hills represent climax vegetation of the area. The major rivers of the state are the
Simsang, the Manda and the Ganol in Garo Hills and the Umiam, the Umtrew and the Kupli
in Khasi and Jaintia hills.

Meghalaya is the homeland of the Khasis, the Jaintias and the Garos. The Garos inhabit
western Meghalaya, the Khasis in central Meghalaya, and the Jaintias in eastern Meghalaya.
The Khasis, Jaintias, Bhoi, War, collectively known as the Hynniewtrep people
predominantly inhabit the districts of East Meghalaya, also known to be one of the earliest
ethnic groups of settlers in the Indian sub-continent, belonging to the Proto Austroloid
Monkhmer race. The Garo Hills is predominantly inhabited by the Garos, belonging to the
Bodo family of the Tibeto-Burman race. It is said that the Garos have migrated from Tibet.
The Garos called themselves Achik-mande which means Hills people. The Khasis residing in
Jaintia hills are known as Jaintias. They are also called Pnars. The Khasis occupying the
northern low lands and foothills are generally called Bhois. Those who live in the southern
tracts are termed Wars.

Meghalaya had its first Census outside Assam in 1971. At the time of taking the 1971 census,
it was an autonomous Sub -State within the State of Assam with two Districts- (i) Garo Hills
and (ii) United Khasi and Jaintia Hills District. The 1971 Census was then conducted Police
Station- wise in the then United Khasi and Jaintia Hills District and Mouza wise in the Garo
Hills District. The population of Meghalaya according to the 1971 Census was only

16
1,011,699, males 520,967 and females 490,732. Immediately after Meghalaya attained
statehood, the Jaintia Hills Civil Subdivision of the United Khasi and Jaintia Hills District
was raised to the status of a District. On 3 October, 1976, two more Districts were created,
the East Garo-Hills District with headquarter at Williamnagar and the West Khasi Hills
District with headquarter at Nongstoin. The erstwhile Garo Hills Districts out of which the
East Garo Hills District was carved out is known as West Garo Hills District with
headquarter at Tura and the then Khasi Hills District out of which the West Khasi Hills.

District carved out was rechristened as East Khasi Hills District with headquarter at Shillong.
Thus, the number of Districts in Meghalaya stood at 5 and the same number remained during
the 1981 Census. From 1981 onwards, the Census was done C & RD Block-wise with a view
to provide data at grass root level for each C & RD Block for the purpose of planning and
development. When Meghalaya became a State, there were only 24 C.D Blocks as they were
called then. But the government of Meghalaya carved out six new CD Blocks during 1980,
one each in the Jaintia Hills, East Khasi Hills, RiBhoi and West Khasi Hills Districts and two
in the East Garo Hills District. In the 1981 Census, there were 5 Districts. 30 CD Blocks,
4902 inhabited villages and 12 towns in Meghalaya. The population of the State too went up
to 1,335,819 with 683,710 males and 652,109 females in the 1981 Census. There was no
change in the number of Districts and C.D Blocks from 1981 to 1991. But the number of
inhabited villages went up to 5484 in 1991 but the number of towns remained the same. The
population of Meghalaya rose to 1,774,778, males 907687 and females 8, 67,091.

Conclusion

Northeast India, a home of extremely diverse mosaic of ethic group having distinctive social,
cultural and economic identity is relatively unknown, yet very fascinating region. The
physical environment takes into account not only the structural base of the region, its physical
characteristics and natural vegetation but also offers an impression of the regions
biodiversity. The rich natural beauty, serenity and exotic flora and fauna of the region provide
an ideal setting for the promotion of the tourism industry. The region is endowed with diverse
tourist attraction and each state has its own distinct features. In any objective assessment of
the North East Region, one fines variety and richness in its cultural and literary achievements.

Northeast India is industrially far less developed than most other parts of India due to various
reasons. The most important of these is the absence of an encouraging atmosphere, reflected
in insurgencies, hindrance in building an industrial unit, threats of extortion, violence and an
overall attitude of hostility to entrepreneurs and investors. Among other things, the socio-
political environment needs to change to attract industries.

Economically, the states of the North East have to depend heavily on the support of the
Central Government. Most of the states of Northeast received a large contribution to their
budget, not only their share of central taxes but a far greater share, in the form of grant-in-aid.
The states of the Northeast have to strive to ensure a healthy life, including proper nutrition,
education, health care and a harmonious community living for their citizens.

17
Any initiative in this direction requires resources besides determine planned effort. A sound
economy is, therefore, the sheet anchor for a healthy society and provides the necessary
support for its cultural and literary achievement.

Model Questions

1. Define the term ‘Region”. Examine the political significance of North-East India as a
region.
2. Discuss the variables that define North East India as a region and state its electoral
significance in the context of contemporary Indian politics.
3. Discuss the North East India as an important region with a rich biodiversity in India.
4. Explain the cultural system in North Eastern States of India.
5. Give a brief profile of the Northeast India and explain why it is important for the
country?
6. Discuss the socio-economic features of North East India.
7. What do you know about the geographical features of North East India? Discuss.

Unit – 2

18
 Traditional Political Institutions (Meghalaya and Mizoram): Powers. Functions and
Relevance

Introduction

Traditional institutions refer to the indigenous socio-political arrangement whereby leaders

with proven track records are appointed and installed in line with the provisions of their
native laws and customs. They are all those forms of social and political authority which have
their historical origin in the pre-colonial states and societies. The fundamental essence of the
institutions is to preserve the customs and traditions of the people, to manage conflicts arising
among or between members of the community by the instrumentality of laws and customs of
the people and bind the society in a harmonious manner. These institutions contain their own
distinct mechanisms of accountability. In a majority of cases, decisions-making is consensual
and leaders must account for their actions in various ways.

These institutions are referred to as traditional not because they continue to exist in an
unadulterated form but because they are largely born of the precolonial political systems and
are adhered to principally although not exclusively, by the population in the traditional
sectors of the economy. Traditional institutions may be considered to be informal institutions
in the sense that they are often not sanctioned by the state. However, they are not merely
customs and norms; rather they are systems of governance, which were formal in precolonial
times and continue to exist in a semiformal manner in some countries and in an informal
manner in others. Traditional political institutions are often assumed to be unaccountable
because they are led by undemocratic leaders who are not subject to electoral sanctioning.

Although indigenous in origin, they have changed in many ways during the colonial and post-
colonial periods. They are living institutions, not museum pieces.

2.1. Indigenous Tribal Institutions during Pre-British Period in Meghalaya

Prior to the advent of the British into the Garo Hills areas, all the civil and criminal cases
were tried and settled by the tribal chiefs known as A. king Nokmas, assisted by the village
Nokmas and their councils. The A. king Nokmas were all in all, in all the civil administration,
administration of justice and the welfare of his subjects within his A. king land. They were all
independent of each other and subjects to none. The proceedings of the cases were not
recorded and every decision and judgment was oral but binding on the offender. The village
elders took part in the mela (bichal or meeting), argued the cases and gave decisions
according to the customary laws and practices.

The traditional institutions in the form of Syiemship, Wadadarship, Doloiship, Lyngdohship

and Nokmaship were functioning in the form of Panchayati Raj of other states. The Khasi
hills comprised of 25 native states commonly known as the ‘Khasi States’ which signed the
Instrument of Accession and authorized the Constituent Assembly of India to make Rules
keeping in view the terms and conditions laid down in the Instrument of Accession. The area
of Garo Hills was annexed into the British dominion in the last battle of Chisobibra of
Rongrenggre village, near the present district of East Garo Hills headquarters Williamnagar

19
on the 12th December, 1872. In this last battle with the British army, Pa Togan Sangma, Garo
warrior and the Chief was shot and succumbed to bullet injuries. But, the Garos managed and
retained the A. king Nokmaship till the present generation.

2.2. Indigenous Tribal Institutions during Post-Independent Period in Meghalaya

After the attainment of Independence, the Hill districts of Meghalaya is being administered
according to the provisions under Para-1(1) of the Sixth Schedule of the constitution of India,
the District Council was constituted in 1952 with a view to preserve, protect and strengthen
the existing tribal indigenous institutions amongst tribal communities. District Council is
empowered to make laws for autonomous districts which have effect only after agreed by the
Governor. When the District Councils came into being, in the Hill areas of Khasi & Jaintia
and the Garo Hills districts, the traditionally elected chiefs or traditional heads such as Syiem,
Dollois, Wadadars and Lyngdohships were appointed by the District Councils and the rights
of election of Chiefs by the people were taken away. But, in the case of selection of A. King
Nokmaship amongst the Garo community, the traditional way of selection continued
unaffected. The District Council only recognized formally the A. king Nokma selected by the
machong or motherhood.

The President of India may direct that any Act of Parliament shall not apply to an
autonomous district. These provisions were inserted in the Schedule by the north-eastern
areas (Re-organization) Act, 1971. Further, the Governor of a State could exclude the
operation of any Act of Parliament or of the State Legislature in these Autonomous Districts.

2.3. Traditional Institution of Meghalaya

The traditional political institution of Meghalaya was a typical form of government and
administration of justice which could be termed as basically democratic in nature. The heads
(chiefs) of the villages in Khasi, Jaintia and Garo areas were known in the past and till today
as Syiem, Doloi and Nokma respectively. They were all titular heads only. They were aided
and assisted by their Durbar (Council) and were bound by the decision of the Durbar.

Prior to the coming of the British, there was a well knit system of administration of law and
justice in Meghalaya. The tribes of Meghalaya had their own, indigenous system of
administration of justice before British law was introduced in the land. A jury system of
administration of justice was practiced. Some of these systems are preserved and practiced till
today with modification and little changes as introduced under the relevant Acts and Rules
passed from time to time.

Today, when dispute arises, the Durbar (Council) sits as a court presided over by the Syiem,
the Doloi or the Nokma or Laskar, and settlement is done by decision of majority, usually by
consensus, according to the traditional institutions of Syiemship in Khasi Hills, Doloiship in
Jaintia Hills and Nokmaship in Garo Hills. The traditional Chiefs, who according to custom,
were all in all, are now reduced only to the ear and eye of the Government. Traditional
administration of justice does not follow the same procedure and is not of the same type in
Garo, Khasi and Jaintia Hills.

20
Administration of justice in Garo Hills is a one tier. The judicial system was absolutely
democratic in nature. All quarrels and disputes were settled in the meeting of all the elders of
the village. The meeting, called Mela-Soldenga, were held in the Bachelors’ Barracks. The
Nokma used to preside over such meetings and decision used to be taken by majority of the
members present. This type of meeting was the only court in the Garo legal system. These
courts exercised both civil and criminal jurisdiction. It could inflict punishment including the
payment of Dai which meant a pecuniary compensation to the victim. Traditionally, this court
could even pass death sentence. The court was presided over by the Nokma of the respective
Nokmaship who was the highest authority of the village. There was no question of appeal to
higher courts as there was none.

In Khasi Hills, administration of justice at the lower level was the function and duty of the
local Chief in his Durbar. The local Chiefs were called as Lyngdoh, Basan, Sirdar, or Sardar
and Wahadadars. The Durbar (Council) is consisted of the local Chief and all adult male
members of the village. The Durbar exercised the power of a Village Court. The Village
Court used to be constituted in respect of one village or in respect of a cluster of villages
called Raid where the people elected the Lyngdoh Raid or the Basan Raid who was required
to discharge the duty and responsibility of administration in the interest and welfare of his
subjects.

2.4. Powers and functions of the ‘Chief’ in the Garo Hills

The Chief is variously designated in the tribal areas. In the Garo Hills he is called as Nokma,
in the Khasi Hills, Syiem and in the Jaintia Hills, Doloi. The Nokma was the earliest political
system that existed among the Garos before the annexation of the hills by the British. There
are four kinds of Nokmas, the Gamni Nokma, the Gana Nokma, the Kamal Nokma and the
A.king Nokma. The first three do not have any authority or power. Therefore, they are not
political institutions. The A.king Nokma is the only Nokma which is a political institution.

Succession to Nokmaship is regulated by customary law of inheritance. The A.king Nokma,

if he has a daughter (Nokma) looks for a nephew, the son of his sister, to come and be his
son-in-law and heir (Nokkrom). Thus, the nephew not only becomes the heir to the property
of the Nokma but also inherits the headship of the village when his father-in-law dies.

The Nokma occupies an important position in the village. But it must be said that he does not
occupy the position of a chief. He cannot claim any superior status. He may be dismissed at
any time if he fails to discharge his functions. At the same time it must be said that the
Nokma has certain privileges. First, if one wants to become a Gana Nokma by performing the
Gana ceremony, he must first obtain the permission of the A.king Nokma.

Second, the A.king Nokma alone can possess Kram or Drum which is used only on special
occasions such as funerals and annual ceremonies. The common belief is that the drum is
endowed with supernatural powers. Third the A.king Nokma alone can perform A’songtata, a
kind of sacrifice to propitiate evil spirits.

21
 The status of the Nokma is basically equal to that of the villagers. The A.king land is held by
all the inhabitants of the village. The Nokma has no right to sell the A.king land, because it is
the common property of all the villagers. The entire land in the village is divided into several
parts and distributed among the villagers. The Nokma like other villagers gets his share of the
land for cultivation. Thus, the Nokma does not occupy any advantageous position
economically. Some of the Nokmas are poorer than the villagers.

At the same time he has a number of social responsibilities. He is responsible for the
entertainment of visitors to the village. The visitors who have no relatives in the village stay
with the Nokma. All festivals and funerals and marriage ceremonies are conducted in his
presence. In fact, the socio-religious ceremonies must begin and end in his house. On all such
occasions he must provide meal and drink to the visitors. In all sacrifices, the Nokma must
provide the sacrificial animal.

There is, however, one advantage which the Nokma enjoys. If any outsider wants to cultivate
land within his jurisdiction, the person must pay a small sum to the Nokma. He also receives
certain fees from the forest produce.

The A.king Nokma is also responsible for the maintenance of peace and good government in
his territory, submit reports on births and deaths, on epidemics and on any unusual
occurrence in his village. He regulates jhum cultivation. Before the annexation of the Garo
Hills by the British, he led his army against external invasion. The Nokma is also responsible
for the settlement of all disputes that may arise in his village.

2.5. Powers and functions of ‘Syiem’ in Khasi Hills

According to tradition, the Khasi States were formed by a voluntary association of villages or
groups of villages. The head of the state was the Syiem or the Chief. The Syiemship usually
remained in one family but the succession was originally controlled by a small electoral body
constituted from the head of certain priestly clans. Later on, there was a tendency to broaden
the elective basis.

The Syiem exercised limited powers. According to custom the Syiem should carry on the
administration in consultation with the Durbar, consisting of Mantris. In some places, the
members of the Syiem’s family had a considerable share in the management of state affairs.

The Syiem’s principal source of income was the toll, levied and collected on the products
brought to the market for sale and the license fee for the sale of liquor.

The Syiem selected from a certain family and the heirship to the Syiemship is from the
female side and the line of succession is uniform in all cases except in Khyrim. Generally, the
sons of the eldest uterine sister inherit in order of priority of birth. In the absent of a male heir
from the eldest sister, the male children of the next eldest sister inherit the Syiemship. In the
Khyrim State, the Syiem must be selected from the male relation of the high priest.

Originally, the succession was controlled by a small electoral college consisting of Lyngdohs
of certain priestly clans. This body sometimes rejected certain candidates on religious

22
grounds. Later on, there was a tendency to broaden the basis of the Electoral College by the
additions of sardars and basans. In some places there was election by all adult males -
manhood suffrage. Popular election was resorted to when the Electoral College could not
come to a unanimous decision.

The electoral Durbar was considered to be a divine institution and the Syiem chosen by it was
known as Ki Syiem U Blei- Syiem of God.

In the Khyrim or Nongkren State, there was a spiritual head - a high priestess- Ka Syiem Sad,
who was responsible for the performance of certain religious functions. She delegated the
temporal functions to her son or nephew. The procedure for the appointment of high priestess
was as follows. The Lyngskro proposed a new stem to the six Lyngdohs or priests and to the
24 mantri clans. The latter decided in Durbar whether the proposed Syiem should be elected.
They had absolute right to reject the nomination made by Lyngskro and elect another as
Syiem. The order of succession was as follows. The high priestess was succeeded by her
eldest surviving daughter, failing daughters, by the oldest daughter of her eldest daughter,
failing that by the eldest daughter of her second daughter and so on. If there were no
daughters and grand-daughters, she was succeeded by her eldest sister and so on. But the
electors might disqualify any heir to Syiemship for sufficient reasons. If the first was
disqualified, the next was preferred.

So the position before the independence in the Khasi Hills was as follows. There were 25
chiefs who exercised limited powers. In some States, the succession of Syiemship appears to
be hereditary but in most states, the Chief by whatever name he was known was elected
either by an electoral college or by all adult males, the election in many cases being confined
to the members of certain families known as the Chiefs families. Whatever might be the
mode of election, the recognition by the British Government was necessary. This was
conveyed by means of sanads granted to him. Further, the British government as Paramount
Power reserved to itself the right to remove the chief in case of oppression, misconduct or
dereliction of duty.

2.6. Traditional Political Institution of Mizoram

The traditional Mizo society seems to be governed mostly by customs, practices and
conventions which were redefined and systematized at Selesih, located near Khawbung
South, under the chiefship of Kawlha and others.

Chieftainship was an integral part of the social as well as the political life of the early Mizo.
It is very difficult to say when and how the institution of chieftainship originated among
various tribes of the Mizo, but scholars believed that it grew out of the collective needs which
characterized the tribal living.

In the beginning, it was evolution, but in course of time it became hereditary. Most of the
chiefs belonged to the ‘Sailo’ clan, yet there were also a few Hualngo chiefs who formerly
held sub villages under Sailo Chiefs and had since been recognized as independent chiefs. In

23
the Southern region, there were many Lal and Lakher chiefs who had never fallen under Sailo
influence. There were also a few Fanai chiefs, most of whom followed Sailo custom.

The chief occupied a very important place in the early Mizo society before the British settle
in the Lushai Hills. After the chieftainship was established as a political institution, the chief
acquired more and more privileges and power, and became like a dictator. The chief
exercised all the political-legal authority. The chief was the secular head of the village or
cluster of villages but he was not the ritual head of the village. He was the protector, guardian
and administrator of his subjects. His words were law in his own territory. All that was in the
village belonged to him. He could call upon his subjects to furnish him with anything that he
needed. All disputes and cases were decided by him. Whenever problem arose in the village,
the chief and his council of elders were the centre of administration to solve the problem. In
times of war and troubles, the chief was the protector and leader of his subjects. He was
supreme in his own village. Therefore, each village was a separate sovereign state ruled over
by its own Lai or chief. However, the position and status of the Mizo chiefs were drastically
reduced and changed under the British administration.

In early days, the chief did not enjoy aristocratic privileges. His main business was to lead
raids on other clans. The chief was, in theory at least, a despot, but the nomadic instinct of the
people is so strong that any chief whose rule was unduly harsh soon found his subjects
leaving him, and the dictatorial power of the chief was also restricted by the presence of
numerous chiefdoms in Mizoram, in which horizontal mobility was always possible.

The power of the chief was also restrained by the very presence of clans other than the Lusei
in the village, and these clans were following their own customary rituals and observances by
having a separate priest. The youths informally headed by “Val Upa” also influenced the
decision making of the chief. In fact, as the youths were the defense forces of the chief and as
they were the only reliable personnel within the chiefdom, the wishes and interests of the
youths were generally respected, and the chief seldom oppose such wishes.

The powers and functions of the chief, if it was described in the modern political parlance,
may be said to have constituted all the three organs of the modern state- the executive, the
legislative and the judiciary. He was assisted by one or more elderly men, known as Upa.
However, the chief was expected to have a team of elders headed by Chief-Elder, who were
not only experts in traditional customs and rules, but also socially and economically in the
upper social ladder. The chief elder was normally from one of the Lusei clans, most probably
from the Pachuau clan. The chief, with the advice of the chief elder, selected other elders, one
from each of the major clans in the village. While selecting the elders, the chief had to bear in
mind other criteria like economic wealth, social standing and influence.

The chief also appointed the ‘Ramhual’, who were the advisers of the jhum cultivation. They
decide where the jhum shall be cut and were allowed the first choice of land for the purpose.
The ‘Ramhual’ had to give five to seven baskets of paddy to the chief whereas, the others had
to give two baskets of paddy each. Ramhual were usually appointed on the basis of the
number of workers in the family. As the chief had no time to work in the paddy field, the

24
Ramhual provided economic necessities of the chief. Therefore, they were given prestigious
position in selecting the jhum land.

2.7. Traditional Institution of Mizo Society and its Role

The traditional political system of the Mizos was hereditary chiefship. Customary laws
decided disputes arising among themselves. However, due to the absence of any written
document, it is not possible to state clearly when and how in the past this institution took
concrete shape. But it can be reasonably asserted that this happened at quite an early stage of
evolution in their group life. According to a Mizo legend, the institution of chiefship emerged
during the 16th century when the Mizos lived in Lentlang, one of the Mizo inhabited villages
decided to have a chief to provide leadership against external attack and invited men of
ability even from the neighbouring Mizo inhabited villages to come forward. It was said that
no one accepted the offer except Zahmuaka, who had six sturdy sons. One of the sons of
Zahmuaka was Thangura whose descendents were called Sailos, who established themselves
as a ruling clan over almost all the areas inhabited by the Mizos. All the chiefs’ clans,
therefore, owed their origin to the name of certain persons.

Each village used to be a separate unit under the full power of its chief or “Lal”, meaning ‘a
lord’. The chief’s position in the village was indeed that of a benevolent ruler. He enjoyed
wide powers and he was assisted by “Upa” or Council of village elders. All those who live in
the village were looked upon as his own children. He was bound to help them in their
adversities, counsel them in their difficulties, reward them in their achievements and punish
them when found guilty of misdeeds or infringement of established customs. The chief was
exercising judicial powers including power of life and death. Being the protector and father
of the subjects, he leads the war party in war times. He appointed important officials of the
village like Council of village elders (Lal Khawnbawl), Blacksmith (Thirdeng), Priests
(Sadawt and Puithiam) and Village Crier (Tlangau). The following were the duties of the
traditional chiefs during the British period:-

 The Mizo chiefs were responsible for the good behavior of their people and for the
control of their villages.
 The chiefs with their elders had to dispose of all litigations in their villages except
serious cases such as murder, arson, rape etc.
 It was the duty of a chief to know his villagers intimately and understand their
grievances and difficulties.
 He was duty bound to raise the standard of living of his people and encourage them in
all possible ways.
 The chief was responsible for allotment of cultivation and for taking necessary
measures to ensure that the villagers could support themselves from year to year.
 The chief was responsible for supervising the work of his village writer (or
“Khawchhiar”).
 The chief was responsible for the maintenance of cultivation and inter-village paths.
 It was the duty of the chiefs to report all epidemic, heinous crime, violent and
accidental deaths occurring within their jurisdiction.

25
  Chiefs outside Aizawl and Lunglei towns were responsible for reporting the presence
of any foreigner within their jurisdiction.
 Chiefs were responsible for the realization of house tax from their villages without
payment of any compensation.

2.8. Effects of British annexation on the institution of chieftainship in Mizo society

The Chin - Lushai Expedition conducted in 1889 – 90 marked the British rule in the Lushai
Hills. By the time the present Mizoram was annexed, the British had acquired the knowledge
of how to govern the areas and created a system of administration which placed emphasis on
self-government based upon the traditional chieftainship. John Shakespeare, the first
Superintendent of Lushai Hills District, was the architect of this administrative system. The
administrative officers were to support the chiefs but to interfere as little as possible in the
internal administration of the villages. The chiefs were made responsible for the maintenance
of law and order in their villages and for the collection of taxes.

Before the annexation of Lushai Hills, the chief had the right to make all his trusted son,
chiefs by dividing his territory among them. The youngest son inherited his father’s lands and
properties. With the advent of the British, the custom and the method of succession changed.
With this change, the eldest son of the chief inherited the lands of his father. To update the
village administration, the British also provided education to the eldest sons of the chiefs in
order to make them more fit to discharge the duties. The traditional right of the chiefs such as
right to order capital punishment, right to seize food stores and properties of village
proprietary rights over lands, right to tax traders, right to freedom of action in relation to
Bawis (slaves) were extinguished. Thus, the chiefs as a result had lost much of their authority
when the British annexed Lushai Hills.

Before the advent of the British, the chiefs were allowed to keep slaves (bawis) who
surrendered their freedom due to several reasons on which the categories had been made.
However, after a lot of controversies the government laid down the principles governing the
bawi system. The bawi whosoever wish to leave the house of his chief were allowed to
remain free and the chief had no control over them. But the chief was allowed to demand
freedom price (a maximum of Rs.40/-or a mithun family). The use of the term bawi was to be
discontinued leading to lowering status of the chief with the bawi. Finally the institution of
Bawi was abolished on 29th Oct, 1915 by an order of Secretary of State for India, Austen
Chamberland

The advent of the British in the Lushai Hills brought certain changes. The position of the
chief was one of the greatest changes which took place during the British rule. It was an
existence, for the first time, of a higher authority above him and the measures taken by it to
limit his traditional powers tended to lower his status in the eyes of the people. Somehow the
chief’s position was secure in some way than it had been in the past. There was no possibility
now of their position being challenge by other chiefs, for their jurisdiction had been clearly
divided by the government. The “Land Settlement” was introduced in 1898-99 where the
government apportioned village areas into the chiefs and established their boundaries.

26
Thus, the advent of the British to the Lushai Hills had brought tremendous changes in the
institution of Mizo chieftainship which eventually led to the abolition of the whole institution.
Although the British had retained the chiefs and used them as an instrument of ruling the
villages, the position of the chiefs had greatly lost its significance during the British rule. It
can be said that the British rule in the Lushai Hills had direct impact on the abolition of
chieftainship.

2.9. Origin of Lushai Hills and its annexation by the British

Tradition ascribes that the Mizos originally came out of Chhinlung, not a mythical rock as is
said by some, but a hole in the ground covered with a stone, in the east of the Shan State, in
the Falam sub-division of the Chin Hills district in Burma. Sometime in the 11th century they
migrated from this region for two reasons, pressure of the Chins and the pressure of
overpopulation. They passed through the Chindwin Valley and the Chin Hills and finally
came to the present Mizo Hills, Tripura, and Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh, Manipur,
North Cachar Hills and the Naga Hills. The areas inhabited by the Mizos are contiguous to
one another although they are at present in different administration units. Thus, there are
Mizos not only in Mizoram but also in the states of Manipur, Cachar district, Chittagong Hill
Tracts, and in the Chin Hills.

Except the Chakmas and Riangs, the indigenous inhabitants of the Mizo hills belong to the
stock called the Kuki-Chin tribe. In the extreme west, at the bottom of the valley, there are
small colonies of the Chakmas and Riangs. The Mizos say that they are not hill men because
they do not live like the Mizos on the top of the ridges but at the bottom of the valley which
are generally hot and malicious. The Riangs profess a much debased Hinduism and speak a
language which is spoken by the Bodos. The Chakmas profess a much debased Buddhism
and speak a language which is like Bengali.

The History of the Lushai Hills, prior to the British conquest, is rather obscure. It appears that
they had no connection whatever with the Ahoms. They had, however, close connection with
Pawis and the Paihtes and other tribes now living in the Chin Hills. They were also in contact
with the kings of Tripura, Manipur and Cachar.

The Lushai raided the plains of Cachar from time to time, particularly, when the Cachari
Kings were weak and imbecile. Even after Cachar was annexed by the British the Lushai
raids continued. Punitive expeditions had to be sent to punish the raiders in 1849, 1868 and
1871 -72. Ultimately the Lushai Hills came under the control of the British after the
expedition of 1889.

Although the Lushai Hills came under the control of the British, North Lushai Hills was
placed under the control of the Chief Commissioner of Assam and the South Lushai Hills
under the control of the Lt. Governor of Bengal. On 1 April 1898, the southern tract of the
Lushai Hills was combined with the northern part and placed under the control of the Chief
Commissioner of Assam and the Inner Line Regulation was brought into force. Under this
regulation it was lawful for the Provincial Government to prohibit all citizens of India or any

27
class of citizens or any person residing in the district from going beyond such line without a
pass issued by the chief Executive Officer of the District.

2.10 Annexation of the Jaintia Hills by the British

After the annexation of Cachar, the British concluded a treaty with Rajendra Singh, the Raja
of Jaintia. By this treaty the Raja of Jaintia acknowledged the supremacy of the British and
promised military aid to the British in military operations against the Burmese invasion into
Assam. He also pledged himself to abstain from all independent negotiations with any foreign
power. But, in reality the Raja did not keep up any of the promises he had made with the
British and therefore, things took a bad turn for the Jaintia king in 1832.

Chutter Singh, the Chief of Ghoba, a vassal of the Jaintia Raja, had captured four British
subjects to offer them as a sacrifice to Goddess Kail. One of the four escaped to tell the fate
of his companions. When the British came to know about the incident, Ram Singh, the Raja
of Jaintia, was demanded to surrender of culprits. In the meanwhile Ram Singh died.
Rajendra Singh, his successor, evaded the surrender of the culprits. The British carried on
negotiations with the Raja for two years but with no effect. The British deprived the Raja of
his territory in the plains. The Raja expressed his unwillingness to be the ruler of the hills
only. The British then annexed the whole of Jaintia kingdom and constituted the Jowai sub-
division. The territory belonging to the Chief of Ghoba was added to Nowgong and the Raja
was pensioned off.

2.11. Annexation of the Khasis by the British

Between the State of Jaintia and the Garo Hills, there is a tract of mountain territory inhabited
by the Khasis which until 1826 had never been visited by any European. In 1826, David
Scott, the Commissioner of Assam, induced the Raja of Khongklaw for permission for the
residence of some British subjects and concluded a treaty for purpose. Under the Treaty the
Raja permitted the British to construct a road across the Hills to connect Guwahati with
Sylhet. In 1829, a misunderstanding arose between the officers engaged in the construction of
the road and the local people.

Apart from this fact, the Khasis feared that the British would establish their sway as a result
of the development of communications. Therefore, they revolted under the leadership of Tirot
Singh. The British Survey Party was attacked and two officers together with fifty fellows
were massacred. The British sent an expedition to punish the rebels. Tirot Singh surrendered
in 1832 and was sentenced to life imprisonment. The other chiefs also made terms with the
British and a British officer with adequate military force was posted at Cherrapunji which
was made the capital.

In 1866, the capital was removed to Shillong and the British rule over the remaining portions
of the Khasi Hills was consolidated. The British entered into an agreement with the Chiefs
belonging to other regions by which the chiefs surrendered some of the powers but were left
free so far as the internal administration of their territory was concerned, subject to the
general control of the paramount power.

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2.12. Annexation of the Garos by the British

The Garos were the first mountain tribe with whom the British came in contact. The contact
between the British and the Garos started towards the close of the 18th century. There was a
conflict between the Garos and the Choudhuri Zamindars, who were entrusted with the
responsibility of keeping the hill Garos in check. The Garos invaded the territory of the
Kariabari Zamindari and burnt the residence of the Zamindar. Thus, in the beginning, the
intermittent conflict between the Zamindars and the Garos went on unabated until the
situation deteriorated to the extent that the British were forced to take notice. David Scott, the
then Commissioner of Cooch Behar was sent by the government to enquire into the incident.
Scott thought that the cause of the raid was the oppressive rule of the Zamindars. He,
therefore, thought that it would be better to separate the Garo territory and bring it under the
control of the British. The Governor-General-in-Council accepted the proposal and this
ultimately led to the annexation of the Garo Hills in 1873. Captain Williamson was the first
Deputy Commissioner of the unified district. The district was bifurcated into two districts viz;
East Garo Hills District and West Garo Hills District in October 1979.

Conclusion

The traditional political institution, Chieftainship, existed in different forms and further took
different shapes in the course of time. Chieftainship in Meghalaya was basically democratic
in nature. The chief was assisted by his Durbar, Council of male members, which exercised
the power of the Village Court. Thus, he was only a titular head. He cannot claim any
superior status.

The chief of the Mizos exercised all the political-legal authority. He was the secular head of a
village or cluster of villages. Unlike the Garo, the Khasis and the Jaintias, the Mizo chiefs
mostly belonged to the Sailo Clan.

The advent of the British to these states had brought tremendous changes in the institution of
chieftainship. The Garos managed and retained the A.king Nokmaship till the present
generation but in Mizoram, it eventually leads to the abolition of the whole institution.

Model Questions

1. What is meant by traditional political institution? Examine the powers and functions
of Nokma.
2. Examine the powers and functions of any of the traditional chiefs of North East India.
3. Discuss the traditional institutions of Mizo society and its role.
4. What was the effect of British annexation on the institution of chieftainship in Mizo
society?
5. Give a brief profile of Meghalaya. Discuss the powers and functions of Syiem in the
Khasi Hills.

Unit – 3
Constitutional governance and Autonomous District Councils

29
Introduction

Autonomous District councils (ADCs) are institutions of local governance created under the
Sixth Schedule of the Indian constitution to protect the tribal people, their identity, preserve
their customs and traditions, and above all protect their indigenous systems of management
over their lands, forest and natural resources. In northeast India, autonomous district councils
are created in Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Tripura.

3.1. Historical background of Constitutional Governance and Autonomous District

Councils of North East India

When the Indian Constitution was adopted after independence in 1947, it envisaged strong
democratic institution at the grass-roots level as well as concerning the affair of the tribal
communities. With this regard democratic decentralization and establishment of Panchayati
Raj (local-self government) became one of the directive principles of state policy (Part IV) of
Indian Constitution. However in the case of the tribal areas, especially those in the North-
East India, the Indian Constitution provided certain specific provisions. The Constitution
makers also recognized the necessity of a separate political and administrative structure for
the hill tribal areas of the erstwhile province of Assam by creating Autonomous District
Council under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India.

The Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India is based on the recommendations of the
Northeast Frontier (Assam) Tribal and Excluded Areas (other than Assam) sub-committee
popularly known as Bordoloi sub-committee under the chairmanship of Gopinath Bordoloi,
who was the then Chief Minister of Assam. The Bordoloi sub-committee (a sub-committee of
the Constituent Assembly) studied carefully the then existing administrative set up in the hill
areas of the North East India with a view to setting up of an autonomous body for the
administration of the hill areas. This was to provide the tribal people with simple and
inexpensive administration of their own which would safeguard their tribal customs and ways
of life and assure them maximum autonomy in the management of their characteristically
tribal affairs. Thus, the Bordoloi sub-committee recommended the setting up of an
administrative body based on the concept of regional autonomy in all matters relating to
customs, laws of inheritance, administration of justice, land forests etc.

The committee recommended setting up of autonomous district councils to provide due

representative structures at the local level to the tribal population. The recommendation was
later incorporated into Sixth Schedule article 244 (2) & Article 275(1) of the Indian
Constitution.

As per the sixth schedule, Assam, Tripura, Meghalaya and Mizoram are the states consisting
of tribal areas and are technically different from the other areas. These areas fall under the
jurisdiction of respective states but certain provisions are made to create some district and
regional councils especially for the tribal areas. These councils have certain judicial and
legislative powers. Each district is an autonomous district and the Governor can modify or
divide the boundaries of the said tribal areas by notification.

30
3.2. Qualifications to become a member of autonomous district council

 A person shall be qualified to be a member of the Autonomous District Council if he

 Must be a citizen of India and the state
 Must have attained the age of at least 25 years of age
 Must not have any business or source of income from the Government of India or
Local governments
 Must belong to the same tribe of particular area of Autonomous region

3.3. Constitution of the Autonomous District Council

There shall be a district council for each autonomous district consisting of not more than 30
members, of whom not more than 4 members shall be nominated by the governor and the rest
shall be elected on the basis of adult suffrage.

There shall be a separate Regional Council for each area constituted an autonomous region.

Each district council and each regional council shall be a body corporate by the name
respectively of the District Council of (name of district) and the Regional Council of (name
of region), shall have perpetual succession and a common seal and shall by the said name sue
and be sued.

Subject to the provisions of this schedule, the administration of an autonomous district shall,
insofar as it is not vested under this Schedule in any Regional Council within such district, be
vested in a District Council for such district and the administration of an autonomous region
shall be vested in a regional council for such region.

In an autonomous district with Regional Councils, the District Council shall have only such
powers with respect to the area under the authority of the regional council as may be
delegated to it by the regional council in addition to the powers conferred on it by this
schedule with respect to such areas.

The governor shall make rules to the first constitution of district councils and regional
councils in consultation with the existing tribal councils or other representative tribal
organizations within the autonomous districts or regions concerned.

The district or the regional council may after its constitution make rules with the approval of
the governor with regard to the matters specified in such sub-paragraph

3.4. Powers and functions of the Autonomous District Councils

The Sixth schedule lays down a framework of autonomous decentralized governance with
legislative and executive powers over subjects like water, soil, land, local customs and
culture. These bodies have also been given judicial powers to settle certain types of civil and
criminal cases also. Thus, the councils under the sixth schedule have been given more power
than the local governments under the 73rd and 74th amendments in the rest of the country.

31
It has been established that this autonomy paradigm has brought a degree of equilibrium
within the tribal societies mainly via the formal dispute resolution under customary laws and
through control of money-lending etc thus giving it financial power. In Assam, Tripura and
Mizoram, the autonomous councils have power to decide if a State legislation on subject
matters under the autonomous councils should apply to their territories or not. They even
have their own political power but that is as good as not having because the members of
council are elected by ministers from state legislature. Thus, they have all such powers which
will be discussed below.

Executive Powers

As regards the executive powers, the District Council has the power to establish, construct or
manage primary schools, dispensaries, markets, cattle, ponds, roads and water ways, land
revenue, forest. It has the power to determine the language and the manner in which primary
education should be imparted. It also has the power to collect land revenue, impose taxes,
looks after the administration of villages and towns under (Para 6 and 8 of Sixth Schedule).
The executive committee (EC) of a district council will carry out the executive functions. The
chief executive members (CEM) are elected by district council amongst themselves and by
the Governor.

Judicial Powers

The district council has the power to constitute village courts for the trial of suits and cases in
which both the parties are tribal. It may appoint suitable persons to be the members of the
village courts. It may also appoint such officers as may be necessary for the execution of laws
made by the District Council. No case involving offences punishable by death, transportation
of life or imprisonment for not less than five years are heard and adjudicated by these courts.
The District Council Court and the Regional Council Court are Courts of Appeal in respect of
all suits and cases tried by the village council court.

No other court except the High Court and the Supreme Court of India has jurisdiction over
such suits and cases. (Para 4 of sixth schedule)

Legislative Powers

The legislative powers of the district councils are to make laws for allotment, occupation, use
of land, other than reserved forests for purpose of agriculture, grazing and other residential
and non residential purposes likely to promote the interests of the inhabitants of any village
or town; management of unreserved forests, use of water courses and canals for agricultural
purposes, regulation of shifting cultivation, establishment of village councils and town
committees, administration of village policy, public health and sanitation, appointment and
succession of chiefs or headmen inheritance of property, marriage, divorce and social
customs, money lending and trading by persons other than the scheduled tribes within the
autonomous districts.

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The sixth schedule makes the Governor the head of the autonomous district council with the
power to alter laws or rules passed by district councils, which are in violation of provisions of
sixth schedule. (Mostly in Para 3 of sixth schedule)

Financial Powers

Both the district council and the regional council have the responsibility for framing rules for
the management of finances and approval of the Governor. They also have mutually
exclusive powers to collect land revenues, levy and collect taxes on lands, holdings, shops,
entry of goods into market and tolls etc within their respective jurisdictions and the District
Council has concurrent power on the professions, trade, callings, employments, animals,
vehicles, huts, tolls on passengers and goods carried in ferries or boats or on waterways and
maintenance of schools, dispensaries or roads (Under Para 9 of sixth schedule). Royalty on
licenses or leases for the extraction of minerals in the autonomous districts goes to the district
council.

3.5. Political developments leading to the inclusion of the Sixth Schedule in the
Constitution of India

The Constitution of India makes special provisions for the administration of the tribal
dominated areas in four states viz. Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram. As per article
244 and Sixth Schedule, these areas are called “Tribal Areas”, which are technically different
from the Scheduled Areas under fifth schedule.

Article 244 and 275 make provision for the creation of district councils and regional councils.
Each district / regional council is a body corporate which is empowered for the administration
of the area under its jurisdiction. They are named as “District council of (name of district)
and Regional Council of (name of region). These two bodies have perpetual succession and a
common seal and shall by the said name sue and be sued.

The District Councils and Regional Councils are consisting of maximum 30 members, of
whom maximum 4 members shall be nominated by the Governor and the rest shall be elected
on the basis of adult suffrage. However, this rule has an exception.

The district councils and regional councils have powers to make laws on certain matters of
local importance, but all such laws require the assent of the governor.

The laws made by the state legislature on any subject that comes within the jurisdiction of the
council, would not extend within the jurisdiction of the autonomous council unless the
council so directs by public notification. The President in regard to a Central Act and the
Governor in regard to a State Act may direct that the Central Act or State Act shall not apply
to an autonomous district or shall apply with such modifications as may be specified. The
Councils have also been endowed with wide civil and criminal judicial powers, for example
establishing village courts etc. However, jurisdiction of these councils, are subject to
jurisdiction of the concerned High Court.

3.6. Recommendations of the Bordoloi committee

33
The Bordoloi Committee was assisted by a famous anthropologist, Dr. Guha, in the process
of discussion of the proposals made by several tribes. He said that attempt should not be
made at assimilation because it may result in the break-up of the existing tribal institutions.
There should be evolution in the old foundations. But evolution should come from the tribe
itself. At the same time, contact with the outside world should be maintained. Some of the
tribal systems should be retained until there is change in the way of life of the tribesmen. The
Bordoloi Committee accepted this view.

Second, as regards to lands, the hill people demanded that there should be control of
immigration and allocation of land to outsiders. Such control should be vested in tribals
themselves. The committee recommended that the District Council should have power of
legislation over the occupation and use of land, other than land comprising reserved forests.
The committee also emphasized that the actual management, appointment of forest staff and
the granting of contracts and leases must be according to the desires and needs of the people.

Third, the nature of cultivation of land should be left to the tribes themselves. While the
committee felt that jhuming should be discouraged and stopped wherever possible, no
legislative ban should be imposed without taking local circumstances into account because
there was a feeling among the tribes that jhuming was a part of their life. Interference with
jhuming might be considered that it was only done away with an ulterior motive. Therefore,
the control of jhuming should be left to the local councils.

Fourth, the people should have full powers of administering their own social laws, codifying
and modifying them. The Code of Criminal Procedure and Civil Procedure should not be
applicable to the hill districts. Except suits arising out of special laws, all ordinary suits
should be disposed of by the tribal council courts. In respect of civil and criminal cases where
non-tribals are involved, they should be tried under regular law and the provincial
government should make special provision for the disposal of these cases.

Fifth, the committee recommended that primary schools and dispensaries and such other
institutions should be managed by the District Councils. The District Councils should be
endowed with legislative powers over the use of land, village forests, agriculture and village
and town management in addition to the administration of the tribal and local Laws.

Sixth, the primary education should be administered by the District Councils but not the
secondary education because the committee thought that the hill people would not be able to
look after this subject. But the District Council might be permitted to manage them wherever
possible. The committee did not want the higher education to be transferred to the District
Councils.

Seventh, the chairman of the Mikir Hills and the North Cachar Hills should be the D.C. or the
sub-divisional officer as the case might be, as the Ex- Officio President. The chairman of
other District Councils should be elected by their members. The Mikir and North Cachar
Hills were denied of this privilege on the ground that they were backward.

34
Eighth, as regards financial powers of the District Councils, the Committee did not accept the
demand of the hill people that all powers of taxation should be vested in the District Council
because that would deprive the Provincial and the Central government’s powers of taxation in
these areas. Further, the Plain districts also would make a similar claim and ultimately it
would result in the disintegration of the State Government. Again, there would be uniformity
in the matter of taxation. Different principles would be adopted in different districts. Above
all, the district councils like the local authorities might not levy taxes adequately, since they
were subject to local pressures.

Ninth, the committee considered the problem of migration of the plains people into the hill
areas. The hill people were practically afraid of their exploitation by the non- tribals.
Therefore, they demanded that they should have powers similar to those of the Chin Hills
Regulation. Realizing the depth of the feelings of the tribals in regard to this matter, the
committee recommended that the district council might by three-fourth votes introduce a
system of licensing money lenders and traders.

3.7. Composition, powers and functions of the District Council as recommended by the
Bordoloi Committee

The Bordoloi Committee recommended that the district council shall consist of not less than
20 and not more than 40 members, of whom three-fourths shall be elected on the basis of
adult franchise. Bordoloi Committee recommended that each constituency shall consist of not
less than 500 people and the constituencies shall be formed in such a manner that as far as
possible, different scheduled tribes or non-tribals inhabiting the area shall elect a
representative from among their own tribe or group.

Chairmanship

The Bordoloi Committee recommended that the Deputy Commissioner or the sub divisional
officer, as the case might be, shall be the chairman ex-officio of the district councils of the
Mikir and North Cachar Hills for a period of six years after the constitution comes into force.

Powers

The Bordoloi Committee recommended that the District Council and the regional council
shall have the power to make laws for the area under their jurisdiction on the following
matters, allotment, occupation or use of land for agricultural and non-agricultural purposes,
other than the reserved forests. The Committee also recommended that land required by the
Government of Assam for public purposes shall be allotted free of cost or on the payment of
compensation if the land is occupied.

Apart from this, the district councils and the Regional Councils shall be responsible for the
management of forests other than the reserved forest; the use of canal or water courses for the
purpose of agriculture, control, prohibit or permit jhuming or other forms of shifting
cultivation, the establishment of town councils or village councils, and determine their
powers and functions and all other matters relating to village administration. The District
Councils and the Regional Councils shall have the power to make laws, regarding the

35
appointment of Chiefs, or headmen, their succession, inheritance of property, marriage and
all other social customs.

Again, the district councils and the regional councils may set up village councils or courts for
the decision of involving punishment of five years or more with death or transportation for
life under the Indian Penal Code or Criminal Procedure Code or suits in which one of the
parties is a non-tribal. The decision of the village court or the district council court shall be
final.

The Bordoloi Committee recommended that the district council shall have the power to
establish or manage schools, dispensaries, markets, cattle pounds, ferries, fisheries, roads and
waterways. It also determined the medium of instruction in the primary schools. They shall
also have the power to regulate money-lending or trading by non-tribals.

The Bordoloi Committee recommended that the district council and the regional council shall
have the power to assess and collect revenue in respect of all lands within their jurisdiction in
accordance with the principles for the time being in force. They shall also have the power to
impose tax on professions, trades or and employment, a tax on animals, vehicles and carts,
tolls, a tax on market dues, ferry dues, maintenance of schools, dispensaries or roads. The
Drafting Committee added that the district councils and the regional councils shall have the
power to collect taxes on lands and buildings and tolls on persons residing within the
jurisdiction of the district council, a tax on the entry of goods into the market for sale therein,
tolls on passengers and goods carried in ferries.

3.8. Autonomous District Councils in Meghalaya

The Autonomous District Councils of Meghalaya stand on a different footing compared to

those in other States. Historically, the Jaintias, Garos and Khasis have had well developed
political systems of their own, with wide ranging power and authority. The Jaintias were
relatively more advanced in this regard. Way back in 1835, at the time of colonial
intervention, the hills had a fairly organized system under a Raja (locally called Syiem) who
controlled a large hill tract and a sizeable portion in the plains of Sylhet.

The Jaintia Raj was divided into Elakas or Raids under a Doloi; each elaka consisting of
villages under a headman, called the Wahehchnong. Each of these three levels had a council
or durbar: the raj durbar or hima durbar of the Raja (or Syiem), the durbar elaka of the Doloi
and the durbar chnong at the Wahehchnong level (of which all adult males of the village were
members). The Garo had a slightly less developed political system. The Garo hills were
divided into a number of A.king, roughly corresponding to a village or a group of villages
under Nokmas, who regulated the political, social and economic life of the A.kings. The
Nokma discharged his functions with the common consent of the A.king elders, organized
into his Council or durbar. Some of the villages had gaonburas (village elder or headmen),
while the Laskar headed a number of villages.

The traditional system of the Khasis, like the Jaintias, functioned at three different levels. The
Khasi Hills was divided roughly into twenty five states, each under an elected ruler, the

36
Syiem. The Khasi Syiems were more influential and better organized compared to the Dolois
of Jaintia Hills and the Garo Nokmas. Therefore, it may be seen that traditional institutions of
local governance have a deep rooted history in Meghalaya. The British first imposed the
system of district councils which were formalized later after independence in the Sixth
Schedule. Now the entire State of Meghalaya is covered under the provisions of the Sixth
Schedule. There are three Autonomous Councils in Meghalaya, as follows: Khasi Hills
Autonomous District Council, Garo Hills Autonomous District Council and Jaintia Hills
Autonomous District Council.

3.9. Autonomous District Councils in Tripura

Formerly, Tripura was a princely state ruled by Maharajas of the Manikya dynasty. After
independence, the Regent Maharani of Tripura signed an instrument of merger with the
Indian Union in 1947. Its merger with the Indian Union created a major problem of alienation
of land belonging to tribal. On November 1, 1956, Tripura became a Union Territory but
without legislature. Legislature was installed on July 1, 1963. Tripura attained statehood in
1972.

The Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council (TTAADC) was established as an
autonomous council in 1982 after a series of tribal agitations in Tripura. It was brought under
the provisions of the Sixth schedule in 1985. The District Council has 30 members, out of
which 28 members are elected and 2 members are nominated. Out of 28 elected member
seats, 26 seats are reserved for schedule tribes. The Executive Committee consists of 9
members including the Chief Executive Member (CEM). Besides, there are 527 elected
Village Committees.

The area under the TTAADC is unique. Its jurisdiction is not contiguous with Revenue
district boundaries. It straddles four revenue districts. The TTAADC covers a vast area of
7132.56 sq km (which is 68 percent of the State’s geographical area), extending to all four
Revenue Districts of the State. 73 percent of this area is covered by forests. Only 38 percent
of the State’s population resides in the TTAADC area. The inhabitants of the TTAADC area
are mainly Scheduled Tribes (84 percent) with Scheduled Castes make up 4.8 percent and
other communities 11.16 percent, respectively. All commercial centers and district
headquarters fall outside the purview of the TTAADC. The council and assembly are situated
in Khumulwng town, 26 km away from the state capital Agartala. A key function handed
over to the TTAADC is that of primary education.

3.10. Status of Autonomous District Councils in the Sixth Schedule Areas of Assam

When the state of Assam was divided, it led to the redrawing of new administrative
boundaries. The North Cachar Hills sub-division of the United Mikir and Cachar Hills district
was upgraded to district in 1970. The Mikir Hills District section was renamed as Karbi
Anglong in 1976. Different parts of Assam are covered either under Panchayati Raj or the
Sixth Schedule. There are three Autonomous Councils of the Sixth Schedule in the state.

37
The Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council (KAAC) covers an area of 10434 sq km. Its
population spread out over 2563 villages. The district has three sub-divisions- Diphu,
Bokajan and Hamren and 11 development blocks. There is an Executive Council for the
KAAC, consisting of a Chief Executive Member and 10 Executive Members. There is a
Speaker & a Deputy Speaker for the Council. Each village has a hereditary headman, who
can be removed only through impeachment. The council does not provide for intermediate
level bodies in rural areas, it has constituted six Town committees.

The North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council (NCHAC) consists of rugged hilly terrain with
an area of 4890 sq km. 90% of the area is forest. It covers 13 communities which are
dispersed in scattered habitations. The NCHAC has two subdivisions, namely, Haflong and
Maibong, and five development blocks. There are no village level representative bodies. The
administrative structure and the planning mechanism of NCHAC are by and large similar to
that of the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council.

Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) was set up in 2003 after an agreement with the Bodo
Liberation Tigers (BLT). It was a self governing body for Bodo Areas. The aim of the BTC is
to (a) fulfill the economic, educational and linguistic aspirations, preservation of land rights,
socio-cultural and ethnic identity of Bodos and (b) speed-up infrastructure development in
BTC area. The Bodoland Territorial Council shall consist of not more than 46 members of
whom 40 members are elected on the basis of adult suffrage. Out of 40 elected members (40
seats), 30 seats are reserved for Scheduled Tribes, 5 seats for the non-tribals and 5 seats are
open to all communities. The remaining 6 are nominated (including at least two women) by
the Governor. Both the elected as well as the nominated members enjoy the same rights and
privileges.

The Executive Council (EC) consists of 12 executive members including the Chief Executive
Member (CEM) and the Deputy Chief Executive Member. Non-tribals are also given
representation on the EC. Besides these Councils, Assam has 6 other Autonomous Councils.
The administrative structure of these councils are patterned on the autonomous district and
regional councils created by the Sixth Schedule. There are three authorities operating in
parallel in these areas- the Council, the State and the Panchayati Raj.

3.11. Simon Commission with regard to the constitutional position of the hill areas

The constitutional position of the hill areas was discussed by the Simon Commission. There
was a great debate on this issue. The Simon Commission generally accepted the
recommendations of the Provincial Government and thus recommended that the typically
backward tracts, such as those of Assam, except perhaps the Khasi and Jaintia Hills should be
excluded. These areas should be administered through the Agency of the Governor. But the
commission recommended that the backward tracts should be classified into two, excluded
and partially excluded areas. The partially excluded areas were not typically backward tracts.
These areas were more developed though still unfitted to take their full share in the reformed
constitution.

38
The Simon Commission did not state specifically which of the areas should be partially
excluded and which of them should be excluded areas. The Commission recognized that there
were areas where the inhabitants were in a lower state of civilization than the others. These
areas required special arrangements for their administration. The Commission suggested that
those areas which are notified as backward tract need not be treated as backward areas when
they ceased to be so. The commission also recommended that the financing for the
administration of these areas should be the responsibility of the Central Government as these
areas were not in the position to handle this.

As regards the administration of the partially excluded areas, the Simon Commission
suggested an arrangement which somewhat complicated. It suggested that the partially
excluded areas would continue to send their representatives to the Legislative Council and the
Governor, as the agent of the Central Government, would decide how far local legislation
should apply to them. The extent to which the Governor should act in consultation with the
council of ministers was to be regulated by Rules made presumably by the Central Authority.

The reason the Simon Commission recommended the total exclusion of the backward tract
was obvious. This was to secure an efficient and congenial administration for the hill people
and to prevent their economic subjugation by the more sophisticated people of the pains. In
this way the hill people would not again become a nuisance that they were in the past to the
peace of the plains. It was also to prepare them ultimately for some form of parliamentary
system of government. Finally, the typically backward tracts were deficit areas. No provincial
legislature was likely to be possessed either the will or the means to devote special attention
its particular requirements.

The Simon Commission also agreed that so long Dyarchy existed their administration could
be entrusted to the Governor. But under Provincial Autonomy the question arises whether
these tracts should be handed over to the ministers responsible to the legislature or
completely removed from their control. Finally, the Commission recommended that the
somewhat derogatory term-backward areas should be discarded in the Statute and uses more
colourless designation-excluded areas.

3.12. Excluded and Partially Excluded Areas

Excluded areas were the tracts where any advanced form of government was not a possibility
because of the backwardness of the areas. These areas would be administered by the
Governor himself. The ministers would have no constitutional right to advise him in
connection with their administration neither the Central nor the Provincial Legislature should
apply to the tract subject to such expectation or modification as the Governor thought.
Proposal for expenditure in the tract need not be submitted to the vote of the legislature,
Provincial or Central. No question might be asked about the tract and no subject relating to
the tract might be discussed in the Assembly except with the sanction of the Governor.

In the case of partially excluded areas discussion in the Legislative Assembly was not barred.
It was allowed with the given full discretion in applying or refusing to apply new enactments.

39
The Governor might direct that any act of the Provincial Legislature should not apply to the
tract or shall apply subject to such expectation or modifications as the Governor thought fit.

The Legislative Assembly or the Provincial Legislature while making laws solely applicable
to the backward tract in question or any part thereof, must insert a provision that the law shall
come into force only on such date and subject to such expectation or modification as might be
ordered by the Governor-General-in-Council or the Governor-in-Council as the case might
be.

In addition, the Governor-General-in-Council was authorized by the Government of India Act

1919, not to apply any all India statute of general application or apply with such expectation
or modification as the Governor-General might think fit to any of the tracts.

In Assam, during 1920-1937, the ministers exercised authority over the transferred subjects
but the Instrument of Instruction issued to the Governors conferred on them a special
responsibility to protect the backward tracts. This provision was taken advantage of and the
business rules restricted the powers of the Ministers in dealing with these tracts within very
narrow limits. The Governor exercised effective control over the tribal areas which were
technically within the authority of the ministers so far as the transferred subjects were
concerned.

The Provincial Legislature would continue to influence the Governor. The Ministers would
have access the Governor to influence him in regard to the administration of the excluded
areas. As regards the partially excluded areas certain subjects would be excluded from the
ministerial control such as land and police. The Provincial Legislature would have no
jurisdiction over these subjects, thus, partial exclusion would be functional and not territorial.

The Partially Excluded areas would be represented in the Provincial Legislature and not in
Federal Legislature because one or two representatives from the tribal areas in the central
legislature would not be able to influence legislation. But the Assam Legislative Assembly
contain 9 members from the Partially Excluded Areas, 2 from the Garos, 1 from the Jaintias,
1 from the Mikir Hills, 2 from Shillong and 1 from all Hill areas in the Legislative Council.

3.13. Nehru Plan or Full Autonomy

The Nehru Plan contemplated that the hill areas of Assam must remain within the state of
Assam, enjoying ninety-nine percent autonomy of the state. The remaining one percent was
complete separation from Assam.

Second, the Sixth Schedule shall be retained but it shall be amended as recommended by the
Hill Advisory Council.

Third, each hill district shall be represented by one member in Parliament, by one M.L.A. for
every 40,000 population.

Fourth, the Autonomous District Councils and the Pawi Lakher Regional Councils would be
given wider powers and greater financial help.

40
Fifth, there shall be a regional council for all the autonomous districts.

Sixth, no law affecting the interest of the hill areas shall be passed by Assam Legislative
Assembly without the consent of the Regional Council.

Seventh, in the matter of planning for development of the hill areas, the representative of the
hill areas shall have direct access to the Planning Commission.

Eighth, the hill people shall have cent percent control over certain departments such as
Development, Agriculture and Education, P.W.D.

Ninth, certain subjects or departments shall remain as common subjects such as the state
Electricity Board, the High Court Registration of Trade, etc.

Tenth, as regards appointments, posting and transfers, the hill people shall have full control in
subjects over which they have full control. As regard the appointment and transfer the Deputy
Commissioners, the matter shall be examined further.

Eleventh, the hill people shall have full control over grants given under Art 275 of the
constitution and over the revenues of the hill areas. But the State Legislature shall have some
say over the grants that might be given to the hill areas from the state revenues.

Twelfth, English shall be the official language until it was replaced by Hindi.

Thirteenth, there shall be a separate university for the hill areas.

Finally, if the hill people agree to these proposals in principle, a commission shall be
appointed by the Government to work out details of the administrative set up for the hill areas
in consultation with the hill people.

The Nehru Plan contemplated cabinet Government of the accepted type. There should be
collective and joint responsibility to the State Assembly. There should, however, be a Cabinet
Minister in charge of the administration of the hill areas; assisted as far as might be necessary
by possibly a minister of state and one or two Deputy Ministers. In the appointment of
Ministers for the hill areas the Chief Minister will be guided by the recommendation of the
M.L.As of the hill areas.

Criticism

The State Government, the Chief Ministers and the Congress opposed the Plan, because it
was full of doubts and difficulties. The Government thought that the Plan would affect the
democratic form of government, it would undermine its unity and integrity; it would affect
the functioning of the Cabinet as a team with collective responsibility to the state legislature;
it would affect even the unity and integrity of the state; and it would sow the seeds of
disruption.

Conclusion

41
The Sixth Schedule gives the tribal communities considerable autonomy. The Governor is
empowered to increase or decrease the areas or change the names of the autonomous districts.
The District Council and the Regional Council under the Sixth Schedule have real power to
make laws, possibility on the various legislative subjects, receiving grants-in-aid from the
Consolidated Fund of India to meet the cost of schemes for development, health care,
education, roads and regulatory powers to state control. The Councils have also been
endowed with wide civil and criminal judicial powers.

Granting special provisions to certain minority tribal groups have led to further demands by
other groups for such provisions under the 6th schedule. This has created disparity among the
people and resulted in the rise of conflict between various groups. In terms of financial
autonomy, the ADCs are at the mercy of the state governments. Due to extensive corruption,
development in these regions is seen to be a non-existing phenomenon. The autonomy and
power of the District Councils lie in the hands of a small group of elites who govern the
functioning of the ADCs. In the midst of all these, it is not possible for the ADCs to function
well.

Therefore, certain measures should be taken to ensure that the Autonomous Councils have
well defined legislations with well trained members, as capacity building of the ADCs
members is vital for healthy governance. It is time that the provisions under the Sixth
Schedule need to be enhanced in order to cope up with the changing mechanisms and
demands of the local communities.

Model Questions

1. Explain the powers and functions of the Sixth Schedule of Autonomous District
Councils in North East India.
2. Explain the recommendations of the Bordoloi Committee.
3. What arrangements were made under the Scottish Pattern for the administration of the
hill areas?
4. Discuss the Political developments leading to the inclusion of the Sixth Schedule in
the Constitution of India.
5. Explain the composition, powers and functions of the District Council as
recommended by the Bordoloi Committee.
6. What is Autonomous District Council? Give the constitution of the Autonomous
District Council.
7. Give a brief note on the Autonomous District Council in Meghalaya.

42
 Unit - 4

Reorganization of Assam, Autonomy Movement and Emergence of New States

Introduction

The decision taken by New Delhi in September 1968 to turn two hill districts of Assam into a
sub-State is an important constitutional innovation designed to deal with the problem of
minority pockets. This makes the experiment worth examining on its own, but the fact that
Mrs. Indira Gandhi found it possible to embark on it at a time when her capacity for
initiatives is severely limited gives it an exceptional interest.

Mrs. Gandhi was able to go ahead only after she had brought around her party, as well as
major elements in the opposition, to accept the need for Sub-regional autonomy. There was,
as she kept pointing out in private, no other way to prevent the hill tribes strong sense of
separate identity from developing into secessionist insurgencies on the pattern of neighboring
Nagaland or of the Mizo hills district of Assam itself. Her task was not easy.

Many people, including some of her cabinet colleagues, had convinced themselves that the
ethnic, linguistic and religious factors stoking secessionism among Nagas and Mizos applied
in the case of these hill districts too, not least because they are right on the border with
Pakistan.

It was argued, therefore, that any weakening of control over the areas would only pave the
way to danger. Answering these doubts took much time; the whole exercise threatened at one
stage to end in a personal disaster for the Prime Minister. The eventual outcome in her favor
owes a good deal to the finesse she has acquired in the art of political management, but even
more to the fact that the bitter struggle for power in which parties are currently engaged
evidently does not rule out a consensus on issues of national importance. This makes the
Assam decision something of a silver lining to the dark clouds obscuring India's political
future.

The solution worked out for the 769,000 people living in the two Assam hill districts
represents a compromise which may in the course of time cease to satisfy its beneficiaries. Its
importance lies, however, in the beginning it makes towards dealing with the problem of
peoples who feel they have no place in the local power structure. The grievances may be of
an ethnic minority as in the case of Nepalese living in the Darjeeling area of West Bengal, or
of the tribal peoples of the Chotanapur plateau of Bihar.

Areas like Telengana in Andhra Pradesh constitute a separate category of discontent. Even
though there are no linguistic or religious disabilities, these economically backward areas feel
they cannot hold their own against the richer districts dominating the political life of the
respective States. These sub-regional conflicts are getting more pronounced with competitive
politics deepening political involvement throughout India.

4.1. Reorganization of Assam

43
People are endowed with remarkable natural-gift consciousness, the ability to fell and think.
The consciousness of the people differs on its exponent as well as the level and department of
its reflection of reality. The history of reorganization of the state of Assam is more or less the
reflection of those realities via reality of facts and circumstances. Assam was a polyglot state
consisting of diverse ethnic groups and cultures. It was a assimilation of multi-lingual, multi-
caste and tribal and multi-religious in character based on historical identity. The separation
and formation of independent political units was inevitable under the circumstances.

After the India independent, the first steps towards the reduction of Assam were Eastern
Duars consisting of 32 sq. miles of territory in the Devangiri hills. It was annexed in 1866 by
the British rulers after the conclusion of Bhutan war and in 1874 transferred to the chief
commissioner of Assam who transferred it to Bhutan government on their demand. This was
follow by the people of the hill district demanding separate hill state. The people of Cachar
district also raised their voice for a Purbanchal state comprising the hill districts, Cachar,
Manipur, Tripura and Goalpara. While Cachar wanted separation on linguistic issue, those of
the hill districts talked about culture, custom, social system, language etc. in favor of their
demand.

The Nagas sought independence from Assam as well as from India. They alleged that the
Assamese dominated government was not looking to the interest of the minority groups. The
move to declare Assamese as the state language again brought the demand for a separate hill
state or a Purbanchal state to the forefront. Then there was demand for formation of
Kamtapur state comprising of Goalpara, Garo hills, Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri. The
government of Assam was in favor of merger if possible of Cooch-Bihar, Manipur and
Tripura along with NEFA, though it was constitutionally a part of Assam.

Accordingly, the state reorganization commission was appointed with Sir Saiyad Fazal Ali,
Hriday Nath Kunzru and K.M. Panikkar, as members. With the setting up of the commission,
the perspective altogether changed. The state reorganization commission did not accept any
of these demands and thought of an integrated Northeast India in the form of an enlarge
Assam. It suggested the merger of Tripura with Assam on the ground that it would be
desirable to bring the entire region between Pakistan and India under one administration – the
government of Assam. But the commission did not suggest. The commission also did not
suggest the merger of NEFA and Manipur on the ground, NEFA being the frontier area
required special attention and Manipur had and individual characteristics of its own.

The government of India accepted the recommendation of the commission and the
constitution (7th Amendment Act 1996) came into being. The scheme of reorganization
involved of boundaries of different states except Assam. The recommendation made by State
Reorganization Committee (SRC) were not all acceptable to the people of hill districts; while
Nagas continued for their independence from Assam and India, other hill people continued
their pressure for separation from Assam. Ultimately Nagaland bill received the president’s
assent on 4th September 1962 and thus Nagaland became the 16th state of India.

Other hill districts of Assam have been agitating for separate hill states; the formation of
Nagaland strengthened their demand. The Mizo continued to press their demand forcefully on

44
the lines of Nagas. Their demand was based on ground that the political and socio-economic
policy followed by the erstwhile Assam government was not acceptable to them. They also
complained that they did not get full scope to develop their language and culture and were
forced to live in penury.

With regards to implementation of Assamese Language Act 1960, the hill districts
vehemently opposed in adopting Assamese as their Official Language. However, language
was not the only cause for demanding hill state. The hill district leaders make it clear that
their agitation for separate hill state would continue even if the language was withdrawn.

The demand for independent state of Nagas or Mizos is not a recent origin. They had
tendency of secession even before independence i.e. during transitional period of transfer of
power on India. This is evident from the invitation extended by Naga National Council leader
Sakhrie in 1946 and A.Z. Phizo in 1947 urging the Mizos to join hand with Nagas.

However, instead of demanding independent, Mizos demanded in 1971 a referendum over the
question of statehood for the Mizos. In order to satisfy their demand the central government
through 27th Amendment Act 1971 made the Mizo hills a union territory thereby seceding
from Assam.

Apart from the Nagas and the Mizos, the tribal people living in the area of Garo, Khasi &
Jaintia, Karbi and north Cachar formed the All Party Hill Leader Conference (APHLC) and
demanded separate hill states. The Khasi expressed their concern over the danger posed to
their tribal heritage, culture and traditional way of life by foreigners especially from
Bangladesh and Nepal and other states of India.

The government of India agreed to recognize Assam on the federal basis and a limited
number of essential subject of common interest were to be assigned to the regional federation
and functioning of the rest of the subject was to be left to be federating units.

The APHLC agreed to accept this proposal and 18th January 1967 was marked as the last date
for its implementation. As the federation did not come into being they continued their
demand and on 9th September 1968 a complete hartal was observed at Shillong. As a result,
the union government passed the Assam reorganization (Meghalaya) act 1969 by setting up
the state of Meghalaya as an autonomous hill state within the state of Assam.

This being an autonomous state within Assam, the people of Meghalaya were not satisfied
and on 30th of September 1970 the Meghalaya assembly unanimously resolved to request the
union government to convert the autonomous state into full- fledged state. The demand was
ultimately considered by the union government in January 1972 and accordingly Meghalaya
became another full-fledged state.

4.2. Causes of separation

Assam has undergone changes so fast after independence that it is difficult to ascertain the
specific causes as to why such dynamic change had taken place. Different section of people
assigns different reasons. A section of people advocates a separate state due to dominating

45
influence of the Assamese people over the rest. While advocates of Cachar wanted separation
mainly on the linguistic issue, those of the hill district mentioned culture, custom, social
system etc. along with language.

There was a feeling almost all ethnic groups that they did not get full scope to promote their
own culture but were annihilated by others. Economic, political and all round development of
tribal people seemed to be very bleak. They demanded separate statehood on the ground that
in the erstwhile Assam, they were denied proper place in the scheme of economic
development and welfare programmes. Plans were framed and executed with broad national
perspective ignoring the factor of tribal integration and without proper consideration of their
sociological, ethnic and historical background.

Further they were aggrieved on the report of the state reorganization commission. They
expressed that sixth schedule did not adequately safeguard the interest of the hill people. The
political elite tried to manipulate things by diverting public attention from various lapse and
failures to ameliorate a lot of the masses and give much needed sense of belonging.

One thing that sowed the seed of separation among the hill districts was the sixth schedule of
the constitution. By this schedule, the tribal people of India were discrimination against those
of Assam by accepting separate status. India has a population of 298 lakh tribal out of which
only about 8 lakh live in Assam hill districts.

Whereas the tribal people of the other states of India are governed by the fifth schedule, the
tribal of Assam hill districts have been given autonomous administration under the sixth
schedule. The second mistake was the creation of new administration machinery via tribal
area department. The function of this department was primarily to look after the people of the
hill district as well as the tribal of the plains.

But in order to satisfy some hill leaders, artificial division were created that led to
administrative deficiencies. As a result, the government started treating the hill tribes as
separate entity different from the plain people.

The concept of community development and democratic decentralization under the

Panchayati Raj failed to alleviate the socio- economic and political problems of the tribal. In
tribal areas panchayats are controlled by the tribal people and non-tribal live there peacefully.
District councils are quite different and they exercise their right in their own authority and not
under the authority of the state government.

Thus there arises the feeling among the tribal people that they are being separated from the
plain people. Beside it appears that the existence of the sixth schedule and administrative
reorganization causes the development of separatist movement. Lastly the most important
factors that give rise to the separatist movement are the personal and narrow selfish end of the
politician for power.

4.3. Autonomy Movements in North-East India

Introduction

46
Autonomy movement and development are two important terminologies in literature of
Political Science at present and they are correlated in many aspects. In fact, the desire for
political autonomy originated in the quest for economic development and this very issue is
quite relevant in the autonomy movement of the Sixth Schedule area of North East India.

The evolution of the Sixth Schedule provision in the constitution of India is due to the tribal
desire for political autonomy and their quest for economic development. The tribal areas of
the then undivided Assam or the present North East India, classified as Excluded and
Partially Excluded area were independent and autonomous in political set-up in pre-British
period; because the tribal chiefs governed their respective territories without outside
interference and they were independent in their own rights.

As the British administration guaranteed limited autonomy to the tribal chiefs in tune with
their psychology, they (Tribal chiefs) were satisfied with the internal autonomy guaranteed to
them and they acted as if they were autonomous in their status. As a matter of fact, that
autonomous status was expected by tribal of the Excluded and Partially Excluded areas in the
post independent era which was vested under the responsibilities of Advisory Committee on
Fundamental Rights by the Constituent Assembly of India.

The Advisory Committee on Fundamental Rights further constituted three Sub-Committees;

out of which, the North East Frontier (Assam) Tribal and Excluded Area Committee under
the Chairmanship of Gopinath Bordoloi, the Premier of Assam dealt with the constitutional
status of tribal of Excluded and Partially Excluded of Undivided Assam.

Subsequently, the tribal of undivided Assam were facilitated with the provision of the Sixth
Schedule to quench their thirst for political autonomy so as to enable them to implement
development works in their respective areas. Thus, the tribal desire for autonomy and
economic development are the main factors for the emergence of the Sixth Schedule to the
constitution of India.

4.4. Background of the Sixth Schedule

The hill tribes of North East India remained unexposed to other cultures of the country until
the advent of the British rule. The British Administration too followed the policy of isolation
of the tribes, inhabiting the North East India from the plains by adopting the Inner Line
Permit system. The Inner Line Permit system had been adopted for maintenance of status quo
in the tribal social set-up as well as to protect them (tribal) from exploitation and assimilation
of the plain people.

As a matter of fact, the British administration did not interfere at all in the social and other
internal affairs of the tribes. The main concerned of the British Administration was the
maintenance of law and order but they were left to themselves in managing their internal
affairs. The non-interference of the British Administration in the internal affairs of the tribal
and legalization of the traditional tribal chiefs with internal autonomy had created the feeling
among the tribal that they were independent and autonomous as before.

47
The reason being, the chiefs looked after the people and administered the village
administration like before in the eyes of the common people. Thus, the British Administration
had made the chiefs very powerful before the people but the chiefs were only used as revenue
collectors in the strict sense of the term. Whatever is the case, keeping the tribal aloof from
exploitation and assimilation of the plain people as well as vesting of internal autonomy upon
the chiefs, enabled the continuance of tribal social life without disturbance from outside.

Thus the tribal inhabited areas were termed as “Backward Tract” by the Government of India
Act of 1919 and the terminology “Backward Tract” was changed into Excluded Area by the
Government of India Act of 1935. Excluded Area means backward most tribal areas which
were under the direct rule of the Governors and districts which were categorized as excluded
area had no representation in the provincial legislature.

Whereas, districts which were categorized as partially Excluded Area were under provincial
government and they also had representatives in the provincial legislature. However, the law
enacted by provincial legislature could not be enforced in the partially excluded Area without
the approval of the Governor.

Moreover, the Governor could also use his discretionary power without consulting the
provincial government in the partially excluded area. As a result, the hill districts in Assam
were classified as Excluded Areas and Partially Excluded Areas. A great fear psychosis was
created in the mind of tribal of Assam on the eve of India’s independence.

The tribal thought that they might be subjected to exploitation and assimilation by the plain
people with the exit of Britishers from India. They were also fearful of losing their land,
autonomy, ethnic identity, language, traditional tribal practices, custom and culture.
Accordingly, the British Administration was also quite concerned about the future of tribal of
Excluded and Partially Excluded areas.

As a matter of fact, the Cabinet Mission, sent by the British Parliament under Sir Stafford
Cripps had made a public statement on 16 March, 1946 and had suggested for the formation
of an Advisory Committee, to study upon the rights of minorities and tribal of excluded area.

Subsequently, an Advisory Committee on Fundamental Rights, minorities and Tribal and

Excluded Area was set up with Vallabhai Patel as the Chairman on 24th January, 1947 by the
Constituent Assembly of India. The main task of the committee was to work out a modus
operandi in the constitutional arrangement for tribal of excluded and partially excluded area
and to enable them to safeguard their ethnic identity and culture in a democratic way.

Subsequently, on 2nd February, 1947 the Advisory Committee set up three sub-committees
which are listed as under:

1. North East Frontier (Assam) Tribal and Excluded Area Committee.

2. North West Frontier Province and Baluchistan Tribal and Excluded Area Committee.
3. Excluded and partially Excluded Areas in provinces other than Assam

48
Gopinath Bordoloi was the Chairman of the North East Frontier (Assam) Tribal and
Excluded Area Committee and other members of the committee were Rev. J.J.M Nichols
Roy, Rup Nath Brahma, A.V. Thakkar and Mayang Nokcha.

Mayang Nokcha replaced Aliba Imti, the previous member who was from Naga Hills. The
Committee was also popularly known as Bordolai Committee after the name of its chairman
and the then Chief Minister of Assam, Gopinath Bordoloi.

A.V. Thakkar was the Chairman of the Excluded and Partially Excluded Area (other than
Assam) Sub-Committee. The draft schedule was submitted to the President of the Constituent
Assembly on 21st February, 1948 and the matter was discussed in the Constituent Assembly
on 5, 6 and 7 September 1949.

After a long and heated debate in the Constituent Assembly and after certain amendments
were made, the Sixth Schedule finally emerged and was incorporated in Articles 244 (2) and
275 (1) of the constitution of India.

Article 244 (2) of the Constitution of India, deals with the application of the Sixth Schedule
in the Tribal areas of the states of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram, whereas, Article
275 (1) deals with the funding pattern of the Autonomous District Councils under the Sixth
Schedule provision.

As a result, tribal inhabited areas under Fifth Schedule are known as “Scheduled Area” and
tribal inhabited areas under the Sixth Schedule are known as “Tribal Area”. It is clearly
incorporated in the constitution of India that even if an area is exclusively tribal dominated
area, it cannot be called a Tribal Area if Sixth Schedule provision to the constitution of India
is not enforced in that area.

4.5. Autonomy Movement in the Sixth Schedule Area

List of the Sixth Schedule in the original Constitution of India

The Tribal Areas, as listed in the Sixth Schedule in the initial stage of the enforcement of the
constitution of India are given below.

Part – A

1. United Khasi – Jantia Hills District.

2. Garo Hills.
3. Lushai Hills.
4. Naga Hills.
5. North Cachar Hills.
6. Mikir Hills.

Part – B

1. North East Frontier Tract (Balipara Frontier Tract, Tirap frontier Tract, Abor Hills
District and Mishmi Hill District).

49
 2. Naga Tribal Areas.

As shown above, Sixth Schedule Areas were categories in to two parts at the initial stage of
the enforcement of the constitution of India. Those areas where the people were a bit
developed, and where democratic political institution could be established was listed in part
A.

In fact, the areas where District Council could be established were listed in part A. On the
other hand, the backward most tribal areas where establishment of democratic system was not
possible were categorized in part B. As a matter of fact, some tribes who were listed in part B
were still in the primitive stage even at that time.

Therefore, the Governor of Assam was given discretionary power for administering tribal in
Part B of the Sixth Schedule so as to protect and preserve them. Moreover, part B is also
identified as the Sixth Schedule where there is no District Council.

However; even under part A, District Council could not be established in Naga Hills due to
rejection of District Council Status by the Nagas under the influence of insurgency movement
spearheaded by A.Z. Phizo.

4.6. Present status of the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India

The Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India has undergone many changes since India’s
independence. The Sixth Schedule was listed as Part A and Part B in the original constitution
of India. The listing as Part A and Part B in the original constitution was on the basis of
economic and political awareness as well as status of the areas.

At present, the Sixth Schedule areas have been listed as Part I, Part II, Part II A and Part III.
Part I listed the Territorial Council and Autonomous Councils of Assam, Part II listed the
District Councils of Assam, Part II A listed the District Council of Tripura and Part III
mentions the list of District Councils of Mizoram. The latest list of the different councils in
the sixth Schedule to the constitution of India shall be shown as given below.

Part –I

1. Dima Hasao Autonomous Council (North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council).

2. Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council.
3. Bodoland Territorial Council.

Part-II

1. Khasi Autonomous District Council.

2. Jantia Autonomous District Council.
3. Garo Autonomous District Council.

Part-IIA

1. Tripura tribal Areas District Council.

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 Part-III

1. Chakma Autonomous District Council.

2. Lai Autonomous District Council.
3. Mara Autonomous District Council.

4.7. Features of Autonomy Movements

Although the aim of autonomy movements is to get power relations between the regions
within a state restructured without coming out of its jurisdiction, it has not been the first
demand of all autonomy movements.

Some autonomy movements started with the goal to have a separate state carved out of one or
more states but in the course of the movement their demand scaled down to getting
autonomy within the existing state.

In the case of Meghalaya, the Autonomy Movements movement started with the goal to have
a separate state carved out of Assam but the supporters of separate statehood accepted the
status of a state within the state in 1970-72.

Like the demands in the statehood movements and insurgencies, the autonomy movements
have following features:

1. These are raised in the areas where people feel discriminated by the more resourceful
regions in economic, social, cultural or political aspects.
2. These demands are generally raised by articulate sections of the society – middle
classes, students, civil society organizations, political parties.
3. The supporters of autonomy demands generally allege that their region has become
“internal colony” of the developed regions; their natural resources are exploited by
outsiders and they are not paid back royalty or allowances in equal proportions of
usage of their resources.
4. Their region is not given adequate representation in political institutions in the state,
and decisions about them are taken by the governments without their involvement.
5. Their language and culture are not given due recognition and in several cases the
dominant language is imposed on them.
6. The autonomy movements have some political context.

While these are the commonest factors which cause the autonomy movements in India, their
impact may vary from case to case.

4.8. Autonomy Movements in North-East India

Introduction

The term “autonomy” is derived from the Greek words “auto” meaning “self” and “nomo”
meaning “law” or “rule”. Thus, autonomy basically means to make one’s own laws or “self-
rule”. Self-rule has two components: the independence of one’s own deliberations and choice
from manipulation by others and the capacity to rule oneself. In its political and legal context,

51
autonomy mainly refers to the “self-governing of a people or the power to regulate their own
affairs by enacting legal rules”.

In international law, autonomy denotes “parts of the state’s territory are authorized to govern
themselves in certain matters by enacting certain laws and statutes, but without constituting a
state of their own”. However, there is no generally accepted definition of autonomy in
international law.

While the degree of autonomy or self-government enjoyed by a territory often has been
utilized by international legal scholars to determine in which category of special sovereignty
or dependency--protectorate, vassal state, dependent state, colony, associated state, or other
category—a territory should be placed, these categories often are overlapping and frequently
subject to scholar disagreement.

Thus, autonomy is a relative term that describes the extent or degree of independence of a
particular entity rather than defining a particular minimum level of independence that can be
designated as the status of “autonomy”.

In the modern state system, the concept of autonomy is a vexed one. At the operational level,
nevertheless, the concept relates to the access to power and resources which are basically a
state monopoly.

4.9. Political background of North-East India

The NE region is the most diversify region in the country. This is due to the fact that there are
many ethnic tribal communities. All together there are 209 schedule tribes in the region with
Arunachal Pradesh having the highest number of 101, follow by Mizoram with 53 tribal
communities, Manipur 29, Assam 23, Nagaland 20, Tripura 18 and Meghalaya 15.

These tribes inhabited the region since time immemorial. After India’s independent they
suddenly found themselves under the control of Assam government which they have never
aspired due to the historical independence, they wanted themselves to be out of anybody’s
control.

The absence of social cultural intercourse with the plains of India led the isolated tribes
developed centrifugal tendency against the mainland India. In spite of the provision in India
constitution for the preservation of their culture and traditions a section with vested interest
through the integration of internal forces sought independence existence outside India.

Against the back dropped of a diversify nature, the demand for autonomy and secession
became a natural outcome. The federal nature of India is such that it needs the support of the
outside regions. It needs an organic relationship with its diverse ethnic groups particularly the
hill tribes.

However, the national leadership failed to develop their emotional integration with the
national mainstream. Since India’s independence in 1947, she has been faced with the

52
challenges of the whole country but more vocal in the NE area. In the region the Naga
secessionist movement was one of the first and oldest movements.

4.10. Pre-Independent period

The Naga club was established in 1918 with Naga government employees. This was the first
organization of its kind in Nagaland. The Naga Hills districts tribal council was formed in
1945 under the care of Naga cub. The aim of this organization was to work for rehabilitation
and re-construction of work in divested areas of Naga Hills. The Naga Hills district tribal
council soon transformed itself into Naga National Council.

The council soon became the political platform for the Nagas. It may be pointed out that the
initiative of Mr. C R Pawsey the then deputy commissioner of Naga Hills district tribal
council is noteworthy. The Naga national council in its meeting on 19th June 1945 drafted a
memorandum about the future of Naga to be submitted to his Majesty’s government.

Some resolutions of the memorandum which was approved by the general body meeting of
the Naga national council were;

1. The Naga national council stands for the solidarity of the Naga tribe including those
of the un-administered areas,
2. The council strongly protests against the grouping of Assam with Bengal,
3. The Naga Hills should be constitutionally included in an autonomous Assam in a free
India with local autonomy and duly safeguarded for the interest of the Naga and
4. The Naga tribe should have a separate electorate.

The idea of self-determination was an after-thought and its protagonist gradually got the full-
control of the NNC. The NNC drafted another resolution on 10th Feb, 1947, and submitted to
his majesty’s government and the government of India. The memorandum approved by its
general body demanded self-determination for the Naga.

They asked for setting up an interim government for 10 years. At the end of the interim
period, the Nagas should be freed to decide their future. The argument of the NNC for self-
determination was based on the following grounds;

1. Ethnic distinctiveness
2. District social life
3. Way of living and customs
4. Different religion animism and Christianity

With the arms left by Japanese army in the region during the world War II the Nagas under
the banner of Naga national council (NNC) led by A.Z Phizo fired the first shot for liberation
from the Indian occupation. The poisonous virus of Naga insurgency began to disturb the
political climate of the entire northeast and encourage other ethnic groups or communities
like the Mizo, Bodo, Khasi and others.

53
To specify the secessionist and autonomy of ethnic groups, Assam was reorganized and more
states were created out of it. This policy of appeasement produce mixed results while some
groups demands were made, however those who were fighting for complete independence
were not satisfied with the creation of new states.

4.11. Post-Independent period

The Naga insurgency continued. The issue became more complicated with the formation of
NSCM (IM) and NSCM (K) in 1980 who were also fighting for the sovereignty of integration
of Naga inhabited areas. The Naga secessionist movement can be categorized under extreme
autonomy movement. Apart from Nagaland, Assam have also witness various autonomous
movements. The major ones were Bodos demand for greater autonomy from the control of
the Assamese.

The United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) demanded for sovereignty from the Indian
Union and the Cacharis and Karbis demanded for a separate statehood. The ULFA movement
originally started as a movement against the illegal immigration of Bangladesh into Assam.
But later on, it took the form of an extreme autonomy since its formation in April 1979.

The ULFA has been demanding for the establishment of a sovereign state of Assam side by
side. The Bodos also began to assert their rights leading to the demand for greater autonomy
within the state of Assam. This movement created great tension between the ethnic Bodos
and the Assamese people.

The National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) was formed in 1989, with a view to set
up an autonomous region of Bodoland. This agitation proved to be successful with the
creation of Bodoland territory council in 2004. Apart from this, the Karbis and Cacharis and
the NE hills have been demanding for a separate statehood from Assam.

The insurgents group like Dima Halam Daogah, Karbilongri (kingdom) National Liberation
Front and United People Democratic Solidarity were in talks with the government of India to
demand for a separate statehood. The entire insurgents group surrounded before the
government of India and has decided to push for talks.

Autonomy movements are also active in the state of Manipur, Tripura, Mizoram and
Meghalaya. In Manipur the demand for greater autonomy came out largely due to the delay in
granting statehood. There are numerous insurgent groups operating in the state with demands
ranging from greater autonomy to full independence from the Indian union.

The People Liberation Front, 1978 has been fighting for the liberation of the state from India.
The ULFA and people’s revolutionary party of Kanglipak are also demanding for a separate
independence in Meitei land. In addition to this, there are also the Naga and Kuki insurgent
groups fight for their autonomy in the state.

In Tripura, the demand for autonomy started between the Bengali immigrants and the tribal
native population. This movement was led by the National Liberation Front of Tripura in
1989 and All Tripura Tiger Force in 1990.

54
These groups were fighting for greater autonomy and for the rights of their ethnic tribal who
are the original inhabitants of the state. They have reduced to minority by the majority
Bengali and so they wanted to expel them from their homeland and as their own rights.

In Mizoram, the autonomy movement was started due to the tension between the Assamese
and the Mizos. The movement was led by the Mizo National Front (MNF) under the
leadership of Laldenga. The movement continued for about two decades and came to an end
only after signing of the Mizo Accord 1986 and granting of statehood in 1987.

The Mizoram is now generally a peaceful state. However, there are still problems of the
Hmar’s, who are demanding for independent Hmar’s state. This demand led to the formation
of Sinlung Hills development council and the Brus Liberation Front (BLF) in 1997 who has
been fighting for autonomy within the state to protect their rights and dignity.

In Meghalaya, the demand for autonomy arose due to the division between the tribal and non-
tribal identity issues and growing corruption in the state. The Achik national volunteer in
1995 has been fighting for the formation of Achik in the Garo Hills while the Hynniewtrep
national liberation council has been fighting to free the Khasis from Garo domination.

Thus, as seen from the above autonomy movements in the NE, it has been caused by various
factors such as social, economic, political and ethnicities. The autonomy movement in the
region can be divided into two types: extreme autonomy movements and other movements.
The Naga insurgency movement, the Alpha and Metie insurgency can be categorized as
extreme autonomy movements. These groups wanted complete independence from the Indian
union.

The subsequent recreation of states under the Assam re-organization Act, there has been no
drastic changes in the politics of the region. Like at the Centre, the politics of the region was
also dominated by the Indian national congress. No other national political parties have been
able to make its impact in the region.

During the 1980s and 1990s many regional political parties emerged with political ideologies
that are mostly based at regional level. Some of them were able to achieve success by
defeating the national parties however, some were not successful.

The regional political parties such as AGP (Assam Gana Parishad) Nagaland People Front,
Mizo National Front, Manipur People’s Party and Sikkim Democratic Front were able to
make its presence feel by capturing power from the control of the national party. The AGP
was able to rule for two terms i.e. 1985- 89 and 1996 to 2008. The Mizo National front was
empowered for 10 years.

4.12. Emergence of the Meghalaya State

Meghalaya is the 21st state of Indian union came into existence on 21st January 1972. The
name of Meghalaya means the abode of the cloud in Sanskrit. Meghalaya was first created as
an autonomous state within the state of Assam on 2ndApril 1970. It bound on the North and
East by Assam and on the South and West by Bangladesh. The state is a home to local

55
inhabitants of the Khasis, Jaintias and Garos. During the British rule in India, the imperialist
authorities nickname it as the “Scotland of East”.

Unlike any other states of India, Meghalaya follows a matrilineal system since time
immemorial. The inheritance in the society is traced through women wherein the youngest
daughter inherits all the wealth and takes care of her parents. The British discovery of
Camellia in 1834 at Assam leads other companies to start renting land from 1839 onwards.

Meghalaya was formed by carving of two districts from the state of Assam namely the united
Khasi & Jaintia hills and the Garo hills on 21st January 1972. Before attaining full statehood,
Meghalaya was given a semi-autonomous status in 1970. The Khasi, Garo and Jaintia tribes
had their own kingdom until they came under the British rule in the 19th century.

Later British incorporated Meghalaya into Assam on 16th October 1835 by the then Governor
of Bengal, Lord Curzon. Thus, Meghalaya became a part of the new provinces of Eastern
Bangal and Assam but the partition reversed in 1912 when Meghalaya was brought under the
province of Assam. Prior to 1947 Meghalaya constituted two district of Assam State.

Assam enjoyed limited autonomy and the people of the region were not fully satisfied and so
the movement for Separate hill state began in 1960. The Assam Reorganization (Meghalaya)
Act of 1969 accorded an autonomous status to the state of Meghalaya with immediate effect
from 2ndApril 1970.

An autonomous status to the state of Meghalaya was born out of Assam consisting of a 37
member legislature in accordance with the sixth schedule of the Indian constitution. In 1971,
the parliament passed the North Eastern Areas (Reorganization) Act, 1971 which conferred
full statehood on the autonomous state of Meghalaya.

It was carved out of Assam comprising of the United Khasi & Jaintia hills and the Garo hills
districts. It consisted of the following areas at the time of independence;

1. The Garo hills districts

2. The British portion of the united Khasis and the Jaintia Hills districts
3. The Khasi Syiemship

D.D Nicholas Roy was the first person to ask for an integrated Khasis state, comprising of the
Khasi Syiemship and a British portion of the united Khasis and Jaintia hills districts. He
suggested for the formation of a legislative council, executive council, and a federal court. At
the same time he wanted their representation in Assam legislative assembly and cabinet.

He further suggested that no legislation of central or provincial legislature shall be extended

to their area without the consent of the executive council of the federated states. He wanted
the continued linkage of the Khasis and Jaintia hill with the state of Assam and opposed the
idea of crown colony.

Captain William A. Sangma called for a conference of the people of autonomous district of
Assam on 6th Oct. 1954 at Tura to consider the demand of the hill state. The conference

56
decided to submit a memorandum to the state re-organization commission for creation of
Eastern state. Accordingly, a lengthy memorandum was submitted to the state re-organization
commission to press for their demand for separate hill state.

The memorandum emphasized their differences from the plain people and blamed Assamese
for trying to impose their culture and language on the hill tribe and for their attempt to
dominate in the legislature and public services. They also pointed out that the autonomy
grated at 6th schedule was not real and substantial but the Assam government refuted all
charges and allegations.

Earlier, a conference of the members of the executive committees of the autonomous district
council was held at Shillong on 16th June 1954 under the chairmanship of B.M Roy, the then
chief executive member of the united Khasis and Jaintia hills districts council. The demand
for an Eastern hill state was voiced by Captain William A. Sangma during the conference.

The meeting was attended by all except the members of Mikir/ Karbi hill council. It was
convened to discuss the matter of mutual interest, but the discussion was confined to the
following points;

1. Formulation of an Eastern hills states consisting of all the hill areas and the
contiguous areas inhabited by the people of the hill tribe and
2. More autonomy to the district council by amending the 6th schedule. They suggested
English to be adopted as the state language which will be replaced by Hindi in due
course.

The proposal of Captain William A. Sangma was opposed by the members of North Cachar
hill and Lushai Hill district council who wanted greater autonomy for their district rather than
a hill state. However, his opinion was accepted later in the meeting. Thus, the conference
passed a unanimous resolution demanding a hill state for the tribal.

When this demands were gaining momentum, the government of Assam introduced
Assamese as the official language of the state. The All party Hill Leader conference
(APHLC) which comprised of all tribal leaders, opposed the decision of the Assam
government and as a mark of resentment, strikes and rallies were organized in all the tribal
areas of Assam.

On November 24, 1960, the delegation of the APHLC met the Prime Minister and he assured
that no legislation passed by the Assam Legislative Assembly could be enforced in the hill
areas without the consent of the representatives of the hill areas and also promised that he
would seriously consider the measures necessary to ensure adequate delegation of powers in
order to enable the hill people to undertake development programme in the hill areas.

In short, the government did not favour a formation of hill state and has offered a number of
alternatives like the Scottish pattern, Nehru Plan etc. for the administration of the hill areas,
but the hill leaders rejected it.

4.13. Scottish Pattern Plan

57
Some of the features of the Scottish Pattern, as offered by the Government of India to the hill
leaders for the future administration may be summarized as follows;

1. There would be a Regional Committee consisting of all the elected members of Assam
Legislative Assembly representing the autonomous hill district similar to the committee
constituted by the British House of Commons for Scotland.

2. Special development programme of the hill areas at the state level would be under the
control of a high-powered statutory state council. This council would consist of
representatives from the hill areas.

It would have all the functions including planning and execution, and would not be interfered
with by the Chief Minister or by any non-hill Minister of the Assam ministry.

The Council would have full authority to allocate funds for the development of all areas
financed by the government of India under Article 275 of the constitution.

3. As regards legislation, the MLAs representing the hill areas would form a committee,
presided over by a hill minister. No legislation affecting the hill areas would be applied to the
hill areas without their consent.

4. There would be a minister of cabinet rank from any of the hill districts, one or more deputy
minister might be appointed in order that the entire autonomous hill district were adequately
represented. The hill minister would be the main executive authority so far as the hill area
was concerned.

5. In case of disagreement between the Regional council and the legislative assembly, the
matter would be referred to the Governor who would act in his own discretion and his
decision would be final.

6. The funds required for the execution of plans and development schemes in the autonomous
hill district would be shown separately in the budget and they would be administered
separately.

7. The Sixth Scheduled might be amended so as to enable the district councils and the
regional council to get more autonomy.

4.14. Nehru Plan

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the then Prime Minister of India had also chalked out an
administrative system i.e. Nehru Plan and offered to the hill leaders for future
administration. The Government of India has offered to them but they rejected it.

The main features of the Plan may be listed as below:

1. It contemplated that the hill areas of Assam should remain within the state of Assam,
enjoying 99% autonomy of a state, the remaining 1% was complete separation from Assam.

58
2. The sixth scheduled was to be retained but amended on the lines recommended by the Hill
Advisory Council.

3. Each hill district would be represented by one member in the Lok Sabha, and the
constituency for an MLA would be for every 40,000 population. The autonomous district
council and the P-L Regional Council (in Lushai hills) would be given wide powers and
greater financial assistance.

4. The MLAs of autonomous district would form a Regional Committee of the Assam
legislative assembly. All proposals relating to legislation concerning the hill areas would be
referred by the state assembly to the regional committee.

The Regional committee might also initiate legislative proposals. Normally, the
recommendation of the regional committee would be accepted by the legislature. In the event
of disagreement between the regional committee and the state legislature, the matter would be
referred to the Governor, who acting in his discretion might take decision, after obtaining
directions from the President where necessary.

5. As regards planning for development, the representatives of the hill areas would have
direct access to the planning commission. The hill people would have complete control over
certain department such as development, agriculture, PWD and education.

6. As regard common subjects not transferred for separate administration, the share of
allocation of funds to be spent on the hill areas would also be separately indicated under the
budget heads. Certain others subjects such as state electricity board, the high Courts etc.
would remain as common subjects.

7. In matter of appointment, postings and transfers of officers, the group of hill ministers
would have full control in transferred subjects.

8. The hill people would have full control over grants given under Article 275 of the
constitution and over the revenues of hill areas. But the state legislature would have some say
over the grants that might be given to the hill areas for the state revenue.

9. For the purpose of administration of the hill areas, English would be the official language
until replaced with Hindi. But at the district level, the district or regional council would
decide the language to be used.

10. The hill areas would have a separate university.

11. Provisions in the constitution safeguarding the interests of the hill people would continue
as long as the hill people themselves reasonably felt the need for such safeguards.

12. At the beginning of each financial year, a separate complete budget allocation for the
subjects allocated to the hill areas would be made. This would take the form of an Area
Budget under the subjects meant for separate administration. This area budget would be
referred by the assembly to the Regional Committee for considerations.

59
13. If the hill people could agree to the proposals in principle, a commission would be
appointed to work out the details of the administrative set up for the hill areas in consultation
with the hill people.

14. It would be collective and joint responsibility to the state legislative assembly. There
would, however, be a cabinet minister in charge of the administration of the hill areas,
assisted as far as might be necessary, by possibly a minister of state (MoS) and one or two
deputy minister.

15. In the appointment of the minister for the hill areas, the chief minister will be guided by
the recommendation of the MLAs of the hill areas.

16. There would be a separate wing or department of the secretariat for the hill areas, and
have its own financial adviser.

The Nehru Plan contemplated that, the objective to be kept in view is full autonomy for the
hill districts subjects to the preservation of the unity of the state of Assam.

4.15. Grounds for Rejection

The APHLC which met on 5th April 1961 rejected the Scottish Plan on the ground that it was
almost a state within a state providing for partial administrative separation without actual
political separation. Since the tribal areas would be a part of Assam politically, there would
be many occasions where friction and discord would still continue to exist and would bring
about greater strife. Therefore, the Scottish Plan was not for practical politics.

Secondly, the Statutory State Council was only an extension of the powers enjoyed by the
existing Advisory Council which failed to uphold the aspirations of the hill states. It would
not be able to function effectively unless, the authority to initiate and control the
administrative functions of the different departments in the hill states was granted.

It must have full control of all the affairs in the hill states, both over special development
programmes and over the normal programmes under the State general plans, not only for
planning and allocation of funds but also for supervisions and actual implementation of the
plans.

Finally, the APHLC opined that the Scottish Plan simply suggested certain administrative
arrangements and did not indicate how the language issue would be resolved. For all these
reasons the Scottish Plan was rejected and demanded for separation from the Assam state. As
a result of these discussions, there was a disagreement between the Prime Minister and the
APHLC for which the delegation have to return in disappointment.

4.16. Emergence of Nagaland State

The Nagaland state was inaugurated as the 16th state of Indian union on 1st December 1963 by
the then president of India Dr.S.Radhakrishnan. This political development took place when
in June 1947 a demand for separation of the Naga was unanimous decided with three major
reasons; (a) the want for immediate severance of ties with India and declaration of

60
independence, (b) desire for the continued governance of Naga hills by India until it was in a
position to take the administration of the country and (c) Nagaland to be a compulsory
territory under the British for a period of ten years.

Consequently, in 1947 the Naga council sent a memorandum to Lord Mountbatten suggesting
that the government of India would act as guardian of the Naga Hills for a period of ten years
and after the expiry of 10 years, the Nagas would decide about their future whether to
continue with the Indian union or separate from it.

This view was reiterated when the Bordoloi committee visited Naga Hills on 20th May 1947.
Sir Akbar Hydari, the then Governor of Assam held consultation with the Naga National
Council with regards to the future of the Naga hills district and concluded in a Nine points
agreement. This 9-points accord was signed between the then Governor of Assam, Akbar
Hydari and the representatives of the Naga National Council at Kohima after three days of
deliberation. The tribes Represented at the discussions on the 26th, 27th and 28th June,
1947 at Kohima were the following; Western Angamis, Eastern Angamis, Kukis,
KachaNagas (Mzemi), Rengmas, Semas, Lothas, Aos, Sangtams, and Changs

Heads of Proposed Understanding

Preamble – That the right of the Nagas to develop themselves according to their freely
expressed wishes is recognized.

Judicial – All cases whether civil or criminal arising between Nagas in the Naga Hills will be
disposed of by duly constituted Naga Courts according to Naga customary law or such law as
may be introduced with the consent of duly recognized Naga representative organizations:
save that where a sentence of transportation or death has been passed there will be a right of
appeal to the Governor.

In cases arising between Nagas and non-Nagas in (a) Kohima and Mokokchung town areas,
and (b) in the neighboring plains districts, the judge if not a Naga will be assisted by a Naga
assessor.

Executive – The general principle is accepted that what the Naga Council is prepared to pay
for, the Naga Council should control. This principle will apply equally to the work done as
well as the staff employed.

While the District Officer will be appointed at the discretion of the Governor, Sub-divisions
of the Naga Hills should be administered by a Sub-divisional Council with a full time
executive President paid by Naga Council who would be responsible to the District Officer
for all matters falling within the latter’s responsibility, and to the Naga Council for all matters
falling within their responsibility.

In regard to; (a) Agriculture – the Naga Council will exercise all the powers now vested in
the District Officer. (b) C.W.D. – The Naga Council would take over full control. (c)
Education and Forest Department – The Naga Council is prepared to pay for all the services
and staff.

61
Legislative – That no laws passed by the Provincial or Central Legislature which would
materially affect the terms of this agreement or the religious practices of the Nagas shall have
legal force in the Naga Hills without the consent of the Naga Council.

In cases of dispute as to whether any law did so affect this agreement the matter would be
referred by the Naga Council to the Governor who would then direct that the law in question
should not have legal force in the Naga Hills pending the decision of the Central
Government.

Land – That land with all its resources in the Naga Hills should not be alienated to a non-
Naga without the consent of the Naga Council.

Taxation – That the Naga Council will be responsible for the imposition, collection, and
expenditure of land revenue and house tax and of such other taxes as may be imposed by the
Naga Council.

Boundaries – That the present administrative divisions should be modified so as; (1) to bring
back into the Naga Hills District all the forests transferred to the Sibsagar and Nowgong
Districts in the past, and (2) to bring under one unified administrative unit as far as possible
all Nagas. All the areas so included would be within the scope of the present proposed
agreement. No areas should be transferred out of the Naga Hills without the consent of the
Naga Council.

Arms Act – The Deputy Commissioner will act on the advice of the Naga Council in
accordance with the provisions of the Arms Act.

Regulations – The Chin Hills regulations and the Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulations will
remain in force.

4.17. Period of Agreement – The Governor of Assam as the Agent of the Government of the
Indian Union will have a special responsibility for a period of 10 years to ensure the
observance of the agreement, at the end of this period the Naga Council will be asked
whether they require the above agreement to be extended for a further period or a new
agreement regarding the future of Naga people arrived at.

Subsequently, on 19thJuly a delegation led by A.Z Phizo met Mahatma Gandhi in Delhi. In
the process of discussion, Mahatma Gandhi said that Naga has every right to be independent.
He further said, “We want you to feel that India is yours; the city of Delhi is yours- feel that
Naga hill is mine just as much as is yours”. The Naga leaders informed Mahatma Gandhi that
they will declare themselves independent on 14th August 1947.

The Nagas further expressed their comprehension that the Government of India might use
force (military force) against them if they declared independence. At this point, Gandhi
became more serious and said, “No this is wrong; I will come to Kohima and ask them to
shoot me before they shoot one Naga”. Despite the assurance, the Naga hill got nothing from
the Government of India and so the Naga National Council declare independent on 14th
August 1947.

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It was argued that the sixth schedule did not contain the terms of the nine points Agreement.
The GOI followed the view of Jinnah by saying that the Nagas differ from the rest of India on
all grounds and that their sovereignty belongs to the British as the British subjugated them
when they leave India.

The Nagas got back their freedom from the British but India did not accept this agreement
which compelled A.Z. Phizo to go underground. The situation got worsened from 1951
onward when A.Z. Phizo became the president of Naga National Council after been released
from prison. He organized plebiscite in 1951 where thousands of Nagas voted for
independence.

In 1953, when the then Prime Minister of India Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru visited Kohima, the
NNC demonstrated by withdrawing the public meeting which was addressed by him. The
NNC further organized its own defense department with the commander in chief and four
army commands under him. They were supplied weapon left by British and American armies
during the Second World War.

A political wing, the Naga Federal Government was also established on 22nd March 1956. It
consisted of a council of minister with Prime Minister - Ato Kilonser as the head. There was
also President and Vice-President similar to that of the India Government.

From 1954-56, there was much bloodshed in the Naga Hills. The arm rebellion which broke
out in Tuensang district later on spread to Kohima and Mokokchung district. The police were
not able to control the arm rebellion. Therefore, the army had to be called in to deal with it.
Some leaders who were opposed to violence left the organization. In order to maintain peace;
a Naga peace organization was formed in 1956.

The committee appealed to the people to abandon violence. As such, in 1957 the church
leaders took the initiative for the establishment of peace in the Naga-hills. A convention was
called on 22nd August 1957 at Kohima which consist of the leader of all Naga tribes. The
convention demanded for single administration unit consisting of the Naga hill district of
Assam and the Tuensang frontier division of NEFA under the ministry of external affairs.

The India Government accepted this demand and the Naga Hills Tuensang Area was created
on 1st December 1957.

The second people’s convention was held in May 1958 at Ungma village under Mokokchung
district. The convention appointed a committee to negotiate with the underground fictions
with a view to bring about political settlement. The third Naga people’s convention was held
on 1959 at Mokokchung where they demanded for a separate statehood of Nagaland within
the Indian union under the ministry of external affairs in July 1960.

A Naga delegation met Prime Minister at Delhi wherein the 16 points agreement was
concluded. The prime Minister announces in the parliament on 1st August 1960 that the
government had decided to make Nagaland the 16th states in the Indian union.

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The President of India promulgated the Nagaland on 24thJanuary 1961 in order to bring the
existence of a new administrative set up for Nagaland pertaining to the 16th points Agreement.
The provision provided for setting up of a 45 member elected body to serve as an advisory
council to the government of Nagaland. In 1962 the state of Nagaland Act was passed by
parliament and the state was subsequently inaugurated by the President of India on 1st
December 1963.

Conclusion

The evolution of the Sixth Schedule provision in the constitution of India is due to the tribal
desire for political autonomy and their quest for economic development. The tribals still
desired their autonomous status of the pre-British and British period on the eve of
independence which was absolutely enshrined in the provision of the Sixth Schedule to the
constitution of India.

In fact, the hard efforts of Bordoloi Committee were praise worthy with regard to the
incorporation of the Sixth Schedule where certain autonomous powers are enshrined for the
tribals. However, certain political movement erupted in the Sixth Schedule area due to the
desires of more autonomy and economic development.

In such away, four states namely, Nagaland, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh
have been created from the Sixth Schedule areas and Sixth Schedule no longer apply in
Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh. The tribal areas in the Sixth Schedule which were listed as
Part A and Part B in the original constitution are now listed as Part I, Part II, Part II A and
Part III. At present, there are two Autonomous Councils and one territorial Council in Assam,
one Autonomous District Council in Tripura, three Autonomous District Councils in
Meghalaya and three Autonomous District Councils in Mizoram.

It is evident that each Council under the Sixth Schedule provision is armed with certain
powers and funds to usher economic development works in their respective areas; and certain
achievements have also been found in each Council of the North East India.

However, financial mismanagement and rampant corruption have often been detected in the
functioning of different Councils under the Sixth Schedule provision. Despite the various
shortcomings and limitations in the functioning of the Autonomous District Councils,
Autonomous Councils and Territorial Councils, many constructive works have also been
done by them.

Had the District council been not created, many of the development works, done by them and
employment, generated by them may remain unfulfilled. Thus, even if cent percent goals
could not be achieved, certain goals are achieved by the different councils under the
provision of the Sixth Schedule to the constitution of India.

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 Unit – 5

Major Regional Political Parties (AGP, MNF, UDP, SDF)

5.1. Emergence of regional political party in North-East India

The regional political party that emerge in the late 1970s and early 1980s and till now had
been contributing to the political development of the region. The growing of regional parties
is the most outstanding aspect of political development in India over the past few years. Some
of the regional parties were DMK, National Conference and Shiromani. Akali dal existed
before or soon after the coming of independence, others like the Telugu Desam and Asom
Gana Parishad have recent arrivals on the Indian political scene.

In fact, there are about 445 small regional political parties in India. At the time of the 1989
elections as many as 291 political parties applied for the registration with the Election
Commission of India. Out of this only 7 got recognition as the national parties have emerged
as active actors in the Indian political system. It becomes imperative for the contemporary
students of Indian political to analyses and evaluates the regional perspective and the role
played by the regional parties.

5.2. Factors behind the emergence of regional parties

RELIGIOUS FACTORS: the distance of several religions within India has also helped the
formation of several regional parties like the Akali Dal, Muslim league, Hindu Maha Sabha
and so on.

Regional imbalance: The emergence of regional economic imbalance in India has also being
a factor in the emergence of regional parties. Several reason of the country had registered a
relatively high level of economic development while many other continued to lack behind.
The local leaders, particularly those who belong to the economically backward very often
exploit the feeling and form regional parties for representing the regional interest. The
emergence of AGP in Assam can be e.g. this factor.

Cultural pluralism: The presence of several distinct cultures, linguistic-caste group within the
Indian society has greatly helped the process of growth of regional political parties like
DMK, MNF, and JMM and so on.

ANTI –centralism of the 1950- 1996 period: The Indian political system has federal structure
with a unitary spirit. The union enjoys and force dominant role in the Indian federation. As a
reaction against the spirit of centralism not only came into existence in India but also have
been in a position to earn popularity the DMK, TDP,, Akali Dal, AGP and some other have
using anti-centralism as a means for securing popularity and support. However, since June
1996, their affairs to be taking place a change in the perception.

Political split: Split resulting from the emergence of sizeable decent local group in several
national political parties had also been responsible for the birth of some regional political
parties, the emergence of the Kerala Congress.

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Personality cult politics: The emergence of the regional political parties in India has been the
prevalence of the personality cult politics. The ability of the leader to master committed
support from a group of followers because of his personal relation with them often
encouraging to form a regional parties as a means of showing his personal power. E.g. Devi
Lal’s party congress

Caste base regional /sect oral parties: Caste has been a major factor of Indian politics and it
has also been responsible for the emergence of several regional parties. The DMK emerged
as an anti-Brahmin party, the republican party of India are the e.g. of caste based regional
parties.

Lack of strong ideological commitments: National level political parties in India have been
working as different political group but with almost similar ideology commitments. The
present of the leftist and the rightist group within several national parties has been at times
responsible for the emergence of several regional parties. Some of the regional level political
parties behave as regional parties because they enjoy real support as popularity in only few
states, may be one or two. For e.g. CPM is a national party but its operational based stand
confine to states west bangle, Tripura, Kerala.

Developing nature of the Indian political system: The Indian political system is developing
and dynamic system. It has been regularly undergoing important political and constitutional
change. It changes accordance with the changes in the socio –economic environment. The
congress which dominated the Indian political scene in the pass has suffered and decline. It
has been the source of the birth of several small political parties in India.

The regional political parties are largely responsible for bringing about division politics in the
region. It responsible for various ethnics and communal classes with threaten for the unity
and integrity of Indian politics.

5.3. ASOM GANA PARISHAD 1985

Six yearlong agitation against illegal migrants from neighboring Bangladesh.-black vote
system was practice; emergence in 1985. It developed Assam’s main regional political Party.
Its origin came as a culmination of Assam movement over national issues. Assam movement
was spread headed by all Assam students union and all Assam Gana Sangram Parishad. Two
regional parties actively support i.e., Purbanchaliya Loka Parishad and Assam Jatiyabadi Dal.
As an anti FORGINE movement got large support. The main sentiments and aspiration is for
middle classes of Assamese. The movement ended on 15 Aug.1985 by signing the Assam
accord by representing of central government and state government of ASSU and AAGS.

As a result of this accord a new regional political party was formed in the name of ASOM
GANA PARISHAD on 14 Oct 1985. In the election of 1985, 16 December the AGP won
majority seat and formed the government under the leadership of MR. Prafulla Mohanta. On
nov.28; 1990 president rule was impose in Assam because of the ULFA militants in Assam
challenge state authority and sawed the seed of separation.

5.4. Objectives and programmes of AGP

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Election Manifestos Issues in 1985 declared that AGP means the people of Assam and “the
people of Assam” means the ASOM GANA PARISHAD. This means that the AGP is the
political party of the people of Assam. The constitution of AGP promises to work for free and
progressive society base on secularism; democracy and socialism.

It promise AGP shall strive to secure more powers to the state to ensure a true federal
structure. It lays down AGP would provide security to agricultural and industrial workers by
amending the relevant laws.

i. To adopt the measure for development of local dialects, language and culture.
ii. To forge unity amongst different sections of the people and work for the economic
development of the people of the state.

Performance of AGP

Exactly two months and two days after formation of AGP. The AGP moved into eight
general election of Assam legislative assembly. It comes out flying color – it got majority
seat and formed the govt. Under the leadership of Mr. Prafulla Kumar Mohanta as the CM it
won 72 out of 125 seats. The congress (I) got only 25 seats, congress(s) and CPI (M) 3 seats
each. CPI, BJP, draw a blank. AGP victories were not confined to only some parts but all
sides of Assam. After winning election, the AGP form govt. and initiative steps were
implemented.

For socio-economic reconstruction of Assam, AGP started well the promises implemented
during election, aim, specified in its constitution. However, it failed to maintain its popularity
with the people. AGP faces inability to meet all the promises and strains in fighting the
pressure resulting from the agitation for Bodo land launched by all Bodo student union.

5.5. MIZO NATIONAL FRONT (MNF)

It came into being as a reaction against the careless attitude of the Assam government during
the famine of 1958 in the Mizo hill. The Mizo district council warns the government about
the inventing disaster. However the government did not take notice of it when the famine
secured the government was taken by government by surprises. The relief measures were
inadequate. There were starvation and death. People even begin to eat wild grass like range
and Chakmas to meet the challenge of the situation.

John F. Manliana PWD contractor started a cultural society which was converted into Mizo
national famine front in 1958. The main commendable work during the famine period, after
the famine was over the MNF got converted itself into a political party known as the MNF.
Laldenga become the president and Lian Juala was appointed as its general secretary
Laldenga was a fine orator who started demanding for Mizo hills from the Indian union he
stated that Mizo was independent since time immemorial.

Bimala Prasad chaliha, he was strongly opposed the division of Assam state into smaller
states. Chaliha government of Assam failed to understand the problem of Mizos thus the
situation took a violent turn Laldenga begin to adapt the method of Phizo to achieve his goals

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some officer in Mizoram advice to the government of Assam to take immediate measures to
prevent the outbreak of violence. The MNF begin to preach openly for complete
independence as the statehood for Mizoram.

Election manifesto of MNF were:

i. It promise to protect the culture, religion and language of the Mizo people
ii. It emphasizes to safeguard of Christian values, establishment of a self-reliant
economy in the state, an elimination of corruption etc.

In 1965 events conspired to bring into existence a strong movement for secession. In
Mizoram famine occurs at regular interval of 50 years when the flowers. In 1958 there was
indication of an imminent famine in Mizoram when the bamboos flower, the food out acids
which the rates release very much. When they rate it the seeds their fertility increases and
multiply themselves in millions. Rodents eat up everything when the bamboo flower the
Mizo district council warned the government of Assam to take adequate. But the government
of Assam though that the district council was guided by tradition and therefore did not take
serious notice of it.

But bamboos flowered rats multiply in millions and caused and so comply as predicted by the
local people that the government was taken surprise. The relief measures taken by
government were inadequate. In the Pawi Lakher region there was starvation death. Some
person who went received relief fainted and died on the way.

People eat Chakmas arui a kind of grass the Mizos very angry with the chaliha government.
To meet challenges of the situation, and non-official, john f Maliana PWD contractor started
the cultural society MNF in 1958 at Aizawl. After the famine was over the MNF converted
itself into a political party as MNF Laldenga as the president and Lianzuala as its general
secretary on 30th October 1965 submitted a memorandum to the prime minister immediately
the MNF declare independence.

It indicate very clearly there was a goal deal of preparation for the outbreak of revolt yet
chaliha government was supremely ignorant of what was happening in the Mizo hills or did
not realized the consequences of its in action the revolt broke out simultaneously in all the
important town. The number of person that participated in this in this revolt was thousands
and not a few as stated in the press. Some important towns like Kolasib, Champai etc. were
captured by the rebelled on march 1966, the Assam rifle patrol duty vehicle were abused at
Aizawl. On some days Aizawl town was attack by the rabble on fifth March Lunglei was
captured.

MNF was able to enlist the support of a variety of a person who was dissatisfied with the
government of Assam. First and second battalion of the Assam regiment was disbanded
without any provision for each habitation. The dischargement without any kind of
employment was dissatisfied and joined the MNF. The prospect of independence and the
consequent influence appealed to them. Second the former chief helps the MNF Saprawnga
amid that the abolition of chieftainship all at once reduce the chief to poverty.

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The chief were no doubt pay handsome compensation but the principle of equity was not
observed in the payment of compensation it was alleged that the educated chief was paid
more than educated. Third, there was not dynamic program for the economic development of
the Mizo hills and there by mitigate unemployment the final factor responsible for the
outbreak of rebellion was the language problem.

Conclusion

The MNF set up its own government. It had a president and council of ministers, parliament
with a speaker and the member of parliaments selected by the executive council the Mizo
hills was divided into four division, each one was under the chief commissioner each division
was divided into four sub division and each sub division was under the DC.

There was a national judiciary for the administration of justice, a national army under the
chief assisted by a number of officers. They have accepted the Indian constitution with the
formation of Mizoram a union territory the movement for self-determination has been
considerably weakens.

5.6. UNITED DEMOCRATIC PARTIES (UDP) 1997

The united Democratic Party was formed when the three regional parties in the state i.e. the
hill state people Democratic Party, the hill people union and the public democratic
implementation convention, came from one political organization called the united
Democratic Party. It was formed by E.K MAWLONG in the year 1997.

The founder holder the post of chief minister and remained till March 2000. From the time of
its initiation, this particular party is able to influence many eminent people in the state due to
the ideologies and policies that they implemented.

Objectives

UDP has some objectives in order to fulfill the dreams and aspiration of the people in the
state. The main aims to their regional party is to restore the prestige and glory of the state
when it was in its formative years, and to fulfill the aspirating of the resident of the state for
an effective and corruption free government.

In other words, the party attempts to receive the glory of the formation years of the state of
Meghalaya, when people lived in peace, prosperity and hope. Currently the party is trying
best to trace and dig out the various kinds of corruption that had prevailed in the state
especially during the time of congress.

Achievements of UDP

Since the advent of a regional political party, the united Democratic Party has had member of
frontal mass organizations, which under the banner such as the women’s wing and the youth
wing. This organization continues to give protection and interest towards the women and
youth. Further, it gives security to the women and employment opportunity for the youth.

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Secondly, the state is one of the highest numbers of incidences and cases in term of political
and social criminalization in the country, and the congress government is not able to give
much security to the people in the state. The UDP has played a very important role in
demanding the governor’s intervention to protect law and order issues in the congress- ruled
government in Meghalaya.

Thirdly, during the regional of Roy as the chief minister, a number of developments took
place such as infrastructural growth, economic and educational prosperity and better living
conditions in the state.

Symbol of UDP

The election commission of India has approved drum as the election symbol of the UDP. The
drum is symbolic of announcing good news in relation to something. Further, it signifies
celebration and joy. Tracing back the ancient Indian epic and mythology, the beating of the
dram indicate the advent of good and joyous times. It also indicates the beginning of
celebration, festivity and harmony.

The use of drum by the UDP is very significant because it reveals the true spirit of the party.
The symbol is made use of it by the UDP candidates during election in various continuances.
Through its revolutionary ideals and struggles, it promises to bring celebration, peace
festivities to the residents of Meghalaya. In fact, it is a very dynamic and vibrant party in the
state of Meghalaya.

Current status of the UDP

At present, the united Democratic Party is led by Dr. Donkupar ROY. He became the chief
minister for a short period of one year i.e. 2008-2009, as a part of small regional parties with
an alliance. But when the president’s rule was imposed in the state in 2009, it broke out of an
alliance. Then, Donkupar Roy remains as a leader of the opposition party in the Meghalaya
legislative assembly, representing the shells assembly constituency in the east Khasi hills
district of Meghalaya.

In the recent election, the UDP has won six seats in the state legislative assembly. The party
leaders, Donkupar Roy has been appointed as the speaker in the state legislative assembly. In
fact, UDP did not come out as the single largest members in the state election but it has an
alliance with NPP and other small regional parties in the state.

Now, the united Democratic Party is trying their best to solve and answer the issues and cases
which were unanswered and unsolved by the previous government.

Conclusion In short, the UDP emerged as an active political party in the state of Meghalaya.
The policies and ideologies have been changing in accordance to the socio-economic
environment. No doubt, it has contributed a lot for the welfare of the state being as an
opposition party. In fact, it is pertinent to note that contemporary students of Indian politics
should analyze and evaluate the role played by UDP in the state of Meghalaya.

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 Unit - 6

Ethnic Politics, Insurgency and Role of Women and Youth in North-East India

Ethnicity – Introduction

Ethnicity relates to large group of people who have certain racial, culture, religious, or other
traits in common. It is a human product which manifest when a group makes use of
primordial bases as cultural, race, religion and territory to secure the interest of its member.
Ethnic group denotes a people with common bio-social and bio- cultural traits, with common
identity.

In the absence of collective identity the group may not function as an ethnic group even
though the members are characterized by common factor. Ethnicity is a matter of ascription
one belongs to an ethnic group because one perceives oneself as a members, it has wide
sociological dimensions. It does not operate in a vacuum. The ethnic aspiration of the group
is directly related to its environments.

6.1. Ethnic politics in North-East India

The North-East India presents an ethnic diversity as part of our Indian plural society. The
region is the highest concentration of tribes in close territorial contiguity. Located on one of
the great migration routes of the human civilization, the regions have various ethnic elements
held to be remnants of the ancient Mongolian overflow into the country.

Prior to the advent of the colonial rule in India, the hill area was neither a part of Assam nor
of the rest of India. Each of the major tribes - Khasi, Jaintia, Naga, Mizo, Garo, Dimas, and
Cachari etc. had their own political organization which they manage according to their
indigenous expertise.

Further, the geographical isolation of the region with difficult terrain and poor means of
communication promoted the growth of the distinct culture and practice which were different
from those in the plains. Social relation between the hill and the plains were also minimal.

The tribes in North East India were able to retain control over their land and their traditional
life style because of the policy of protection and non – interference specially evolved from
the region. However, as their political development shows, the extension of the colonial
system of administration threatened their traditional political institution with the gradual
erosion of the powers of the chief.

The Christian missionaries brought education to the tribes and sowed the seeds of
modernization and westernization among them. Soon a distinguishable group of educated
elite emerge within each tribe and change their society. With the introduction of western
education, majority of the tribes accepted the Whiteman’s religion and value system.

This legacy of the church left an indelible mark on the tribal society not only created a new
elite class among them but also triggered the process of polarization within the once

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monolithic tribal policy. This polarization played a significant role in shaping the political
process in the hills states of North-East India.

In the hill states, powers were transferred from the British to the government of independent
India. The British who laid the framework for the emergence of ethnicity as a political force
among the tribes, during the colonial rule appears to make albeit indirectly, to delineate the
ethnic boundaries in term of the inner line regulation and scheduled district act, 1874.

The Government of India Act of 1919 identified backward areas and sought to exclude them
from the jurisdiction of constitutional reform and the administration of the provincial
government.

Further under the Government of India Act 1935, the hill areas of Assam were divided into
two categories: Lushai hills and North Cachar were identified as “excluded areas” and were
placed under the direct control of the governor of Assam, the united Khasi and Jaintia hills,
the Garo hills, Naga hills and Mikir hills as partially excluded areas and were administered by
the provincial government.

The nationalist leaders saw in the policy of ‘excluded’ and ‘partially excluded’ areas
imperialist design to alienate the tribes from the general populace and divide the country by
playing on their social and culture distinctions. However, it is interesting to note that the
national government itself could not completely disregard the difference which existed
between the tribes and the wider society.

The spirit of Government of India Act, 1935 provided the basis in the identification of
communities for special protection and safeguards. Although dictated by the principles of
social justice to secure equality for all sections of the population, the policy of protection
against discrimination as enshrined in the constitution and the delineation of areas under the
5th and 6th schedule has given recognition to the ethnic factor as an important principle in the
formation of the nation states.

It is not to say that all communities singled out for constitutional safeguards can be defined as
ethnic groups. But the tribes particularly those located in isolated areas of the Indian
mainland as well as north eastern hill region and island of Andaman, Lakshadweep and
Nicobar constitute distinct ethnic element.

The tribal policy initiated by the British and consequently adopted by the government of
India, facilitated the process of ethnic consolidation among tribes. But not all the tribes could
successfully translate their ethnic identity into political gains.

6.2. Insurgency in North-East India

Introduction

The term Insurgency historically restricts to rebellious acts that did not reach the proportions
of an organized revolution. It has subsequently been applied to any such armed uprising,
typically guerrilla in character, against the recognized government of a state or country. In

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traditional international law, insurgency was not recognized as belligerency, and insurgents
lacked the protection customarily extended to belligerents.

Herbert W. Briggs in The Law of Nations (1952) described the traditional point of this view
as follows:

“The existence of civil war or insurrection is a fact. Traditionally, the fact of armed
rebellion has not been regarded as involving rights and obligations under
international law. Recognition of the belligerency of the insurgents by the parent
State or of the contestants by foreign States changes the legal situation under
international law. Prior to such recognition, foreign States have a legal right to aid
the parent State put down a revolt, but are under a legal obligation not to aid
insurgents against the established government”.

Insurgency in North-East India is not a peculiar phenomenon of this area but an all India and
a global phenomenon and its gravity has to be understood from that angle. The problem of
insurgency in North-East India is due to the lack of awareness of the gravity and dimension
of the insurgency in the North-East area, among the general people and its geographical
position.

The socio-economic conditions, diverse-linguistic, cultural and ethnic composition of

population are some of its major factors of concern. The national political parties seem to be
not concern in studying the problems by coming out with concrete suggestion for settling the
issues involved in North East India.

6.2.1. Growth of Insurgency

Insurgency in North East India, did not develop all of sudden and in all parts of the region
simultaneously. It first originated in Nagaland in 1950, which led the people to take in arms
and spread in other areas of the region. This insurgent gradually spread to Mizoram, Manipur,
Assam, Tripura and other parts of the regions.

The North East India comprises of eight states – Nagaland, Manipur, Mizoram, Tripura,
Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Assam and Sikkim. There are divergences in respect of
language, culture, socio-economic conditions and stages of development of the people
inhabiting these states and also differences and conflicts among the diverse groups of people
within a state.

Yet there is a common underlying feeling of deprivation, neglect of economic development,

want of proper scope for self-rule and to protect and promote their language and culture,
which brings them in a common struggle against the government for asserting their respective
identities and the right for self-determination.

6.2.2. Nature and dimensions of insurgency

Insurgency is an armed revolt against the established authority of the government, both at the
centre and the state. It cannot be termed as a challenge against the very concept of the state as

73
a constitution, with the aim of going back to the primordial socio-economic life on
establishing a stateless society. They feel that they are presently being ruled by an alien or
colonial government and they want to liberate themselves from it.

They do not consider themselves as integral part of the India Union. Most of the insurgent
groups have incorporated the term ‘liberation’ and nation in their nomenclature. But there is
no political Organization with a clear cut policy and programmes to guide their activities and
no mass organization to mobilize their respective peoples on their vital day to day issues.

The insurgent activities are confined to limited groups of educated youths and students aim to
achieve by surprise armed attacks on the government forces and those against them. The
nature of their activities are guerrilla type of warfare and they easily vanish in the jungle and
even in crowded urban areas after an ambush killing the police and military forces and even
high officials and looting arms, ammunition and extorting money.

6.2.3. Causes of insurgency

The North-East region have some common characteristic of its own, quite distinct from other
states of the country, from the point of Geography, Socio-economic conditions, political
history, composition of the people, and suffused with migration of outsiders. It may be said
that the whole region is on the periphery of the mainland. If occupies a strategic position
being surrounded by Burma, China, Bangladesh, and Bhutan and not so friendly to India.

70% of the region is covered by hills and forests and the cultivated area is only 15.6% as
against all India figures of 46%. As regards to hill states, there are no sincere efforts to
establish any industry based on local resources.

The region is characterized by ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic diversity, with more
than 160 scheduled tribes belonging to five different ethnic groups and over 400 distinct
tribal and sub-tribal grouping speaking about 175 languages. Larger and diverse non-tribal
populations are inhabited in Assam and Tripura.

The tribal were the earlier inhabitants before the Ahoms came to the region. This region as a
whole always remained outside the central power structure. The Mughals could not annex the
region beyond a portion of the lower Assam and the East India Company in 1765 could not
extend its authority over the whole area without resistance.

After 1858 the British rule began to be firmly established in the region, with intermittent
period of non-intervention with regards to the tribal area, the British did not want to bring
them under regular administration and these tribal areas were ruled by regulations, order etc.

Regulation X of 1822 set the pattern of administration of the tribal areas of North-East India
to be followed by the British. The main aim of the policy was to keep the tribal people
undisturbed so that they could follow their traditional customary life.

The Governor General was empowered to legislate separately for the backward tracts, under
the Government of India Act 1870. Some areas were designated as "excluded and partially

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excluded Areas and when Assam was brought under a Chief Commissioner in 1874 the
scheduled district Act was passed by the British.

6.2.4. Factors Responsible for Insurgency in North-East

The North-East India is thus, insurgency prone area. Insurgency took root in Nagaland and
Manipur in the early fifties followed by Mizoram, Tripura, Assam etc. The tribal people of
the North East have been provided with separate political identities with sufficient
autonomies as per their needs and demands.

But they remain dissatisfied. Many insurgent group like the NSCN, PLA, UNLF, ULFA etc
are bury creating a mass terror among the people and destabilizing peace and prosperity of
North - East India.

1. Economic and demographic Imbalance

Meghalaya faces a major problem due to the illegal migration of Bangladeshi Muslim into the
state, in particular to the Garo Hills. The anti -outsider feeling amongst the local populace
often leads to violence. The aspirations of Garo, Jantia and khasi hill tribes are soaring high
with increased economic activity, due to large scale tapping of natural resources. These
aspirations were not meet adequately and thus lead to insurgency group in the state.

In Assam, a large number of Bengali Muslim peasant populations migrated from East-Bengal
districts of Mymensing and Rangpur. The economic imbalance between East-Bengal and
Assam remained so great after the departure of a large number of Bengali Muslim crossed
over to Assam illegally. The India Border Security Force, the Police and the civil
administration failed to check the influx of illegal population in Assam. No official
commission was set up to identify the illegal migrants.

The economic and political effect of these inflows of migration into Assam state was clearly
evident such that the Assamese workers were not able to find employments in the tea
gardens, rail road etc. And the Marwari businessmen raised the level of state Gross Domestic
product (GDP) but failed to usher any economic development in the state.

2. North-East Rebels

The first to rise against independent India were the Nagas, whose movements are today split
into three major factions. The personality clash ultimately resulted to the division of the
National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) in 1988 wherein Mr. Khaplang formed a new
group – NSCN (K). On the other hand, the most powerful faction was the leftist NSCN led by
Isak Swu and Thenguiland Muivah group known as NSCN (IM).

The Mizo and Manipuri revolts followed in quick succession. The Naga and Mizo rebels
were Christian hill folk. In North-East India, the Nagas were the first to come ahead with the
demand of a sovereign Nagaland under the leadership of A.Z Phizo wherein he became
rebellious and took arms against the Government of India.

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The signing of the historic Shillong Accord in 1945 by both the Government of India and the
Federal Naga Government was a milestone in the direction of bringing permanent peace in
the state of Nagaland, but failed to solve the problem of insurgency.

The Mizo insurgency lasted from 1966 – 1986. They initially succeed in capturing several
colonies including the capital of Mizoram, Aizawl, and a radio station. The end of the
Pakistani support after 1971 led to a weakening of the force, and by 1980 the rebels started to
negotiate for surrendering process. Thus, an accord was signed in 1987 between the
Government of India and Laldenga, President of the Mizo National Front.

The Tripura insurgency was a reaction against the arrival of Hindu Bengalis from Bangladesh
and ended after New Delhi offered more representation for tribals in the state Legislature and
pledge to stop illegal migration and land alienation. However, this political arrangement has
not been satisfactory and militant activity was resumed, aimed at Bengali settlers and security
troops.

Assam, the mother of all North-Eastern states, is today in turmoil. The main reasons are
carving of six states out of one and secondly its borders with East Pakistan. Currently, there
are as many as 34 insurgent groups in the state. ULFA insurgent group is the oldest and most
effective insurgent power at the state. The rise of the ULFA pledged armed struggle for
Independence. The organization fell apart under sustained military operation in 1991, but is
regrouping in Bangladesh and in parts of Assam today.

Conclusion

The Northeast India is located in the North-East corner of the Indian union with national
frontiers from three sides. Politically, the region is divided into eight units. However, the
geographical tradition brought the whole region into a single entity. The region is located at
the strategic part of India.

The Insurgent groups are established in order to protect the areas and culture. All the groups
armed with most deadly and sophisticated weapons are procured from abroad. They have set
up their own underground government and maintaining paraphernalia. Moreover, the
insurgent groups have established link with one another with a view to strengthening their
position.

They have created a definite threat to the national integrity of India. All the insurgents wanted
to separate their respective territories from the rest of India and maintain their own Sovereign
status. The hill areas covered with deep forests and nearness to International boundaries have
enabled them to practice successfully the guerrilla warfare against the Government of India.
The North -Eastern region provides all the facilities for the rise and growth of insurgency in
India.

6.3. Naga Militancy

Naga militancy began just after a couple of years after India independence claiming that the
Naga people have right for self-determination. The Nagas were the first to come ahead with

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the demand of a sovereign Nagaland in North-East India. They became rebellious under the
leadership of A Zapu Phizo and took arms against the government of India.

The Indian armed troops harassed the villagers of Nagaland, while the Naga militants
attacked the posts of the security forces. The signing of the Shillong Accord in 1975 by the
Government of India and the Federal Naga Government directed to bring permanent peace in
Nagaland state, but failed to solve the problem of insurgency.

Insurgency returned with full right in Nagaland such as the Nationalist Socialist Council of
Nagaland led by Mr. Muivah and Mr. Isak Swu in 1980 condemning the Shillong Accord.
However, NSCN could not maintain its unity for long. In 1984 Mr. Khaplang formed a new
group, namely, NSCN (K), while the other group led by Muivah and Isak, namely NSNC (I-
M).

The rise of insurgency in Nagaland reveals the fact that it is mainly because of personality
clashes of the Naga insurgent leaders, and their division because of factionalism or tribalism.
The insurgents are not ready to accept any negotiation done so far with the Government of
India. On the one hand, NSCN (IM) had entered into the cease-fire agreement, but the NSCN
(K) did not enter. Thus, the Naga issue has become very much complex, which has been
agitating every Naga mind.

6.3.1. Historical Background of the NSCN

The crux of the issue of insurgency in Nagaland could be understood from the very fact that
while a chief minister has to reiterate that Nagas are Indians, an underground leader has issue
a statement; Nagas are Indians by boundary because Nagaland has been put within Indian
frontiers by force. The Naga history at the end of the 19th century and early 20th century has
been punctuated with the advent of Christianity.

In the second decade of the 20th century there has been a salutary effect in unifying Nagas
with the formation of Naga Club led by A Zapu Phizo. He founded the Naga National
Council (NNC) in August 1946 which is the first insurgent outfit in Nagaland. The NNC took
the line that Nagas would be free to walk out of the Indian union at the end of the decade.

Regarding the unification of all Naga inhabited territories, it could be done by agreement
under constitutional procedures mentioned in the 1975 Shillong Accord. But Nagaland peace
Mission absorbed that the Nagas had been absorbed into India by British conquest, they
would decide the union of their own free will and negotiate self-determination.

The understanding of the Shillong Accord failed to bring the desired result. And so, A.Z.
Phizo proclaimed the Independence of Naga Hills on August 14, 1947 and organized a
plebiscite, by boycotting the sixth Schedule and the 1952 elections – announced a rebel
government through armed revolution.

In spite of huge funding from the Central Government, the state has not yet developed to the
desired look due to lack of intellectual input in solving national problems, including the Naga

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problem, which is a well-known phenomenon. The Naga people’s conventions were held and
updated their demand for full-fledged statehood.

Nehru conceded the formation of Nagaland as the 16th state of the India Union. As desired
by them, the state was inaugurated before the expiry of the interim period. But, the Nagas
were not satisfied and believe that statehood was granted due to the fear of Naga arms and
Phizo, but not out of concern of Nehru for Nagaland.

On the other hand, Nagaland was declared as an independent nation officially on August 14,
1947. Whether the self- declaration of Naga independence is recognized by the India
Government or not the Nagas have been demonstrating self-determination. On September 18,
1954, they declared free Nagaland as Sovereign Republic and reorganized the government
and formed the Federal Government of Nagaland on October 16, 1956.

The Naga problems continue to defy solution but there was no hope that the problem will be
solved soon. The statehood was granted to the Nagas in a hurried manner without obtaining
the wide consensus of the people.

6.3.2. Emergence of National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN)

Muivals and Isak Swu have been the dominant leaders after Phizo to achieve freedom for the
Naga people. They persuaded Phizo to condemn the Shillong Accord. Phizo was dissatisfied
with the behaviour of his colleagues and signed the Shillong Accord. Reluctance and silence
of Phizo on the appeals made by Isak and Muivah disappointed them.

However, their enthusiasm to fight for Naga freedom could not be affected and remained firm
to continue the struggle against the Government of India. They paint Shillong Accord as a
trick of the Government of India to suppress the Naga freedom struggle. Therefore, Isak and
Muivah decided to abandon the NNC and formed a new organization called the Nationalist
Socialist Council of Nagaland.

Thus, the NSCN come in being on 31st January 1980 under the leadership of Muivah, Isak
Swu, and S.S. Khaplang – a Burmese Naga as the Vice President. The NSCN declared that it
came into being for the Naga sovereignty and to constitute Nagaland into Christian Socialist
state. They also paved the way towards making Naga political struggle in the history of Indo-
Naga war of independence for freedom.

The government of the NSCN adopted propaganda to spread the views that Nagaland had
never been a part of India but India occupied Nagaland forcibly. The leaders of the NSCN
asked the Nagas to support them and to take part in the Nagas freedom movement.

To obtain support from other extremist originations of North-East India, Muivah established
contact with Bodo Security Force, the National Liberation Front of Tripura, the People's
Liberation Army of Manipur and some other groups of Meghalaya, Assam and Arunachal
Pradesh.

6.3.3. Objectives of NSCN

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The following are the objective of the NSCN;

1. To establish a Sovereign state by unifying all the Naga inhabited areas in the North-
East India and Northern Burma which the organization and the people of the area
proposed as Nagalim.
2. To claim for a territory which will be six times the size of present day Nagaland,
including most of Manipur, as well as some parts of Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.
3. To unify all Naga tribes under one administration and Liberating Nagalin from India
and
4. To drive out Buddhism and Hinduism from Nagaland and convert it into Nagaland for
Christ.

Additionally, in 1994, Muivah’s Government launched a front called as Self Defence United
Front of South East Himalayan. The main objective of the front was to have better
coordination among the front members and to resist against Indian expansionism and
terrorism, forced Indian occupation, domination, assimilation and suppression.

6.3.4. Activities of the NSCN

The Government of India was informed that the activities of the NSCN and the insurgency in
Nagaland had erupted with greater force and enthusiasm. After the emergence of the NSCN,
there has been serious refugee problem in Tuensung area in 1980, because of the damaged
and killings in North Myanmar. On September 1980, a group belonging to the NSCN
attacked Pangti village of Tuensang district along the border of Myanmar.

The state of Nagaland and the hill districts in Manipur inhabited by the Nagas are the main
areas where strong influence of the organization is felt. Its presence in the neighboring states
of Assam and Arunachal Pradesh are also widely acknowledged. Since the days of India's
freedom, the Nagas have been talking about freedom, independence and sovereignty.

To achieve these objectives, they never hesitated to disturb peace in the state. But there are
few Naga leaders who think about the economic prosperity and self-sufficiency of the state of
Nagaland. The tribalism which is still present among the Naga militants has remained the
greatest issue for the unity of the Naga rebels. The militant leaders are usually power
mongers.

Rivalry and quarrelling among the militant leaders for power has a long history. Militancy in
Nagaland had become so dangerous, complex and irritating that the issues involved in it had
attracted the attention of the whole nation as well as the world. The atrocities and crimes
committed by both the Indian army and Naga militants in the name of freedom struggle have
damaged not only peace and prosperity of Naga but also taken thousands of innocent lives.

6.3.5. Division of NSCN

The disunity and division of NSCN was mainly due to personality clashes or inclination
towards tribalism. Muivah and Isak revived again the Naga freedom movement, but the
NSCN could not remain rented for long. The personality clash ultimately resulted to the

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division of NSCN in 1988 wherein Mr. Khaplong formed a new group – NSCN (K) and
Muivah and Isak led the group – NSCN (IM).

Thereafter, both the factions became enemies of each other and engaged in two fighting
fronts-one against the Government of India and the other among themselves. They have
common aims and objectives but are at constant blood rivalry and clashes at the same time. It
led to major problems to the Naga people in general and has taken thousands of lives of the
Nagas.

On the other hand, both the factions of the NSCN spread man terror and fear among the
people, and disrupted peace and progress of the state. The leaders of NSCN (K) and NSCN
(IM) have been leveling against each others from the day of division. It is also said that
Khaplang prefer autocratic type of rule and maintains that Muivah group is in close touch
with the Government of India. But the truth has not been substantiated so far.

6.3.6. Linkages of NSCN

Over the years, the NSCN-IM has tried to develop its extensive linkages from within and
outside India. It got support from Pakistan and China in terms of providing finance, arms and
ammunition in their fight for independence against the Indian government. It is believed that
NSCN-IM patronized smaller extremist outfits in North East India by giving warfare and
intelligence trainings and logistics for waging war against India Government.

The insurgent outfits of the North-East get support from Bangladesh and China and have
camps in Bangladesh, Myanmar and Bhutan. NSCN (K) initiated for peace talks only after
the joint Indo-Myanmar intervention against their camps in Myanmar. The support network
of NSCN (I-M) seems to be very strong.

NSCN, like other insurgent outfits of North East India, derive strength by raising emotion
issues. It indulges into misleading propaganda and takes the advantage of the simplicity and
ignorance of the people. In addition to their insurgent activities, the NSCN (IM) has also
succeeded in internationalizing the Naga issues at the United Nations.

Conclusion

Nagas very often talk about the political solution on the problems. But none of them spell out
its parameters in specific terms. The present difficulty with the Naga problem is due to lack
of consensus among the Nagas, especially among the insurgent outfits, and difficulty in
meeting the demands of Greater Nagalim made by NSCN (I-M). The agitation against
extension of Ceasefire Agreement in North-East area has proved that any conclusion on Naga
issue will create more difficulties only.

The Nagas also demand the merger of Naga inhabited areas of Myanmar to form Greater
Nagaland. They forget that the ethnic regions dividing the communities between nations are a
global phenomenon. Any attempt to interfere in the national boundaries shall lead to wars at
global levels between nations.

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Thus, the Naga issue has become more complex. All efforts made by Naga public leaders,
church leaders of various Nagas to unite the different rival Naga factions have not yet
obtained any desired result. It needs intellectual and sincere handling to understand the gaps
between Nagaland and rest of North East region.

The Central Government and its various political institutions should endeavors to bring
change in the system of education and governance. The on-going strife gets strengthen due to
internal weaknesses as all as external factors as the state fails to deliver an honorable
solution. The common man in Nagaland fails to receive their share of benefit and
appropriation of the development benefits by a section of the society also results in alienation
and ailments.

6.4. Assam insurgency – ULFA

There are about 15 insurgency groups in North-East state of Assam alone which attempts to
bring change either partially or total in the existing socio-political system. Although, the
North-Eastern regions have the taste of violence since from the period of independent in
1947, it was only after 1980s that the state has witnessed unprecedented armed conflict.

The conflict in the region like social groups demanding succession from the Indian union
resulted ULFA, a tribal ethnic groups demanding for a separate state to be carved out of
Assam. As such, the warnings of social groups with conflict of interests led KLO (Kamtapur
liberation organization) into intra and inter-social groups leading to ethnic cleansing and
internal displacement of people, and mass proliferation of Islamic insurgent group like
MULTA, MULFA, MUF, MLA, etc.

Among all the insurgents, ULFA is the oldest and most effective insurgent power in the state.
In 1979, the ULFA took its time to develop, organize and strike at the state institution. Their
aim was to establish a scientific socialism in Swadhin Assam where material resources would
be utilized for the benefits of its own people.

With the growth of ULFA, the prominent historian of the region, the ex-president of all India
History of Congress, Dr H.K. Barpujari commented, “Apparently this was the outcome of the
AGP government’s dismal failure to deliver the goods, in reality it was an expression of
opposition to more than hundred years of exploitation of the colonial rulers and Indian
government”.

6.4.1. ULFA politics of violence

ULFA declare a war against the apathetic and insensitive attitude of the GOI. The main
allegation against the Centre were; (a) since the time of pre-independence period, the central
leadership was never sympathetic to the genuine problems of Assam, (b) the North-East
particularly Assam has gradually loss its control over natural resources mainly tea, oil and
plywood at the initiative of Centre, and (c) in some cases the natural resources were taken out
of India, so that benefit goes to some other state.

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These demands along with certain well elaborated welfare plan brought ULFA closer to the
hearts of the common people under the banner of Jatiya Unnayan Parisad. They understood
measures of social reform and economic development combining Robinhood tactics,
punishing, fighting, poaching, conducting anti-liquor and anti-gambling campaign, taking
stern action against molesting women and encouraging prostitutions.

The Parishad utilized government land for community farming and made their employers to
work on the roads and embankment. The ULFA was much more successful in the
implementation of community programmed like construction of roads, embankment,
agriculture, settlement of dispute, social criminal and political disputes were amicably settled
by ULFA at the village level.

The people took great pride in giving food and shelter to ULFA. The social status of the
ULFA members automatically elated and respectfully viewed by the villagers. Their
popularity was not merely meditated by fear alone. There was a genuine backing from
villagers and the middle class as well as academics and students.

ULFA’s supporters and cadres were a group of trained people. Cadres were found out in the
countryside and the concept of community farming gain mass popularity largely in the
districts of Darrang, Kamrup, Sanilpur, and Nalbari with spectacular success.

ULFA had popular mass support so long it can connect its activities among the community in
the form of welfare schemes, but once it has become too ambitious and divert to extortion,
kidnapping, looting and selective killing as its mythology the decline of ULFA slowly began.

It provides a classical example of how pre-dominantly a violent political movement with

considerable mass support can turn into a militant and in the process had lost all the mass
support and values that it adopted before.

The pumping of money from all possible sources made the ULFA cadres to spend on
luxurious lifestyle and engaged them in frolic. But the decline of ULFA was set after the
imposition of Operation Rhino and beginning of surrender politics introduce by Hiteswar
Saikia who came to power in 1991.

The militant popularly known as SULFA (Surrendered ULFA) were responsible for a heavy
crack down on ULFA by secret killing of the family members of ULFA. ULFA’s allegedly
took shelter in Pakistan and Bangladesh and were actively supported by ISIS. It brought
immense displeasure to the Asomiya middle class who has nourished many historical
grievances in those countries.

The most important factor which alienated ULFA from the Asomiya was the patronage of
Bangladesh and their attitude towards the Bangladeshi settlers in Assam. Economic and
political aspects of the people has upset the migrants and put immense pressure on the scarce
resources and services such as housing, power, drinking water, sewages and sanitations.

The assassination of Sanjay Ghose, a well-known Indian rural development activist, by

ULFA on 4th July, 1997 led to its degeneration and ultimately banned the organization in the

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State. He was a volunteer working with the Association of Voluntary Agencies for Rural
Development, North East (AVARD-NE). This brutal assassination carried out by ULFA
revealed the unholy alliance between the so-called revolutionaries and the contractors in the
State.

6.4.2. ULFA International Connection

As ULFA gained preponderance over civil wing, it required more money to buy sophisticated
arms and training camps. Gradually, the support of the people decline and were desperately
looking for strategic plans and material help from any sources. The help for ULFA came in
abundance from the neighboring countries – Myanmar, China, Bangladesh, Bhutan and Nepal
as the entire region shares an approximately 4,500 km long international border.

Firstly, they provided much needed sanctuary and base camps and secondly it enables them
to gain transit route to collect arms and ammunitions. The insurgent groups of the North-East
found active support from the neighboring countries including Pakistan and China.

Myanmar helped ULFA by providing training safe heaven and outward routes. The ULFA
and the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) established their headquarters in
Bhutan. ULFA is said to have relations with Pakistan and with ISIS also.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the insurgency in Assam created a cobweb of complex structure. The state in
the name of bringing peace has brought more ethnic divisions, schisms and fratricidal clashes
within the insurgency organizations that have ultimately proved to be self-defeating. The
insurgents provided all unlawful facilities breaking every canons of civility and fundamental
laws of the country and have actually laid down the ground for more deprivations. They
transformed itself form a cottage industry to a booming flourishing full scale industry where
main beneficiaries were the rebels.

6.5. Role of women in North-East India

Introduction

A society is regarded as a developed society when there is social justice, equality and
freedom from exploitation. In the absence of distributive justice, conflicts take place in the
society. Economic growth alone cannot lead social development and human betterment. A
greater emphasis needs to be given on social opportunities and services. The North-Eastern
region is ethnically and culturally diverse which is homogeneous and unique.

6.5.1. Status of Women in the Society

The positions of North-East Indian women have shared a significant social space as
compared to most of those women in India. In general, the proponents of the view that the
position of women in North-East is much higher than that of the women elsewhere in India,
cites the absence of some of the social evils relating to women such as the practice of dowry,
sati system, purdah system, child marriage, and female infanticides.

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Further, women in North-East are seen to have enjoyed social respect. Their commendable
participation and contribution in social, cultural, economic and political affairs of the state
have not received the recognition that it deserves.

The women in India face diverse socio-cultural and economic problems. These problems
ranged from low level of socio-economic development and prevalence of acute gender
inequalities. In spite of the stronger and brighter side of women in North-East India, there is a
darker side too. The women in the region are not only socially at a lower level compare to
men but economically also.

The sex disparities in literacy and educational level is that, male literacy rate is at 64.13% but
female literacy rate is at 39.29%. The work participation in non-agricultural sector indicates
that male section is at 36.62% but female section is at 18.91% only.

The North-East India was once popularly referred as the land seven sisters comprising the
states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura.
This region witnesses great variation in socio-economic condition of its women. The
matriarchal societies in the region of Khasis and Garos of Meghalaya marked a distinctive
phenomenon and witnessed in the Indian society.

Apart from household chores, the women shares work on the field and helped in generating
income along with their male counter parts. This has decreased their level of dependency on
the men. Among the tea tribes of Assam, women folks are consider the perfect tea leaf
puckers and hence the primary bread earners for their families.

A number of women in the North East region have achieved great feats in the fields of sports,
human rights and literature. Mary Kom and Indira Miri’s contribution to education mission,
and Hasina Khasbhih’s NGO network fighting against trafficking of women and Bala Devi as
the first Indian women pro-footballer are noteworthy to be mention.

However, in spite of their social and economic equality with men, they have been politically
marginalized and kept away from the decision making bodies. There is a dearth of political
awareness among the women folks in the region. Political participation of Women in the
region has been tactfully excluded.

The reservation policy for women in local elected bodies has achieved mixed feelings in
terms of bringing women at par with men in political sphere. The reserved seats for women in
election dose the harmful action to the whole idea by failing to give them to establish a strong
hold in politics.

The unending internal conflict in the region has lead to displacement of several communities.
It caused deterioration in the status of women. The status of women is very low in terms of
political participation such as receiving tickets from political parties, political patronage,
contesting election, and decision making power used by the state govt. assembly. Women’s
participation in local political bodies would be essential for a holistic development in the
society.

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Education helps in generating awareness among women about their legal, social, Political and
economic rights. Their participation in the mainstream political activities would make the
system more democratically broadened in the country. Democracy becomes successful only
with the political participation of the people – men and women.

Women’s equal participation in political activities actually plays a major role in the
development of the country’s political system. Political participation does not just confined to
casting of votes. But the status of the women in terms of political participation is very low in
India.

The Indian constitution gives equal political rights to both men and women, but the
representative of women in the parliament and state legislatures is very less. Both the
government and civil societies should join hand to create political awareness among the
North East women on the basis of their constitutional rights.

They should strategize and reach out to different walks of life and belonging of communities
without any discrimination. Women political bodies can therefore should form to further the
causes of deprivations.

New polices should be formulated and the existing policies should be implemented in an
unbiased manner in order to bring about increase women’s participation in the mainstream of
decision making and institutional politics in the region.

6.5.2. Role of the Youth in North-East India

Youth have become an important social group in national politics today. Youth/ student’s
participation in national politics have been a matter of concerned starting from the freedom
struggle. At that time, student’s participation in politics was primarily aimed at overthrowing
the British rule and bringing a radical social change.

Student union have engaged in pressurizing for various types of facilities and concessions for
changes and reforms in education system, job opportunities etc. They involved in local
political conflicts, social issues and agitation also.

They mainly emphasized on social reformation in North Eastern states and have observed
certain commonalities as well as variation among the numerous ethnic groups living in the
region. Their movement towards change in socio-cultural and political spheres has spread
over almost all societies in various forms.

Currently, the NE comprises of eight states and has been blessed with natural beauty and
resources. But the regions are still under-development or an undeveloped and frequent
conflict usually breaks out bringing normal life to a standstill.

The development of the youth/ student movement in Assam during 1979 – 1985 was a
popular movement against illegal immigrants in Assam. This movement was led by all
Assam Student Union. As a result, the Asom Gana Sangram Parishad was also formed on
1979 at Kanoi College in Dibrugarh by the executive body of AASU.

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The main issues were infiltration of foreign nationals leading to the problems of
industrialization, food crisis, and introduction of state language, medium of instruction in the
university, linguistic and regional identity of Assamese people.

The Assam Students’ Federation during 1939-40, under the chairmanship of Humayun Kabir
involved in Quite India movement, 1942. During those days, the movement’s strength of
students was not much due to low literacy rate of about 10%. The famous Cotton Collage was
the epic centre of such movement.

After the independence and with the gradual emergence of a number of tribal autonomous hill
councils, union territories and finally curving out of some states specially bifurcation of the
region from Assam, the youth movement in North-East India changed more towards ethnic
mobilization, cultural autonomy and exclusive possession over local resources.

The students/ youth movement in all the state of North-East India is to be understood in the
following changed perspectives.

In Arunachal Pradesh, following the pattern of AASU, the students formed a body known as
All Arunachal Pradesh Students’ Union. Some of the major issues were; refuges problem,
border dispute with Assam, suspension of trade license to non –Arunachalese, infiltration of
foreign nations etc.

The Youths also faced an inner struggle of cultural and religious identity. The increasing
trend of Christianity was being resisted by the indigenous faith known as “Donyi-polo” in the
state.

In Meghalaya, the Khasi Students Union was very strong during the time of its establishment
in 1978. As a constitution of Meghalaya, the students union was formed on January 25, 1976.
Before that there was Meghalaya students association formed on May 23, 1970.

The KSU which was initially a bit away from direct involvement in politics and religion
became active in larger socio-political issues since 1987.

In Nagaland the major concern of the youth has been against the atrocities of Indian Army
against the civilian population. The same holds true in the case of Manipur. A distinct
development has been extra-ordinary in the case of Manipur. The participation of Manipuri
women in agitation during the pre-independence period was established a as tradition.
Manipur was known for two great Nupilans (female‘s warfare) against the oppression of the
British political agent and Marwari traders.

Since 1980, Manipur has witnessed many agitation and movement of the women. In addition,
the history of Manipur Students’ Movement was largely influenced by out-going freedom
struggle of the country as well as by the democratic political ideals of liberty, equality and
fraternity.

The All Manipur Students Federation was established in 1946 demanding for free primary
school education and establishing Human Rights Commission in the state. Thus, the All

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Manipur students Union was established in 1965 and became a strong political party in the
state politics.

In the case of Mizoram, Mizo Students Union played important role in the affairs of Mizo
National Front (MNF). The Students Joint Action Committee came into existence in May
1985 in order to mobilized public opinion in favour of the conclusion of peace talks.

Thus, the Mizoram Accord was signed on 30th June 1986. The Young Lushai Association was
also formed in 1935 and the Young Mizo Association (YMA) in 1948. The YMA played an
important role in the transformation of the Mizo society.

In the case of Tripura, a social movement known as Janasikha Andolan (Mass Literacy
Movement) was initiated by the Tripura Janasikha Samiti in 1945. It became instrumental in
mobilizing the youth in extending education to the backward rural masses specially the
tribals.

The senior political leaders like Dasarath Deb were the leaders of this movement. Two major
events took place during 1951-71; (a) the percentages of the tribal population against the total
population decreased substantially and (b) sizeable landed properties were passed on to the
non-tribal population.

The youth sections were also divided into various political camps. The students under the
strong hold of the left parties had a number of demands such as divided political, economic
and educational issues.

The main objectives were; (a) to eradicate superstation, (b) to fight illiteracy and (c) drive
away the alien culture. In 1967 the progressive youth initiated a new move to form the
Upajatijuba Samiti which later became a regional political party in 1998.

Conclusion

The youth throughout the globe in general and India and North East in particular have gone
through the ordeal of socializing themselves in different ideological climates like liberalism,
conservatism, nationalism, and socialism. The youths in NE India have also experienced the
trauma of a threat perception rendering towards demographic imbalance, relative deprivation
and loss of cultural identity after independence.

With the rise of middle class intelligentsia and tribal elites who participated in local to
national political activities, the student movement in NE states created a vibrant intellectual
consciousness and commitment to the causes of nation building at different junctures of
social transformation.

They were able to comprehend all major global, national and regional forces for mindful and
useful understanding of the problem in future and involve in elections to change the tide of
popular politics as well as framed and prioritized all the key issues.

6.6. Students and politics in Meghalaya

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Introduction

Student and politics has been one of the most important subjects of study since 1960. On
many occasion students express massive discontent and opposed to an existing social and
political order. They are expected to play a major role as agents of social change and political
development.

In the politics of Meghalaya, students have taken active participation in the development of
state politics. As such, formal education in the Khasi Hills began in 1941 with the advent of
the Welsh Presbyterian Missionaries.

6.6.1. Students Organizations in Khasi Hills

The students in Khasi Hills, for the first time came to the forefront in an agitation mood
against the Government authorities in 1952. Three years later, the Khasi Student Association
(KSA) was founded on July 30, 1955 with the objectives of nurturing the spirit of cooperation
and mutual help among the local students, to elevate the standard of education in the state, to
nurture politeness and work for social and cultural development of the people in Khasi Hills.

It also pledged to be non-political and uphold the commitment for secularism. The agitation
of 1952 did not seem to have any bearing on this organization. The KSA continued to exist
till the 1970's. In the 1960's another student body was formed but its life span was short.

Two months after the formation of Meghalaya as an autonomous state, students in the capital
organised themselves into Meghalaya Students Association (MSA) on May 1970 with an aim
to serve as an apex body of all the student associations in the state.

Its first executive committee was held on June 8, 1970 but failed to take up or identify any
issue. Later, the MSA was reorganized as North Eastern Hills Student Association on July
1970. Another organization emerge in the early 1970's – the Shillong Student Union (SSU).

The aims and objectives of this organization as spelt out in its constitution includes the
encouragement of a progressive outlook among the students and to work for all round
progress and development of the country in line with the rich cultural heritage of the land.

The membership of the organization was limited only to the bonafide students of schools or
colleges within the limited area of Shillong as according to the law passed by the executive
committee on July 30, 1973.

On November 29, 1972, the SSU protested against the draft bill on Indira Gandhi University
meant for the region. It alleged that the nature, character and jurisdiction of the proposed bill
were not in accordance to the desire of the Hill people. It wanted that the term hills or Hill
areas not to extend beyond the geographical limits of the hill states. Thus, the passage of the
bill was postponed.

In 1975 another student Union was formed and it was known as Meghalaya Student Union
(MSU), under its banner the students demanded the detection and deportation of the foreign
nationals especially those coming from Bangladesh after the war of its liberation in 1971.

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The Khasi Student Union (KSU) play a pivotal role till it came into existence on March 20,
1978. The motto of the Student organization during its inception was, "For the welfare of the
state and the community".

Later, it was changed to "Maitshaphrang khlur ka ri” (strive ahead children of the soil).The
KSU was formed prior to the intense foreign issue in 1979 as an effective pressure Groups.
The main aims and objectives of the Union were:

1. To improve the education of all students through various ways and means.
2. To demand from the Government for setting up of infrastructural facilities for the
development of the society.
3. To fight against educated unemployment of the youths and to encourage them to take
up business and trade activities.
4. To demand from the Government to protect and promote the indigenous tribes by
enacting rules and regulations that business, trade, members of the Meghalaya
Legislative Assembly and landownership are concentrated only among the local
indigenous tribes.
5. To instill among the indigenous tribes a sense of unity and peace, hard work and love
for their homeland.
6. To promote a feeling of brotherhood among the indigenous tribes irrespective of their
different communities and religion.
7. To eradicate all evils like drugs addiction, alcoholism, mixed marriages and benami
etc.
8. To fight against infiltration of foreigners and influx.
9. To try to achieve for the khasi a special status as accorded to Jammu and Kashmir.

In the West Khasi Hills District of Meghalaya, another Student Union came into being known
as the West Khasi Hills Student Union (WKHSU) in 2005. Later, it changed its name into
WKSU due to the conflict with the KSU on leadership issue, Uranium issue and others.

The WKSU consists of the members from Khasi hills district only. The members of this
organization should be the educated youth of the area and they should be from khasi tribe
only as highlighted in Article 3 of the Union’s Constitution.

The aims and objectives of the union were:

1. To bring about spirit of unity and brotherhood among the youths in the area.
2. To promote education in the area and the whole region and fight against illiteracy.
3. To promote livelihood and bring about development in the area.
4. To remove poverty and other issues that may be reasons for the youth to drop out of
school and colleges.
5. To fight against malpractices of the people who might cause harm to the society,
illiteracy and corruption whether from the government officials, local headmen or
private individual.
6. To help in the employment of the educated youths.
7. To eradicate partial treatment towards the poor and the youth in any instances.

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 8. To find out government schemes, grant- in aid and other ways and means that can
help in the development of the region.
9. To take into consideration the views of the youth and the elderly persons that will
help in developing the Union.
10. To debate openly and fight against unrightfully act of the government or other forces.

6.6.2. Student organizations in Jaintia Hills

The first student organization to emerge in Jaintia Hills was the Khadar Doloi Students Union
(KDSU) in 1968. Some of the various programmes of KDSU from its inception till 1971
were; to organized debates, Essay writing competitions, sports, and commemoration of the
day of martyrdom of U kiang Nongbah.

Another students organization of importance in Jaintia Hills is the Jaintia Union(s) formed in
1969. Its objectives were primarily meant for the welfare of the students of the district and
also to unite them under one umbrella.

The All Jaintia Student Union (AJSU) was formed due to the inability of some members to
prevent the JSU from participating in the KSU and taking up the call in the wake of agitation
in 1987.

However the life span of the AJSU was short lived and it was dissolved and merged back
with the JSU. The JSU which confined itself entirely to the welfare of the students brought
out the 32 points chatter of demand on December 5, 1987.

These include amending the reservation policy of the Government of Meghalaya, reservation
of all the 60 seats in Meghalaya Legislative Assembly for the tribal people of the state and
implementation of Inner Line regulations. In brief, their demand was all embracing and
included political, social, economic, cultural and academic issues.

It was on June 1984 that the Jaintia Rural Students Association was formed. But on July 5,
1984 it was christened as the Jaintia Inter Regional Welfare Association. The change of name
was not for any interest that crept up in the organization but merely to make it more
comprehensive.

It emerged due to the inability of the JSU to absorb and take care of the needs of the students
coming from far flung villages of the District and staying in Jowai for their academic needs.
This organization became dysfunctional within a short span of time.

The aims and objectives of the Jaintia Student Union are as follows:

1. To promote the youths, students and the society at large.

2. To demand from the Government for the promotion of education.
3. To instill among the tribes a sense of unity and equality.
4. To protect the rights of each and every citizens without being bias to anyone.
5. To eradicate all social evils which occur within the society lawfully with the help of
the Government.

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 6. To instill among the indigenous tribes the importance of cleanliness, discipline and
also to provide help to the poor and needy.
7. To promote the youths in the fields of sports and games, music and other recreations.
8. To appeal to the Government to promote education of the Jaintia youths, to render
help to students and youths in all aspects.

6.6.3. Student Organization in Garo Hills

In Garo Hills during the Hills state Movement, the All Assam Garo Students Union
(AAGSU) was formed and remained active till 1977. Following the inactive of the AAGSU,
the Meghalaya Garo Student Union (MGSU) was formed in 1979. The pressure tactics of the
MGSU included presentation of memoranda, holding of strikes, picketing and bandh. But the
MGSU was dissolved in 1981.

The most powerful student organization in the Garo Hills today is the Garo Students Union
(GSU) formed on June – July 1987, in the wake of the anti-foreigners agitation sponsored by
the KSU in Shillong. The move for the formation of this student organization came from the
Shillong Achick Students Union (SASU).

Article 7 of the Constitutions of the GSU seeks;

1. To establish closer contact with the Garo students, Garo youth as well as the Garo
community residing outside India.
2. To promote the Garo community in every aspect of their life.
3. To protect and adjust the conditions of the Garo community in the field of political,
social cultural, economic, education, religion, etc, according to circumstances.
4. To promote and encourage the Garo language and literature of the Garo Community.
5. To protect and safeguard the Garo people from all sorts of exploitation and injustice
and to preserve the natural belongings of the Garo.
6. To demand for the posts and services from the Government for the Garo community.
7. To work for all round development of the Garo people in general.
8. To fight against any sorts of injustice to the Garo.
9. To root out any sorts of anti-social elements from the Garo community.

The issue taken up by the GSU initially included demand for 40% reservation policy for the
Garos, immediate detection and deportation of the foreigners and setting up of an enquiry
commission relating to the BSF firing at Baghmara in 1987.

Other demand of the GSU include preservation of forest, establishment of NEHU campus in
Tura, provincialization of the elementary school held by the District Council, improvement of
communication and adoption of reservation policy to benefit the Garos in employment. The
GSU also demanded for a separate Garoland state.

The pressure tactics of the GSU included presentation of memoranda, physical verification of
electoral role, to delete the name of the foreigners, hunger strikes, bandhs, and serving quit
notice to non-Garo who is working in governmental offices.

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6.6.4. Issues of the Student Organizations

Issues taken up by the students in Meghalaya involve the in-campus and the off-campus
issues. Some of the in-campus issues involve;

a. Problem of scholarship and fellowship.

b. Revision of the amount of stipend for the people who study outside the state.
c. Reservation of the tribal of the states in various institutions runs by the central or
the state government in the state.
d. Appointment of teachers and principals in various schools and colleges.
e. Recruitment policy of the university.
f. Creating of headquarter of the Meghalaya Board of School Examination in Shillong.

The off-campus issues include;

a. Problem of issuing of trading license to non-tribal.

b. Influx of foreigners.
c. Implementation of Inner line permit.
d. Uranium issue.
e. Settlement of inter-state boundary dispute.
f. Constructing of hydro power project.
g. Reparation of roads and others.

There are similarities and differences on different issues raised by the various student bodies.
Most of the issues raised by these unions are related to the development of their respective
ethnic community. The common issues such as influx foreigners, inner line permit, work
permit and boundary dispute.

On the issue of trading license to non-tribal and the issue of RTI are the issues where the
three student unions share the same sentiment and stated that the RTI Act will provide
transparency and accountability to the public.

There are differences among them in their opinion regarding certain issues such as
reservation policy and agitation programmes on Electorate Photo Identity Card. On uranium
mining, the GSU and WKSU did not favour for the moment, but the JSU favors it, and the
KSU opposed it.

6.6.5. Techniques of protests

The techniques process adopted by the students ranged from peaceful approaches to the
adoption of violent means. The peaceful tactics adopted by the student organization include;

a. Presentation of memoranda.
b. Petitions and representation to the authority concerned.
c. Issuance of press release.
d. Convening press conference.
e. Holding of public meetings and rallies.

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 f. Drum beating.
g. Boycott of unwanted newspaper.

The various agitation methods include strike; black out, office picketing, bandhs, road
blockade, hunger strike, and public curfew.

There is also unanimous response from different political parties that they do not share any
kind of relationship with any student organizations. But some of the leaders of the student
organizations have formed a regional political party like the Khun Hynniewtrep National
Awakening Movement (KHNAM).

Some of the issues raised by the student organizations like Uranium issue and the Inner Line
Permit are being supported by the Hill State People's Democratic Party (HSPDP), KHNAM
and the United Democratic Party (UDP). Review of the reservation policy is being supported
by the KHNAM, UDP, National Congress Party (NCP) and the Congress.

Conclusion

The student organizations in Meghalaya is ethnic based comprises of the three tribes of the
state, with the exception of the WKSU, thus they get the support from their particular
community. Just as in developing countries, students play an active role in social and political
development in Meghalaya also Students have played a significant role in the political
development of the state.

There are no doubt some of the leaders of these organization play an active role in the
organization for their future prospect of becoming popular in order to win the support of the
people when they join any political party and enter in the political arena.

Bibliography

1. Socio-Political Unrest in the Region called North East India- U A Shimray

2. Political Culture and Development in North East India- A. C. Sinha
3. The Importance of India’s Remote Northeastern States- Grant Wyeth
4. Government and Politics in North East India- V. Venkata Rao
5. Government and Politics of North East India- Dr. T. Thoiba Singh
6. The Seven Sisters of North East India- Aaranyak and North Eastern Research Centre
7. Chieftainship in Mizo Society- Dr. Lalthakima
8. Chieftainship as a Traditional Dominant Political Institution of the Lais: a case study
of the Lai Chieftainship of Mizoram- Dr. Jangkhongam Doungel
9. Revisiting Traditional Institutions in the Khasi- Jaintia Hills- Edited by Charles
Reuben Lyngdoh
10. Government and Politics in Northeast India- Angam & R. Shah
11. Sixth Schedule to the Constitution- Vijay Hansaria (Fourth Edition)
12. Abbi, A.L. (Ed), North East Region: L Problems and Prospect of Development,
CIRD, Chandigarh, 1984.

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13. Baruah, Apurba K, Socials Tensions in Assam, Purbanchal, Guwahati, 1991.
14. Baruah, Apurba K, Tribal Traditions and Crisis of Government in North East India,
with special reference to Meghalaya, Deslin, London, 2003.

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 Question Bank

2019

(April)

POLITICAL SCIENCE

(Honours)

(Government and Politics in North-East India)

(PsO.07)

Marks: 75

Time: 3 hours

The figures in the margin indicate full marks for the questions

Answer any five questions

1. Explain the variables that define North-East India as a region and state its electoral
significance in the context of contemporary Indian politics. 5+10=15
2. What is meant by traditional political institution? Examine the powers and functions
of Nokma? 5+10=15
3. Examine the working of Autonomous District Councils in North-East India. 15
4. Explain how far the North-Eastern Areas (Reorganization) Act, 1971 has been able to
meet the aspirations of the different ethnic groups in North-East India for regional
autonomy. 15
5. Give a classification of autonomy movements in North-East India. Explain the factors
responsible for the emergence of autonomy movements in North-East India. 5+10=15
6. Explain the policies, programmes and electoral performance of the Asom Gana
Parishad (AGP). 15
7. Examine the impact of ethnicity in the politics of North-East India. 15
8. Examine the role of women in electoral politics in North-East India. 15
9. Examine the major demands, techniques and achievements of any student
organization in Meghalaya. 15
10. Write short notes on any three of the following: 5x3=15
a) Abolition of the Mizo Chief
b) Relevance of Autonomous District Council in Meghalaya
c) Bordoloi Sub-committee
d) Patriarchy and traditional politics
e) Policies and programmes of the United Democratic Party (UDP)

95
 2018

(April)

POLITICAL SCIENCE

(Honours)

(Government and Politics in North-East India)

(PsO.07)

Marks: 75

Time: 3 hours

The figures in the margin indicate full marks for the questions

Answer any five questions

1. Define the term ‘Region’. Examine the political significance of North-East India as a
region. 5+10=15
2. Examine the powers and functions of any of the traditional chiefs of North-East India.
15
3. Discuss the composition and powers of the Autonomous District Councils. 15
4. Examine the political developments leading to the inclusion of the Sixth Schedule in
the Constitution of India.15
5. What do you mean by regional autonomy? Examine the autonomy movement leading
to the creation of Meghalaya as a separate State. 5+10=15
6. What is a regional party? Examine the role of any regional party in the politics of
North-East India. 5+10=15
7. What is ethnicity? What are the major factors responsible for the ethnic assertion by
different ethnic groups in North-East India? 5+10=15
8. Examine the role of women in the politics of Meghalaya. 15
9. Examine the role of any student organization as a pressure group in the politics of
either Meghalaya or Assam. 15
10. Write short notes on any three of the following: 5x3=15
a) Variables that make North-East India as a region
b) Factors responsible for the emergence of regional political parties in North-
East India
c) North-East Reorganization Act, 1971
d) Kinds of Autonomy Movement
e) Scottish Plan

96
 Model Answer

Q. Examine the powers and functions of any of the traditional chiefs of North East India.

Ans: Introduction: The tribal villages in Nagaland were generally ruled by chieftains who
played a very significant role in governing the villages in the Naga society. However, the role
of the traditional chieftainship differs from tribe to tribe, for example the Konyaks had
kingship but not the Angamis. The Tangkhuls had a village chief who exercised a great deal
of authority. The chief of the Aos was democratic. The Semas and the Maos had hereditary
chiefs who exercised tremendous amount of powers. The chieftains of Changs, Sangtams and
Rengmas also had a great deal of authority, but they were less powerful than the Konyaks or
Serna chieftains. The Aos and the Lothas had chieftainship but there existed a republican type
of government. In the Ao village, one could become a chief by virtue of his own character
and merit. The other tribes like the Zeliangs and the Chakhesangs did not attach much
importance to chieftainship as one citizen was considered as good as any other citizen.

The chief is either elected or selected for a definite period or for life time. The procedure for
the selection of the chief is simple. A meeting of all the male members of the village was held
and in the meeting a person with standing qualities is selected. A chief can be removed from
office for dishonesty, dereliction of duty, oppressive rule and inefficiency. It may be noted
that only the sons and not daughters can succeed to the chieftain.

Privileges

Being the head of the village, the chief enjoyed certain privileges. He was given an important
position at all social and religious gathering and festivals of the village. He was respected and
venerated by all the villagers, especially if he happened to be a powerful chief. During the
festivals, he was entitled to the best portion of meat of all animals killed in such functions.
Not only that but he was offered the best rice-beer which was prepared for the occasion. The
youth of the village helped him in cultivating his fields, and in the construction or repairing
of his house.

Powers and functions

Most of the Naga chieftains played a dual role, that is, religious role as well as secular
functions. In regard to his religious powers, the chieftain sometimes shared the religious
activities with the village priest. And if that is the case, the priest had to perform all the
sacrifices and religious rituals, but the custom demanded that the priest had to conduct these
functions with the consent of the chief. And in some cases, the rituals and ceremonies
conducted by the priest without the participation of the chief were considered invalid. The
religious duties of a chief are, however, connected mainly with the taboos and village gennas.

The secular function of the chief is more important than the religious activities. One of the
most significant functions of the Naga chieftain in the olden days was the defense of his
village. It was his sacred duty to take care and see that his village was safe and free from

97
danger. He also declared war against a village when his village was threatened by that
particular village.

The chief was responsible for the collection of house tax on behalf of the government. He
was in return given guns and the more coveted (greatly desired or envied) red cloth, a red
blanket as a symbol of high status and power. He was also responsible for the construction of
roads and repairing of roads. The chief, after consulting his councilors, allotted lands among
the villagers for cultivation. He has to make sure that land was distributed to the villagers in a
proper manner.

Conclusion

It is difficult to state all the powers of the chief but as Nagas are highly individualistic, the
chief do not exercise unlimited powers. In most tribes, the powers of the chief are controlled
by the village council and the chief remained as a titular head. But everything depends on the
personality of the chief.

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99