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Prato Progetto Impianto e Manutenzione Lorena Lombroso Simona Pareschi Full Chapter Download PDF
Prato Progetto Impianto e Manutenzione Lorena Lombroso Simona Pareschi Full Chapter Download PDF
Prato Progetto Impianto e Manutenzione Lorena Lombroso Simona Pareschi Full Chapter Download PDF
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We all rush out to catch her before she hits the ground. As soon as
Hazen or Jigsaw touch her, they hiss, trying to hold on to her. My
arms wrap around her, using my weight to anchor us from hitting
the ground. I don’t feel the same blazing heat they are hissing
about. Yeah, her body feels a few degrees hotter, but not to the
point where I can’t touch her.
“What happened?” Khazon whispers, looking down at Fenric’s
body.
Hazen is shaking his head, looking down at his blistering
hands. All he wanted to do was comfort her, but he probably
couldn’t because of the flame she inherited.
I look down at Asura. The flame is now more prominent
around her body, swirling a blazing amber around her. Red blazing
lines swirl on her skin. The same magic that her father has—had. It
was the power and reign of Hell. Her curls are messy from the night
she had, and her PJs are almost entirely burned off her body.
“She just started…” Jigsaw starts, running a bare hand
through his shoulder-length hair. He looks like he just woke up too,
but probably with her. He smells like her; her sweat, her juices, her.
“Screaming,” Hazen finishes. “She woke up screaming, and
that’s when the flame ran across her body. Then… the smell of
smoke filled the air. I-I—”
Killian let out a sobbing cough, drawing my attention. His
body is huddled against Derrick, and Derrick has his arm around
him. I wasn’t even sure he was capable of having feelings.
“When we were leaving… she was clinging to Fen.”
“Fuck!” Jigsaw growls, his hellhound threatening to take the
surface. His hellhound hasn’t been out for a while, and it’s an
excellent reason.
“Calm down!” I snap.
“Me? You fucking calm down!”
“I am calm!” It is a lie. I am not calm. I feel hotter than Asura
probably does with the flame.
“Everyone, calm down!” a voice comes. Heads turn to see
Ryker and his hounds with other Soul Reapers behind him. How did
he sneak up on us? His pink eyes drop to Asura, and his jaw
tightens. I pull her closer to my body, protectively. His pink eyes are
filled with concern, but... I hope he gets burned trying to comfort
her. I was her boyfriend, not him. “Everyone, stay calm. We will take
it from here. Take her to the nearby triage.”
“No!” Khazon snaps. “You can’t just come here and think you
know what’s happening. Asura is Queen now. She can’t—”
“Dad’s dead?” Killian’s small voice asks.
A wave of emotion rushes over me as we all look at him. He
doesn’t know that she has the flame, meaning… the Devil is dead.
“Dad’s dead, too?!” Killian shouts, voice breaking. “How could
someone kill the fucking Devil?! We have guards! My father is
basically immortal! How?”
“Get them out of here. Get the queen and heirs protection,
please. Process and question them all. The slightest scrap will have
you in jail for treason,” Ryker orders the men behind him.
One of the Soul Reapers reaches out for Asura. He has a
medical symbol on his tactical uniform.
I growl at him, pulling her away. “She’s hot. Don’t touch her.”
“It’s fine.” Ryker dismisses my attitude. “He can go with her.
Take them away.”
The group of Soul Reapers start ordering us away like a horde
of cattle. None of us objects to escape the horrors of last night.
Killian and his brother end up being taken away to be with a
family friend while Asura recovers until it’s safer for them. Jigsaw,
Hazen, and I—after processing—sit in the waiting room in silence,
waiting for Asura to wake up or be cleared.
I’ve been sitting in the dark for what felt like days, unable to escape.
“Hello, child,” a voice says, and I twist around, finally able to see
some light. Blinking away the stinging of the light, I see an old, tall,
ivory-skinned lady. She looks and sounds familiar. “How are you? You
were so tiny when I first saw you,” she says, crouching next to me. I
avert my eyes. “I’m Agnus. I’m here to help you with your feelings.”
I scoff. “No.”
She slaps the back of my head. “Don’t give me an attitude.
Your father was the exact same way. Rude.”
My hand rubs over the spot she hit as if it hurt. “You knew
him when he got the Flame?”
She softens. “He was one of my dearest friends. Your
brothers are staying with me while you get your shit together.”
A gasp leaves my throat. I had forgotten about Killian and
how he must feel. “Are they okay?”
She nods. “Killian is worried about you and is… sad.”
My heart tightens. “I need to go see him.”
She shakes her head. “See him again when you are ready.
Right now, you need to take care of yourself. Are you ready to wake
up?”
I let out a sigh. “Why? So, I’m alone? Dad is dead. Fenric…”
She rubs my hair. “You are never alone. Do you want to see
why?” When she holds her hand, I stare at it. I feel alone, and I
don’t know much that can change that feeling. In a huff, I take her
hand.
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better classes. After viols were introduced, every gentleman's house
contained a chest of them and the chance visitor was expected to
take his part at sight in the impromptu concerts which were a favorite
form of social diversion. 'Tinkers sang catches,' says Chappell,
'milkmaids sang ballads; carters whistled; each trade, and even the
beggars had their special songs; the bass-viol hung in the drawing-
room for the amusement of waiting visitors; and the lute, cittern, and
virginals, for the amusement of waiting customers, were the
necessary furniture of the barber-shop. They had music at dinner;
music at supper; music at weddings; music at funerals; music at
night, music at dawn; music at work; music at play.'
II
From this intensely musical England came the band of colonists who
landed at Jamestown, Virginia, in 1607. About half of them were
'gentlemen' and the remainder were soldiers and servants. The
proportion of gentlemen—'unruly gallants,' as Capt. John Smith calls
them—was less in later emigrations, though it was always
comparatively high. Many soldiers came, and some convicts and
young vagrants picked up in the streets of London were sent out as
servants. Starvation, disease, and the attacks of Indians left very few
survivors among those who came to Virginia during the first ten
years. Afterward the population grew very rapidly and contained, on
the whole, representative elements of all classes in England, with a
comparatively large proportion of the upper classes. In 1619, as we
learn from a statement of John Rolfe, quoted in John Smith's
'Generali Historie,' the first negro slaves were introduced into
Virginia. A description in the 'Briefe Declaration' shows Virginia about
two years later as a country already in the enjoyment of peace and
prosperity. 'The plenty of these times,' says the writer, 'unlike the old
days of death and confusion, was such that every man gave free
entertainment to friends and strangers.' About that time land was laid
out for a free school at Charles City and for a university and college
at Henrico, but the project was not then carried through. As yet,
however, there was not any pressing demand for public educational
advantages, as the proportion of children was still very small. Later
years saw a great increase in the population, both native and English
born. During the Civil War there was a large exodus from England of
cavaliers, as well as merchants, yeomen, and other substantial
people, who found the troubles at home little to their taste or profit.
There must have been little to distinguish the Virginia society about
the middle of the seventeenth century from English society of the
same period. The colonists lived well; they were prosperous; they
had good, substantial houses equipped with good, substantial
English furniture; they entertained with open-handed freedom and
generosity. 'The Virginia planter,' says George Park Fisher, 'was
essentially a transplanted Englishman in tastes and convictions and
imitated the social amenities and culture of the mother country. Thus
in time was formed a society distinguished for its refinement,
executive ability and generous hospitality for which the Ancient
Dominion is proverbial.'[5]
This brief incursion into general history has been made, not to prove
anything, but to bring forward a few facts which may be found
suggestive. The Southern colonists during the seventeenth century
were predominantly English people of the first and second
generations. They were fairly representative of contemporary English
society, though the proportion of 'gentlemen' was higher among them
than at home. They came, as we have seen, from a country where
music was practised enthusiastically by all classes. It is preposterous
to think that in the new country they discarded their musical tastes
like a worn-out garment. There is no reason why they should have
done so. After the first years of famine and turmoil and death they
were comparatively peaceful and prosperous. There were among
them, it is true, a certain number of stern-faced Puritans, melancholy
preachers of the sinfulness of pleasure; but on the whole the attitude
of the Southern colonists toward life was that of the gay, gallant,
laughter-loving cavaliers. There is little doubt that these same gallant
gentlemen kept up in the colonies that devotion to the joyeuse
science for which they had been famed since the days of Cœur de
Lion. In the announcements of the early concerts at Charleston in
the first half of the eighteenth century we find that the orchestra was
often composed in part of neighboring gentlemen, who were good
enough to lend their services for the occasion, or sometimes that
certain gentlemen, of their courtesy, obliged with instrumental or
vocal selections. Whence we may infer that the custom of keeping a
chest of viols in his house for the use of his family and his guests, so
generally observed by the English gentleman at the beginning of the
seventeenth century, was still honored by the colonial gentleman at
the beginning of the eighteenth.
Just how much all this has to do with American music we cannot say,
any more than we can say just what is American music. National
music, we take it, is the composite musical inheritance of a people,
molded and colored by their composite characteristics, inherited and
acquired. And the music of the South is undoubtedly part of the
musical inheritance of the American people. How much of that
inheritance we have rejected and how much retained will not appear
until some historian arises with enough scholarship to analyze our
musical heritage in detail; with enough genius in research to trace its
elements to their sources; and with enough patriotic enthusiasm to
lend him patience for the task. In the meantime, surface conditions
fail to justify the arbitrary ruling out of the South as an utterly
negligible factor in our musical development.
III
In approaching the history of the New England Puritans one is in
danger of making serious mistakes, due to temperamental
prejudices and to a misconception of the Puritan attitude toward life.
The term Puritan itself is more or less indeterminate, covering all
sorts and conditions of men with a wide diversity of views on things
spiritual and temporal.[7] There is a very general impression, totally
unsupported by historic evidence, that the Puritans frowned
intolerantly on every worldly diversion, including music. Many of the
zealots did, it is true—in every movement there are extremists—and
the general trend of thought was influenced somewhat by their
thunderous denunciations of all appearance of frivolity. In such
circumstances the average human being, uncertain how far he may
safely go, is inclined to avoid the vicinity of danger and seek the
haven of a strictly negative attitude toward everything about which
may hang the very slightest suspicion of impropriety. We have many
instances in history of this same tendency. The early Christians,
taking Christ's warning against the world and the flesh in its most
extreme literalness, adopted a course for avoiding hell and gaining
heaven which, if consistently followed, would soon have left the
world barren of any beings from whom the population either of
heaven or of hell might be recruited. We are apt, however, to
exaggerate the self-denying habits of the Puritans. On many points
of conduct and dogma they were fiercely and uncompromisingly
intolerant. Their Sabbath observance was strict to the point of
absurdity. But in general they were not disposed to deprive the world
of innocent pleasure.
The New England Puritans were more or less of a piece with their
English brethren, and we have every evidence that the latter
tolerated music, even cultivated it with assiduity. Milton's love of
music is well known.[8] John Bunyan, a typical lower-class Puritan,
speaks of it frequently and appreciatively in the 'Pilgrim's Progress.'
'That musicke in itself is lawfull, usefull and commendable,' says
Prynne in his 'Histrio-mastix,' 'no man, no Christian dares deny, since
the Scriptures, Fathers and generally all Christian, all Pagan Authors
extant do with one consent averre it.' Even the anonymous author of
the 'Short Treatise against Stage-Playes' (1625) admits that 'musicke
is a cheerful recreation to the minde that hath been blunted with
serious meditations.' Not only Cromwell, but many other
Parliamentary officers, including Hutchinson, Humphrey, and Taylor,
were sincere devotees of the art. Colonel Hutchinson, one of the
regicides, 'had a great love to music,' according to the 'Memoirs' of
his wife, and often diverted himself with a viol, 'on which he played
masterly; he had an exact ear and judgment in other music.' In the
retinue of Balustrode Whitelocke, who was sent by Cromwell as
ambassador to Queen Christina of Sweden in 1653, were two
persons included 'chiefly for music,' besides two trumpeters.
Whitelocke himself was 'in his younger days a master and composer
of music.' On one occasion, during his stay at the Swedish court, the
queen's musicians 'played many lessons of English composition,'
and on another occasion, after the ambassador's party had played
for her, Christina declared that 'she never heard so good a concert of
music and of English songs; and desired Whitelocke, at his return to
England, to procure her some.'
and again:
Owing to the efforts of John Cotton and other cultured clergymen the
people as a whole soon came to accept singing as proper to divine
service, but many decades passed before they could be persuaded
that the cultivation of the voice or the use of any outward means to
acquire skillfulness in singing was decent or godly. Not to the
outward voice, they argued, but to the voice of the heart did God
lend ear; and, though their singing was verily as the bellowing of the
bulls of Bashan, it mattered not except to the ears of their neighbors,
who, in truth, must have been sufficiently calloused to the discord of
harsh sounds. This peculiar attitude lasted until well into the
eighteenth century. Even as late as 1723 the 'Cases of Conscience,'
to which we have referred, contained such questions as:
W. D. D.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] The sentence quoted opens Frederic Louis Ritter's 'Music in America.' In the
next sentence the author admits the prior arrival of the Cavaliers on these shores,
but hastens to add that they exercised very little influence on American musical
development. 'It is a curious historical fact,' he says, 'that earnest interest in
musical matters was first taken by the psalm-singing Puritans.' It is curious. We
quote further: 'From the crude form of a barbarously sung, simple psalmody there
rose a musical culture in the United States which now excites the admiration of the
art-lover, and at the same time justifies the expectation and hope of a realization,
at some future epoch, of an American school of music.' Quantum sufficit. Louis C.
Elson, in his 'History of American Music,' also tells us that 'the true beginnings of
American music ... must be sought in ... the rigid, narrow, and often commonplace
psalm-singing of New England.' If these things be so, well may the American
composer exclaim in the words of the immortal Sly 'Now, Lord be thanked for my
good amends!'
[2] We are leaving out of consideration the Spanish settlement of Florida as well
as the French settlement of Quebec, and have in mind only those early colonies
which formed the nucleus of the United States.
[4] Thomas Morley, 'A Plain and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke,' 1597.
[5] 'The Colonial Era,' in the American History Series, New York, 1892-1902.
[7] Strictly speaking the Pilgrims who came from Leyden to Plymouth were not
Puritans. They were Separatists, and their movement antedated the Puritan
movement per se. It would be highly inconvenient, however, in a work of this
character to draw constant distinctions between Pilgrims and Puritans and we
shall consequently speak of them in general as one.
[8] Cf. Sigmund Spaeth: 'Milton's Knowledge of Music,' New York, 1913.
[9] For a full statement of the Puritan case in respect to music, see Henry Davey:
'History of English Music,' Chap. VII. London, 1895.
CHAPTER II
THE BEGINNINGS OF MUSICAL CULTURE IN
AMERICA
These prefatory remarks are made simply to emphasize the fact that
the following sketch of the beginnings of musical culture in New
England and elsewhere is intended only as a statement of historical
facts and not as an argument for the influence of the New England
colonies, or of any other colonies, in the development of American
music. Little information is obtainable concerning the musical life of
America before the end of the eighteenth century, and in these early
chapters we are merely trying to arrive at an approximate estimate of
what that musical life may have been, leaving philosophical
deductions therefrom to those skilled in the drawing of such. If a
predominating amount of space is given to the New England
colonies it is chiefly because our available information concerning
them is very much fuller than that which we possess concerning the
rest of the country.
I
We have already seen that up to the end of the seventeenth century
there were not, as far as we can discover, even the most elementary
attempts at a musical life in New England. The writer of
'Observations Made by the Curious in New England,' published in
London in 1673, remarks that there were then in Boston 'no
musicians by trade.' It is to be assumed that there were none
elsewhere in New England. The installation of Mr. Thomas Brattle's
organ in King's Chapel forty years later necessitated the importation
of a 'sober person to play skillfully thereon with a loud noise.' This
person was a Mr. Price, who appears to have been the first
professional musician in New England. He was followed by Mr.
Edward Enstone, of England, who came over as organist in 1714. To
augment his salary of £30 a year, Mr. Enstone, on Feb. 21, 1714,
filed a petition 'for liberty of keeping a school as a Master of Music
and a Dancing Master,' but the petition was 'disallowed by ye Sel.
men.' In the Boston 'News Letter' of April 16-23, 1716, the same Mr.
Enstone inserted the following explicit advertisement:
"This is to give notice that there is lately sent over from London, a choice
Collection of Musickal Instruments, consisting of Flageolets, Flutes, Haut-Boys,
Bass-Viols, Violins, Bows, Strings, Reads for Haut-Boys, Books of Instructions for
all these Instruments, Books of ruled Paper. To be Sold at the Dancing School of
Mr. Enstone in Ludbury Street near to Orange Tree, Boston.
"'Note. Any person may have all Instruments of Musick mended,
or Virginalls and Spinnets Strung and tuned at a reasonable Rate,
and likewise may be taught to Play on any of those Instruments
above mentioned; dancing taught by a true and easier method
than has been heretofore.'"