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இ ய ஞான
ேதட க , த க

ெஜயேமாக
 இ ய ஞான
ேதட க , த க

ெஜயேமாக
ற த 1962, ஏ ர 22 . ப நா க ‘ர னபாலா’ எ ற
வ இத த கைதைய எ னா . 1987 ‘கைணயா ’
எ ய ‘ந ’ கைத பரவலாக கவன ெப ற . 1988
எ த ப ட ‘ர ப ’ நாவ அ ல ைன ேபா ப ைச
ெப ற . இ த ர கதா ச ச மா ேத ய
ெப ளா . இவ எ ய ‘ ர ’ த இல ய
உல ெப ய கவன ைத ெப றேதா வாத ைத
ஏ ப ய . இவர பைட க ெதாட த இல ய
உல அ வைலகைள ய சா ய கைள ஏ ப ய
வ ண உ ளன. த ம மைலயாள ைர பட
ைறக இவர ப க ெதாட ற .
 மார நாய அவ க
அ ட வண க ட
 ந ெப ...

ெச ற ஒ தைல ைறயாக ந தைன ஒ ெப ய க

உ வா பைத நடராஜ ய ைசத ய ய பல ைற
கா றா க . தைன ஒ ெதாட உ ள . அ
எ ய ப ம களாக பழ வா எ ற . ன ெசா
வ வ த க வ வ ெப ைக த சன த வ ஆ ற .
அத ற த சன க ட த வ க ட உைரயா ற .
வா ைக ப ேவ த ண க அ றாட யதா த ட
ேமா ற . ைளவாக வள ைத மா ற அைட ந ட
வ ேச ற . ந ட வ கால ேநா ெச ற .
ஆனா ெச ற தைல ைற த நா ெதா கைள அவ
ேவ கைள , கட தகால வள ேபா ைக ைமயாக
உதா ன ெச ெமா ல இ ப பா ல
இ ைமயாக எ ெகா
சமகாலேதைவக த க ஏ ப ள ெகா ள
ஆர ேளா . ற இ ேபா த ெப ப ; பத ச
ேயாக ர வைர இ த மன ைல ப களாக ஆ றன.
இ ந க ேசா ப ைள . மர தான க ைய அ
அைம க இத காரண .
அ ட எ ய அர ய க , இனெமா வ டார
கா க இ ஊடா றன. தைனமர எ ப அ ட
எ த ெதாட இ லாத ச அர ய வா க
உ ேநா க க உண க ஏ ப பைடவெத ப
 க ெப ய அ . ெட க யாத ச அ . ஒ ெவா
ெம ேத ஒ ெவா அ த இ த கா கா ப ட
ச ைட றாகேவ எ ைல ெம ல இ யாெவ
இ உ வா ற .
இத ைளவாக உ வான க கேள இ ந ெம க
அைன ைத ளன. ற எ றா ைத எ றா இ
எ ைலக க கைளேய நா இய பாக
அைடேவா . அவ ைற கட அ கைள ெச றைடவெத ப
க ெப ய சவா . ஒ ெவா தைன எைட க ெவ
கச ஏ ைவ க ப ற . எ பா க , இ
த ழக ற த ஒ வ அ ைவதேவதா த ைத
க கேவ ெம றா அவ கட வரேவ ய ெபா
க , ெவ ைரக எ வள !
இ த ழ ேலேய இ யெம ய சா நா லவ ைற எ த
ெதாட ேன . என அ ெப ய தய க இ த . எ த
சா அ ல, அ எ ஆ ய க த . அ என
ஐய ைல. நா இல யவா , ைனெவ தாள எ பத தய க
அ . எ ப ல ெச வைத ப ய ஐய . ஆனா
இ அ ேதைவயா றெத உண ேத . ஒ ந ன
அ ழ ய ெமா நைட என உ ள . ந ன
அ ெசா லாட ப யாக இ ேற . ஆகேவ எ னா
ம ேம ெசா ல ய ல உ ளன என ேதா ய .
ஆ அ வமாகேவ இ த தள ஏதாவ எ ேற .
ெப பா இைவ ெசா ெபா க வ வ வ க . நா
சாதாரணமாக ழ கைள , தைனகைள அவ
ெம ய ல ெபா ைமயாக பா பத கான
ய க என இவ ைற ெசா ல . அ த ேகாண இைவ
ல ற கைள க த . இத த ப த
வச த மாரா இர டா ப ெசா வா
ெவ ட ப ட . றா ப ைப ெவ ழ ப பக
ந .

ெஜயேமாக

( றா ப கான ைர)
 ேபர க நைட

ஓ எ ய வாசகனாக இ ய ெம ஞா க க நா ஈ பட
ஆர இ ேபா இ ப ைத வ ட களா றன. இ
தள லாம னக ேதடலாகேவ இ த பயண உ ள .
என க ற த வ கா க அைம தன . ய ைசத ய ய
எ நாதராக அைம த அ த பயண நா உ ைம ட
இ ேற எ பத கான ஆதார .
இ த இ ய ெம ஞான மர கைள ப ய எ ைடய
ேதட க க டைடத க எ ந ப க ட எ இைணய
தள வ யாக நா வா த உ ள . ப ேவ த ண க
நா ஆ ய வான உைரக , அ த உைரக தான
எ ைனக ஆ யவ டாக எ ைடய பயண வ க
ப வா ளன. அைவ வாசக க உதவ எ
ந ேற .
இ த ேக ப அ ச ைத ப ற பாக றேவ .
ேவத க ேலேய,
ஒ ேச பயண ெச க
ேச தம வாத ெச க
உ க மன கெள லா ஒ றாக
ேதவ க
ஒ றாக அ ப டைத ேபால
 ஒ க
உ க ச க ஒ ைம ைடயதாக
எ ற ஆ ைர காண ப ற . ஞான ேச வா ேதா
ெப . ஞான வா க ப இடேம சைப எ ற ப ற .
நம மர த தமான ஞான சைபகைள ப ய ர க
உ ளன.
இ இைணய க எ தாக சைபகைள உ வா க உத ற .
உல ப பல நா க வா ம க ஒேர ெவ இட
இைண வா க அ வ வ ற . ய ய ஒ
சா ய தா இ . இத ல உலகேம ஒ பமா ற . ேவத
ய ேபால வ ைதவ பக எ ற ைல எ த ப ற .
இ தைகய வாத க பய எ னெவ றா ச யாக
வ நட த ப டா தைனகைள க க பய ளதாக, ைன
ெகா டதாக நட த இ வ வ ற எ ப தா . எைவ ந
ழ உ ள உ ைமயான னா கேளா, அைவ இய பாகேவ
எ வ றன. இ த வாத உ ள பல ஷய கைள இைவ
ேக க ப ரா ேயா க மா ேட . அ ந ப க
அைனவ ந .
இ ய ஞான மர எ ப ஒ வளமான கா ேபா ற . உ ள
இடெம லா அத ைதக ெச ேச றன. வ வ இ லாத
வ வ ட அ தைழ பர ெகா ேட உ ள . உ
ேபரா றேல அைத பரவ ெச ற . ைள ஒ ட
ஒ ேபாரா வள றன அ உ ள பல ேகா மர க .
அ மர க றன பல ேகா மல க . ைர எ றன
ேத ஊ க .
அ த வள ைத தா யப அத ேகாடா ேகா ேவ க
உ வழ யப பர ற ெதா ைமயான ெம ஞான
எ ற ல . இ ேக வா மைற த ம க அைட த காலா த
 ேவக .
அத ரகா ெகா ற ரப ச ச யா ய
ய . அவ அ இ ப ைம ெகா ற . அவ வா க.
இ த எ ய ைல என அ ைட கார ேவதா மான
மார நாய அவ க சம பண ெச ேற . ப
வ ட க ேமலாக அவ என ேவ யவ . வய ேவ பா
உ வா ய ர காரணமாக நா அவ ட அ க
உைரயா ய ைல. ஆ அவர அ காைம ஆ க என
எ ேபா ஊ க வ ளன.

ெஜயேமாக
 ெபா ளட க

ப - ஒ அ க க
1.1. இ ெதாட ேவா
1.2. இ சாைல
1.3. உ ளா
1.4. ஒ கைல ஏ ய உலகள ேதா
1.5. ம ர மா பழ
1.6. ம ஒ
ப - இர ஆ க
2.1. ச க கால இ ய தைன மர
2.2. இ ய தைன மர ற
2.3. ஒ ெபா ப
2.4. ேவதா த மர இல ய ேபா க
ப - வாத க
3.1. சம த யா ைடய ெமா ?
3.2. ஆ க ேபா ஆ க மத
3.3. ப பா மாறாத எ ?
3.4. யான
 3.5. ச க இல ய க
3.6. அக ற
3.7. ஃ வ
3.8. லனட க
3.9. ண எ ம த
3.10 ஆ மா அ ய
3.11. அ ய ஆ க
3.12. மத , கட , ப பா
3.13. கட , மத , ழ ைதக
3.14. ேவதா த த ல ய
3.15. மகாபாரத
3.16. வாத எ ர ய க
3.17. ல க
3.18. றளற
3.19. ெபா ைம ைல
 ப
1
அ க க
 1.1. இ ெதாட ேவா

ெகா ச நா ன நா ந ப க வட த நா ஒ
ய ராம பயண ெச ெகா ேதா . அ ேபா ஒ
வசா ெசா ன வசன கா த . “அ பாேல சட
சா ய லா ெச ெபா ைண வ தா .” ந ப
ேக டா . “சட ச , அெத ன சா ய ?”
இ ஞான மர ப சய உ ள ஒ வ சா ய எ ற ெசா
க அ கமானதாகேவ இ . அ ந தைன மர உ ள
ஒ யமான ரப ச த சன ெபய . சா ய த சன ைத
க ல ெதா த தா . அவ எ ய சா ய கா ைக.
சா ய த சன கட த கால க யமான தைனயாக
இ ற . ‘ க நா க ல ’ எ பகவ ைத
ண ெசா றா . க ல ற த ஊ க லவா . அ த
ஊ தா த ற தா . ெபௗ த தைன சா ய
ெச வா அ க . சா ய ைண த சனமாக தா ேயாக
உ வா வ த . இ ேயாக இ , சமண, ெபௗ த மத க
ெபா வான ஒ ஞான வ ைறயாக உ ள .
சா ய எ ற ெசா எ ன ெபா ? ெஜ ேகா எ ற
இ ய ய அ ஞ ‘ச ய’ எ ற ெசா இ வ த எ
ஊ றா . கறாரான க த த ைமெகா ட ஒ தைன எ ற
ெபா வ கலா எ றா . அ ஒ ஊக தா .
சா ய ஒ ஜடவாத த சன . எ றா இ ைறய அ த
ெபா த வாத . இ ரப ச ெபா ளா ஆன . ெபா
இய க னா ெசய ப வ . இத அ பைட க ெபா ைம
கேள எ வா வ .
ஆ எ லா ெபா ஒேர ெபா ளாக இ தன எ
சா ய ெசா ற . அ த ஒ ைற ெப ெபா
ண க உ வா ன. அைத ச வ ண , ரேஜா ண , சா க
ண எ ெசா லலா . ரேஜா ண எ ப ெசய க ைல.
தேமா ண எ ப ெசய லா ைல. ச வ ண எ ப
இர ந ைல. இ த ண க சம ைல எ ேறா,
எ ேபாேதா இ லாமலா ய . அ த கண த ஒ றாக இ த
ரப ச ெபா பலவாக மா வள இ ைறய ரப ச
எ ற ைலைய அைட த . இ ட த ட ெப ெவ எ ற
ெகா ைக கரான .
இ த தைன ஆதாரமாக இ த தாைத த சன எ ? ஒ
த வ த சன எ ப க க கலான . வள அைட த .
ஆனா , அ த த சன க எ ைமயான ஓ அ பவ உ ைமயாக
ம த மன ேதா க ேவ . அத ன தா அ
ஒ ெப ய ரப ச த சனமாக வள .
சா ய அ பைட த சன ல ைத வ ப ட ெதா
மன இ வ கலா . ம ெபா ைமயான .
எ லாவ ைற அ உ வா ற . ைத ல அத சம ைல
இ லாமலா ேபா தா அ ைள ைள காடாக ஆ ற .
ந நா இ ட வசா க ம சம ைலைய
ைல பத காக ம ட ம ேகா சட க உ ளன.
வசாய ெச ய ஆர த பழ க ம ைண த
ெத வமாக க கலா . ம ேப வமாக அவ க
ரப ச ைத க கலா .
ந ைடய ெப பாலான சட க ம சா தைவ. ேவளா ைம
சா தைவ. உ வத உ ள சட க . உ த
 ைத கான சட க , கைள க வத ன
ெப வத உ ய சட க , அ வைட சட க , ன
ெந ைல பைடய சட க . ெபா க , ஷû ேபா ற ந
ப ைகக ட ேவளா ைம சா தைவ. ஆகேவ, ராதனமான
ேவளா ைம சா த மத சா யமாக இ கலா . சா யேம
சட க ஆதாரமாக இ கலா . சா ய மத பலவாறாக
வள மைற த ன சட க சா ய எ ெபய
ற எ ப ற .
இ நா ந ெமா ைய பா ேபா எ தைன ெசா க
வ யாக ெச ெகா ேறா . ‘அவ ெசா னா அ ேவத
வா ’ எ ேறா . ேவத க ெசா மா ற யாத அ பைட
எ ற ெபா , ‘ேயாக இ தா நட ’ எ ேறா . ‘அ ல ஒ
யாய ேவ டாமா?’ எ ேறா . இ த ெசா க கான ெபா
நம ெத மா? இவ ஊ ல ெத மா?
நா ஒ ெமா ஒ தைன ழ ற ேறா .
ஆனா , அ த ெமா ைய ழைல நா ைற ப க ப ைல.
அத கான எ த க அைம இ ந ம இ ைல.
ஆகேவ, நா ந மர தைன ெதாட அ ப டவ களாக
இ ேறா . இ ெனா தைன மர இர டா தர
ம களாக ெச ஒ ெகா ேறா . ந மர நம ப
இ எ றா அைத நா உல எ த தைன மர ட
இைண ெகா வள ெத க . அ நம த
த ைமைய நம ேக உ ய தைன வ கைள அ .
ந ைம உல ைல ப . உல த ய
தைனக எ லாேம இ ப தா உ வா றன.
இ ேபா நா அ க ேக ஒ வ உ . இ ய தைன
எ ஒ இ ைல. இ ஞான மர எ ஒ இ ைல.
அெத லா ெவ ைள கார வ உ வா ய . பல தள க
இ த ச எ ெகா ேட இ ற . இ த ர ெப பா
ேமைல நா ப கைல கழக க தயா க ப நம
அ ப ப ற . அதாவ உ க தைனகைள நா க தா
உ வா ேனா எ ற ர .
இ த ரைல எவ எ ெரா ெச றா கேளா அவ க ேக
இ யா இ வா க வச க அ க . அவ கைள
ேமைல நா ப கைலக அைழ ெகௗர . ப ட க
ெகாைடக அ . அவ க அைத ஒ உய பத க
ைட . ஆ ல இத க ய வ ைட . இ த
வைலைய ஏ ெகா டவ க ர கைளேய நா அ க
இ ய ஊடக க ேக ேறா . அசலான ர க ; க க
அ வமானைவ.
உ ைம அ ப தானா? உதாரணமாக இ ஞான மர எ ற
ஒ எ ேபா இ ற ? அத இ ஞான மர எ ற
ெபய ப றா களாக ழ வ வ . அத ன அ
சனாதன த ம - ராதனமான வ ைற - எ ெசா ல ப ட .
நம எ ேபா த க ைட றனேவா அ ேபா த
இத ஒ பாட ட - க ல - ெத ள ெத வாகேவ
ைட ற . இ இ ப ஒ அைம ேப இ ைல எ ந ட
வா றா க ந அ க .
இ த பாட ட எ லா இ ஞான வ க ெபா வான .
க வாவ ைற மட ெச ைசவ க றா ச ,
அேகா ல ெச ைவணவ க றா ச , இைத க றாக
ேவ . ெச ய இல ய கைள க . நா ற
இல ய க ட அ ப தா . ஒ கதாநாயக சகலகலா
வ லவ எ றா உடேன அவ இ த பாட ட ைத க றவ
எ பா க . கேள ேக கலா . டைலமாட ெகாைட மாட
கைத பா வா க . “ஆ சா ர ஆ த வ ேவத
அட க டேன அ வ தாைனயா” – அ தா இ ெம ஞான மர .
அ த பாட ட இ தா .
 1. ேவத க .
2. த வ க . அதாவ ர தான ரய . ைத,
உப டத க , ர ம ர .
3. ஆ த சன க . சா ய , ேயாக , யாய , ைவேச க ,
வ மா ச , உ தர மா ச .
4. ஆ மத க . ைசவ , ைவணவ , சா த , ெகௗமார ,
காணப ய , ெசௗர .
இவ ைற எ லா ஒ ட ஒ இைண த ஒ வ ைசயாக
எ ட டா . இைவ ஒ இ ெனா ைற ம வா
வள த ஒ ெப ய ஞான ெதா பாக எ ெகா ள ேவ .
ஒ இ ெனா ட உ ள உற ர பா
யமானைவ.
த ெப ைன ைவ க , அைவ க எ ற ப தா .
எ த தர க ேவத கைள அ பைட களாக
ஏ ெகா றனேவா அைவ ைவ க . எைவ அ ப ஏ ெகா ள
ம றனேவா அைவ அைவ க .
ஆ த சன க சா ய , ேயாக , யாய , ைவேச க ஆ ய
நா ேம அைவ க மரைப ேச தைவ. அவ சா ய ஒ
ப னா ேவத ைத ஏ ெகா ட .
அேதேபால இ ெனா ப எ ப ஜடவாத . ஆ ம வாத எ ப
ெபா த வாத , க த வாத எ ற ைனதா இ .
இ த ரப ச அத ெபா சா த களா ெசய ப றதா
அ ல அத அ பைட ஒ க உ ளதா எ ற ேக .
ேவதேம ட க ஒேர தர ைப ேச த அ ல. அ ேவ இ த
இ வைக தைனக இட அ ற . ேவத உ ள
ரக ப அவர ட களான கணாத ரேம
ேபா றவ க ஜடவா க தா . ேவத இ ேத ெபா
த வாத தர வள வ த . அதாவ எ ைமயாக ெசா ல
ேபானா நா க வாத சா ய , ேயாக , ைவேச க , யாய
ேபா ற த சன க ஜடவாத சா தைவதா .
இ ஒ ைன உ ள . அைத க ம வ ம ஞான வ
எ கலா . ேவத ெப ப சட கைள ப ய .
இ ன சட இ ன பல எ ெசா வ . ஆகேவ, அ க ம
கா ட எ ெசா ல ப ட .
ஆனா , அத ப தாவ ப ய ெம ஞான ைத ம ேம
ைவ ற . ஆகேவ இ ஞான கா ட எ ெசா ல ப ற .
இ சட க எ ரான . இைத தா பார யா , ‘ த அ ேவ
வெமன பா ’ எ றா .
ேவத இ ப ேவதா த . ேவத-அ த . அ ேவ ன
உட டத களாக வள த . உப டத க ேவத சட கைள —
அதாவ க ம கா ட ைத ராக றன. அைவ ேப வ
த வ ைத ம ேம.
அ த த வ அைம ைப ப களாக ெசா ற மர .
உப டத க ஒ ப . ப ேவ ஞான வ க வா க ப ட
காலக ட இ . இ த வாத ஒ உ ச ைத. இ ெனா
உ ச ர ம ர .
இைவெய லா ேச தேத இ ஞான மர த வ க மான .
இ ஞான மரைப நா இ இர டாக கலா . ஒ
த வ . இ ெனா ராண . த வா தமாக ஒ உய தள
ஒ த சன ைத அைட ற இ மத . அ த த சன ைத
கைதகளாக, ந ைககளாக, வ பா ைறகளாக ைவ
எ ய ம க ட ேப ற .
உ ைம இ த இ தர ந ேவ ர பாேட இ ைல.
பா தைல த வ எ றா வா ராண . இர ஒ ேற.
தைல ேபான வ ேயதா வா ேபா . ெம ஞான அைடபவ
ெந த வாைல தாேன ட அ த
பா .
சாதாரணமாக நா கட , ெத வ , இைறவ ேபா ற ெசா கைள
ெபா தா ெபா வாக பய ப ேறா . உ ைம ற மத க
இ ெசா கைள பய ப வத நம இைடேய ேவ பா
உ . உதாரணமாக தவ மத கட ைள தா எ றா க .
அவ ஒ மாெப த ைத. ைய அவ பைட தா . ம தைன
உ வா னா . அத வான இ ெகா ம
உ ள ம த வா ைகைய க கா றா ; கா றா .
ஆனா , ேவத க கா இைற உ வக இெத லா அ ல.
ேவத க இைற ஆ றைல ர ம எ றன. ர ம எ றா ஒ
ய ஒ தா . அத ேம அைத ப ஒ ேம ெசா ல
யா . அத உ ய ண களாக ேவத க ெசா வ எ லாேம
எ மைற ண கைள தா . அதாவ எ த ெசா லா ெசா ல
யாத . எ த அைடயாள இ லாத . எ த வரைண
அ பா ப ட - இ ப . அைத ‘த ’ அ எ ேற ெசா றன.
இ த இைற உ வக க க த வா தமான . அ உலைக
ஒ ச அ ல. அ உலைக கா க இ ைல. அ
ஒ ரப ச ச . அ ேவதா ரப ச . அ ேவதா வ ற
ெவ . கா மா அ தா . ஆ ற அ தா . ஏராளமான வ க வ
ேவத க அ த லா ஆ ற ெவ ைய ப ெசா றன.
அ த ஞான ைத உப டத க த க வமாக வள ெத றன.
ஈேஸா வா ய இத ச வ - இைவ அைன இைற உைற ற .
த வம - அ தா . அஹ ர மா - நாேன ர ம
எ ெற லா அைத ள றன உப டத க .
இ ேக நா கா பெத லாேம ர ம எ றா கா எைத
வண னா அெத லாேம ர ம ைத வண ய தாேன? இ த
ஞான இ உ வானேத இ மர பல ெத வ வண க .
அதாவ ஒ ைற பர ெபா பல க ேதா றேம இ ள
எ லா . நா ந யாக, பறைவ ேவகமாக, பா ஷமாக,
மர உ ரா றலாக, அைலகட ெகா த பாக, அ காைல
வ பாக, இர இ ளாக ெத வெத லாேம ர ம தா . எ லாேம
ெத வ தா . அ ப தா இ மர ெத வ க லா
உ வா ன. உ களா தா க ட ஒ ெத வ ைத
உ வா ெகா ளலா .
இ த இட இ ெனா ைன உ வான . இைற அ ல
ர ம எ ப இ வைகயாக பா க ப ட . ண ர ம
எ ப ஞான தா அ ய ப வ . எ த வைகயான ண க
இ லாத ர ம அ . அைத தா உப டத க ேப றன. ர ம
ர ேப ற .
அ த ண ர ம ைத அ றாட வா ைக ந மா உணர
ய ைல எ றா நா ச ண ர ம ைத வ படலா . இ
எ லா ண க ெகா ட ர ம . ஏென றா எ லா
ண க அத ைடய அ லவா?
இ வா ச ண ர ம ஆக வ பட ப ெத வ க தா
ந ைடய எ லா ெத வ க ! சாைலேயார மா ய ம ேகா
ஒ க க ட ப சா யாக இ . ஆனா , எ ன ம ர
ெசா ல ப ற எ பா க . ஆ ர க ெகா டவேள,
வ றவேள, ஆ ற வ வானவேள, அ ய படேவ யாத ெப
ச ேய...
இ தா இ வ பா ைற. அ ய படாதைத அ ய ப ட
ஏேத ஒ வ வ ப வ . இ வா உ வான பல ெத வ
வ பா க ெபா வாக ஆ மத களாக ெதா க ப டன.
வைன வ ப வ ைசவ . அத பல வ பா க ேச க ப டன.
அேதேபால ைவ வ ப வ ைவணவ . ச ைய வ ப வ
சா ேதய . கைன வ ப வ ெகௗமார . கணப ைய வ ப வ
காணப ய . யைன வ ப வ ெசௗர .
இவ ைசவ ைவணவ ெப மத களாக வள தன. சா த
ேகரள வ காள ம த . ம ற மத க
காணப ய ெகௗமார ைசவ இைண தன. ெசௗர
ைவணவ கல த .
ெப மத க ப ைய த தள ைவ . ைசவ மத வ
வ பா ைடேய த தள ெசா . ஆனா , உ
ெச றா அ ேப வ ைசவ தா தமாக இ . அ த
தைனக ந ப லா ர வ ட மர இ உ வானைவயாக
இ .
ஒ சாதாரணமான பாட ேல ட நா உய த வ ப
கல பைத காணலா . ச ண ர ம வ பா ண ர ம
வ பா கல க காணலா .
உலெகலா உண ஓத அ யவ
ல லா ய ம ேவ ய
அல ேசா ய அ பல தா வா
மல ல ப வா வண வ
த வ ண ர ம . ஞான தா உணர ப
த வா தமான கட . உலைகேய உண தா உணர
யாதவ . அ த வ ச ண ர ம . ராண ர . ல
உலா ம த த ெகா டவ . அத க த வ
த வ உ வக . அல லா - எ ைலய ற - ேசா யானவா . அ த
வ ராண . அ பல ஆ பவ .
இ வா இ வ க ந மர க இைண ஒ அழ ய
ர ய க ைத க ளன.
இ த மர தா இ ஞான மர எ ெசா ல ப ற . இ ெவ
மத வ பா ம அ ல. இ த வ உ ள . அழ ய
உ ள . இல ய உ ள . உ க மத ந ைக
இ லா டா ட இ ேவ உ க ப லா ர ஆ கால
 தைன மர . ப லா ர ஆ கால அழ ய மர . க
நா கரானா இ உ க ேவ உ .
அ த ேவ இ ேத க அசலாக ைள க . அ ேபாேத
க தாக க . மர லாம தைன இ ைல.
தைனக அ பைடயாக அைமபைவ ஊக க . Hypothesis.
அவ ைற உ வா வ வா ைக த சன . ரப ச த சன . அைவ
ப பா டா உ வா க ப ெந காலமாக ெம ல ெம ல வள
வ தைவயாகேவ இ .
நா கா ெமா த ேமைல தைன ேர க மர அ ல
ெச மர எ ற இ ெப மர வள ைலேய. ந மர
அவ இைணயானேதா, ேமலானேதா ஆன ஒ ெப ெச வ .
அ த ெச வ ைத ந ெமா ந வா ைக
ைவ ேறா . ஆனா , க காம உதா ன ெச ேறா .
எ கால லாவ இ ைல மாற ேவ .
 1.2. இ சாைல

த ம ம ல; மைலயாள ட ேவதா த எ ற ெசா

ெப பாலான சாதாரண கா க எ மைறயாகேவ ஒ பைத
கவ ேற . அத காரண ‘வற ேவதா த ’ எ ற
ெசா லா . ேவதா யான நாராயண மாணவ
ேவதா மான மார ஆசா ட வற ேவதா த எ ற
ெசா லா ைய ைகயா றா . நைட ைற பய படாத
உய த வ கைள த க வமாக ேப வ எ இ ெசா
ெபா .
இ த ெசா லா எ ேபா உ வா எ
எ ெகா ேட . இ ய ேதச அத அைன அ வா த
மர க அ ப அர ய ப பா த க பற த ஒ
ட காலக ட உ . அ , ப யா ப த தைல த
ம க இ ய ஞான மர த வ உ ச க எ ப
ெபா ப ? வற ேவதா த எ ப உ ள கச
அ ேபா உ வானதாகேவ இ க ேவ .
ேவதா த ந ஞான மர ஆழமாக ேவ யதாைகயா அ
அ தைன எ தாக ந ழ இ ெச கா . ப
ட ேவதா த ேப யவ க க பாக இ பா க .
அவ க இ த வைச ெசா லா ெம ல ெம ல
த ள ப மைற பா க . இ ேவதா த எ றா எ ன
எ ற எ ய அ க உைடய மத ேப சாள கைள அ ல மத
தைனயாள கைள க ப க க ன . ேவதா தேம
இ ஞான மர உ ச எ ற ேபா ட!
இ ெத யா அ ைவத ேவதா த எ இ ெப
மட க உ ளன. ேக ச கர மட ச கரரா வ ப டெத
ெசா ல ப ற . கா ச கர மட ேக ைளயாக
உ வான . ைவ ணவ ேவதா த ேப இ ெப மர க
உ ளன. ஆ ரா த நா ராமா ஜ மட க .
க நாடக மா வ மட க .
ஆனா , நான எ ேம ேவதா த
ெசா ெகா க ப வ ைல, வா க ப வ ைல. ந ைடய
ரபலமான ைசவ, ைவணவ ஆசா ய கைள ேப சாள கைள
பா ைக அவ க ப ைய ம ேம ேப றா க எ தா
ெகா ேற . மாெப ேவதா த லான ைதைய ட
சரணாக ைய ம ேம ைவ எ ய ப லாக ள
ேபா தா ந ைடேய ரபலமாக இ ற .
வற ேவதா த எ ற ெசா லா இ ஞான மர அ வா த
ப ஒ க ப ட ன எ ய இ த ெலௗ க ப ம ேம.
இ ேபச ப ப ைல எ ப சட க , வ பா க
ல கட ட ேகா ைக ப . உ ச ைல எ ப
ெலௗ கமான அைன ைத உத கட ைள சர அைடவ .
இ த இ எ ைல இ இ ஞான மர ைமயாகேவ
த ப ற .
ஆனா , ப எ பேத ட இ மர ஒ த ப ம ேம.
ப அ பா ெச ஞான வ ைய யான வ ைய தா
இ மர வாக ேப ற . ேவத கைளேய க ம கா ட ,
ஞான கா ட என ஞான அ க ய வ
அ ேமேல ெச ற இ மர . ேவத க இ ேய
ேவதா த .
ேவதா த இ தைன உ ச . ேவத அ த எ ற
ெசா லா ேய அைத தா ற . இ ெம ஞான மர
த வா தமான சாரமாக ெசா ல ப த வ - ர தான
ரய - ேவதா த ைத வா கேள. ைத, உப டத க ,
ர ம ர . ேவதா த தா ெபௗ த தைனகைள அ த
க ட ெகா ெச ற ல ைச. அ ைவத ,
டா ைவத , ைவத ேபா ற கால ேவதா த மர கேள இ
மரைப ெட த ச க .
இ மர ப ஞான , சட க
த வ இைடேயயான ர ய க எ உ ள . ஒ
இ ெனா எ ரான எ த ேதா ற ப . ஒ
இ ெனா ைற உ வா ர ய கேம
நட ெகா றெத ப ஓரள அவதா தாேல ெத ய வ .
. . ஏழா றா வா இ யா ப இய க உ வாக
ஆர த . ெபௗ த சமண மத க ஆ க இ இ
மர ெவ வ அ த க ட ைத ேநா நக த கால இ . ப
இய கேம அ த மா ற ைத க ய . ஆனா , டேவ
இ காலக ட உ வான கால ேவதா த மர க அ
ப க பா ன. ேவதா தமான ெபௗ த ெம யைல
உ ெகா அைட த அ தக ட நக என கால
ேவதா த கைள ெசா லலா .
ஏழா றா த ப ர டா றா வைர லான
காலக ட ஒ ப க இ யா உ ள பல நா டா
வ பா மர கைள சட கைள ஏ ெத வ கைள
உ ெகா ைசவ ைவணவ மத க ேப வ
ெகா ெட தன. ப ைற அ மத கைள அ தளமாக
அைம த . இேத காலக ட ஏராளமான கால ேவதா த
மர க உ வா உய த வ தள ெபௗ த ைத
எ ெகா டன.
கறாராக ேநா னா இ த இ ேபா க ஒ ைற ஒ
ம பைவ. ஒ ேவதா யா ப ைய ஏ க யா . ஒ ப த
அஹ ர மா எ ற வ இைற தைன அ ேவற ல.
ஆனா , ஆ ச ய எ னெவ றா ஒ அபாரமான ர ய க தா
இ ேபா க ஒ ைற ஒ வ தமாகேவ
ெசய ப டன.
ைசவ ைவணவ மத கைள ேநா னா அ த அ தமான
ர ய க ைத காணலா . அ மத க ஒ ப
இய ெகா . ம ய ேவதா த ஒ .
ப அ ேவக ஞான ஒ வைர ேவதா த ேநா
ெகா ெச . ஞான அ க ஒ வைர ப ேநா
ெகா ெச .
ஒ ேவா ப ேதா ர ேவதா தேம ேபச ப .
ஒ ெவா ேவதா த ஞான ப ைய ஒ வ ைறயாக
அ க பதாகேவ இ . சம கால வைர இ த ர ய க ைத
காணலா . ராம ண பரமஹ ச ஒ மாெப ப த . உ வ
வ பா ெச தவ . ேவதா ட. அவர த மாணவரான
ேவகான த ய ேவதா . ஆனா , ப ைய ஏ ெகா டவ .
அேதேபா தா நாராயண . ‘அ அ வா அம தைல’
எ ெசா நாராயண ‘ஒ ெறா றா ெதா ட எ
எ ெபா ஒ ைக பர ’ என ஞான வ ைய
ெசா ன நாராயண சாரதா அ டக கா நாடக ரம ய
எ னா .
அ த ர ய க ற த உதாரண அவர ெப க
ெப ற ெத வ தசக எ ற ப ெச க . த ைன வ தைட த த
ம க அவ க ேகா ைக ஏ ப எ ெகா த
‘ெத வ தசக ’ எ ற ரா தைன இ பல ல ச ேபரா
ஒ ெவா நா க பாட ப ற . ‘ெத வேம கா ெகா க
எ கைள’ எ ஆர அ த ரா தைன அத இ
‘அ அ ப ெபா அ பவ ஒ றா ’ ைலையேய
வரெமன ேக ற . ப ேவதா தமாக ற !
ப இய க ஆக ற த க எ லாேம இ த
ர ய க ைத காணலா . ேவதா த ப ைய த ஒ
மாசனமாக ஆ ெகா அம ற . ேந ப ர டா
வ பாட உ ள இ த க ப ராமாயண பாட எ கா
த . ப இய க த க ஒ வரான க ப
எ வ இ .
ஒ ேற எ ஒ ேற ஆ
பல எ உைர பலேவ ஆ
அ ேற எ அ ேற ஆ
ஆேம எ ஆேம ஆ
இ ேற எ இ ேற ஆ
உள எ உைர உளேத ஆ
ந ேற ந வா ைக
நம இ எ ேனா ைழ அ மா!
‘ஒ எ றா ஒ தா . பல எ றா பல. அ ல எ றா அ ல.
ஆ எ றா ஆ . இ ைல எ றா இ ைல. உ எ றா
உ . இவ எ நல பய ேமா அைத ந ந வா ைக
ெச ற . இைத ட ேவெற ன வ மா ட ?’
எ தைன மக தான ப ைம த சன ! ‘ஒ ேற, இ ேவ, ெத லா
ைழ’ என வா , அத ைளவாக ெச டெம லா
ேபர ைவ ைத த எ தைனேயா வ க ட ஒ ைக
இ ல ேகாடா ேகா ம க , ெதா ன க தான
வரலா ெப க ைணேய இ த த சனமாக வ த எ ேற
ப ற .
ப க எ லா இேத ேவதா த த சன
ள ற . ‘உ ெவன அ ெவன உளெதன இலெதன அ மைற
இ அ வ ைலெயன’ - உ வமாக அ வமாக உ ளதாக
இ லாததாக ேவத இ அ ைர ைலெயன - எ
வர க கல பக ெசா ற .
ேவதா த த சன ைத ஒ ைற வ ெசா ல ேபானா ‘ஒ ேற
அைன , அைன அ ேவ’ என டலா . ஆனா ,
ட ஒ ெத வ ைத, டவ டமான ஒ வ பா ைறைய
ைவ மத க ேவதா த ெச வைத
கா ேறா . அத வ யாக தா இ ய ஞான மர சாரா சமான
சமரச த ைம, அைண உ த ைம உ வா வ ற .
ேவதா த இ ய ப பா வரலா அ த ெகாைட
அ ேவ.
 1.3. உ ளா

ஓ யாம ஒ ெவா கண எ ெகா பவ க உ ேள

இ ெகா உ ேள ஆனவைன, உ ளவைன,
ெதாைல பவைன, அ அைன உத
ேசவகைன, ெத ன ெப ைற ேகா ெகா டவைன,
ேவத களாக ஆனவைன, ெப ைண உட பா யா யவைன,
எ யவனா ய எ ைன ஆ ெகா ட நாயகைன, தா வ வமாக ஆன
த வ ைத, ஏ ல தாேன ஆனவைன, அ லக கைள
ஆ பவைன பா யப ஆ ேவா அ மாைன!
ெசா ெசா எ ஒ ைவ க ப ட ெசா க .
உ ளெம லா க ய எ பவ க உ ேள ெகா பவ .
அைன உ ஆக ஆனவ . உ ளவ . உ வ ஆனவ .
உ ள எ றா இ த எ எ த எ உ ப கமாக
ஆத எ ஒேர சமய ெபா த த ெமா இய பாகேவ
ேவதா த ெம ெபா ைள த ெகா மாய
மா கவாசக க ைத ைள ற .
ேச ைம பவைன, ெச ைமயானவைன, ேவ யெத லா
அ ேசவகனானவைன, எ கண ெச கா ப
வ ணாமைல ப வ வமாக அம தவைன எ
ஒ வ வமா ய ேவத ஆனவைன, ேவத ெபா ளாக ஆனவைன,
ேவத நாயகைன ெசா வண ற ம வாசக க ைத.
ெப ைண இட ேச தவைன, அ வ ணேம எ ைன
ஆ ெகா ட நாயகைன, ஆ ெகா என அ ைன வ வமாக
ஆன த வ சார ைத அ ற அவர மன . ‘த ’வ எ , அ வாக
ஆனேதா அ , அவேன ஏ ல தாேன ஆனவ . அவ ைற
ஆ பவ . அவைன பா அ மாைன ஆ ேவா எ ற
மன .
ஓயாேத உ வா உ உ ளாைன,
ேசயாைன, ேசவகைன, ெத ன ெப ைற
ேமயாைன, ேவ யைன, மா பா யைன,
நாயான ந த ைம ஆ ெகா ட நாயகைன,
தாயான த வைன, தாேன உலேக
ஆயாைன, ஆ வாைன, பா கா அ மாைன.
ரமான ர க வ யாக ஓ ற இ க ைத. ஒ ைற
ெசா ன ேம அ வா வ ட யாத அத இய க ,
அதனா ட ப வ அவேன எ ெசா னக றன
ெசா க . ைலயாக வ பட ப வ அவேன. ெசா லா
வ பட ப வ அவேன. அவேன ரப ச . அ ரப ச
அ பா ஒ க டைள வ லைம இ ெம றா அ அவேன.
எ ைல ைமைய, அைத ெசா ெசா ைமைய உண த
ஆ வேதா ஓ எ ய அ மாைன. ெகா ெகா ெப
இழ ஆ ெபா ள ற ஆ ட . அவைன உண அவைன
ைன ஆ னா அத ஒ ெவா ஆட ரப ச
ைலயா ேபால. ஆ க அ மாைன.
(மா கவாசக வ ணாமைல அ ய அ மாைன.)
 1.4. ஒ கைல ஏ ய உலகள ேதா

ச க இல ய ப காலக ட இல ய க உ ள
யமான ேவ பா ன ப வ பல அ றாட வழ
ெசா க . ச க இல ய ெசா லா ந ட ல ெதாைல
ர ேபா ேதவார வாசக ரப த பாட க
ெசா லா க நம க அ ைமயவா உ ளன. நா
ெச லமாக , மழைலயாக , க ைமயாக , பமான ெபா
பய ப வ டார ெசா கைள அ பாட க கா ேபா ஒ
வைக உவைக ஊ ெற ற .
பல த ைச வ டார வழ ெசா கைள ேக நா உவைக
ெகா ட . அ ஒ ‘ஒ ல’ எ ப . ழ ைதைய இ
ப கவா ைவ ெகா வைத அ ப ெசா றா க . ‘ஒ ல
ஒ கா ேகா’ எ ெசா னா ழ ைத ம த
ெதாைடகைள ஆ ைக எ ப எ ப ற .
அெத ன ஒ ?
ஒ எ றா இைணயாக எ ெபா . இைண எ வ .
ஒ க த எ றா ேச தாள த எ ைவயா
ைள அகரா ெசா ற . ஒ க ேநா த எ றா சமமாக
பா த . ‘ஓ ெச ெபா ஒ கேவ ேநா வா ’ எ
ேதவார .
ஒ க எ றா ற தா . ‘ெத ல தா ெத வ ஒ க
தா எ ஐ ல தா ஓ ப தைல’ எ வ வ . தாைதய ,
ெத வ , ன , ற ன , தா எ ஐ ேபைர
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 Even on board his own flag-ship De Witt was not entirely free from
danger. He had, before sailing, executed some seamen for mutiny,
and excited much silent rage thereby; but when he came back
unsuccessful, the popular passions were aroused, and he was
mobbed as soon as he landed, in Flushing; his proud heart being
almost broken by the insult from a people he had served so long and
well, he fell sick, and relinquished his command. Ruyter shared
some of his unpopularity, but was persuaded to continue in his
command.
Having so often triumphed at sea, the Dutch could not understand
that their reverses were not the result of gross misconduct in their
sea generals; and they now remembered that, if Tromp’s success in
the early part of the war had not been very great, he had not, at
least, suffered defeat, and they felt that the elements, and not man,
had destroyed the powerful fleet which he had lost.
His reputation became once more the first in Holland, while
personal feeling and his past training peculiarly fitted him to meet the
English.
The States General were ready to reverse their decision when
they found him necessary, and this was confirmed when they found
that the King of Denmark, alarmed by the sudden growth of
England’s maritime power, was making interest with leading Dutch
statesmen, not only for a vigorous renewal of hostilities, but also for
the restoration of Tromp to his offices and honors.
The most eminent of his rivals in naval ability and in political
influence were, upon his restoration, appointed to serve under him
as Vice and Rear Admirals. These were De Witt, Ruyter, Evertz and
Floritz. De Witt, completely mortified and disgusted, excused himself
on the plea of ill health; and Ruyter joined the fleet as second in
command.
The Danish King now refused to allow the English ships, which
had been sent to the Baltic for the naval stores so necessary to the
fleet, to return through the Sound or the Belts, and thus proved a
new enemy for the Commonwealth to deal with.
As the term for which Blake had been appointed sole General and
Admiral of the fleet had expired, he requested the appointment of
two colleagues, as he considered the coast command of England
equally important with that of the cruising fleet.
Colonel Deane and General Monk were accordingly so
commissioned, both these officers being in the land service, and at
that time actively employed in Scotland.
Winter had now set in, and Blake distributed the fleet, some for
convoy duty, and some for repairs. The Dutch were hard at work in
their dock-yards, and Blake, with a reduced force, cruised from port
to port of the Channel, not expecting the enemy to appear at sea
before the return of fine weather. In this he had greatly mistaken the
energy and influence of Tromp, who, in an incredibly short time, fitted
out and manned a vast fleet; and while the English squadrons were
dispersed in various directions, suddenly appeared off the Goodwins
with more than one hundred sail of the line, frigates and fire-ships.
His plan was bold and well conceived. Coming suddenly into the
Downs with this large force, he intended to close up the Thames, cut
off reinforcements preparing there, and then to fall upon Blake’s
division, and either capture it or drive it westward out of the Channel;
then, with the coast at his mercy, he could dictate terms to the
Commonwealth. At that time a winter cruise or campaign was hardly
thought possible; but Tromp relied upon a swift and daring blow to
finish the war in a few days.
Blake was then in the Triumph, and the first intimation he had of
Tromp’s being at sea was from his own look-out ships. On the 9th of
December the two fleets were in presence of each other, between
Calais and Dover; and the English Admiral then learned that Tromp
was in command, and accordingly prepared himself for serious work.
A council of war was held on board the Triumph. Blake declared
his intention to fight, even without his detached squadrons, rather
than leave the coast exposed to the incursions of the great and
uncrippled Dutch fleet.
All that December day the two Admirals worked for the weather
gage. The succeeding night was long, cold and stormy, and the
ships were unable to keep well together. At daylight of the 10th the
manœuvres for the weather gage were renewed, the two flag-ships,
the Brederode and the Triumph, both drawing toward the Nase, and
by three in the afternoon the fleets were quite near each other, off
that headland of Essex.
Tromp being most anxious to engage, made a sudden effort to get
alongside the English Admiral. The latter’s ship, however, by a skillful
evolution, passed under the Brederode’s bows to the weather gage.
In passing the two ships exchanged broadsides, and the battle
opened. Blake’s ship was closely followed by the Garland, and
missing the Triumph, Tromp ran afoul of this second ship, and
carried away her bowsprit and head. The Garland and the Brederode
then engaged, the English ship, though much lighter, fighting bravely
until joined by the Bonaventure, 30, when the two together rather
overmatched the Brederode. Tromp, by every possible appeal,
encouraged his men; but his position was becoming very precarious,
when Evertz, seeing him in such straits, attacked the Bonaventure,
placing that small ship between the two Dutch flag-ships. The four
ships were all grappled together, and it was more than an hour
before the weight of metal obliged the two English ships to yield.
After they had suffered great loss the Dutch boarded and captured
them. Of the other English ships the Triumph, the Vanguard and the
Victory bore the brunt of the action. In spite of being surrounded by
enemies, and suffering severely in men, hull, masts and rigging, they
all came out of the desperate encounter uncaptured. Night came
early at that season, and the fleets were about separating, when
Blake heard of the capture of the Garland and Bonaventure, and he
at once attempted their recapture. This brought on a more
destructive conflict than the previous one. Blake was surrounded by
the Dutch ships, and the Triumph was three times boarded, and the
assailants as often repulsed. She was reduced to a wreck, and with
difficulty kept afloat, and had it not been for the Sapphire and the
Vanguard, which stood by him with extraordinary courage and
devotion, the English Admiral must have succumbed. Thick fog and
darkness at last interposed and enabled Blake to draw off his ships
toward Dover Roads.
The next morning there was a dense fog, and the Dutch were not
to be seen. His disabled vessels required a shelter, and the English
Admiral, therefore, resolved to run into the Thames, and there repair
damages, ascertain the enemy’s intentions, and wait the recall and
concentration of his scattered squadrons.
In the action off the Nase the Dutch had had much the best of it,
but had lost many men, and one of their ships had blown up, every
soul on board of her perishing. Tromp’s and Ruyter’s ships were both
unfitted for further service, and many others were crippled; but they
were the victors, and once more masters of the Channel.
Blake offered to resign, but the Council would not hear of this, and
only seemed intent upon weeding out of the fleet those captains who
had not shown sufficient zeal and courage. Several were broken
after proper inquiry, among others, Blake’s own brother, who was
reported as guilty of neglect of duty.
More vessels were concentrated and placed under Blake’s orders,
and the effective force of the navy raised to 30,000 men.
While reforms, renovations and recruitments were being carried on
under Blake’s own eye, Tromp sailed up and down the Channel with
a broom at his masthead, typical of his having swept the Narrow
Seas; and the States General proclaimed a state of blockade of the
British Islands.
Caricatures and ballads were circulated in the Dutch cities, all
bearing upon the late naval event. The fear that Tromp would seize
the Channel islands, and the certainty that he had effectually cut off
commerce, hastened the preparations of the English for a second
winter campaign; and, on the 8th of February, 1653, Blake, still in the
Triumph, sailed, at the head of some sixty men-of-war and frigates,
having Monk and Deane with 1200 soldiers from the army on board.
Penn, the father of the Quaker proprietor of Pennsylvania, was the
vice admiral, and Lawson the rear admiral.
In the Straits of Dover he was joined by the Portsmouth squadron,
of twenty sail; and with this addition to his strength, Blake resolved to
seek the Dutch fleet, and once more give battle.
Tromp had gone to the southward, to meet a large fleet of Dutch
traders which had collected near Rochelle, with the intention of
convoying them home. Here intelligence reached him that the
English were about to quit the Thames with a large fleet, and he
hoped to be able to return in time to block it up in the river mouth,
and to keep the Portsmouth squadron from effecting a junction with
the main body. But Blake had stolen a march upon the Dutch
Admiral, and when the latter came up with Cape la Hogue, he was
surprised to find a force equal to his own prepared to dispute the
passage of the seas so lately swept by his broom. He, however,
accepted battle eagerly, for he was confident of victory.

THE BATTLE OFF PORTLAND.

Day was just breaking, on the morning of the 18th of February,

1653, when the Dutch van was made out from the masthead of the
Triumph. Blake was on deck at once, and a grand spectacle he must
have had, as the sun rose, showing the heaving wintry sea covered
with ships, their sails and pendants lighted up by the early rays.
There were seventy-three Dutch ships of war, convoying more than
three hundred merchant ships. Owing to the darkness the ships had
not seen each other until only three or four miles apart. The English
flag-ships happened to be all within hailing distance of each other,
but General Monk was some miles astern, in the Vanguard, and the
bulk of the English fleet about five miles astern of Admiral Blake
when the Dutchmen hove in sight.
Tromp, with his seaman’s eye, saw his advantage, and at once
availed himself of it.
With the wind in his favor he might have forced his way by, and
carried his convoy to the Scheldt in safety, returning at his leisure to
give battle. But he chose to play a bolder game, and fancying that
his enemy’s vanguard of some twenty ships could not resist the
weight of his attack, he sent his fleet of traders to windward, out of
range, with orders to await there the issue of the engagement.
This great battle was fought under circumstances which lent it
thrilling interest. Both nations had had time to collect their best fleets,
and the largest and finest vessels they had were there arrayed
against each other, commanded by the most renowned Admirals.
Blake, Deane, Penn and Lawson were on one side; Tromp, De
Ruyter, Evertz, Swers, Floritz and De Wilde, all great names, on the
other.
The fleets were nearly equal in strength, and their relative merits
had to be determined on that day. Even the common seamen on
each side felt that this was the decisive battle.
At the outset the Dutch had the wind, and therefore, the advantage
of position. They were also well up together, and when they opened
on the English vanguard it seemed almost impossible for only about
twenty ships to withstand the crash of so many heavy broadsides.
As usual, the Triumph was the first of the English to engage, and
the Brederode, ever in the van, was ready to meet her, reserving her
fire until within musket shot, when her broadside would have most
deadly effect. With a strong favoring breeze Tromp shot by the
Triumph, pouring a fearful broadside into her as he passed; and
then, tacking, gave her a second and more destructive one, leaving
her with decks strewed with killed and wounded, and torn canvas,
stranded rigging, and tottering masts. After this the two Admirals
parted for the day, for Penn came dashing up, in the Speaker,
followed by other vessels, to cover Blake from some part of the circle
of fire which threatened him with destruction.
As the other divisions of the English fleet came up the battle
became general. On both sides the wreck and destruction was awful.
In less than one hour after the first shot was fired almost every ship
engaged had received serious damage. At one moment an English
crew was to be seen boarding a Dutch man-of-war, and the next they
would be driven back, and their own vessel boarded in turn by the
doughty Hollanders. Here might be seen a ship completely wrapped
in flames; there one foundering, with all her men, their cries for help
unheeded by either friend or foe; perhaps elsewhere occurred a
fearful explosion, which sent ship and crew into the air together, and
added fresh volume to the lurid cloud which hung over the scene.
Cotemporary writers say that the tremendous roar of artillery could
be heard along the shores of the Channel, from Boulogne on the one
side to Portland Bill on the other.
About midday Monk succeeded in arriving up with his division, and
the contest was now entirely upon equal terms. De Ruyter, as ever,
in the forefront of battle, added, if possible, to his already well earned
renown. Early in the day he singled out and engaged the
Prosperous, a hired ship of forty guns, commanded by a Captain
Barker. The English ship maintained so steady a fire, in response,
that De Ruyter, impatient, and wishing to finish her and pass on to
fresh combats, called away his boarders, ran his ship alongside the
Prosperous, and the Dutchmen gallantly boarded, leaping down on
her deck, sword and pistol in hand. But, to their surprise, they were
driven back again in a very few minutes. Not satisfied with forcing
back his assailants, Barker threatened De Ruyter in return; but the
brave old Dutchman, singing out, “Come lads! that was nothing! at
them again!” led them to a second and more successful boarding.
Barker and his officers were unable to resist this renewed assault,
and were soon prisoners. At this very moment Blake, with several
vessels, came up to their assistance. The prize was recovered, and
Ruyter himself was surrounded by the English. Vice Admiral Evertz
and Captains Swers and Krink hastened, in their turn, to relieve
Ruyter from his dangerous position, and the battle soon raged with
extraordinary violence around this new centre. Penn’s ship, the
Speaker, was so shattered as to be unfit for further service, and
when night put an end to the first day’s engagement he was
despatched to the Isle of Wight, for the ships left at that station.
The Dutch Captain Cruik, in the Ostrich, was very conspicuous in
this day’s engagement. Like a true sailor, he fought till he had not a
spar showing above his bulwarks, and his deck was literally covered
with the dead and wounded of his devoted crew. At last he was
boarded by the English; but, as the ship appeared to be sinking, and
her officers and crew were nearly all killed or wounded, the boarders
made hasty plunder of her valuables and left her to her fate. De
Wilde offered his aid to bring her off; but suddenly it fell calm, and
not having a particle of sail spread, the attempt to tow her off failed,
and she was again abandoned. Next morning Blake found her
floating about, without a living soul on board, and the unburied
corpses lying just as they had fallen; occasionally, under a more than
ordinarily heavy roll, showing a startling movement.
Captain Swers, afterward a most distinguished Dutch Admiral, was
taken prisoner. He had gone to the assistance of Captain De Port,
who was being roughly handled by two English frigates, and the four
ships were immediately locked together. De Port’s ship had several
shots between wind and water, and began to fill. He himself was
severely wounded by a large splinter; nevertheless, as he lay on his
back, in great agony, he waved his sword, and shouted words of
encouragement to his men, until ship and crew all went down into
the deep together.
The Dutch had always been noted for close fire, but on this
occasion the English fire proved quite as deadly and regular. Swer’s
ship foundered from shot holes, himself and those of the officers and
crew left being taken on board the frigates, and their lives thus
preserved.
Toward dusk of the second day Blake felt himself in a sufficiently
strong position to be able to send some of his best sailing ships with
orders to gain the wind, and if possible prevent the escape of the
vast fleet of rich traders which had remained hove to, awaiting the
issue of the action. Tromp saw the movement, and at once divined
the cause, so he fell back, with a great part of his fleet, to cover his
convoy. This movement put an end to that day’s action; for, seeing
their Admiral make sail and leave the enemy, some of the Dutch
Captains made sail, and, under the cover of night, were soon far
away. Blake remained on the scene of action, but with his men too
much exhausted, and his vessels too much damaged, to permit of a
chase in a mid-winter night.
Both sides had shown the most devoted valor and untiring zeal.
The Dutch had had eight large ships either taken or destroyed.
During the battle the Prosperous, the Oak, the Assistance, the
Sampson, and several other English ships had been boarded and
taken, although most of them were afterward recaptured. The
Sampson was so damaged that her Captain, Button, and his officers
and men, were taken out of her, and she was allowed to sink.
The flag-ship Triumph suffered most severely. Her Captain,
Andrew Ball, was killed, as was the Admiral’s secretary, Sparrow,
who was shot down at his side, and nearly half her crew were killed.
Blake himself was wounded in the thigh; and the same ball which
lamed him for life tore away a part of Deane’s buff coat.
The Dutch loss was never ascertained, but it was very heavy, for
some of their ships had nearly all the men killed or wounded; and the
appearance of their gun-decks, spattered with blood and brains,
shocked even the callous captors.
At night Blake sent many of his wounded on shore, where
preparations were made for them, all classes turning out to relieve
and succor them. Collections of money and clothing were made in all
the South and West of England, and the miserable provision made at
that day for the sick and wounded was supplemented by the
spontaneous gifts of the people.
Blake’s own wound, which was not really dangerous at first,
required repose and proper treatment, but he would not go on shore.
At night the fleets lay close together, never losing sight of each
other’s lights during the whole of the long winter’s night. During
these dark hours all hands were employed in stopping leaks,
repairing sails, and getting gun tackle in readiness to renew the
contest in the morning.
A dead calm had succeeded to the fresh breeze which was
blowing when the battle began; and if it continued the Dutch could
have no choice as to renewing the fight. But at daylight a light breeze
sprang up, and Tromp, anxious to take home his convoy in safety,
disposed his men of war in the form of a crescent, with the traders in
the centre, and crowding all sail, stood directly up Channel. Blake
followed in pursuit, with all his available ships. It was noon, however,
before the Triumph came within gunshot of the rearmost Dutch ship,
and it was two in the afternoon before the main body came up with
them, off Dungeness.
Seeing that he would be compelled to fight, Tromp ordered his
convoy to make the best of their way to the nearest Dutch port,
keeping close along Calais and Dunkirk, for protection; and then he
turned upon his pursuers, like a lion at bay.
The battle was renewed with great fury. De Ruyter again
performed miracles of courage and conduct, but the fortune of war
was against him. After some hours his own ship became
unmanageable, and would have fallen into the enemy’s hands but for
Tromp, who saw his danger, and sent a ship to extricate him. With
great difficulty this was accomplished. An hour or two later Tromp
began to haul off towards Boulogne, but it was not until night fell
again that the hostile fleets separated once more.
That night proved bitterly cold, but unusually clear, for winter, so
that the English fleet was enabled to keep the Dutch lights in sight.
On this day just closed Blake had captured or destroyed five of his
enemy’s ships, and, in consequence of the recent reforms, had not
had occasion to complain of the want of courage, steadiness or
promptness of a single commanding officer. In the Dutch fleet Tromp
had to contend against want of concert, party bitterness and
personal envy in many of his captains. At the close of this day’s
fighting several of the latter sent word on board the Brederode that
they were out of powder, and Tromp was compelled to send them
away in the night, so as to prevent cowardice and treason from
spreading to the other ships. To conceal his true motive he
pretended to give them orders to take a new position, to windward of
the convoy, to protect them from the light craft of the English, which
were hovering about.
But when day dawned Blake saw at a glance that the Dutch fleet
was considerably reduced in numbers, and inferred that a squadron
had been despatched during the night to cover the convoy; and he at
once sent a squadron of fleet sailers after them, while he himself
bore down once more on his reduced but unconquered enemy.
Tromp met him with undaunted courage, and, as usual, fought
desperately. But the most he could now hope for, with his reduced
fleet, was to occupy Blake until his richly laden convoy could reach a
friendly port. But even this seemed doubtful. After the first shock of
this day’s renewed fighting he felt that he would be able to afford
them but small protection; and he sent Captain Van Ness to the
merchant fleet, with orders to crowd all sail for Calais Road. As the
fight went on he again sent another officer to hurry them in, or else
the English frigates would soon be among them. But the wind was
blowing from the French coast, and Van Ness’ most energetic efforts
were insufficient to carry the confused mass of traders near enough
to the Roads to be out of danger. More than half the men-of-war and
frigates of the Dutch fleet had been scattered, taken, or sunk, by this
time, and many of the captains who were left had, contrary to
Tromp’s orders, retreated upon the flying convoy. Confusion now
reigned, and as the English came up, the merchantmen, in their
alarm, either ran foul of each other and knocked themselves to
pieces, or fell into the enemy’s hands.
Still engaged with the retreating Dutch men-of-war, Blake arrived
on the scene in the afternoon, and finding some of the merchant
ships actually throwing themselves into his way, he began to suspect
that it was done to lure him to make captures and give the
discomfited fleet time to rally. He accordingly gave strict orders that
every man-of-war still in condition to follow and fight should press on
after the main body of the enemy, leaving the traders to be either
picked up by the frigates detailed for the purpose, or driven where
they could be captured after the Dutch fleet was swept from the
Channel. At last darkness put an end to the chase. Tromp ran in and
anchored the remnant of his fleet under the French shore, about four
miles from Calais. They were in number about one-half what he had
sailed with; and all of them more or less damaged.
Blake’s pilots all agreed that Tromp could not, as the winds and
tides then were, come out to sea again, in order to get home. He,
therefore, anchored his fleet also, and set to repair damages. The
night was dark and a gale was blowing, and ships’ lights could not be
seen at any distance. At daylight the sea was clear where so many
ships had been at anchor at sunset. Tromp had slipped away toward
Dunkirk; and afterward succeeded in entering the various ports of
Zealand.
Blake felt that it would not be well for him to follow the enemy into
the flats and shallows of his own coast, and so he stood over for
England. The bad weather continuing, he carried his fleet and the
prizes into Stoke Bay, whence he reported his success to
Parliament.
During these successive days of fighting there had been great loss
of life. Seven Dutch captains were killed, and three taken prisoners.
Three English captains were killed, and Blake himself, Rear-Admiral
Lawson, and many other distinguished officers wounded. The total
loss on each side was never published. A day of thanksgiving was
appointed in England, and provision made by public subscription, as
well as by the State, for the widows and children of those who had
fallen.
Blake took no rest, in spite of his wound, but refitted and
revictualed his ships, intending to strike a blow at the Brest
privateers.
But in April he received information that the equally indefatigable
Tromp was making great efforts to equip another fleet. He at once
proceeded off the Texel, with about one hundred sail. In the Texel he
saw many men-of-war, but Tromp himself had already gone out to
the Northward, to convoy in an expected fleet of traders from Spain
and the Levant. By good seamanship he brought them safe home,
but not by the Channel which he had formerly brushed down with his
broom.
Then came Cromwell’s assumption of supreme power; and
political events of magnitude usurped, in English minds, the Dutch
war, and all other matters.
Blake’s opinions were known to be unfavorable to the extreme
practices of the Protector, and when the Dutch heard of the
revolution which had occurred in London, by means of the army, they
jumped to the conclusion that their redoubtable naval enemy would
no longer carry on the war with the same energy. But in this they
were deceived. Blake was loyal to his country and her welfare,
before all, and told his captains that “it was not for them to mind
affairs of State, but to keep foreigners from fooling us.” Though he
suspected Cromwell, and abhorred military rule, he had patriotism
enough not to deprive his country of such services as he could
render, because it had allowed itself to submit, in an irregular way, to
a power not of his choosing.
It was fortunate that he took this resolution promptly, for Tromp,
Evertz, Ruyter and De Witt, under the impression that the English
fleet was divided by political discord, sailed for Dover Road, with one
hundred and thirty ships, manned in haste, took some prizes, and
began firing upon the town.
The English fleet was then in three divisions. Deane and Monk,
sailing together, in the Resolution, had under their orders thirty-eight
sail, carrying 1440 guns, and about 6000 men; Penn had thirty-three
sail, with 1200 guns, and 5000 men; and Lawson had thirty-four
ships, with 1200 guns, and about 5000 men. The Dutch had a few
more ships than the English, but were about equal in guns and men.
When Tromp thus suddenly reappeared, Blake was at the North,
with a small fleet, but couriers rode overland, day and night, to
apprise him that the Dutch were again in the Channel, and had fired
upon Dover.
He made all sail for the South as soon as he heard this important
news, having a favoring breeze, and burning with anxiety to join the
main fleet before a battle took place.
But on the 2d of June, before he arrived, the hostile fleets sighted
each other near the Gable, and were soon in collision. Lawson was
in advance of the English fleet, and broke through the Dutch line
about midday, separating Ruyter’s division from the rest, and
engaging it heavily before the main body on either side could get up.
In about an hour Tromp came to Ruyter’s relief, and the action
then became general. One of the first shots which struck the
Resolution killed General Deane, and Monk threw his cloak over the
mangled body, and called to his men to avenge his death. For some
hours the Dutch fought with reckless courage, and when night fell
both fleets had sustained great damage and loss, but nothing was
decided. All that night, while the hostile fleets lay to, near each other,
repairing damages, Blake was carrying every possible stitch of sail,
to reach the fleet. He was, of course, unaware of the day’s events, of
the death of his friend and comrade, Deane, and of the doubtful
position of the English fleet. The officers and men who had been
engaged on the English side watched anxiously for signs of the
coming of their great leader, but when the summer morning dawned
no trace of his sails could be seen on the northern horizon. Tromp
was unaware that Blake was expected that day, as he believed him
to be too far North to be recalled. He, therefore, spent the whole
morning in manœuvres for the weather gage. A calm put a stop to
this at about noon, and then the great guns opened again on both
sides, and the battle was renewed with great energy, but neither side
seemed to have any decided advantage. If there was any it was
upon the side of the Dutch. But early in the afternoon Blake
managed to draw near, with a light air, and his thundering broadsides
upon the flank and rear of the Hollanders put new life into the
harassed and flagging English. Young Blake was the first of the
English reinforcement to engage the enemy, and, as if to announce
the arrival of the great captain upon the scene, he broke through the
Dutch line, belching forth death from both batteries, and greeted with
tremendous cheers from the English ships.
By four o’clock the battle was over, and the retreat of the Dutch
began. Tromp fought with the energy of despair; but nothing could
withstand the onset of such a force, led by Blake himself.
 The Brederode boarded Penn’s flag-ship, the James, but the
attack was repulsed by Penn’s crew, who, in turn, boarded the
Brederode, and would probably have captured that ship had not
Tromp, resolved not to fall into his enemy’s hands alive, thrown a
match into the magazine, and caused an explosion, which sent the
upper deck and the gallant boarders upon it into the air, the planks
shivered into splinters, and the men horribly scorched and mutilated.
Most strange to relate, Tromp himself was but little hurt; but a
report of his death spreading, many of his captains, thinking all was
lost, bore up and fled. De Ruyter and De Witt exerted themselves in
vain to stem the tide of disorder and defeat. Tromp, after his
marvelous escape, left the wrecked Brederode for a fast sailing
frigate, and passed through his fleet, encouraging those who stood
fast, and threatening the waverers, while he fired upon some who
fled the scene.
But it was too late. The day was lost, and the brave old man had at
last, reluctantly, to give the order for retreat.
Just then a fresh gale sprang up, but the English fleet pressed sail
after them, sank some ships, captured others, and were only made
to cease by darkness coming on.
Favored by the darkness, Tromp anchored in Ostend Road, and
next day escaped, with the remnant of his fleet, into Weilingen.
The news of this great defeat threw the United Provinces into a
dangerous ferment. The mob rose in many towns, and committed
great excesses. The Admirals offered to resign; and they all declared
that they would go to sea no more with such an organized fleet as
they then possessed. De Witt openly acknowledged that the English
were, for the present, masters of the sea.
The naval power of Holland was indeed, for the time, completely
broken; and the final battle of the war, hazarded and lost two months
later, was an expiring effort, made with crippled resources, and
under circumstances of the greatest discouragement.
The English fleet, though it kept the sea, was scarcely in better
condition than that of their enemy. Blake kept the Dutch coast
blockaded, nevertheless, while their commerce was intercepted and
their fisheries idle. In doing this his fleet suffered from bad and
scanty provisions, which brought on much sickness. Blake himself
fell ill, and had to be taken on shore, more dead than alive, leaving to
Monk, Penn and Lawson the carrying out of his plans.
One more blow, and all was over. In the temporary absence of the
English blockading fleet, the Dutch squadrons at Weilingen and the
Texel put to sea, and effected a junction. But their shattered fleet
was felt to be unfit to cope with their powerful opponents, and when
they met the English fleet, they endeavored to avoid a battle. But
Penn and Lawson pressed sail to come up with them, and some
fighting had already taken place, when night came on, and stopped
it.
Next day a heavy gale prevented a renewal of the action; but on
the next the fleets once more met.
During the close fighting which ensued the aged and able Van
Tromp received a musket ball through the heart, and fell upon his
own quarter-deck,—an appropriate death for the gallant but
unfortunate veteran.
At his death his fleet fled; the English pursuing without mercy, for
the ruthless Monk was now in command, and had ordered his
captains to give no quarter. They made no prisoners; and the end of
the engagement was rather a massacre than a battle.
Immediately after this the humbled States General sued for peace.
 IX.
FRENCH AND DUTCH IN THE MEDITERRANEAN.
A.D. 1676.

n the latter part of 1674 Messina and a part of Sicily

revolted against the Spaniards, and Louis XIV
resolved to sustain the insurrection, in pursuance
of his political designs. In consequence, Duquesne,
who had just been named General of the Naval
Forces, sailed from Toulon, on January 29th, 1675,
with eight ships-of-war, bound for the Sicilian coast.
Before we detail his operations there, it may be
of interest to give some sketch of this very
remarkable man.
Abraham, Marquis Duquesne, one of the
greatest seamen France ever produced, was born
in Dieppe, an important seaport in the north of
France. He entered the navy early, and soon rose
to the command of a ship, in which he joined in the
recapture of some of the French islands from the Spaniards, for
which service he was reported most favorably to the great Richelieu.
During these operations he learned of the death of his father, in
action with the Spaniards, and Duquesne seems ever after to have
entertained the greatest dislike for this nation, causing them to feel
the effects of his resentment on numberless occasions. In 1638 he,
under circumstances of great difficulty and danger, rescued from
under the guns of St. Sebastian several French vessels which had
been stranded there. The same year, at the battle of Gattari,
Duquesne decided the victory by blowing up the Spanish admiral’s
flag-ship, by means of a fire-vessel.
The next year he served on the Biscayan coast, and, at Santona,
was dangerously wounded in the jaw by a bullet, while boarding a
Spanish galleon.
During 1641 he served against Spain in the Mediterranean, was
constantly engaged, and again wounded. In succeeding years he
was actively employed, at Cape de Gatte, and at Carthagena, and
was again wounded.
Already a veteran, Duquesne was obliged, by the neglect into
which the French navy fell after Richelieu’s death, to take service
under the Swedes, then engaged in a naval war with Denmark.
Queen Christina, who knew his merit, received him cordially, and
made him a vice-admiral.
In this capacity he was engaged in the naval battle of 1644, under
Fleming and Torstensen, against the old king, Christian IV, of
Denmark. He also served in other naval battles, in the north, under
Admiral Wrangel.
Peace being concluded between Denmark and Sweden,
Duquesne left the service of the latter State, and returned to his own
country; and, in 1645, was again actively employed against Spain,
and was again wounded.
In 1647, being then a capitaine de vaisseau, he was sent to
Sweden to purchase four vessels of the line for the French navy.
After this he had command of Dunkirk, in French Flanders, for five
years.
In 1653 occurred the naval operations of the Duke de Vendome,
about the mouth of the Gironde, in consequence of the civil war of
the Fronde. The French navy had at this time so decreased that the
Duke, in summoning Duquesne from the North Sea to his
assistance, was obliged to ask the latter to man and equip some of
the vessels at his own expense.
On his way down the Channel to join the Duke, Duquesne met an
English squadron, which summoned him to lower his flag, a token of
submission at that time imposed upon all foreigners by the English, if
within Ushant or even Finisterre. To this demand Duquesne returned
a haughty refusal, whereupon a very close and murderous
engagement took place, which resulted in the English, although quite
equal in guns to the French, being put to flight.
On arriving off the Gironde a Spanish squadron, operating in
connection with the insurgents, attempted to bar his progress; but he
drove them off, and succeeded in joining the Duke, and greatly
assisted in the reduction of Bordeaux and all Guienne.
In recognition of his services Anne of Austria bestowed upon
Duquesne a chateau and estate in Brittany, with a promise of
reimbursement for his expenses in fitting out his squadron.
The peace of 1659 relegated Duquesne to civil life; but Colbert,
during this cessation of arms, had the wisdom to imitate Richelieu in
fostering and rebuilding the navy of France, so that, when war broke
out between France and Holland, in 1672, the former was able at
once to send to sea a formidable fleet
During this year Duquesne held a high command in the great
naval battles in the North Sea; particularly those off Southwood,
where Vice Admiral d’Estrées was opposed to the Dutch Admiral
Benkaërt; as well as the two battles where the combined French and
English fleets, under Prince Rupert, Admiral Spragge, and d’Estrées,
fought the Hollanders under Ruyter, Cornelis, Tromp and Benkaërt.
England suddenly made peace with Holland, but France continued
the war, with the alliance of Spain, Germany, and the two Sicilies;
and it is at this point that we take up Duquesne’s battles with the
Dutch fleet.
When he sailed from Toulon, in January, 1675, he had on board
the Duke de Vivonne, General of the Galleys of France, who had
been named Viceroy of Sicily. He had in charge a convoy, also, with
a great store of wheat and other provisions for Messina.
On February 11th, in sight of the Sicilian coast, Duquesne and
Vivonne were attacked by a Spanish fleet of twenty men-of-war and
seventeen galleys, commanded by Don Melchoir de la Cueva.
Duquesne sustained the attack of this large force with such vigor and
determination that he gave time for the Chevalier de Valbelle to
arrive from Messina with a considerable reinforcement, when, in his
turn taking the offensive, he drove off the Spanish fleet, pursued it
until it took refuge in Naples, and then triumphantly entered Messina
with his convoy.
He soon after, in concert with Vivonne, captured the town of
Agosta; after which Duquesne was sent back to France, with the
greater part of the fleet, to bring back to Sicily munitions of war and
reinforcements, then much needed at Messina.
 On his arrival at Toulon, Duquesne learned that the great Dutch
naval commander, Ruyter, had entered the Mediterranean, to
operate in conjunction with the Spanish fleet. He was placed in
command of a very considerable fleet, to enable him to measure his
forces with those of the redoubtable Hollander who had been so
successful against the English and others. Duquesne was then sixty-
four years of age, and Ruyter was near seventy.
The Dutch Admiral had risen from the lowest origin to be the
Admiral of Holland. This was the result of his own great ability and
bravery; and he was so much the favorite of the Dutch government
and people that, although he begged to be excused from further
service, on account of age, nothing would satisfy them but that he
should make this one important campaign. Duquesne sailed again,
from Toulon, on the 17th of December, 1675, with a fleet of twenty
ships-of-the-line, and six fire-ships, bound for Messina.
As soon as the veteran Ruyter heard that he had put to sea, he
hastened to meet him. Some days before this an English trader had
met the illustrious Admiral of Holland off Melazzo, about twenty-five
miles from Messina. The Englishman inquired what he was doing in
those parts, and Ruyter replied that “he was waiting for the brave
Admiral Duquesne.”
The hostile fleets met on the 16th of January, 1676, off the Lipari
Islands, between Salino and Stromboli, under the very shadow of the
ever active volcano.
The whole day was passed in reconnoitring each other’s strength,
and in manœuvring; and during the whole succeeding night the
fleets were working for the weather gage. Each commander had a
true respect for the courage and ability of his opponent; and each
knew that he must expect an exceptionally vigorous attack.
On the morning of the 8th, at daylight, Duquesne, who had
obtained the advantage of the wind, crowded sail down upon the
Dutch fleet, which lay about two leagues to leeward.
The French were in three divisions. Their van was commanded by
Preuilly d’Humières; the rear by Gabaret l’ainé, both excellent
officers; the centre was under the command of Duquesne himself,
who had his flag in the Saint Esprit, and was immediately supported
by the Chevalier de Valbelle, in the Pompeux, and that splendid
sailor, Tourville, in the Sceptre.
The Dutch fleet, which comprised twenty-four ships-of-the-line, two
flutes, and four fire-ships, was also divided into three. Their van was
commanded by Verschoor, their rear by De Haan, and the centre by
Ruyter himself.
The French came down in such a beautiful line that Ruyter himself
showed and expressed a sailor’s admiration for the skill and
discretion shown. The French van opened fire at about nine in the
morning, and both fleets immediately engaged. The battle, as may
be supposed from the character of the officers, was a most obstinate
and well contested one, and continued for seven hours, with very
varying fortunes. At the termination each side claimed a victory; but
the advantage was clearly with Duquesne, for the Dutch fleet, which
was there to bar his passage, was so much injured that Ruyter could
not prevent Duquesne from entering Messina with his fleet; which he
did, on the following day, without molestation from the Dutch.
In the course of the battle Ruyter’s flag-ship, the Concordia, and
Duquesne’s flag-ship, the Saint Esprit, had an encounter, which
lasted until the Concordia declined further battle, after so sharp and
murderous an engagement that Ruyter said it was the hottest fight
he had ever been in in his life; and no one was a better judge.
But this battle of the Lipari Islands was only the prelude to a still
more desperate and important one.
The active and enterprising Duquesne, having refitted at Messina,
sailed from that port again, with two objects in view. The first was to
protect important convoys of stores and provisions expected from
France; and the second to protect the town of Agosta from an
expected attack by the Dutch fleet.
Ruyter, hearing that Duquesne was again at sea, went straight to
meet him, with his fleet reinforced by a Spanish squadron, under the
command of Don Francisco de la Cerda.
The rival Admirals made each other out on the 21st of April, and
the next day the fleets met off Agosta, which is some fifteen miles to
the northward of Syracuse.
Duquesne had now thirty sail-of-the-line, and eight fire-ships.
Ruyter had twenty-nine sail, nine galleys, and four fire-ships.