military conquest

After the fall of Mexico-Tenochtitlán (August 13, 1521), the Spanish restarted their process of exploration and
conquest which would extend with Cortes towards the South Sea and Oaxaca, as well as towards the Hibueras.
At the end of the first half of the 16th century, the Spanish began the exploitation and conquest of Chichimeca
land. During the 16th century, the Spanish ended up extending their control and influence over a large part of
Mesoamerica (Michoacán, Oaxaca, Jalisco, the Gulf and part of the Mayan area - Soconusco and Mérida -), the
only thing that threatened Spanish expansion was the war that the Chichimecas developed, which was about
to destroy the Spanish world.

In the mid-17th century, the Spanish consummated the conquest of the last independent Mayan dominion; a
century later (18th century) they would extend or expand their influence over the most remote regions of
northern New Spain (Guadiana, New Mexico, Texas, Sonora, Baja and Alta California). . Under the royal
support of Carlos III and the New Spain viceroy Count of Branciforte, the Spanish carried out the last stage of
expansion towards the north, which included the founding of the town of Nuestra Señor de los Ángeles,
culminating with the establishment of the presidio of San Francisco Solano. in Alta California (1823). The
conquest of the Mexica Empire and the military domination of the indigenous peoples of Mexico. Spanish
colonization began on the islands of the Antilles, where, thanks to the technical and organizational superiority
of the Spanish, the indigenous people were soon exterminated. From Cuba, Governor Diego de Velázquez
began the discovery and conquest of Mexican territory. After the exploration expeditions of Francisco
Hernández de Córdoba and Juan de Grijalva, another was organized under the command of Hernán Cortes.

The expedition left on February 18, 1519. Cortes carried 11 boats, 10 officers, 550 soldiers, 200 Caribbean
indigenous people, 16 horses and 14 cannons. They arrived in Cozumel. Here Jerónimo de Aguilar, who had
been taken prisoner on the first expedition to Mexican lands, joined as an interpreter. The expedition skirted
the Yucatan Peninsula and headed to the coast of Tabasco, where Cortes received as a gift 20 maidens, among
whom were Malintzin (La Malinche), a princess from a kingdom of Veracruz that had been conquered by the
Mexica. , whom Cortes baptized with the name of Dona Marina. Dona Marina translated from Nahuatl to
Mayan, and Jerónimo de Aguilar from Mayan to Spanish, but Malintzin soon learned Spanish, so she became
Cortes' inseparable companion.

In Veracruz, Cortes founded the Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, the first Spanish Town Hall in Mexican lands.

Cortes had no authority to conquer the explored territory, therefore. The governor of Cuba, Diego de
Velázquez, had sent him on an exploring expedition. However, the new City Council granted him the titles of
Governor and Captain General. Ignoring Diego de Velázquez, Cortes sent the first Letter of Relationship to the
king of Spain, Charles I, where he asked for authorization to conquer Mexican territory.

Many of his captains and soldiers refused to follow him, fearing that the Mexica warriors would finish them
off. Cortes then dismantled him and sank his ships so that no one could return. Through the stories that the
indigenous people told him, Cortes realized the rivalry that existed between the peoples of the Mexica Empire,
and decided to take advantage of them in his company of conquest. He made a first alliance with the town of
Cempoala in Veracruz, and entered Mexican territory. From there he went to Tlaxcala. After a bloody battle in
which the Spanish defeated the Tlaxcalans, they joined Cortes to fight against the Mexica, their eternal
enemies.
When passing through Cholula, Cortes learned that he had been ambushed. The conqueror then organized a
great massacre of chiefs and kings to demonstrate his power. Moctezuma, the Mexica or tlatoani lord, had
learned of the arrival of the strangers, and had sent gifts to Cortes, begging him to withdraw from his domains.
These gifts only increased the interest of the conqueror, who craved power and riches. Terrible omens
tormented Montezuma. It was said that the Fifth Sun would come to an end during his reign, and that the
Toltec god Quetzalcoatl, who was described as a white, bearded man, would return to recover his kingdom.

With these thoughts, Moctezuma received Cortes as a Guest in one of his beautiful palaces. But since the
Spanish were afraid that the Mexica would attack them, Cortes forced the Mexica emperor to remain in the
palace as a hostage. While in the city of Tenochtitlán, Cortes received news that Diego de Velázquez had sent
Pánfilo de Narváez to take him prisoner and take him back to Cuba. He decided to go out to fight them, leaving
the city under the command of Pedro de Alvarado. During his absence, a festive ceremony was held in
Tenochtitlán. Pedro de Alvarado felt frightened by the dances, costumes and sacrifices, he believed that the
dancers were preparing to attack them and decided to surprise them by organizing a massacre. The Mexicas
rose up against Moctezuma and surrounded the residence of the Spanish.

Meanwhile, with the Mexica gold, Cortes bribed the Spanish soldiers who came to arrest him and managed to
get them to join him, defeating Pánfilo de Narváez. When Cortes returned with a large army to the city of
Tenochtitlán, the Mexica allowed them entry and immediately laid siege to the city. Moctezuma tried to
advocate for the Spanish before his people, but he was stoned and died. Cortes decided to escape from the
city on the night of June 30, 1520. Most of his soldiers died in the battle. The conquistador cried under a tree
in the town of Tacaba in an episode known as “the sad night.”

The Spanish took refuge with their allies the Tlaxcalans. From there Cortes planned the conquest of
Tenochtitlán. He built 13 brigantines and laid siege to the city by water and land. The new Mexica lord,
Cuitláhuac, died of smallpox, a disease that had arrived from Europe along with the Spanish. Cuauhtémoc
followed him in command. The Mexica heroically defended their city, but they were very weak due to lack of
water and food, and a terrible smallpox epidemic. On August 13, 1521, the city of Tenochtitlán fell into the
hands of the Spanish. Almost all the lordships that were subject to the Mexica Empire peacefully accepted
Spanish domination. During the next century, the Spanish gradually subdued the other Mesoamerican groups
and extended their dominion to Aridoamerica.

Regrouping of the Spanish and supplying Cortés

The Spanish survivors spent three days in Hueyotlipan where they were helped by the Tlaxcalans. Shortly
afterwards Cortés and Maxixcatzin met in Tlaxcala to reaffirm their alliance. For twenty days the conquerors rested,
tended to the wounded and reorganized.
Shortly before the last incursion into Tenochtitlan, two Spanish delegations had been attacked. The first attack
caused just over twenty casualties; some of Narváez's men had been arrested by Cortés's forces and were being
taken to the Valley of Mexico. The prisoners never reached their destination as they were surprised by Mexica
warriors in Quecholac . The second attack caused forty-five Spanish casualties and two hundred Tlaxcalan
casualties when an excursion under Juan de Alcántara was annihilated at Calpulalpan . 139
Cortés then decided to undertake a military campaign to punish the region, not only to recover the honor and spirit
of his men, but also to cut off the supply route that the city of Tenochtitlan received from the eastern coast. Based
on Moctezuma's speech, the Spanish leader considered that all Mexicas and tributaries were officially vassals of
Charles I and that any adverse action, for this reason, should be considered an act of rebellion. Reading the
requirement was a common procedure to legally justify the punitive acts of the new campaign. 140
The Tlaxcalans contributed two thousand warriors under the command of Tianquizlatoatzin, who guided Cortés to
the areas of Zacatepec , Acatzingo and Tepeaca . The local teuctli surrendered on September 4, 1520. The
prisoners were enslaved and had a “G” for “war” branded on their cheeks with a hot iron. 141 Many Tepeaca warriors
were sacrificed by the Tlaxcalans without any complaint on the part of Cortés, who repeatedly tolerated the actions
that his allies carried out even though these were the same ones that he criticized so much from his enemies. 140
The Spanish leader founded the town of Segura de la Frontera and from the new location he directed attacks on the
towns of Quecholac , Huaquechula , Itzocan , Tecamachalco , Zapotitlán , Izúcar and Chiautla . 142 Several towns in
the area, including Huejotzingo and Cuetlaxtlan , preferred not to resist and accepted the alliance with the Spanish
forces, but others such as Tecamachalco and Acaptelahuacan were almost exterminated. On October 30 , in
Segura de la Frontera, Cortés wrote the second report letter , in which he described the latest events without giving
great importance to the setback in Tenochtitlan. Alonso de Mendoza and Diego de Ordás were responsible for
carrying the letter, but they set sail for the Iberian Peninsula until March 1521:
«...and in order not to give an account of all the particularities that happened to us in this war, which would be prolixity, I will only
say that, after having made the requirements for them to come to obey the commandments that your majesty made to them
Regarding peace, they did not want to comply with them and we made war against them and they fought many times with us
and with the help of God and the royal fortune of your highness we always defeated them and killed many, without them killing
me throughout the said war. nor did they hurt a single Spaniard...in the course of twenty days there were many peaceful villages
and towns subject to it and the lords and principals of them have come to offer themselves and become vassals of your
majesty..."
Second relationship letter. Hernan Cortes. 143

The chief carpenter, Martín López, was sent by Cortés to Tlaxcala. Their mission was to cut and prepare wood to
build thirteen brigs, which would be used in the amphibious assault on Tenochtitlan. When López arrived in
Tlaxcala, he learned that Maxixcatzin had died of smallpox but he was able to obtain help from Xicohténcatl Huehue
without any problem. 140
Alonso de Ávila and Francisco Álvarez Chico traveled to Santo Domingo in search of horses, crossbows ,
gunpowder , harquebuses , and cannons . On the other hand, Francisco de Solís traveled to Jamaica on a similar
mission. The expenses were financed with the little gold rescued from Tenochtitlan and that previously stored in
Tlaxcala. 144
In those days, different boats arrived: one of them from Cuba commanded by Pedro Barba, who carried a letter from
Velázquez addressed to Narváez. The ship's captain and crew decided to join Cortés. The same thing happened
with a boat captained by Rodrigo Morejón. From Castile , Juan de Burgos arrived in command of a ship that
stopped in the Canary Islands ; At the same time, Juan de Salamanca arrived from Seville , who stopped in Santo
Domingo . 144
In the area of the Pánuco River, an expedition led by Diego de Camargo under orders from the governor of Jamaica
, Francisco de Garay , had been defeated by the native Huastecs . To make matters worse, during the escape one
of the boats capsized. The sixty survivors and Camargo joined Cortés. The governor of Jamaica sent support
vessels, fifty men under the command of Miguel Díez de Aux and forty men under the command of Francisco
Ramírez "the Elder." These captains, upon assessing the situation, also decided to join Cortés' forces. 140
With the objective of controlling the entire route to the eastern coast, Gonzalo de Sandoval was designated to carry
out a new campaign in Zautla and Xalacingo. With only eight Spanish casualties, the towns were subdued and, as
in Tepeaca, the prisoners were enslaved and shod. 140
Because the treasures were used to obtain supplies and the king's fifth was also respected, there was no
distribution of gold to the soldiers. Some were dissatisfied, among them was Andrés de Duero, which caused the
breakup of the long friendship with Cortés. He decided to let the dissidents return to Cuba to avoid possible
uprisings and drafted military and civil ordinances to control those who stayed. 145
The Spanish forces began the advance towards Texmelucan accompanied by a large contingent of Tlaxcalans, who
numbered ten thousand men under the command of Chichimecatecle. Cortés' objective was to blockade the city of
Tenochtitlan. The towns of Huexotla, Coatlinchan , Chalco , Amecameca , Tlalmanalco , Ozumba , and Mixquic ,
decided to support the Spanish by also providing them with food.
When the Spanish forces arrived at Tetzcuco, the tlatoani Coanácoch fled to Tenochtitlan to join Cuauhtémoc. The
population also evacuated the city, partly going to Tenochtitlán in thousands of boats without Cortés being able to
prevent it. The Tlaxcalans, for their part, burned down the palace of Nezahualpilli , in which the Texcocan codices
were found. 146 Ixtlilxóchitl, enemy and brother of the tlatoani , became an unconditional ally of the Spanish, was
appointed lord of the city, and on the basis of this Cortés managed to get part of the population to return. There he
received delegates from various locations in the region communicating their support for the Spanish.
After eight days fortifying his compound in Texcoco, and without receiving attacks, Cortés advanced south on
Iztapalapa with 15 cavalry, 200 infantry and 5,000 Indian allies, including an undetermined number of Texcocans
under the command of Ixtlilxóchitl. 147 This meant placing themselves almost on the access paths to Tenochtitlán.
He took Itzapalapa, but a large part of the defenders were able to be evacuated in boats. At night the Mexica
opened containment works causing the city to flood, so Cortés had to evacuate the plaza that same night, losing the
provisions he had taken. The next day the Mexica send an army by land, and troops that attack from rafts and
retreat when the Spanish try to charge. Unable to avoid the harassment of the boats, without daring to attack the
land army, which was very numerous, and without food, Cortés opted to retreat to Texcoco. Despite his fear that
having been rejected would prevent new cities from continuing to go over to the Spanish side, he later received
delegates from Otumba and other towns who communicated their support.
Not having direct communication with the coast, Cortés sends Gonzalo de Sandoval with troops to escort part of the
Tlaxcalan forces to their lands, with the clothing obtained by them as loot, reach Veracruz to send correspondence
from Cortés and expel his return to the Mexica garrison of Chalco, from where the population offered to cross over
to the Spanish side. For his part, Cuauhtémoc had ordered the Spanish supply lines in Chalco and Huexotla to be
cut, since the corn in the area was of vital importance. After reaching Veracruz, Sandoval defeated the Mexica in
Chalco and returned to Texcoco. 148
On February 15, 1521, Cortés considered that the construction of the brigs should be completed near the lake. A
large number of Tamemes and Tlaxcalan allies transported the boards from Tlaxcala to the shores of Lake Texcoco
and ditches were dug to put the boats in the water.
Military campaigns north and west of Tenochtitlan
Once the ships were ready, Cortés made a new departure to reach the approaches to Tenochtitlán from the west,
turning around the lagoon on the north side. He had 25 cavalry and 300 infantry, plus the Tlaxcalan allies. A force
greater than that used in the exit towards Iztacpalapan. A few kilometers down the road they found and defeated a
Mexica army, in what was the only pitched combat of the exit. They then attacked Xaltocan and managed to enter
the city, but as day fell they withdrew from it and camped a league away. In the following days they passed through
Huatullan, which they found abandoned, and then through Tenayuca , Cuautitlán and Azcapotzalco without
encountering resistance. Finally they attacked Tlacopan , the main city of the Tepanecs , where the Mexica
resistance was concentrated, since this city was the head of the access to Tenochititlán from the west.
Tetlepanquetzaltzin and his men were forced to retreat to Tenochtitlán and the next day the Spanish burned
Tlacopán, in revenge for those who had died there on the "Sad Night." For six days the Spanish kept the city
occupied, fighting daily skirmishes with troops coming from Tenochtitlán and advancing on the beginning of the road
that crossed the lagoon. The Mexica urged them to try to cross it, but Cortés did not want to repeat the situation of
being locked inside Tenochtitlán and limited himself to harassing the heads of the causeway, asking to parley with
envoys from Cuauhtémoc, hoping to obtain a surrender. The Mexica refused to parley, and on one occasion when
he threatened them that they would die of hunger in the siege, from the defense tower of the road they threw him a
cornbread, telling him that if he wanted they already had plenty of supplies for them. . Seeing that he could not
parley, and could not sustain himself in Tlacopán, because the cities and fields in the area had been evacuated,
Cortés retraced his path and returned to the Spanish base in Texcoco. Seeing their retreat, a Mexica army followed
them, but the cavalry ambushed them and put them to flight in Acolman. 147
The victories achieved by the Spanish and the strengthening of the alliance with the Tlaxcalans were already news
throughout the Mexica Empire. Tributes and enemies slowly but inexorably increased Cortés's forces. Entire
populations from neighboring regions sent ambassadors of peace to pay tribute to the Spanish crown and ally
themselves in the attack on Tenochtitlan. The overwhelming inertia of the irruption had been generated. 149
The new allies not only increased the military strength of the conqueror throughout that stage, but also fulfilled the
strategic task of espionage and information to the high command about the concentrations and movements of the
enemy forces. Seeing their defeats in direct combat with the Spanish in front of Tenochtitlán, Cuauhtémoc
counterattacked with troops sent to Chalco and Tlalmanalco, in the south of the lake system, to ensure possession
of the area, thereby hindering communications and supply routes. of the besiegers with Tlaxacala. Cortés sent
Sandoval who attacked the Mexica garrisons in Huastepec and Acapichtlan, taking the two towns. After Sandoval
retreated to Taxcoco, the Mexica made yet another attempt to reoccupy Chalco. The army sent there marched so
fast that it arrived before Sandoval could return with Spanish troops, but in Chalco it was rejected by a local army
and when Sandoval arrived he found the situation already resolved in favor of his allies. With this the most direct
route from Tlaxcala to the Spanish base in Texcoco was definitively open, and the Spanish dominated both the east
and the south of the lake region. 147
Military campaigns south of Tenochtitlan
In response to the efforts of Francisco Álvarez Chico and Alonso de Ávila, in February 1521 a new ship, coming
from Santo Domingo, anchored in front of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz. It carried weapons, gunpowder, sixty horses
and two hundred men. Among these were the treasurer Julián de Alderete, brother Pedro Melgarejo de Urrea and
the lawyer Alonso Pérez, who would join the military campaigns. 147
While in Tetzcuco , during the last days of March of that year, Gonzalo de Sandoval gathered two hundred Spanish
soldiers, twenty horsemen and a large contingent of Chalca and Tlaxcalan allies. He left in the direction of
Cuauhnáhuac (Cuernavaca) to confront a Mexica army that was defending that position. The place was important
for Tenochtitlan because it was the communication route to Xochicalco . Sandoval and his men rested in
Tlalmanalco and as they continued their advance they had clashes in Huaxtépec (Oaxtepec) and Chimalhuacán . A
second Mexica army had reinforced the area and had positioned itself in Yecapixtla . Sandoval decided to return to
Texcoco. 150
Cortés increased the contingent with Texcocanos and Huejotzingas ; Olid, Tapia and Pedro de Alvarado relieved
Sandoval. The next meeting was at the rock of Tlayacapan . Captains Pedro de Ircio, Andrés de Monjaraz,
Rodríguez de Villafuerte and Francisco Verdugo led the assault. There the Mexica repelled the first attempt, but
days later they were defeated when the Spanish forces surrounded them and left them without water. 151

Spanish conquistadors and their Tlaxcalan allies in Metztitlan, Lienzo de Tlaxcala .

The advance of the conquerors continued towards Yautepec . The second Mexica army that was in the town fled to
Juchitepec , where it was reached and subdued. On April 13 from Tetzcuco, Cortés left with reinforcements, raided
through Tepoztlán and Cuauhtlan (Cuautla) . Once the towns were dominated, he met with the first expedition to
carry out the final and definitive attack on Cuauhnáhuac. 152
The next stage of the campaign took place in Xochimilco . The local tlatoani Yaomahuitzin offered resistance,
almost on the verge of being defeated, he deceived the Spanish by pretending to have intentions of making an
agreement but only with the objective of gaining time and receiving help from Tenochtitlan. Cuauhtémoc sent a
combined attack by land and by the lagoon. Due to the surprise factor, the Mexicas and Xochimilcas achieved a
temporary victory. Cortés was almost taken prisoner when he fell from his horse. Cristóbal de Olea was able to save
him in exchange for being wounded and a couple of Spanish soldiers being captured and later sacrificed. 153 The
battle continued for three more days and finally, Cuauhtémoc's men retreated to Tenochtitlan.
After having broken the defensive barrier, the conquistadors advanced to Coyoacán where the Teuctli
Coapopocatizin preferred to flee and the town was taken by Cortés's forces. From this place, the attack forces were
divided with the objectives of taking Churubusco , controlling the rear in Tláhuac and Mixquic , and surrounding the
lake to the west to Tlacopan. In this way, the siege of Tenochtitlan was completely closed. 147
Some Mexica forces attacked in isolated skirmishes, managing to capture some more soldiers. Cortés climbed to
the top of a teocalli to show the treasurer Julián de Alderete, the city of Tenochtitlan that was thirteen kilometers
away. The lawyer Alonso Pérez noticed a certain melancholy in the expression of the conqueror and told him:
154
He asked the Mexica to surrender and they always refused. It was the eve of the final attack.
Siege of Tenochtitlan

Controlling the east, northeast and south, Cortés did not hesitate to reaffirm his positions in Tlacopan (Tacuba) ,
Azcapotzalco , Tenayuca and Cuautitlán . The objective of isolating the city had been achieved and now it was
necessary to coordinate a simultaneous attack on the city from all entrances, as well as the assault supported by the
brigantines that had been built.
Shortly before starting the siege of the city, Antonio de Villafaña, still loyal to Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar ,
developed a plan to assassinate Cortés and captains Sandoval, Alvarado and Tapia. Soon Villafaña was discovered
and sentenced to hanging, so the event had no major repercussions. 155
After the incident, Cortés began to regroup forces; the brigantines were ready in Texcoco; requested men from
Chalco , Tlalmanalco ; He sent messengers to Xicohténcatl Huehue and requested reinforcements from Tlaxcala ,
Cholula , and Huejotzingo . Among the Tlaxcalan captains was Xīcohténcatl Āxāyacatzin (the son) , who had never
wanted to be an ally of Cortés.
Pedro de Alvarado was assigned to the Tlacopan front. Cristóbal de Olid with the support of Andrés de Tapia,
Francisco Verdugo and Francisco Lugo for Coyoacán. Gonzalo de Sandoval, supported by Luis Marín and Pedro de
Ircio, for Iztapalapa. Hernán Cortés was left in command of the brigs from Texcoco. 156
Before starting the attack, it was learned that Xicohténcatl was not in his position, probably because he was
coordinating his forces or carrying out storage tasks. Cortés took the opportunity to accuse him of treason and
sentenced him to die by hanging on May 12, 1521 . 157
Cortés always distrusted the Tlaxcalan captain, who had put up strong resistance in the wars they fought before
becoming allies and with this preventive action he wanted to eliminate the possibility that his strongest allies would
turn against him. 158
The last external offensive of the forces loyal to the Mexica came from the Malinalcas , Matlatzincas and Cohuixcas.
Cortés sent forces under Andrés de Tapia and Gonzalo de Sandoval to stop their advance. 162
The Spanish conquistadors thought that the Mexica were completely weakened and carried out a general raid on
the city. In a skirmish Cortés was captured, but he was bravely rescued by Cristóbal de Guzmán, who, in order to
save Cortés's life, fell prisoner into the hands of the Mexica. In clear retreat, some other Spaniards were taken
prisoners. 163
In accordance with the war customs of the Mexica, the prisoners were sacrificed to their gods at the top of their
temples. Helpless, his friends were able to observe the events from a distance, recognizing them by the whiteness
of their skin. However, the event encouraged Pedro de Alvarado, who, in his desire for revenge, placed himself at
the forefront for the final assault.
At the end of the siege, which lasted three months, Pedro de Alvarado took the plaza of Tlatelolco . The remaining
Tenochcas confronted the last battles and it was then that the conquistadors were able to observe, horrified, that the
Mexica had not only sacrificed the prisoners: in addition to removing their hearts, they had torn off the skin of the
fallen Spaniards to decorate their temples or offering it to his god Xipe Tótec .
Some of the last Mexica lords and chiefs died in the fray. The most outstanding captains in the defense of the site
by the Tlatelolcas were Coyohuehuetzin and Temilotzin, and by the Tenochcas Tlacutzin and Motelchiuhtzin.
Cuauhtémoc met in Tolmayecan with his captains, mayors and principals to deliberate the imminent surrender. 165
On August 13 , 1521 , corresponding to the day "1 coatl" of the year "3 calli" 166 of the month Xocotlhuetzi , 167
Cuauhtémoc left Tenochtitlan in a canoe, probably with the intention of negotiating the surrender, but was sighted
and captured by the Captain García Holguín, while the city fell into the hands of the Spanish and their allies. 168
When Cuauhtémoc was in the presence of Cortés, he pointed to the dagger that the conqueror was wearing at his
belt and asked him to kill him, since not being able to defend his city and his vassals, he preferred to die at the
hands of the invader. This fact was described by Hernán Cortés himself in his third letter of relationship to Charles I
of Spain :
According to the estimates of Hernán Cortés, the Spanish conquistadors, together with their allies Tlaxcaltecas,
Texcocanos, Huejotzincas, Chalcas , Cholultecas and other allies, killed more than forty thousand Mexicas during
the last days. López de Gómara described in his work that "the siege lasted three months, it had two hundred
thousand men, nine hundred Spaniards, eighty horses, seventeen artillery shots, thirteen brigs and six thousand
boats. Fifty Spaniards and six horses died and not many Indians. One hundred thousand died from the enemies, not
counting those killed by hunger and pestilence. 170
To celebrate the event, the Castilians gathered in the palace of the lord of Coyoacán Coapopocatizin, since in
Tenochtitlan the stench was unbearable. They organized a banquet with wine, pork, turkey meat and corn tortillas in
abundance. The next day they celebrated mass and a tedeum was sung. 171
Restoration of the city and torment of Cuauhtémoc
Cortés was not interested in Cuauhtémoc's death at that time. He preferred to use his recognition as tlatoani before
the Mexica, although in reality he was already a subject of Emperor Charles V and Cortés himself. He did so
successfully, taking advantage of the initiative and power of Cuauhtémoc to whom he restored the status of a
Mexica noble, respected and well treated but captive, to use his prestige and authority to govern the defeated,
ensuring the collaboration of the Mexicans in the cleaning and restoration work of the city. The first thing he ordered
was to restore the city's drinking water supply. The reconstruction of Tenochtitlan was carried out in the European
Renaissance style to later convert it, under the name of Mexico , into the capital of New Spain , which was the first
viceroyalty of the Indies . 172
The greed for gold was not long in coming and was not satisfied with three hundred and eighty thousand pesos of
gold already melted into bars according to the chronicle of Díaz del Castillo, or one hundred and thirty thousand
Castilians according to the chronicle of López de Gómara; The treasurer Julián de Alderete demanded the torment
of Cuauhtémoc, so that he would confess where the rest of Moctezuma Xocoyotzin 's treasure was hidden. It was
then that Tetlepanquetzaltzin and Cuauhtémoc had their feet smeared with oil and brought them close to the fire. He
complained to Cuauhtémoc about his martyrdom and the latter replied: "Am I in some delight or bath?" . Years later
in Spain, the guilt of allowing martyrdom fell on Hernán Cortés. 173
The treasures were then counted and the royal fifth was separated, which included gold, pearls, silver, jars, plates,
golden idols as well as figures of fish and birds, luxurious clothes of priests, exotic feathers, live animals such as
birds, jaguars, and slaves. Alonso de Ávila and Antonio de Quiñónez were the ones who carried this cargo in three
caravels, but they were attacked by French privateers commanded by Jean Fleury near the Azores Islands. 174 The
king's entire fifth was stolen and the Spaniards were taken prisoners. Ávila was released two years later. 175
The distribution of gold was carried out among the conquerors. Discounting the payment to the crown, Cortés'
percentage, the expedition expenses and the high payments of some captains, the sum to be distributed among the
troops only reached seventy pesos. The amount was ridiculous, because at that time a sword cost fifty pesos. 176 To
obtain new treasures and raise the spirits of the men, Cortés immediately organized new expeditions. In this way he
avoided a rebellion. 177
The Spanish leader requested the sending of evangelizing friars or priests. Meanwhile, he settled in Coyoacán
where his wife, Catalina Juárez "la Marcaida", arrived, who died shortly thereafter. 178 When the corresponding
authorization from the king was received in New Spain in 1522, Hernán Cortés began assigning land to the soldiers
and captains participating in the campaigns, using the encomienda regime. 179
2.2. Conquest strategies and effectively occupied territories
The conquest strategy followed by the Spanish conquerors was to take possession of the largest possible area of territory
by founding fortresses or strong cities in the middle of areas that had a greater density of native population. It was about
installing a white population in the power centers of the American agrarian empires with the objective of capturing the
agricultural and manufactured surpluses of the agrarian communities through the encomienda of Indians. The production
that was previously taxed for the maintenance of the cult and the nobility now had to be captured by the encomenderos
and by the Spanish empire through a complex system of impositions. This is the stately ideal that the Indian army tried to
implement (Mellafe; 1995).

Pedro de Valdivia founded 10 cities and fortresses to keep a territory of around 350,000 km² under dominion and control.
(but ultimately control could be exercised only over 190,000 square kilometers) on which an indigenous population of
close to a million lived. Following the strategy of conquest, Valdivia distributed all the Indians into encomiendas and gave
land to its soldiers and to all those who requested to settle in the cities of the new governorate of Chile. However, in 1553,
the first great uprising destroyed almost all the foundations, in addition to the life of Valdivia himself.

However, this strategy was continued by García Hurtado de Mendoza in 1557, who soon realized that, in the case of
Chile, where there was no imperial power that could be replaced by a handful of bold conquerors, it was not possible to
apply a open border territorial occupation model. In Chile there was no pyramid of social and economic power to capture.
Therefore, it was not possible to reproduce the same strategy that had been used to conquer the great pre-Columbian
empires of Mexico and Peru.

In Chile there were no imposing buildings, no imperial nobility, nor large state warehouses of merchandise. The pre-
Hispanic territorial occupation in these territories consisted of a series of independent tribes that were not used to being
subjugated. It was not possible, then, to create cities for the control of each group, nor could they be easily dominated. On
the other hand, the minimum surplus they produced was insufficient to maintain the Spanish settlements. Obtaining tribute
could only be achieved with brutal work in the gold pans. Furthermore, in the case of Chile, the first times of the conquest
were one of permanent war with the various Araucanian chiefs. The Arauco war weakened the seigneurial power and
weakened the nascent economy. Internal commercial coordination was weak and the environment hostile.

Finally, the Spanish managed to form self-sufficient and closed economic units without commercial relations with the other
regions of the country, although little by little they opened up to extra-regional trade, as commented by Mellafe (op.cit.).
The indigenous rebellion of 1598 ended up definitively sinking the Valdivian territorial occupation project. Since 1553 there
has been no complete and lasting peace with the southern Indians. There was always a rebellious chief who sowed
unrest. However, the rebellion of 1598 was total. Only in 1603 was tranquility established between the Itata River and the
Bío Bío, leaving Chillán and Concepción as occupation outposts. All the cities in the south disappeared, with the
exception of those of Chiloé.

Spanish occupation was reduced from 350,000 km2 to about 190,000 km2. The kingdom of Chile did not disappear
because the central nucleus managed to stop the advance of the rebellious Indians and the Peruvian viceroyalty was
obliged to keep the passage through the Strait of Magellan and the coasts of the Pacific Ocean under control and
surveillance. Consequently, since then, he had to send a Real Located with the objective of financing the defense of Chile
and meeting the maintenance costs of a permanent and professional army and not the host of conquest.

In this way, in Chile, the king “does not have a maravedí of profit, but infinite expenses” (Jara; 1984).

Since then, a military border was imposed and at the same time a system of border relations. The Spanish had to give up
the territory located south of the Bío Bío, relatively rich in gold and population. However, the economy had an incentive in
the provision of the standing army located along the line of border forts.

Over time, the border provided the opportunity to trade liquor, wines, iron objects, Araucanian slaves, livestock and gold,
the latter produced by the war Indians themselves. In this way, what has been called traditional Chile or the central core of
the country, also called “the cradle of Chile,” was configured. That is, the territory actually occupied by the Spanish or
rather by the Creoles and mestizos.

Within the territory actually occupied, the haciendas were formed in an east-west direction. The relatively limited spaces
exacerbated the surveillance of livestock, the main product in the 17th century, called by Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna as
the “century of tallow.” It was not an economy oriented to the consumption of meat but to the use of fat and leather.
Herdsmen and cowboys were distributed by the landowners in key points within their lands: at their limits, in the wintering
corners and in the small pampas where the cattle spent different times of the year. The characteristic landscape of the
Chilean countryside of the 17th century and much of the following century is of modest administrators' houses, granaries,
corrals and ranch workers distributed in groups of two or three ranches distant from each other. The traveler could walk
leagues before finding a couple of ranches and thus the landscape was repeated in journeys of entire days. Slowly, then,
a first structure of latifundia or ancient latifundio emerged, which managed to develop based on modest exports of
products derived from livestock, in addition to some copper and wheat, wine, dried fruits and rigging. These are the seeds
of what the famous minister Diego Portales would later call “the weight of the night” or the power of the hacienda.
Basically what is taking place is a general reorientation of society towards a process of increasing ruralization and
agricultural exploitation. Throughout the 17th century, no important urban center was established and the population was
dispersed throughout the territory. By the middle of this century, all the land available for agricultural exploitation had been
distributed and divided between Santiago and La Serena. Since then, the hacienda was transformed into an autonomous
and self-sufficient social microcosm presided over by the landowner, a kind of intermediary between the urban and rural
world and owner of total power in the rural world. Then it was normal for the magistrates to administer the territories under
their jurisdiction from their own estates, including the administration of justice.

Cortés established alliances with the enemies of the Aztecs. Among them were the Tlaxcalans.
He knew that he alone would not conquer that empire. So you should act quickly and decisively.

Capturing Montezuma immediately, the Aztec empire was left without command and the empire
rebelled, so Cortés fled, miraculously saving himself, many Spaniards dying in flight.

Later Pánfilo de Narváez tried to capture Cortés, but was defeated, Narváez's army uniting with
Cortés's army, the latter becoming stronger.

Upon his return, Cortés built brigantines to enter the canals that crossed the empire, as Bernal
Díaz del Castillo says, causing great damage, in addition to the fact that the population was
already depleted by smallpox.
Cuauhtémoc fought with everything he had but it was insufficient. Being captured shortly after
Cortés's return

The Mexicas or the Aztecs fell because they had made a great empire by subduing many peoples
in central Mexico who paid them tribute apart from the fact that the Aztacas were somewhat
cruel to them since to make sacrifices to their Gods they did not sacrifice Aztec people but They
were going to bring people from the subjugated towns, which is why many towns, including the
Tlaxcalans, their fiercest enemies, whom the Mexicas had not been able to subdue, helped the
Spanish to defeat them.

As for the techniques of conquest in northern Mexico, they were different. The Indians of northern
Mexico were untamed and barbaric. The Spanish sent missionaries and Christianized them,
supporting the missions with a Presido (military post). Then, after Christianizing the Indians and
making them sedentary since they were nomadic, then settlers were brought
mainly Spanish and mestizo to form towns and they emerged (Chihuahua Nueva Vizcaya in the
colony)
Jalisco Nieva Galicia in the colony) Nuevo Leon that retains the name and Tamaulipas before
Nuevo Santander.

Cortes realized the treacherous, hypocritical, envious and servile nature of the Indians of all
ethnicities. I simply exploit them for their benefit. The Mexicas allowed their enslavement
because there was no other way, and the other peoples, who believed they had enslaved the
tyrants of Anahuac, fell into the same slavery, they never understood that together they were a
great nation, and separated they were a group of poor peoples. , poorly organized who lived even
in the Neolithic.

Mainly using the beliefs of the Mexica in their favor, regarding the fact that Hernan Cortez
supposedly represented their God Quetzalcoatl, also taking advantage of the divisions that
existed between different peoples such as the Tlaxcaltecas, who were resentful of having to
constantly pay tributes and offer its people in sacrifice; And lastly and most importantly, the
Mexica did not kill their enemies in battle, they only took prisoners. Above all, they did not have
weapons as powerful as cannons and rifles, but the Spanish could kill in cold blood.

If you want to call it a strategy to try to convert them to Christianity and to have scared them by
riding horses which they did not know and they believed that he was a man with the body of an
animal, to the massacres, to have raped their women and taken their gold, well then that was it. I
recommend you read the book, "The Conquest of Mexico" by EDUARDO DEL RIO, better known as
RIUS, in a brief history that is also funny, you will understand more about what the happy
conquest was like until today.

Their strategy was to divide and attack smaller resistance groups while uniting with tribes
oppressed by the Aztecs who were promised better treatment and recognized places of privilege,
but in the end, naturally, they betrayed them as well.