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Rural Restructuring and the Changing

Geography of Competitive Sport
a a
Matthew Tonts & Kim Atherley
a
University of Western Australia , Australia
Published online: 18 Jan 2007.

To cite this article: Matthew Tonts & Kim Atherley (2005) Rural Restructuring and the
Changing Geography of Competitive Sport, Australian Geographer, 36:2, 125-144, DOI:
10.1080/00049180500153468

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 Australian Geographer, Vol. 36, No. 2,
pp. 125
/144, July 2005

Rural Restructuring and the Changing

Geography of Competitive Sport

MATTHEW TONTS & KIM ATHERLEY, University of Western

Australia, Australia
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ABSTRACT The geography of sport has received relatively little attention from those
interested in processes of rural social and economic change. This is despite the important
role that sport plays in the structure of rural communities and regions. In addition to the
obvious health benefits associated with physical activity, sport contributes to community
identity and provides opportunities for social interaction. There is, however, considerable
evidence to suggest that processes of restructuring are having direct impacts on sport in
rural areas. Drawing on a case study from rural Western Australia, this paper argues that
economic adjustment in the farming and business sectors, service withdrawal, and
population decline are just some of the changes undermining the viability of sporting clubs
in rural areas. We suggest that while sporting clubs have tended to be resilient in the face of
restructuring, it is also clear that one of the outcomes is a changing geography of sport in
declining rural areas.

KEY WORDS Rural restructuring; sport; population decline; communities; Western

Australia.

Introduction
In his book Sports geography (2003), John Bale notes that sport continues to be a
neglected field of enquiry amongst geographers. This is particularly surprising in
Australia where sport is often regarded as a national obsession. Indeed, one
commentator recently suggested that ‘Sport is the opiate of the Australian masses.
To be uninterested in cricket, football, tennis, horseracing, golf, basketball,
swimming etc. etc. is to be an outcast in the land of the unending quest for
sporting glory’ (Barker 2004, p. 62). While there is little doubt that sport is an
important part of Australian society at a national level, a number of community
studies have also hinted at its centrality in rural life (e.g. Dempsey 1990; Wild
1974; Greble 1979; Bourke 2001). It is often claimed that sport provides a forum
for social interaction, helps to overcome socio-cultural difference, and offers a
range of health benefits. Yet there have been very few detailed studies by
geographers or other social scientists into the role that sport plays in rural
communities, or how contemporary processes of economic and social change are
affecting country sport.

ISSN 0004-9182 print/ISSN 1465-3311 online/05/020125-20 # 2005 Geographical Society of New South Wales Inc.
DOI: 10.1080/00049180500153468
 126 M. Tonts & K. Atherley

The aim of this paper is to investigate how wider processes of economic and
social restructuring are reshaping the geographies of sport in rural areas. The paper
begins by reviewing some of the recent literature on rural social and economic
change and the role of sport in rural communities. It goes on to examine the nature
of participation in rural sport in two case study regions in Western Australia, and
considers some of the challenges facing sporting clubs and associations. The paper
argues that the demographic, social and economic changes associated with these
processes have contributed to a reorganisation of the geography of sport. This
spatial adjustment is an adaptive strategy that has enabled sporting clubs to survive,
at least in the short term. In the longer term, however, the future viability of many
sporting clubs is far from certain.

Geographies of sport in rural Australia

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Over the past decade there has been a proliferation of literature on the changing
economic and social conditions in rural Australia (e.g. Cocklin & Dibden 2005;
Cocklin & Alston 2003; Gray & Lawrence 2001; Pritchard & McManus 2000). A
central focus of this body of work has been to examine the ways in which processes
of global economic restructuring, together with policy changes at the national level,
have affected those regions dependent on agriculture. In many parts of rural
Australia, the declining profitability of farming has contributed to a process of farm
amalgamation and expansion. In small towns that service agriculture, the falling
farm population has contributed to a concomitant reduction in patronage for
businesses and services (Smailes 2000). These problems are often compounded by
the withdrawal of public services and infrastructure as governments attempt to
reduce spending and promote a more efficient allocation of resources (Haslam-
McKenzie 2000). For many towns the outcome has been a steady process of
economic and population decline (Hugo 2005).
While there has been considerable research conducted on the broader economic
and social implications of restructuring in rural areas, one of the notable silences
surrounds the impact of such changes on social and cultural institutions, such as
sporting clubs and other voluntary organisations. This is despite a longstanding
recognition that these organisations play an important role in the structure and
functioning of rural communities (McIntyre & McIntyre 1944; Oeser & Emery
1954; Wild 1974). Sporting clubs in particular are often regarded as a central
element in rural life, yet have rarely been discussed in the geographical and other
social scientific literature. The limited research that has been undertaken has
focused largely on the role of sporting clubs in promoting a sense of community
identity and belonging. Dempsey (1990), for example, argues that sport often plays
an integrative function in rural communities, and that those citizens who do not
participate (either as players or spectators) can often be alienated from the social
life of a community (see also Wild 1974). Similarly, Bourke (2001, p. 122) has
suggested that ‘local sporting clubs are the focus of community life and
participation in, or exclusion from, such groups affects residents’ daily life, social
integration and flow of information’. This was also confirmed by Jones and
Alexander’s (1998) research in the sparsely settled and relatively remote agricul-
tural region around Esperance in Western Australia. Their interviews with farm
residents indicated that sport was seen as an important opportunity for interaction
and the formation of social networks.
 Rural Restructuring and the Geography of Sport 127

The significance of sport in Australian rural communities is often reflected in the

considerable investment made in facilities, equipment and events. Indeed, a
number of studies have pointed to the substantial financial resources invested in
facilities in communities with very small, and often declining, populations (Greble
1979; Alston 2005). Once established, there is usually an ongoing commitment to
maintaining such facilities. Research by Atherley (2003) found that two small
communities in Western Australia, with a combined population of just over 2000,
spent approximately $736 000 between 1985 and 2003 simply to maintain and
improve existing facilities. Most of this funding was generated from within the local
community. Added to this was the contribution of volunteers to running local
sport. For example, Atherley’s (2003) research in the small Western Australian
town of Pingelly estimated that more than 850 hours of volunteer labour were
donated by 20 individuals in the redevelopment of a lawn bowling green. Another
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study suggested that a small Australian Rules football club utilised some 2000
hours of volunteer labour each year to remain in operation (Tonts 2003).
There has, however, been a tendency to romanticise the virtues of rural sport.
Some of the earlier investigations suggested that country sport was largely
egalitarian and integrative (McIntyre & McIntyre 1944; Oeser & Emery 1954).
More recent analyses have shown that this is not the case, and have highlighted
some of the less positive aspects of country sport, including racism, gender
discrimination, and social and economic stratification within clubs and associations
(Wild 1974; Dempsey 1992; Alston 1995). Indeed, sport is often a site of social
exclusion and marginalisation (Collins 2003).
One of the more positive aspects of sport in rural areas is the apparent health
benefits associated with physical activity. A number of researchers have pointed to
the potential for sport to contribute to healthier rural communities (Hahn &
Craythorn 1994; Brownson et al. 1998; Stephenson et al. 2000; Durham et al.
2001). The National Health and Medical Research Council of Australia (1996)
points out that sport and other forms of physical activity have a number of direct
health benefits on citizens, including the reduction of morbidity and mortality from
sedentary lifestyles, and by breaking down social isolation and encouraging
interaction.
While it is clear that sport plays a significant role in rural communities, relatively
little is known about how it is being affected by wider processes of restructuring.
There are, however, a number of studies that make some mention of the challenges
facing sporting clubs. In his study of social morale in rural South Australia, Smailes
(1997) noted that population decline had undermined the viability of businesses,
churches and some sporting clubs. Furthermore, one of the main impacts of young
people leaving the district was on the viability of local football clubs. In one town,
the number of teams fell from eight to five over the course of a decade. The survival
of remaining clubs was made possible only by encouraging young people who had
left the town to travel back at weekends to play.
A number of other studies have also made passing reference to the difficulties
facing sport in rural areas (e.g. Hudson 1986; Jones & Tonts 1995; Haslam-
McKenzie 1999; James 2001). Most of these suggest that the closure or
rationalisation of sporting clubs is linked directly to the restructuring of rural
economies, particularly processes such as farm amalgamation, the reduction of the
farm workforce, service withdrawal, population decline and population ageing. The
challenges facing sporting clubs were also highlighted in a recent government study
 128 M. Tonts & K. Atherley

that demonstrated the demise of Australian Rules football clubs in Victoria (State
Government of Victoria 2002). The study found that most of the closures and
amalgamations tended to occur in those areas dependent on broadacre agriculture,
rather than in regions within the metropolitan commuter belt or scenic coastal
growth areas. Such was the concern about this trend that the Victorian government
established a formal parliamentary inquiry into the state of country football.
The terms of reference focus quite clearly on the social role of sport in rural areas
and the demographic and economic challenges facing football and other sports
(see Table 1).

Research methods
The focus of this research is on two case study regions in Western Australia: the
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Northern Wheatbelt and the Pingelly-Brookton region (see Figure 1). The two case
study areas offer slightly different perspectives on the geographies of rural sport.
The Northern Wheatbelt is the larger of the two areas and had a total population of
6098 at the 2001 census. The Pingelly-Brookton region had a total population of
2087 in 2001. The two regions were chosen for a number of reasons. First, both are
dominated by broadacre crop and livestock farming and have experienced a degree
of economic adjustment in the farm sector as a result of wider processes of
restructuring. Second, they have both experienced steady population decline
over the past two decades (see Table 2). Third, the authors have, at one time or
another, spent periods of time living or working in the study areas and have
a good knowledge of the communities, sporting clubs and associations in the
regions.
The research for this project involved two key methods. The first was 85 semi-
structured interviews with residents of the two regions. This included representa-

TABLE 1. Terms of reference for the Victorian government’s inquiry into country football

Parliamentary Inquiry into Country Football: Terms of Reference

Received from the Legislative Assembly, 3 June 2003
Pursuant to the Parliamentary Committees Act 1968, the Rural and Regional Services and Development
Committee is required to inquire into, consider and report on the following:
a assess the current strength and long-term viability of Australian Football competitions and clubs in
regional and rural Victoria
b assess the role Australian Football plays in building community identity, social interaction and
pride in rural towns. (This should be considered in conjunction with complementary long-term
existing relationships with netball and cricket competitions)
c investigate how demographic shifts, changes in sport and entertainment preferences and other
social changes are impacting on participation in country-based football
d identify the effects that the decline in the number of rural Australian Football clubs is having on
country towns including whether other sport and recreation clubs/activities are meeting community
social needs in towns where the Australian Football clubs have ceased to function
e identify the impact that specific costs are having on rural Australian Football associations and clubs.
The costs to be investigated (but not necessarily restricted to) include insurance, local government
charges and pricing policies, player payments and water availability and cost
f recommend actions that peak football organisations (administrators, leagues and clubs) might
consider undertaking to support the future success of country football and participation in sport in
regional and rural Victoria

Source : Parliament of Victoria (2003).

 Rural Restructuring and the Geography of Sport 129
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FIGURE 1. The case study areas.

tives of sporting clubs, community groups, local government, and State govern-
ment agencies. The interviews were used to collect a range of qualitative and
quantitative information on: changing levels of participation; provision and
maintenance of facilities; funding issues; the organisational structure of sport; the
social role of sport in rural communities; and the future of sport in the regions.
Most of the interviews were conducted face to face or by telephone and lasted
between 45 minutes and 2 hours.
The second part of the research focused on the Northern Wheatbelt. A
questionnaire was sent to half of the region’s households (n /588). A total of
285 useable questionnaires were returned (48.5 per cent). The questionnaire
contained a combination of quantitative and qualitative elements and was designed
to provide information on: participation in sport both as a player and non-player
(e.g. umpire, coach, scorer, etc.); the spatial patterns of participation; social
TABLE 2. Population change in the two case study regions, 1991
/2001

Absolute change, Percentage change,

1991 2001 1991
/2001 1991
/2001

Northern Wheatbelt 7310 6098 /1212 /16.6

Brookton-Pingelly 2189 2087 /102 /4.7

Source : ABS (2004).

 130 M. Tonts & K. Atherley

interaction associated with sport; the social and cultural role of sport in rural
communities; health issues; and a range of basic household demographic, social
and economic data.

Participation in sport
A recent study by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (2001) found that overall rates
of participation in competitive sport in the capital cities are lower than in the rest of
Australia. In the capital cities, around 25 per cent of all individuals over the age of
15 participate in competitive sport. By comparison, 30 per cent of people in the
remainder of Australia (including regional cities such as Newcastle and Cairns) are
involved in sport. The survey of households in the Northern Wheatbelt of Western
Australia suggests that participation in agricultural regions might be even higher
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still, with some 63.4 per cent (n /375) over the age of 15 playing some form of
organised sport (see Table 3). When children under the age of 15 are taken into
account, of the 814 people in the survey a total of 501 people played some form of
competitive sport (61.5 per cent). Overall levels of participation tended to decrease
with age. For example, in the 15
/24 and 25
/34 age cohorts, 82.1 and 71.7 per
cent, respectively, played sport. In the 35
/44 and 45
/54 age cohorts participation
dropped substantially to 52.2 per cent and 49.3 per cent, respectively. For the 65/
age group, 43.7 per cent participated. The gender differences in participation were
minimal, with 60 per cent of females and 62.8 per cent of males playing sport.
The sports that residents of the region participate in are reasonably diverse,
although conform to what Cashman (1995) has described as typical ‘rural sports’
(see Table 3). In winter, the most popular sports are Australian Rules football, golf,
hockey and netball. The most popular summer sports are tennis, basketball and
lawn bowls. While the survey did not include Brookton-Pingelly, a recent study by
Atherley (2003) indicates that rates of participation in this region are similar to the
Northern Wheatbelt.
Interviews with residents in both case study regions suggest that there are a
number of reasons for high levels of participation in sport. First, the range of
recreational and leisure opportunities available to residents of small and relatively
remote rural communities is less than in larger urban centres. The absence of

TABLE 3. Participation in different sports by age in the Northern Wheatbelt

0
/14 15
/24 25
/34 35
/44 45
/54 55
/64 65/ Total

Tennis 18 21 34 45 21 9 1 149
Australian Rules football 65 36 17 12 4 0 0 134
Golf 2 5 24 38 27 12 4 112
Basketball 35 36 18 11 7 0 0 107
Hockey 56 11 16 11 3 0 0 97
Lawn bowls 1 1 11 26 24 10 19 92
Netball 35 18 11 20 1 0 0 85
Swimming 46 6 1 7 2 1 0 63
Cricket 4 11 6 9 1 0 0 31
Badminton 5 1 2 9 4 0 0 21
Other sports 23 15 8 14 5 2 1 68

Source : Northern Wheatbelt Household Survey (2002).

 Rural Restructuring and the Geography of Sport 131

facilities such as cinemas, fitness centres and entertainment arcades means that
sport provides one of the main opportunities for recreation and leisure. The second
reason for higher participation rates is linked to the social structure of rural
communities. Sport is regarded as an important form of socialisation, and non-
participation can lead to social exclusion and isolation. Finally, in regions that have
experienced drought, low commodity prices and falling farm and business profits,
sport offers an affordable form of both socialisation and recreation.
In addition to those playing sport, 73 people in the Northern Wheatbelt survey
regularly attended sporting functions in a non-playing capacity. Similarly in the
Pingelly-Brookton region, there was considerable participation in sport by non-
players (Atherley 2003). In both regions, non-playing participants were involved as
spectators, umpires, assistants, and officials, or in activities such as fundraising and
the construction and maintenance of facilities. As with participation by players, the
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involvement of other residents was often linked to the importance of sport as a

socialising agent. As one interviewee pointed out:
The thing about sport is just getting in there and involved. It’s about
getting together with other people and socializing. The sport itself isn’t
that important. (Male interviewee, Coroow).
Referring to his participation in fundraising for a local football club, another
interviewee commented:
I gave footy away years ago, but I still go along and watch and help out
where I can with raffles and quiz nights and other fundraisers. It’s a great
chance to spend time with people from this community (Male inter-
viewee, Carnamah).
For those people who did not play sport, a number of reasons were given, including
being too young to participate (especially amongst those under the age of 15) (27.5
per cent), and retirement (19.5 per cent) (see Table 4). Other common reasons for
not participating included not being interested in sport (18.5 per cent) and injury
or ill-health (14.4 per cent). While the cost of participation was not given as a major
factor for non-participation (3.2 per cent), a number of the interviews suggested
that this might influence the type of sport that people participate in. In some
respects, this was linked closely to the class structure of small towns, with more

TABLE 4. Reasons given for not playing sport, by age

0
/14 15
/24 25
/34 35
/44 45
/54 55
/64 65/ Total %

No interest in sport 5 10 7 18 11 5 2 58 18.5

Too expensive 1 1 0 2 2 1 3 10 3.2
Retired from sport 0 0 0 11 18 14 18 61 19.5
Injury/ill-health 1 0 12 10 10 9 3 45 14.4
Too young to play 86 0 0 0 0 0 0 86 27.5
Work commitments 0 1 4 9 3 3 0 20 6.4
Distance to travel 0 2 0 1 1 0 0 4 1.3
Other 4 1 7 5 8 3 1 29 9.3
Total 97 15 30 56 53 35 27 313 100

Source : Northern Wheatbelt Household Survey (2002).

 132 M. Tonts & K. Atherley

wealthy business owners, farmers and public servants tending to dominate some
sports, while other sports were characterised by a wider range of income and
occupational groups. For example, one interviewee pointed out that participation
in golf was linked to income:
Golf is great, but it really is the preserve of the wealthier people. I certainly
can’t afford to play and I think unless you do earn a bit, then it’s out of the
question. (Male interviewee, Three Springs).
A resident of Carnamah made a similar point:
The Golf Club is pretty much a closed circle of old locals. I think they like
to think of it as an upper class thing. Having said that, I have been out for
a hit occasionally. The only problem is that it’s so dear. (Female
interviewee, Carnamah)
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The exclusivity of some sporting clubs was also noted by Wild (1974) in his study
of social stratification in Bowral, New South Wales. Wild found that class
and status were particularly important in determining membership and participa-
tion. Similar trends were also noted by Tonts and Black (2003) in the Western
Australian town of Narrogin, where sport was often characterised by class
segregation.
It is also evident that the internal organisational structure of sporting clubs is not
necessarily egalitarian. While most of the interviewees suggested that sporting clubs
were open to anyone, it was also clear that divisions did occur. For example, a
resident of one of the Northern Wheatbelt towns noted:
What you notice is that it is a pretty tight group who run the show; people
who’ve been here in a donkey’s age. So, it’s their club. The rest of us just
play for the club. (Male interviewee, Carnamah).
The apparent on-field egalitarianism juxtaposed against a class or status-oriented
organisational structure was also raised by Dempsey (1990) in his study of a
country town in Victoria. He argues that one of the reasons for inclusiveness ‘on
the field’ was the size of the community, and that in very small communities it
is difficult for clubs to survive if they attempt to be exclusive. The small size
of the communities in the Northern Wheatbelt and Pingelly-Brookton also
appear to contribute to a sense of egalitarianism on the field of play in team
sports. Indeed, this was recognised by an official from one of the local cricket
clubs, who commented: ‘This club has all sorts playing for it. If it didn’t, we’d be
finished.’
One of the important features of sport in the Northern Wheatbelt and Pingelly-
Brookton is participation by the local Aboriginal population. At the 2001 census,
the Northern Wheatbelt had a total Aboriginal population of 581 (9.5 per cent of
the total population) and Pingelly-Brookton 275 (13.2 per cent). Interviews in both
regions suggested that participation in sport by Aboriginal people is generally
restricted to a narrow range of sports, particularly netball, basketball and Australian
Rules football. There are a number of apparent reasons for this. First, these sports
are relatively affordable in that they do not require a major investment in
equipment or attract high playing fees. This is significant in two regions where
Aboriginal unemployment is high and incomes are generally low. Second, these are
sports where Aboriginal people have been particularly successful at the national and
 Rural Restructuring and the Geography of Sport 133

local levels. Indeed, in the case of Australian Rules football, there are a number of
champion Aboriginal players from these regions playing at the elite level. These
people are widely regarded as local heroes and role models, and spend time in the
regions promoting further participation.
During a number of the interviews it was often suggested that the idea of
egalitarianism and equality on the sporting field extended to the Aboriginal
population. For example, one resident of the Northern Wheatbelt commented:
I never really felt that I was treated different because I’m black. I reckon
we were all pretty equal out there and I can’t remember problems off the
ground either really. (Male interviewee, Morawa).
Some local Aboriginal residents who were interviewed were asked to describe their
feelings about comradeship, equality and ethnic harmony when they participated in
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sport. An Aboriginal person from Pingelly-Brookton commented:

I feel that I was treated like all other team members when I played hockey
and netball and I really just enjoyed playing sport . . . meeting others in the
community was a good thing too. You get to know people a little better
and end up being friends. I encourage younger people to get out and play
any sport. (Female interviewee, Pingelly-Brookton)
Another stated that:
The friendships in sport were alright. I got on with everyone. It was fair
and equal and if I had to sit out, then it was ok. The sports I played for
weren’t racist and we had a good understanding of things. (Male
interviewee, Pingelly-Brookton)
Some of these comments echo the findings of Elkington’s (1982) study of sport in
regional Victoria. He claimed, perhaps a little uncritically, that sport is a great
equaliser, drawing people from diverse backgrounds together and providing public
admiration of individuals regardless of their ethnicity. However, it is important not
to overstate the apparent social virtues of sport. In both the Northern Wheatbelt
and the Pingelly-Brookton region there are examples of racism, ethnic conflict and
disharmony. For example, in the 1950s most Aboriginal people in the Pingelly-
Brookton region were prevented from joining local football teams, with no more
than six players given permission to play in each of the league’s teams.
Consequently, an all-Aboriginal team was formed in Brookton in the 1950s and
continued to play until the 1970s (Thomas 1999). Further to this, netball and
basketball had all-Aboriginal teams at different periods during the 1970s, 1980s
and 1990s.
It is also evident that racial tension is an ongoing part of rural sport. One resident
stated:
In theory, ‘sport is the way’ and it can be. It gives us all a chance to get to
know each other, but it also brings out the worst */which should be left on
the field, but that doesn’t necessarily apply. Some outbursts we hear are
disgraceful and puts reconciliation beyond even our dreams. So, because
of those outbursts, sport actually does more harm than good (in my
opinion of course). (Female resident, Pingelly-Brookton)
 134 M. Tonts & K. Atherley

Another commented:
I’ve seen and heard some shocking things at times on both sides of the
fence. It’s not good but it happens. Sometimes in the heart of it all racism
does come out. It’s a shame, but it’s part of the way it is. (Female
interviewee, Mingenew)

There was also a view amongst some residents that Aboriginal people are treated
well and included as long as they are good players. For those who are not, social
exclusion tends to remain the norm. In addition, when Aboriginal players retire
from sport their status within the local community tends to be diminished. This
raises questions about the ability of sport to build longstanding and meaningful
reconciliation across different racial groups in Australian rural communities (Tatz
1996). While there are certainly some bridges built between Aboriginal and non-
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Aboriginal people through sport, it does not appear to have led to substantial
changes to the social status of Indigenous people. However, if Aboriginal people did
not participate in sport at all, the bridges between white and black would, in all
likelihood, be far weaker (Donnelly 1996).

The challenges facing rural sport

Perhaps the most significant challenge facing sport in rural Australia is demo-
graphic change. Large areas of inland Australia have experienced both population
decline and a shift in age structure (Hugo 2005). The Northern Wheatbelt and
Pingelly-Brookton are typical of this trend. Underlying these demographic shifts are
wider processes of rural restructuring characterised by falling farm incomes, farm
amalgamation and expansion, and technological change. As a result, the Northern
Wheatbelt experienced a population decrease of 16.6 per cent between the 1991
and 2001 censuses, while Pingelly-Brookton recorded a fall of 4.7 per cent. Much
of this depopulation is the result of outmigration of people in the 15
/29 age cohort.
Like much of rural Australia, these regions have also experienced a gradual ageing
of the population (see Hugo 2005).
The impact of population change is particularly evident in the levels of
participation in sporting clubs. Drawing on detailed statistics collected from club
officials in both regions, Figure 2 shows changing rates of participation in selected
sports between 1985 and 2002. Almost all sports recorded major decreases in
participation. The only sports to increase player numbers were hockey in both
regions and netball in Brookton-Pingelly. Interviewees suggested that there were
two main reasons for this increase. First, there has been a move away from contact
sports, such as Australian Rules football, to non-contact sports, such as hockey,
particularly amongst younger people. Second, recruitment drives by hockey and
netball clubs had encouraged a renewed participation by those who had formerly
retired from these sports.
Interviewees generally attributed the declining population and participation in
sport to restructuring in the rural economy. Most commonly, interviewees talked
about the reduction in the number of farms and farm families and how this had
impacted on sporting clubs. The member of a small tennis club in the Brookton-
Pingelly region noted:
 Rural Restructuring and the Geography of Sport 135

100
80

Percentage Change in Player

Lawn Bowls
Badminton
60

Football
Cricket
Numbers, 1985-2002

Tennis
40

Golf
20
0

Hockey

Netball
-20
-40
-60
-80
-100
Sports

Brookton-Pingelly Northern-Wheatbelt
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FIGURE 2. Changing participation in selected sports, 1985
/2003.

With farm amalgamations we have lost whole families who played our
sport. For example, one family who left the area consisted of a
grandparent, two parents and two children and they all played tennis . . .
we lost five players from the club, just from one farm being sold. (Female
interviewee, Brookton-Pingelly)
Similar observations were also made by a member of an Australian Rules football
club in the Northern Wheatbelt when discussing the future of the sport:
I think just numbers are going to dwindle, because farms are being sold
and families are being replaced by a bigger farmer. I just think numbers
will drop and I think really it’s just getting to be just a sign of the times . . .
just being in the country is not as easy as it has been. Over at Mullewa,
even Perenjori way, they’ve had two drought years in a row. As soon as it
gets tough you know more and more families seem to move. (Male
interviewee, Carnamah)
In addition to the loss of families, a number of interviewees pointed to the steady
reduction in hired farm labour in rural areas as a result of technological change and
financial pressures. A long-time farmer and sporting club official in Three Springs
noted:
The thing is that farming is different to what it was in the past. I used to
have two blokes full time helping me, but now I just have someone help for
a few weeks a year. And my farm is bigger than it was then. So, those
people have all moved on and aren’t here to play. That’s really gutted
teams right through the area. (Male interviewee, Three Springs).
Restructuring in the agricultural sector has been accompanied by changes in the
business sector and the delivery of services. Throughout many of the agricultural
regions in Australia, falling populations have resulted in the contraction of
local economies (Stayner 2005). Small businesses, traditionally significant employ-
ers in country towns, have often been forced to close or have rationalised their
operations. Similarly, public services, such as schools, hospitals and police stations
have been scaled down or withdrawn by governments sensitive to both demo-
 136 M. Tonts & K. Atherley

graphic change and the need to minimise costs (Haslam-McKenzie 1999). The
impact of these processes was commented on by a number of interviewees. For
example:
We used to have four or five players at golf every week who were school
teachers and bank officers, but now the banks have closed and the
teachers commute to Perth every weekend. (Male interviewee, Pingelly-
Brookton).
These demographic and economic changes not only affected on-field viability but
also the organisational and administrative aspects of sport. As outlined above,
volunteers are responsible for much of the organisation and administration of
sport in the regions. However, population decline has gradually reduced the
number of residents who are willing and able to take on this task. One resident
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described the outcome as ‘volunteer burnout’, with some people simply

being overwhelmed by the increasing responsibilities. In part this is not only
the result of population decline but also increasing pressures for voluntary work in
Australian society. Traditional volunteer tasks, such as running sporting clubs,
have been accompanied by a range of new activities that require volunteer
involvement, such as environmental management, welfare activities and economic
development. This was summed up in the experiences of a Northern Wheatbelt
interviewee:
I guess our biggest problem in the last few years is finding people to do
things. There are so few of us left, but the same amount of clubs and
organizations, if not more. In the end, we’re all doing lots more and . . .
some of these clubs just may have to go because we don’t have the people
to run them. (Male interviewee, Coroow).
One of the other issues that was discussed regularly by interviewees was the
problem of funding rural sports. Most sports have fixed infrastructure costs, which,
per capita, become more expensive to fund as the local population falls and
economy contracts. These challenges were widely recognised by interviewees in
both study regions. Donations and sponsorship were just two of the sources of
funding under threat:
We used to get quite a lot of money or prizes or other things donated by
farmers when times were good. That dropped away a bit over the past
couple of years, and especially last year with the drought out east. That
means we’ve got to find the support from elsewhere. (Female interviewee,
Northern Wheatbelt)
There just aren’t as many businesses in town as there used to be, and
those that are can’t afford to sponsor too much. There’s lots of clubs all
wanting a share of the dollars and not enough businesses to provide it.
(Male interviewee, Northern Wheatbelt)
Population decline and the associated fall in participants also had a direct impact
on the financial well-being of clubs. For example, the president of a small tennis
club in the Northern Wheatbelt commented:
Our memberships have dropped by around half in the last few years, but
of course we’ve got to keep our courts and clubhouse up to scratch. Now
 Rural Restructuring and the Geography of Sport 137

that gets pretty hard to do because our income membership fees have
dropped by half as well. If we were a business, we’d have shut the doors
ages ago. (Female interviewee, Northern Wheatbelt)
Indeed, the demise of sporting clubs in rural areas has become a common
occurrence in both of the case study areas. The outcome is a changing spatial
organisation of sport that is ultimately linked to underlying processes of economic
and social restructuring.

The spatial reorganisation of sport

As outlined above, sport is a fundamentally spatial activity (Bale 2003). Through-
out the case study regions, sporting clubs are closely attached to particular
locations and tend to draw players and non-playing participants from immediately
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surrounding areas. Most team sports, such as football, hockey and cricket, play
against teams from other towns within a broader regional association. For example,
the North Midlands Cricket Association organises competition between some six
teams located throughout the Northern Wheatbelt region. These local and regional
sporting structures are now being reshaped by processes of restructuring. Farm
amalgamation and enlargement, service withdrawal, population decline and ageing
are impacting directly on the number of sporting clubs and associations and their
spatial organisation. In a number of cases, sporting clubs have either folded or
amalgamated with those in neighbouring towns. This, in turn, has affected
residents’ access to sports and levels of participation. The following provides case
studies of the spatial changes occurring in three popular sports in the case study
regions: Australian Rules football, cricket and tennis.

Australian Rules football

The very nature of Australian Rules football makes it susceptible to rural
restructuring. The game involves 18 players per side (plus four reserves) and has
traditionally been one of the most popular winter sports in rural Western Australia.
Football teams are inherently place based, drawing most of their players, spectators
and supporters from a particular town or locality. In many respects, the local
football team plays a fundamental role in the symbolic construction of community
(see Cohen 1985), acting as a vehicle for the expression of local identity and pride.
Perhaps not surprisingly, then, most towns and localities in the agricultural regions
of Western Australia have, at one time or another, had their own football team. In
both of the case study regions, every major town and even some of the smaller
settlements have had at least one team.
By the late 1960s and early 1970s, many football teams were beginning to
struggle to survive as a direct result of processes of rural restructuring. Farm
amalgamation, economic contraction and the associated population decline
undermined the very age cohort that makes up most football teams: 15
/34 years.
The number of football clubs in the Pingelly-Brookton fell from four to two
between the 1970 and 1985, while the number of clubs in the Northern Wheatbelt
fell from nine to seven during the same timeframe. There has generally been a clear
link between the closure of clubs and the settlement hierarchy, with the smallest
localities losing their football teams first, followed by the next-tier settlements. In
 138 M. Tonts & K. Atherley

both regions, the clubs that closed between the 1970s and 1985 were based in
settlements with populations under 100. The clubs that survived were all based in
the two regions’ larger towns. This trend mirrors the longstanding spatial
reorganisation of service provision within the Western Australian settlement system,
where small settlements have generally declined at the expense of ‘higher order’
localities (Bolton 1963; Houghton 1973; Jones 1993).
The 1980s saw this process begin to impact upon the next tier of settlements
within the two regions. A number of clubs in the larger towns found it difficult
to field teams, find adequate funding, and maintain facilities. However, the
response of sporting clubs was somewhat different from the earlier round of
closures. Rather than close, clubs sought amalgamations with those in nearby
towns. This was a survival strategy that provided the player numbers and financial
backing required to keep the sport viable. There have been three amalgamations
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involving six clubs in both case study regions since 1980, and no club closures (see
Figure 3).
The decision to amalgamate was rarely taken lightly, and usually involved
considerable local debate. Because all of the amalgamations involved clubs in
different towns, much of the debate was fundamentally geographical. There were
often power struggles between the towns/clubs about issues such as where teams
would be based, the distances players would need to travel to attend games and
training, and the political representation on the amalgamated entities’ committee.

FIGURE 3. The spatial reorganisation of football clubs in the case study regions.
 Rural Restructuring and the Geography of Sport 139

In addition, there was considerable concern about the loss of community identity
and sporting tradition. Teams that had often been rivals for decades were being
forced to place on- and off-field differences aside in order to survive. The following
provides some insights into the views of locals about the impacts of amalgamations
on clubs and communities:
The big problem was the distance. It (amalgamating) meant that some
of our guys were travelling 20 or 30 kilometres more to training and
games. With the cost of fuel that works out pretty expensive. (Male
interviewee, Perenjori)
The thing is distance. We’re not a local club anymore, we’re a regional
club and that’s meant a lot more travelling . . . it’s harder to organise
things. (Female interviewee, Carnamah)
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I think a part of the town died when footy amalgamated */but it’s better
than folding I suppose, but it’s not the same. We used to have great
stoushes with them (the partner in the amalgamation) and now we’re all
trying to be one. (Male interviewee, Perenjori)
Amalgamation causes way, way too much trouble. Transport is too great
to get to training on time, we start training at five thirty and for us to
be at another town by five thirty, we all work, it’s just not feasible and
from what I’ve seen in the past of amalgamations they just don’t combine.
Socially you tend to go back to your own town and socialise because
of the drinking and driving and lots of reasons . . . (Male interviewee,
Carnamah)
There are also a number of economic implications associated with amalgamations
of sporting clubs between towns. In the merger between Brookton and Pingelly
football clubs, games were split between the two towns. One local shop owner
reported that, because of the loss of home games from the town, revenue was down
some $5000 on the year prior to the amalgamation. Similarly, the owner of a hotel
in the Northern Wheatbelt felt that bar and meal takings had fallen following the
loss of home games and training following amalgamation. In both cases, however,
the total demise of local football would, presumably, have a far worse economic
impact than amalgamation.
Despite some reservations about amalgamations, there were many interviewees
who saw the positive elements, not the least of which was the survival of the sport
and increased cooperation between communities:
I think the amalgamation has been successful. With less population it gives
youth in both towns a larger circle to mix in. (Female interviewee,
Coroow)
The amalgamation has promoted cooperation and friendship between the
two towns, broadened horizons for everyone involved and provided a
focus for the declining number of youth in each town. (Male interviewee,
Carnamah)
It’s amazing that two towns which traditionally were arch rivals on the
sports field have now successfully joined forces for the sake of continuing.
(Female interviewee, Latham)
 140 M. Tonts & K. Atherley

In addition to amalgamation, one of the survival strategies adopted by football

clubs is to pay or subsidise former residents to travel to their former home towns to
play. This was particularly common amongst young people based in Perth for
education or employment. Similar trends have been noted by Smailes (1997) in
rural South Australia. There appear to be a number of positive outcomes associated
with this strategy. First, and most obviously, it helps to maintain the local football
club. Second, it provides young people with an opportunity to retain a connection
with their community. Third, the spending by these people on their return helps the
local economy, even if only in a small way. Finally, players based in Perth often
meet in the city on a weekly basis to practise, which provides an opportunity for
social interaction and support.

Cricket
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Cricket faces many similar issues to football in both case study regions. Population
decline has gradually undermined the viability of many clubs to the point where
many have folded or been forced to amalgamate. Figure 4 shows the pattern of
amalgamations and closures in the Pingelly-Brookton region between 1980 and
2003. As with football, there tends to have been a distinct geographical pattern to
the changes, with clubs located in the smallest settlements closing or amalgamating
first, followed by clubs in the larger towns. Such has been the decline in club
numbers that associations are now being forced to expand in order to remain viable
and offer a reasonable standard of competition. In 1993, the four cricket teams

FIGURE 4. The spatial reorganisation of cricket clubs in the Pingelly-Brookton region.

 Rural Restructuring and the Geography of Sport 141

located in Pingelly region joined a number of neighbouring towns to establish the

Beverley, Brookton, York, Pingelly Cricket Association, or BBYPA. This associa-
tion incorporated six teams. Following the demise of one of the teams in Pingelly in
1997, the association fractured as the remaining team in Pingelly decided to join a
larger association to the south. This left the renamed Beverley, Brookton York
Association (BBYA) with just four teams (some of which were also struggling for
numbers). In 1997, the Beverly Brookton York Association joined with the East
Avon Association, which comprised a total of three teams, giving the amalgamated
association a total of seven teams. Since then, a further three clubs in this
association have folded, including one in Brookton. There are now just two cricket
clubs left in the Pingelly-Brookton region, both of which are struggling to remain
viable. This represents a stark contrast from the late 1950s when the region had 10
clubs.
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The changes in associations have had a direct impact on the distances travelled
for weekly competition. In the mid-1980s, the furthermost distance travelled from
Pingelly to play cricket was 28 km, and in 2003 it was 130 km. From Brookton, the
distances travelled have increased from 55 to 150 km over the same time period.
While the increase in distances travelled is largely a response to falling player
numbers it also serves as a disincentive to participation. Indeed, a number of
residents commented how the lengthy travelling times and the associated costs have
further reduced participation.
Similar changes are also occurring in the Northern Wheatbelt. Between 1980
and 2003 a total of three cricket teams folded. While the association boundaries
have remained stable during this period, there is now mounting pressure to expand
in order to remain viable. However, as in Pingelly-Brookton, there are concerns
about the impacts of travelling and the cost of participation:
Making the association bigger will probably hurt teams because people
won’t want to travel further or pay for the fuel to do that. It’s a pretty fine
balancing act because we want to have a good competition, but not turn
people off. (Male interviewee, Brookton)

Tennis
Tennis clubs have tended to be more resilient than football and cricket clubs. There
appear to be a number of reasons for this. First, because tennis is not a team sport it
is able to cope with fluctuating numbers more easily and accommodate those people
who are not able to play on a regular basis because of work or other commitments.
Second, it is played by a wider age range than football and cricket, with a number of
clubs reporting members over the age of 70. Third, it can be played at a level that is
physically less demanding than football or cricket. Nevertheless, tennis has also been
affected by dwindling numbers and the closure of clubs.
In both case study regions, almost every small railway siding and locality had a
tennis club in the early 1970s. In the Brookton-Pingelly region there were at least
13 clubs in 1970 and 18 in the Northern Wheatbelt. By 2003, the number of clubs
in Pingelly-Brookton had fallen to four, and in the Northern Wheatbelt to eight. As
with football and cricket, the pattern of closures is linked to the position of a club
within the settlement hierarchy. Indeed, abandoned tennis courts in small
settlements are one of the most common symbols of rural decline in the Western
 142 M. Tonts & K. Atherley

Australian wheatbelt (see Plate 1). The only remaining clubs are located in larger
towns in both regions.

Conclusion
As with other elements of Australian rural life, sport is being affected by wider
processes of economic and social restructuring. Farm amalgamation, business
closures, service withdrawal, population ageing, and outmigration are just some of
the manifestations of these changes that impact directly on the viability of sporting
clubs. Nevertheless, sport remains an important part of the social structure of rural
communities. In the Western Australian case studies presented here, participation
rates in sporting clubs remains high, despite ongoing population decline. This
participation is not restricted to players, but includes much wider local representa-
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tion. In part, this appears to be linked to the role that sport plays in encouraging
social interaction and a ‘sense of community’. However, it is also clear that country
sport is not necessarily egalitarian. Despite some claims to the contrary, there is
evidence of social stratification and racism in country sport. Those who are not
actively involved in sport also face the prospect of a degree of social exclusion.
For those people who are involved in sport, it is clear that processes of
restructuring have the potential to fragment or degrade the associated social
networks. Throughout the region, clubs have either closed or amalgamated with
those in nearby towns. This process has been fundamentally spatial, and it is clear
that a ‘new’ geography of sport is emerging in the case study areas as the population
dwindles and clubs and associations adapt to lower population thresholds in local
areas. Often the outcome is larger associations and longer distances travelled by
players and others involved in sport. The ongoing process of population decline
affecting inland rural Western Australia, and Australia more generally, means that
amalgamation and expansion are likely to be a temporary spatial fix, rather than
long-term sustainable solutions. Given that sport plays an important role in
promoting social interaction and physical activity for many rural residents, this
raises important questions about the longer term well-being of those who are
affected by these trends.

Plate 1. An abandoned tennis club in the Pingelly-Brookton region. Source : the authors.
 Rural Restructuring and the Geography of Sport 143

Acknowledgements
This research was funded by a Healthway Health Promotion Research Starter
Grant. The authors also thank Dimity Smith for assisting with the interviews and
data analysis, and Thomas Leong for producing the maps.

Correspondence : Matthew Tonts, Institute for Regional Development, School of

Earth and Geographical Sciences, University of Western Australia, 35 Stirling Hwy,
Crawley, WA 6009, Australia. E-mail: mtonts@cyllene.uwa.edu.au

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