Jagannath University, Dhaka

Department of Islamic Studies

B.A (Hons), 2nd Year (1st semester)
Session: 2021-22
Course code: 2102
Course Title: History of the Liberation War of Bangladesh

Research Proposal On:

A Historical Analysis about the BAKSAL Experiment

Submitted By : Submitted To :
Md. Rakibul Hassan (5026) Dr. Mobarak Hossain
Masum Billah (5022) Associate Professor
Suhana Akter (5017)
Dept. of Islamic Studies
Sima Akter (5027)
Jagannath University,
Mst. Fahmida Akter Femi (5021)
Md Ashikur Rahman (5028) Dhaka-1100
Md. Emran Hasan (5014)
Md. Abu Rayhan Ch. Rony (5016)
Mst Tasnim (5024)
Abu Hashem (5025)
Nusrat Fatima (5020)
Tahmina Yesmin Monty (5015) Date of submission: 13-05-2024
Mufti Rahman Meghla (5018)
Md Tanjil (5023)
A Historical Analysis about the BAKSAL Experiment:

Abstract:
This thesis is delivered into the historical tragedy and implications of the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami
League (BAKSAL), a political experiment initiated by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in the early 1974s. Through an
interdisciplinary approach, it explores the socio-political context leading to the formation of BAKSAL, its
institutional framework and its impact on governance, democracy, and society. Drawing on archival research,
interviews and secondary sources. This study examines the rise, consolidation and eventual downfall of BAKSAL,
shedding light on its significance within Bangladesh's political landscape and its enduring legacy. By critically
analyzing the BAKSAL period. This thesis aims to contribute to a nuanced understanding of Democracy of the
exploited (second revolution called by Bangabandhu) political power dynamics in Bangladesh and beyond.

Introduction :
The term "Baksal" is possibly the most emotionally charged word in the political history of Bangladesh. For almost
five decades, this term has been used in politics to depict authoritarianism, opposing freedom, and their idealistic
portrayal by various political parties and intellectuals. Even those engaged in progressive politics often spread
misinformation and confusion about Baksal. Until now, most research and writings on Bangladesh's politics have
portrayed Baksal as a less-than-democratic system. However, the basis upon which they have reached this
conclusion, and the historical evidence or documents they have analyzed, are not mentioned.

Many in the newer generation view "Baksal" simply as a political insult. Among the various distortions in
Bangladesh's history since the late 1970s, Baksal stands out. However, what's unfortunate is that those who were
deeply involved in the Liberation War, both politically and intellectually, didn't give much attention to Baksal, or
they remained silent about it, thereby avoiding any direct statements. The opposing forces to freedom, various
political parties, and some intellectuals, knowingly or unknowingly, spread various false and confusing information
about Baksal. These parties used this misinformation to discredit the pro-liberation political parties, leading the
general public to misunderstand figures like Bangabandhu and the pro-liberation parties. In fact, Baksal didn't last
even a year in Bangladesh. After Bangabandhu's brutal assassination in August 1975, the then-ruling regime
immediately annulled it. From one perspective, Baksal was part of the vision for the establishment of a new
political system in the aftermath of the Liberation War, but it was scrapped following Bangabandhu's
assassination by the immediate perpetrators.

We haven't written extensively about Baksal. Those who have written about it mostly criticized Baksal.
Consequently, accurate information hasn't reached the general public, although some critics claim to provide a
critique. However, the entire process was primarily an exercise in intellectual engagement. So, we attempted to
uncover the hidden history of Baksal by providing accurate information.

Here, I first discuss the good and bad aspects of democracy and socialism. Then, I delve into the history of this
region to understand why Baksal became necessary. Next, I discuss the political, social, and economic aspects of
Baksal. Then, I explore how the elections and press freedom were during Baksal's era. After that, I discuss the
structure of Baksal. Following that, I analyze the political conflicts surrounding Baksal and the discussions and
criticisms against it. Finally, I conclude with our perspective and attempt to debunk misinformation and
misconceptions about Baksal propagated by various writers.

Others have attempted to question the educational system with much false information, pleasing certain anti-
liberty political parties, thus distorting our history. We have tried to uncover the real truth by giving equal
importance to both sides. Although the educational system claims some areas for criticism, labeling the entire
system as flawed is irrational. There were many progressive ideas that supported the well-being of the people of
Bengal. To uncover these, we have sifted through many old documents and newspapers, resulting in many new
pieces of information that will help dispel these misconceptions.

Democracy:
The English word Democracy comes from the Greek word "Demo kratia". The word "demos" means people and
"kratia" means rule. In a democracy, all citizens have equal opportunities to participate in the making and making
of laws. This is done directly or through an elected representative. Although the term democracy is usually applied
in a political context, it can also apply to other organizations or institutions.

Spread of democracy:
Democracy comes from the ancient Greeks and Romans. Who are considered as the founders of Western
civilization. Eighteenth-century democratic revivalists succeeded in turning the democratic ideals of the Greeks
and Romans into the dominant political institutions of 300 years. Democracy has dominated the international
arena since the collapse of the remnants of imperialism after World War II.

Advantages of Democracy:
People's rule, electoral system, freedom of press, transparency and accountability etc. have transformed
democracy into a fair, liberal people-friendly system. Through elections, representatives of the majority of the
population go to parliament and make laws on their behalf. Which is a reflection of their desire. Freedom of the
press, preservation of minority rights, transparency and accountability, freedom of expression of dissent make
democracy tolerant and respectful of others' opinions. Which determines clarity through free thinking self-criticism.
As a result, the fortunes of the common man improved.

Disadvantages of Democracy:
In regimes such as monarchies, dictatorships, the way for common people to participate is very narrow. But in
democracy this path is relatively easy. It is a virtue but it is also one of the major faults. Because an educated,
judicious citizen and an uneducated stupid citizen have the same amount of power. As a result, uneducated,
dishonest candidates can easily win by manipulating uneducated citizens in less educated, underdeveloped
countries. In a democratic system, if a qualified person is not represented, his seat is occupied by unqualified
persons instead of remaining vacant. Then the incompetents pursue their interests and govern as they please. As
a result, a chaotic situation is created in politics.

Socialism:
The English word socialism is derived from the latin word 'socius'. The meaning of the Latin word is socious word
is social friendly relationship the main characteristics of which are public ownership of the means of production.
Socialism is a system based on the social ownership of the means of production and the whole speciality
depends on the establishment of a cooperative relationship of people free from exploitation, where there will be
joint ownership of production. Socialism is a social and economic system characterized by social ownership of the
main production and a Cooperative management of the economy as well as a political Doctrine and movement to
establish such a system. That is, it is a social economic system where the ownership of wealth and money is
under social or state control there is no private ownership.That is there is no private ownership in a socialist
system goods are produced according to the needs of the people in a socialist economy. A Country's factories,
mines and lands etc are considered as social or state property. The first stage of communist society, social
ownership of the means of production is its
economic basis socialism abolishes private ownership and exploitation of Man by man economic crisis and
unemployment opening the fields for the planned development of the productive force and the fullet
transformation of the relations of production was to increase
the prosperity of the people and to achieve the overall development of every person in the society the principle of
the 'Each' according to his ability and its shall receive according to his need. There are two types of socialism
namely:
1. fictional on socialism
2. the scientific socialism

The Origins of socialism:

The origin on the term can be attributed to different people looking and the historical changes in the use of the
term socialism and to the significance of the term that term of socialism was first used by Robert wayne (1771-
1858) in England in 1827 in the cooperative magazine model usage and definition of the term matured in the
1680s. Various writers use the term socialism instead of the terms Cooperative mutualist and Associationist used
to before that time.

History of socialism:
The history of socialism has its roots in the Russian revolution of 1917 and the changes from it all the it is an
earlier movement and ideas the term scientific socialism is used in the book 7 communist manifesto by Karl Marxs
and fredrick Angels. The book was written a little before 1848 and the book shook the whole of Europe. In the last
third of the 19th century in Europe social democratic parties began to rise adopting marxism. The Australian level
party won Queenusland state election 1899. Karl Marx is the father of socialism. Besides, the various Systems
imagined by the 19th Century imaginary socialist later became the various theoretical
source of scientific communism.

Advantages of socialism:
Absence of absorption:
The main advantage of socialist state system is the absence of exploitation guarantees is
non exploitation of workers.
Participation of all:
In a socialist state system every member of the country or community Devotes himself to
the purpose of conducting production as a common worker.

Acceptance of goods are service as a requested:

In a socialist system everyone receives goods or services according to demand. it is
the belief of those who speak for the socialist state system that the development of the state
is very first. As a result, it helps to reduce the level of poverty in the society. Every person has an equal right to
get Health Care and Education.

Discrimination is abolished:
In a socialist system all forms of discrimination eliminated by the state. It also happens that if a task arises that
needs to be done, no one can be found to do it. In that case higher remuneration for doing that work.

Disadvantage of socialism:
Reliance on Cooperative polling the biggest drawback of a socialist system is the reliance on Cooperative pooling
of everyone to perform any task. A worker cannot do more than anyone else if he can afford it because
competition is frowned upon in socialism.
(
Formation of Baksal:
Bakshal, or the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, a national political party, was formed on February 24,
1975. It was established under the initiative of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who felt the necessity of it.
He formed the party with the participation of people from all walks of life. The aim was to create a national party
representing all classes and to establish a socialist state free from exploitation, focusing on the liberation of
oppressed and deprived people. He symbolized it as the second revolution or the democracy of the oppressed.
The purpose of Bakshal was to eliminate oppressive autocratic rule and exploitation and establish a state free
from oppression.

* Political perspective of Baksal:

The political situation in Bangladesh after independence was highly volatile and unstable due to the presence of
anti-liberation forces. Even in 1971, there were attempts to launch a counter-liberation movement from within
India. There was even a conspiracy to assassinate Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. However, these plots
were foiled by Indian intelligence agencies. Despite the threats, Bangabandhu was constantly provoked, as there
were continuous attempts to remove him from power. His opponents knew that if Tajuddin and Bangabandhu
were together, they wouldn't have any chance of achieving their selfish goals. So, they started working against
Bangabandhu's government through various means such as undermining law and order, spreading
communalism, anti-Indian sentiments, and creating food shortages during famine. Local and international anti-
Bangladesh forces were actively working against Bangabandhu's government. Bangladesh faced numerous
challenges due to these activities.

After Bangladesh's independence, Eugene Booster took over the responsibility of the American Embassy. Soon
after, he started collaborating with Khondaker Mostaq Ahmed. Their collaboration led to various incidents. On the
other hand, the pro-Chinese leftist organization and the Naxalites began killings, violence, and looting. They
started intimidating ordinary people, and the Chhatra League and other factions split into two. Shafiul Alam, the
general editor of the Chhatra League, started speaking against the Awami League. The country didn't give
Bangabandhu even a year of peace after independence. Even those who were initially supportive of the liberation
war didn't give him a chance. They perhaps thought that Bangladesh would turn into heaven immediately after
independence. They never imagined that the country would be in total turmoil. They had to start from scratch.
Despite their vast knowledge and experience, they started their work against Mujib. All their knowledge and
experience were being used against the interests of Bangladesh. Bangladesh suffered the most from their
actions.

In October 1972, on Bangabandhu's return from India, Maulana Bhashani started opposing the Bangabandhu
government. On September 17, 1972, ASM Abdur Rob directly criticized Bangabandhu in his speech. Shiraj
Sikder took up arms against the government and party leaders at his residence. Colonel Taher started criticism
and opposition to Bangabandhu's government without understanding his intentions. Thus, by the end of 1972,
Dhaka city was filled with anti-Bangabandhu government posters.

All in all, in 1972 itself, a hostile environment was created for Bangabandhu. These were overt oppositions. But on
the other hand, another group appeared to maintain good relations within the country and internationally, even
after Bangabandhu's assassination. Pakistan, America, and China were supporting them. This group was more
dangerous than the previous one. These enemies were lurking around Bangabandhu from all sides.

On March 17, 1974, on Bangabandhu's birthday, the Jasad caused unrest in the country. They exploded a bomb
in front of the home of the Minister of State and set fire to the gate. On April 5, seven Chhatra League workers
lost their lives in clashes at Dhaka University. Because of this, Shafiul Alam, the chief of the Chhatra League, held
a rally against the government and party leaders at Paltan Maidan. On April 14, the Nine-Party Alliance declared
a national uprising against the Mujib government.

Under the guise of prevailing democracy, Bangabandhu tolerated all this and looked for ways to save the country.
He sought solutions through international political upheavals and his own political experiences in the light of
humanity. His only concern was to bring smiles to the faces of the poor and helpless people. But the environment
of independent Bangladesh had become so hostile that he considered strict measures necessary for its
suppression.
*The social perspective of the Bakshal:

At that time, nature had also become hostile. Wild animals roamed the entire country, destroying human
settlements, causing countless deaths. Hundreds of thousands of livestock perished, and crops were destroyed.
Road and train communications were disrupted. In this situation, the prices of essential goods skyrocketed. Even
with the assistance of international donors, the Bangladesh government couldn't cope. Businessmen didn't
withdraw essential food from the market. In this opportunity, with ulterior motives, all the opposition parties started
opposing the Bangabandhu government and secretly fueled unrest among the people.

To tackle this situation, he decided to form the Baksal. He wanted to discipline the uncontrollable children and
bring them onto the right path through firm measures. He aimed to directly involve the people through Bakshal.
Through the formation of Bakshal, his speech in the National Assembly conveyed his intentions clearly. In his
speech in the National Assembly, he said, "In the midst of a mass grave, we achieved independence and
exchanged blood for seventy-one million people, fifty-six thousand square miles. We had no wealth. Everything
we had was destroyed. There was no economic infrastructure. There was no foreign office, no planning office,
nothing at all. Those who opposed our independence, now worried about whether they could make a living in the
future, whether their children could run the government in this country, started seeking their fortune. We won't
work, we'll take leave. We won't go to the office, we'll take leave, free style. Enemies of the country come here
enjoying full liberty; they secretly brief against Bangladesh after drinking two bottles of alcohol. But we tried. Okay,
let's see, okay, let's do. Okay, form a party, okay, write, okay, speak freely. No restrictions. But what did we find?
When we started on this path (the prevalent democratic path), the foreign wheels started turning against the
country. They started conspiring to subvert the country's independence and started a free-style operation. They
started bringing money into the country. Destruction began within the country, a destructive operation. Several
thousand workers were killed, who fought selflessly. The sons of the liberation forces were killed. Under the guise
of democracy, this politics started, hijacking in the name of this politics, robbery. Making phone calls, extorting
money from people, or looting jewelry from people's homes. A free-style started in the name of this politics. So I
don't want this politics, my people don't want this democracy. The amendment to the constitution we are going
towards, that's also democracy, "the democracy of the oppressed." Here the people will have the right to vote. For
many days, locked up alone in prison, I have thought that 20% of my country's people are educated. Among
them, one group became politicians, one group intellectuals, one group teachers, one group government officials
and businessmen. Some became monks. In my society, there are knowledgeable, virtuous people, and others, a
bridge needs to be built with them. I can do this bridge if I can start a new system and create a new party, a
national party, through which only one path, one way, one way of loving the country can be formed. Those who
love Bangladesh, they can come together, unite, and work for the welfare of the country. That's why the Baksal
Here, the perspective and purpose of establishing the Baksal are clearly understood. Bangabandhu aimed to
completely reform the national structure through the formation of Baksal. In Bangabandhu's plan, the village was
designated as the administrative and production unit. When this system was implemented, the path to
establishing an egalitarian society would become smoother. Bangabandhu sought to end the era of bureaucratic
administration. With his experience, wisdom, and foresight, he recognized the need for a new administrative
framework for the ultimate liberation of the oppressed. Avir Ahad, citing Bangabandhu's quotation, illustrates how
Bangabandhu's deep love for the people and his vision for administrative reforms became apparent, prompting
him to initiate a new administrative framework for the holistic liberation of the oppressed people. Bangabandhu
wished to directly provide opportunities and facilities to the people in every sector of the state. He aimed to
decentralize power. He referred to education and economic liberation as 'investment'. He formed cooperatives to
provide economic freedom to rural communities. Through four fundamental policies, Bangabandhu mentioned the
basic human rights of the downtrodden, exploited, and laboring masses and emphasized the establishment of a
participatory democratic and egalitarian governance system. He mentioned the path of administering the state by
the powerful class of influential wealthy people through the prevailing democracy, mentioning the importance of
establishing a stable system of governance based on the principles of true democracy and social justice. Within
the framework of the prevalent democracy and socialism, there is no contradiction. The reality of society controls
and regulates people's thought processes. Therefore, in the Constitution, the principle of social democracy and
emancipation is enshrined. He considered the protection of the collective interests of the oppressed human
society through narrow individualism.
He wanted to integrate every person in society into one family. In addition, he also arranged for the administration
to be accountable to the people. He wanted to involve the military in the country's daily affairs. In the concluding
part of an interview, Bangabandhu firmly stated:

"I have embarked on this path for the greater welfare of the nation. The people are supporting me. So,
conspiracies, obstacles, and threats will not deter me. I will continue my work. Perhaps they may even kill me in
the end. I do not care. I will do what I say. When I give my hand once, I will not withdraw it. I said I would liberate
this country, and I have. I said I would build a corruption-free Bangladesh, and I have InshaAllah. There is no
room for compromise, no room for negotiation."

In this interview, he also stated that if he is not there, the Bengalis will one day realize and fulfill the ideals and
goals he set. This proves that Bangabandhu had complete faith and trust in the Bengalis. In independent
Bangladesh, some people thought about their own interests instead of the greater good of the nation, which led to
chaotic situations. One event gave birth to another. Bangabandhu saw everything but allowed people to express
their democratic opinion. As the situation worsened, the country fell into an anarchic state. To bring the country
back on track, he began contemplating changing the state's structure. Because, Bangabandhu believed in the
welfare of the common people and the responsibility towards the nation from the beginning of his life. So, he
formed Bakshal as a platform for all people. However, he couldn't start the work. After the formation of Bakshal,
wealthy and influential circles started hostility. They thought wealth would slip away from their hands to the hands
of farmers and laborers. The authorities also thought about losing power to representatives or being accountable
to the people. This dissatisfaction also arose in the military forces. Therefore, in the collective efforts of all the
beneficiaries, imperialists, and capitalists, Bangabandhu's life lamp dimmed and dimmed, and the Bengali nation's
torch dimmed. However, analyzing the purpose of Bakshal, we can understand that if all the currents of Bakshal
were implemented, Bangladesh would have transformed into an ideal state over time.

Information:
1. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Unfinished Memoirs, 2013, The University Press Limited, Dhaka, pp. 9-10.
2. Sheikh Sadi, 100 Minutes of August 15, 2016, Kathaprokash, Dhaka, p. 66.
3. Abir Ahad, Bangabandhu: Bakshaler Rajniti Protiddhoni, 2019, Palalik Saurabh, Dhaka, p. 47.
4. Pragutt, p. 103.
5. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Source (Bangabandhu: Bakshaler Rajniti Protiddhoni, Author: Abir Ahad, Pragutt, p.
28).

Economic method of Baksal:

The country has just become politically independent. The impression of destruction and scarcity all around. Then
the price of food items and other things increased very fast in the international market. For example, between
1970-1974, the price of Jalani oil per barrel increased by about 9 times, the price of rice by about four times, the
price of wheat by two and a half times and the price of sugar by about six times. As a result, the consumer price
index increased by 52 percent, 33 percent and 21 percent in 1972, 1973 and 1974 respectively. As a result of
inflation, the real income of marginal farmers, agricultural and urban workers tends to decrease very rapidly. It
should be noted that at that time the number of landless people in Bangladesh was about 40 percent of the
population. As a result, their ability to sustain life decreases rapidly. Although the yield of paddy in 1974 was
higher than the yield of 1973. However, due to the floods of 1974, jute plantations were severely damaged. As a
result, the farmer is not only deprived of cash income, but also has a negative impact on the next crop. It
increases the fear of scarcity in people's minds. Also speculative market behavior makes the situation more
fragile. The anti-government propaganda in the newspapers was at its peak at that time. Due to lack of sufficient
foreign exchange in the government coffers and rapid rise in the price of food grains in the world market, food
imports are severely hampered to meet the deficit. Bangladesh's creditworthiness was very low at that time. As a
result, several food import contracts under short-term commercial credit were canceled.In September-October
1974, where 250-300 thousand tons of food grains were needed, it was possible to import only 29-70 thousand
tons.

Nurul Islam explained the situation thus -

“There were very few foreign exchange resources and prices in the world market were sky high. Even if by some
turn of luck we could get commercial credit and were able to purchase, we could not possibly ship it on time.There
was a great demand on Shipping space in view of many countries rushing to buy food in the face of the
worldwide food crisis.”

Reference:
1,(Islam, N, 2005, The making of a nation Bangladesh- an economist’s tale
The University press limited Dhaka.
2.( Osmani, S R, 1987, The food problem in Bangladesh, UN WIDER working paper
29, November) .
3. (World Data: 1850-2015 by Roger and Ritchie).

Current election system and Baksal election system:

The current system of government in Bangladesh is a unicentric, multi-party, parliamentary democratic system of
government. In this system, the people directly elect their representatives as members of the National Assembly.
In this democratic system there is free and open competition of financial resources in the political and socio-
economic spheres. In this case the rich but dishonest person can participate in the election but the honest,
competent but poor person who represents 90 percent of the people of Bangladesh cannot participate. In this,
dishonest rich people take votes through black money, buying votes from very poor uneducated people through
money, stealing vote boxes through dishonest presiding and polling officers, intimidating voters through their own
baton forces, etc.

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman said in his introduction to democracy, "By real democracy I mean a
political system in which the majority of the people have real rule by establishing a government for them, by them
and by elected representatives of their own class for the greater good of the majority." And socio-economic basic
rights are preserved “but in the traditional democratic system there is free and open competition of financial
resources in the political and socio-economic spheres. In this case, it is not possible for the poor public to
participate in such a money competition. 1

Keeping this concept in mind, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman introduced a new type of election system in Baksal. Which
is not quite like a normal democracy and not a totalitarian system either. It is called advanced democracy. What
Bangabandhu named 'Democracy of the Exploited'.

On March 19, 2019, Sheikh Hasina, the daughter of Bangabandhu, spoke about the Bakshal election system -“By
creating national unity, Bangabandhu introduced a system where one has extra money Can't spend, the name of
any candidate from the government will be advertised on a poster. Only the one who can reach more people, win
the trust of the people will be elected.” 2

After the establishment of Baksal on January 25, 1975, April 20, 1975 was the first under this system
No election is held. Industry Minister elected from Kishoreganj in 1973 parliamentary elections
After the establishment of Baksal, the Vice President was nominated. As a result, elections were held in his
vacant seat
April 20, 1975. 3 members of Baksal participated in the election.

1. Syed Nazrul Islam's younger brother Syed Wahidul Islam (Keezhur Gach Marka)
2. School Master Ashrafuddin (on a bicycle)
3. Advocate of Abdus Sattar (in Fish Market)

Apart from the nomination of three of them by Bakshal, election expenses of 5 thousand rupees were paid to each
of them. The Deputy Commissioner conducts the election and conducts the election meeting. Sitting on the same
platform, the three presented their election speeches to the public. The Deputy Commissioner presided over the
meeting. Ashrafuddin Master won the election. 3

The initiative taken by Bangabandhu to change the electoral system by creating a label playing field outside the
conventional electoral system may seem unimaginable even today. This was one of the special features of
Bangabandhu's second revolution program.

Instructions:
1. Baksal, Passage Path, Hasanur Rashid.
2. Baksal Passage, Hasanur Rashid.
3. Baksal Passing Path, Hasanur Rashid.

Freedom of Press in Baksal:

An important chapter in the history of Bangladesh is 'Baksal' which is also known as the second revolution. On
June 16, 1975, the declaration of all the dailies except the four dailies of Bangladesh was canceled under the
Baksal system. Those four are:
1. Daily Ittefaq
2. Daily Bangla
3. Bangladesh Observer
4. The Bangladesh Times. 1

Bakshal was not a one-party system. It was a national party composed of all opinions, classes and professions. 2
After independence, some opportunistic individuals and groups started various anti-national activities and
activities. Publishing newspapers with foreign money without being accountable to the people of the country and
sowing the seeds of national division and communalism. False news started spreading in domestic and foreign
media. In this, the image of the independent country gets damaged and the normal process of nation building gets
hindered. As a result, Bangabandhu's Bakshal government announced the "Government Owned Newspapers
(Management) Ordinance or News Paper Declaration Enactment Ordinance 1975" for the purpose of fair
publication of newspapers. This issue was part of the socialist program. In the post-seventies opponents of the
Baksal program (agents of capitalism) campaigned extensively for political gain calling the system a reckless
suppression of the press. It is true that the publication of arbitrary newspapers was controlled through the Baksal
programme. However, effective measures were taken to publish and disseminate objective news to the
countrymen through the country's first-ranked journalists-writers-literatures in the published four newspapers.
Many journalists of that period are still alive today and all issues of the four newspapers published at that time are
still preserved in many places. Reading those newspapers, no conscious person would admit that the voice of
independent journalism was stifled at that time.

Some reports published in daily Ittefaq on June 17, 1975 are highlighted in this regard-
In the light of the second revolution, the President Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman announced a new
policy regarding the management of newspapers and issued two ordinances. According to the new arrangement,
from today (Tuesday), four daily newspapers namely Dainik Ittefaq, Bangladesh Observer, Dainik Bangla and
Bangladesh Times will be published across the country. Mr. Nurul Islam Patwari, Mr. Obaidul Haque, Sheikh
Fazulal Haque Moni and Mr. Ehtesham Haider Chowdhury have been appointed editors of Dainik Ittefaq,
Bangladesh Observer, Bangladesh Times and Dainik Bangla respectively. The government has also upheld the
declaration of 122 weekly and monthly newspapers. Apart from these newspapers, no other newspaper will be
published without the permission of the government.
The Government of Bangladesh issued the Newspaper (Cancellation of Declarations) Ordinance 1975 and
canceled the declaration of all newspapers except 'Bangladesh Observer' and 'Dainik Bangla' and 122 weekly
and monthly newspapers from 17th June. BASS and ENA reports said: Immediately after the issuance of this
ordinance, the government announced the decision to publish Dainik Ittefaq and Bangladesh Times. After that,
apart from those four dailies and 122 periodicals, no other newspaper or periodical will be published except with
the permission of the Government of Bangladesh. The government simultaneously issued another ordinance. The
Ordinance issued for the management of government-owned newspapers is called the Government-Owned
Newspapers (Management) Ordinance, 1975. The Government hereby announces the decision that in the near
future, one newspaper each from Chittagong and Khulna and another in one of the northern districts will be
published. Immediately after the announcement of the cancellation of the declaration, the spokesperson of the
Information and Radio Department informed the reporters that a 7-member committee has been formed to protect
the interests of the employees of the canceled newspapers and arrange future employment.

Printing press employees and other employees of various defunct newspapers have been requested to report to
the committee by June 30. The committee members are: Mr. Mizanur Rahman, Prof. MA Khaled MP, Joint
Secretary of Information and Radio Department Anisuzzaman Khan, Deputy Secretary of Information and Radio
Department Mr. Salimuzzaman, Mr. Gias Kamal Chowdhury, Mr. Amanullah Khan MP (Bogra) and Mr. Abdul
Gani Hazari. Mr. Anisuzzaman Khan will act as the convener of the committee. The employees of the canceled
newspapers in Dhaka and Khulna should report to Mr. Mizanur Rahman. His office will be in Observer House.
Chittagong employees will report to Member of Parliament Professor MA Khaled and Bogra employees will report
to Member of Parliament Mr. Amanullah Khan.
The President issued an ordinance canceling the newspaper declaration. The Ordinance states: In view of the
circumstances, immediate action becomes necessary. Government-Owned Newspapers Management Ordinance
provides for the management and development of government-owned newspapers. The Ordinance also provides
for the winding up of certain companies formed to carry on the business of newspaper printing and publishing.
The Ordinance states that the Government shall constitute a Board of Directors for the Government-owned
newspapers. The Government shall appoint a Chairman and an appropriate number of members to the Board.
The Board shall, inter alia, perform the following functions: management, development, expansion and
modernization of Government-owned newspapers and Government-owned printing presses used for the purpose
of printing newspapers, execution and execution of agreements regarding newspapers and printing presses under
the Government's permission, equipment necessary for the management of newspapers and printing presses by
the Board. , will purchase spare parts, raw materials and other goods. The Board shall perform its duties on a
sound business basis, which adequately meets the needs of the mass media and projects a constructively
progressive national image abroad. (2)
The Board shall consist of a Chairman and such number of other members as may be deemed fit by the
Government. (3) The terms and conditions under which the Chairman and other members shall assume
responsibility and the rules and procedures for the meeting of the Board shall be prescribed by the Government.
4. Proceedings of the Board—The proceedings of the Board shall be—
(a) To modernize the system of management, development, promotion of Government-owned newspapers and
Government-owned printing presses and to use them for printing and publishing these newspapers.
(b) execute and implement any agreement or arrangement relating to newspapers and printing presses under its
management, if approved by the Government.
(c) Purchase of any machinery, spare parts for maintenance of machinery, raw materials and materials or any
other necessary items required for newspapers and printing presses under own management. (d) Borrowing or
collecting money by pledging any property under management with the special approval of the Government.
(e) Performing other similar tasks as directed by the Government or necessary for carrying out the above
activities. 5
Copyright Policy by the Board—
(1) The Board, while carrying out its activities, shall work on a sound business basis by adequately meeting the
needs of the country's mass media and constructively presenting the national progressive image abroad.
(2) The Board shall be guided by the instructions issued by the Government from time to time in carrying out its
activities.

(3) Dissolution of certain companies.—(1) Notwithstanding anything contained in the Companies Act, 1913 (7 of
1913) or in any other law for the time being in force or in any other trust or waqf or other agreement or document,
the companies specified in the Schedule to this Ordinance shall Will expire as soon as it becomes effective. (2)
After the dissolution of the companies under sub-section (1) (a) all assets, rights, rights and privileges and
movable and immovable property of the dissolved companies, including the shares of the respective companies
and the Bangladesh Abandoned Property (Control, Management and Sale) Order, 1972; (P, O, No. 16 of 1972)—
such shares are held in another company, corporation or trust, hereinafter referred to as the said order and all
cash and bank deposits of the dissolved companies are reserved. Funds and investments and all interests and
rights arising out of such property of the dissolved company or possessing title, power and control shall be
transferred and vested in the Government.

(b) all debts and liabilities incurred by any dissolved company for the purpose of or in connection with its business
and operations, all obligations assumed, all contracts entered into and all arrangements entered into or arranged
for the execution thereof shall be transferred to the Government and by the Government, including the
Government , shall be deemed to have been executed for the Government.

(c) Government may pay or recover any sum payable or recoverable in respect of and for the purposes of the
dissolved companies for their business and activities.

(d) Unless the context otherwise provides, any agreement, deed, power of attorney, legal representation and
other document of any nature relating to the purpose and business of such company shall be deemed to be a
reference to the Government and such agreement, The deed, power, grant or agreement shall be effective
accordingly.

(e) all suits, appeals and legal proceedings instituted by or against the dissolved company before the dissolution
of the company under this section relating to the business and proceedings of the dissolved companies shall be
deemed to be suits, appeals and legal proceedings instituted by or against the Government and shall continue
accordingly. And it will continue.

(f) the employment of all officers and other officers of the dissolved companies, notwithstanding any contract or
condition of employment, unless the Government has refused the appointment or employment of any person by
special order and the terms and conditions of employment have not been fixed and redefined by the Government;
It shall be deemed to have been transferred to the Government on the terms immediately preceding it.

(g) If the employment of any officer or other employee of a company dissolved by or under this Ordinance is
transferred to the Government, no compensation shall be available on account of such cancellation and transfer.
(3) For the purpose of avoiding disputes, it is hereby declared that all the properties of the dissolved company
vested in the Government under the said order shall no longer be deemed to be abandoned property under the
said order and accordingly shall not be subject to the provisions of the said order.

7. Indemnity: (1) In respect of shares held in a defunct company vested in the Government under section 6 and all
rights arising from such shares, the owners of such shares shall be indemnified— (a) if the full value of the shares
has been paid, the written value of those shares; , and (b) if the full value of the shares has not been fully paid up,
an amount equal to the amount actually paid up in respect of those shares. (2) A shareholder of a dissolved
company having accepted the compensation payable under sub-section (1) such shareholder shall be fully and
completely discharged from all liabilities relating to the debts and liabilities of such company. (3) Where a
shareholder refuses to accept the compensation payable for his shares under sub-section (1), he shall be liable to
share in the excess or less of the value of the assets than the liabilities of the company in liquidation under the
Companies Act, 1913 (7 of 1913). will stay Seal of Title (Note Clause 6)

1. Alhelal Printing and Publishing Company Limited. 2. Dainik Pakistan Limited. 3. NATIONAL NEWS
PUBLICATIONS LIMITED. 4. Janata Printing and Packaging Limited. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman; the president
Justice MH Rahman Secretary Dhaka June 13, 1975. The government has exempted 124 daily, weekly, bipartite,
monthly, bimonthly and annual newspapers from cancellation of declaration of publication under the Newspaper
(Cancellation of Declaration) Ordinance 1975 issued by the government yesterday (Monday). This ordinance is
effective from today Tuesday (June 17). The list of exempted newspapers is as follows: Daily Newspapers 1. The
Bangladesh Observer, Dhaka. 2. Dainik Bangla, Dhaka. Weekly 3. Bangladesh News, Dhaka. 4. Bangladesh CI
Gazette, Dhaka. 5. Bangladesh Gazette, Dhaka. 6. Bangladesh Police Gazette, Dhaka. 7. Detective, Dhaka. 8.
Postal, Dhaka. 9 Yubarta, Dhaka. 10. Soviet survey, Dhaka, 11. Soviet Review, Dhaka. 12. Arafat, Dhaka. 13.
Neighbor, Dhaka. 14. Bichitra, Dhaka. 15. Chitrali, Dhaka. 16. Cinema, Dhaka. 17. Begum, Dhaka. 18. Lalna,
Dhaka. 19. The Pulse, Dhaka. Monthly magazine published from Dhaka: 23. Purbachal, 24. Navarun, 25.
Bangladesh Betar (English), 26. Agriculture, 27. Forerunner, 28. Insurance, 29. Happy family, 30. The triumph of
science, 31. Bulletin of Statistics, 32. Dhanshalik's country, 33. Succession, 34. Mass Center, 35. Pioneering
Science, 36. Cooperative, 37. Shapla-Shaluk, 38. Statistical Bulletin of Bangladesh, 39. Bangladesh Labor Case,
40. Economic Indicators of Bangladesh, 41. Law and International Affairs, 42. Bangladesh Tax Decisions, 43. The
Journal of Management Business and Economics, 44. Bangladesh Insurance Academy, 45. Dhaka Law Reports,
46. Artisan, 47. Today's cooperative, 48. Mother (Bahmanbaria, Comilla). Published from Dhaka: 49. Book, 50.
Deepak, 51. Udayan, 52. Bharat Vichitra, 53. Al Mahdi, 54. Attawhid, 55. Nava Yuga (Chandpur, Comilla), 56.
Nadaye Islam, 57. Tahajib, Dhaka, 58. Sandeepan, Pabna, 59. Al-Amin, Dhaka, 60. Hefajat-e-Islam, Dhaka, 61.
Ritupatra, Mymensingh, 62. Short stories, Dhaka, 63. Chandrakash, Mymensingh, 64. Dhaka Digest, Dhaka, 65.
Dipta Bangla, 66. Dhaleswari, 67. Horizon, Dhaka, 68. Ganaman, Faridpur, 69. Steel, Kushtia, 70. Jugarbi,
Chittagong, published from Dhaka 71. Public literature, 72. Kapot, 73. Free Bengal, 74. Saugat, 75. Hundred, 76.
Sujneshu, 77. Kingshook, 78. Bengali, 79. Invocation, 80. Playhouse, 81. Tapurtupur (of Chittagong), 82. Vidisha,
83. Rupam, 84. thrill, 85. Greetings, 86. Oysters, 87. Painter, 88. Detective magazine, 89. Jonaki, 90. Imagery,
91. Films, 92. Adept, 93. Sports, 94. Medical Journal, 95. Family Medicine (Noakhali), Hakimi Khabar
(Mymensingh), 97. Health Journal (Dhaka). 98. Shaswati, Chittagong, 99. Science Journal (Dhaka), 100. The
New Economic Times, Dhaka, 101. Financial Times, Dhaka, 102. Fertile, Mymensingh. 103. Rangpur Sahitya
Parishad Patrika, Rangpur, 104. Alliance. Dhaka (Dainik Ittefaq : June 17, 1975) (3 references)

So there may be some reasons for the Bakshal government to announce a new policy about newspapers;
1. Proper management of newspapers.
2. Objective news presentation.
3. Protection of social stability.
4. Deliberately undermining any law of the Government.
5. Stopping business everywhere through newspapers.

Reference:
(1-Dowlah, caf (2016-10-19) The Bangladesh Liberation war, Sheikh Mujib Regime, and contemporary
controversy.)
(2-Country Conversion 16th June 2020)
(3-Dainik Ittefaq 17th June 1975)

Constitution of Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League:

First Clause - Aims and Objectives:
(1) The single national party Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League formed by the President - Nationalism,
socialism, secularism, democracy, unity and solidarity of the Bengali nation as stated in the second part of the
constitution of Bangladesh, guaranteeing basic human rights and freedom regardless of gender, caste and
religion and human rights. -Recognition of dignity and value of being, creation of full opportunities for development
of normal human life, ensuring religious freedom, abolition of all forms of communalism, complete economic
liberation and social freedom and establishment of justice to end exploitation of laborers and backward people
including farmers and laborers, free from exploitation and balanced equality. Establishing society, comprehensive
rural development and Radical reform and gradual mechanization of the agricultural system and introduction of
farming system on a cooperative basis, expansion of agriculture and industry and increase in production,
provision of opportunities for participation of farmers and workers in the control of production and distribution,
improvement of general living standards of people, elimination of unemployment and more employment, are
consistent with the needs of the post-revolutionary society. Introduction of mass-oriented universal and accessible
constructive education system, solving the basic problems of people's daily life including food-clothing-shelter-
health protection, creating a strong foundation for a self-sufficient and independent economy, determining the
maximum limit of private property, achieving public welfare changes that are fair and fair, and rooting out
corruption from all levels of public life. To do All these principles and objectives will be fully committed with
unwavering devotion, integrity, discipline and firmness to realize these principles and objectives in a peaceful and
democratic manner through the creation of united and coordinated efforts of the entire people.

(2) Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League will help and cooperate in all efforts to establish world brotherhood
and world peace and support the just struggle of the oppressed people everywhere in the world against
imperialism, colonialism or apartheid
Second Clause – Symbols:
The boat will be the symbol of Bangladesh Farmer Workers Awami League.

Third Clause – Flags:

The team flag shall be two-thirds green and one-third red. There will be four red stars on the green.

Fourth Clause – Organization:

Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (National Party) shall be formed in association with the following
organizational committees:
(a) Executive Committee of the National Party,
(b) Central Committee of the National Party,
(c) Party Council,
(d) District Committee,
(e) District Council,
(f) Thana/Regional Committee, and
(g) Union/Primary Committee.

Fifth Clause – Principles of Organization:

In order to maintain and ensure the strength, cohesion, unity and orderliness, development and conscious
discipline of the National Party, it is highly desirable and essential to adopt a democratic system in organizational
proceedings as follows':

(a) Subject to the provisions of clauses eleven (5) and twelve (4) (3) of this constitution, every committee of the
party from the lowest level to the highest level shall be constituted by election.

(b) The decisions of the committees of the organization shall be adopted according to the opinion of the majority
of the members and shall be observed by all the members. The lower bodies will follow the instructions of the
higher committee. Party instructions are binding on everyone.
(c) The lower committees shall report regularly to the higher committees and take their advice and instructions.
The higher committees will regularly keep the lower committees informed about the overall proceedings and
political situation and give necessary instructions.
(d) Higher committees shall give importance to the opinions and discussions of the lower committees and general
members.
(e) Open discussion and review of party policy, its implementation and functioning shall be encouraged at all
levels of the party.
(f) Party decisions shall normally be taken by negotiation. If that is not possible, the decision on the matter shall
be taken by majority vote.
(g) Decisions taken in the party branches or organizations must be consistent with the objectives and policies of
the party.
(h) To develop ideal conscious dedicated workers through regular training.

Sixth Clause – Membership:

(1) Any citizen of Bangladesh who is eighteen years of age and above and undertakes to comply with the aims,
objectives and programs of the Bangladesh Farmers Workers Awami League as stated in the first clause by
signing a written declaration in the prescribed form, if bound to obey any instructions of the National Party, in any
organization of the Party. If he is ready to work, if he agrees to pay the fixed -subscription of the party regularly
and if he is willing to accept the responsibility of implementing the decisions of the party, he shall be eligible for
membership of Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League subject to the provisions mentioned in sub-section (2)
of this section. Provided, however, that the responsibility for carrying out the provisions of sub-section (2) of this
section shall rest with the Chairman of the National Party or any committee or representatives nominated or
appointed by him.

(2) No citizen shall be entitled to membership, if-

 (a) he takes the citizenship of a foreign State or professes allegiance to a foreign State;
(b) he has been convicted of any criminal offense involving corruption or moral turpitude and five years
have not elapsed after his release;
(c) he has been convicted of any offense under the Bangladesh Conciliation (Special Tribunal) Order,
1972 and has not been tried while he is under trial for any such offense or has been charged with any of the
above offenses before any public authority; remains;
(d) He appears to be engaged in anti-state, anti-social, anti-public security and violent activities.”””
(3) The candidate for membership of the party shall apply to the primary or branch committee of the party in the
prescribed form and shall pay an annual subscription of two rupees only with the application. If two members who
are personally familiar with the candidate duly certify the application with correct information about the candidate
and if the candidate's membership is approved in the general meeting of the primary or branch committee
members, he will be considered as a candidate member for one year from the date of said approval. The Primary
Committee, Thana Committee, Regional Committee, District Committee and Executive Committee can also
directly accept the application of a candidate and in the same way give him candidate-membership. Subordinate
branches or units of party organizations can recommend candidates for membership only to the respective
branches or units of the national party.
(4) Candidate-members can attend the party meeting and participate in the discussion in the invitation room. They
will be bound to fulfill the responsibilities assigned to them. They shall not have the right to participate in elections
to any committee, to be elected or to vote on any proposal.
(5) (a) The committee of the party to whom the candidate-member post will be given should arrange for the
party-ideological education of the candidate-member and training about the party's decisions regarding the party's
constitution, activities, policies etc. Keep an eye on. When the term of candidate-membership is completed, the
concerned committee can recommend to the party executive committee to grant full membership to the
candidate-member, considering the educational and activity-related excellence or improvement standard of the
said candidate-member, and if necessary, can extend the term of candidate-membership up to one more year or
can cancel his candidate-membership.
(b) The lower committees or units of the party shall recommend to the Executive Committee through their
respective higher committees the candidate-members for full membership, provided that a copy of the above
recommendation shall be forwarded directly to the Executive Committee. Only the Central Committee of the
Organizations may recommend candidate members to the Executive Committee for full membership. The
Executive Committee shall take the fully informed opinion of the concerned District or Primary Committee about
such candidates.
(c) Only the Executive Committee can provide full membership of the party.
(6) If a candidate's application for membership is rejected by any of the following committees, he may appeal to
the Executive Committee for reconsideration of his application.
(7) Any candidate for membership shall submit a report thereon to the Senior Committee and the Executive
Committee. The executive committee or the district committee can modify the decision of the said committee in
this regard.
(8) Any member of the party may transfer membership with the permission of his own committee, but if he
requests transfer from the district, the approval of the district committee shall be obtained.
(9) No person shall be nominated for election to the National Assembly or any institution of local governance
unless nominated by the National Party.
(10) Chairman of National Party can directly give full membership to any candidate on special consideration. If
any employee of any government, semi-government, autonomous institution, statutory body and corporation is a
candidate for membership, the power to grant full membership or candidate-membership to him shall be vested in
the Chairman of the National Party, but any employee or judge employed as a judge in a civil court shall not be a
member of the National Party at all. Can't be a candidate.

(11) A candidate for full membership shall comply with the following conditions and undertake by signing a written
declaration in the prescribed form:
(a) he is nineteen years of age or above;
(b) he believes in the principles of nationalism, socialism, democracy and secularism and is working
towards their implementation;
(c) He believes in a united society irrespective of caste-religion-caste-community;
(d) He is committed to perform any duties and responsibilities assigned by the Central or District
Committee of the party;
(e) he shall not own any property in excess of the maximum amount of property prescribed by any
prevailing law regulating the maximum limit of subject-property;
 (f) He does not directly or indirectly, openly or secretly criticize any decision, policy or action taken by
the party organizations anywhere other than through the medium of party meetings or meetings.

(12) In accordance with the instructions given by the Executive Committee or in accordance with the rules made
by it, each police station, regional, primary committee and branches shall keep a registry book containing the list
of members under its area and shall send a copy of the list to the district committee concerned. The District
Committees shall send copies of the list of members to the Executive Committee.
(13) The Executive Committee may levy grant-in-aid at fixed rates in addition to the annual subscription of full
members. The executive committee will take a part of the allowance paid by the members of the party and the
remaining part will decide the distribution among the various level committees and fix the rate and method of
distribution for the purpose. The above grant distribution rules will be decided by the Executive Committee.

Seventh Clause – Membership Cards and Subscriptions:

(1) After obtaining full membership, the member shall be given a party membership card. The decision regarding
the full membership card will be taken by the Party Executive Committee.
(2) Every full member shall donate a certain portion of his income to the fund of the party at the rate determined
by the executive committee of the party.
(3) In special cases the Executive Committee may waive subscriptions and grants paid to the membership.

Eighth Clause – Duties of Members:

(1) He shall regularly participate in the work of the party organization of which he is a member. He will implement
the policies, decisions and directives of the party. He will work for the interests of the people and the party, above
his personal interests. He will be informed about the hopes and aspirations and grievances of the people through
public relations and will report their statements and opinions to the team. He will develop a friendly and brotherly
relationship with the people by interacting with the people with a sense of mutual human dignity and sympathetic
attitude. In his personal and social activities, he should see to it that virtue, truthfulness, morality and modesty are
manifested in his behavior.
(2) He shall always be active in consolidating and strengthening the internal unity and cohesion of the party.
Always strive to improve the quality of your knowledge and awareness about politics and socialism. To read and
promote the papers and literature published by the party. He shall abide by the rules and regulations of the party
and shall pay the subscriptions and grants of the party regularly.
(3) He shall improve the method of working in unity through constructive discussion and self-criticism. He will
personally take initiative and be responsible for taking collective decisions and implementing them.
(4) He shall always endeavor to improve his professional competence and efficiency with devotion and integrity.

Ninth Clause – Rights of Members:

Members of the party shall enjoy the following rights:

(1) He can participate and be elected in party organization elections.
(2) He shall be able to freely participate in discussions relating to party policies and decisions.
(3) Discuss any organization and activities of members and leading workers in party meetings.
(4) He may present any of his statements, articles, proposals and appeals to the party conference and to any
higher organization of the party.
(5) Any member shall have the right to resign from the party, but the resigning member shall submit an application
to his organization showing the reasons. The organization may accept his resignation subject to the approval of
the Executive Committee. Membership cards, papers and other property of the party shall be returned to the party
before resignation. If there are grounds for expulsion from the party against the person who submitted the
resignation letter and charges are filed against him, his resignation will be considered as expulsion. In this regard
also the approval of the executive committee should be taken.
(6) If any member of the party does not perform party activities for a continuous period of six months without good
reason and/or fails to pay the annual dues to the party, his membership shall be canceled.

Tenth Clause – Executive Committee of the National Party:

(1) The supreme executive power of the Party shall be vested in the Executive Committee.

(2) The number of members of the Executive Committee shall be less than fifteen people including the Chairman
and Secretary General. All the members of the executive committee will be nominated by the chairman from the
central committee.
(3) The Executive Committee under the direct supervision of the Chairman shall carry out the day-to-day functions
of the Central Office of the Party. The Chairman shall determine the organizational structure and functions and
responsibilities of the Central Office.

(4) The Executive Committee shall take its decisions jointly and each committee shall have specific duties and
powers. The Secretary General will play the most important role in the execution of the duties and responsibilities
of the Executive Committee under the overall supervision of the Chairman. He shall convene the meetings of the
Executive Committee, Central Committee and Council with the permission of the Chairman and submit the report
of the proceedings. The Secretary and officers shall perform the functions under the control and supervision of the
Secretary General.

(5) The Chairman shall appoint a sub-committee to maintain party discipline. The members of this sub-committee
will be executive or central committee members.

(6) A sub-committee of the Executive Committee shall act as the Parliamentary Board of the Party. This sub-
committee shall consist of members nominated by the Chairman.

(7) The Executive Committee may constitute various sub-councils and departments for the performance of its
duties. The members of the Central Committee may be summoned to the meeting of the Executive Committee
with the permission of the Chairman, if necessary but they shall not be able to vote. The Executive Committee
may determine the working rules of various sub-councils and departments under it.

(8) The Executive Committee shall fix the rate of grant or allowance to the members of the party.

(9) The responsibility of publishing the party's newspaper and literature shall be vested in the executive committee
and no other committee shall be able to publish the same in the name of the party. The executive committee will
appoint the editor of the party newspaper.
(10) The Executive Committee shall arrange for the distribution of cards to the team members.
(11) The Executive Committee shall approve the District Committees.
(12) The Executive Committee shall decide the number of delegates to be sent to the Party Council.
(13) The Executive Committee shall provide regular assistance, advice and direction to the National
Organizations/Offices of the Organizations, and shall supervise and coordinate their policies and activities.
(14) The Executive Committee shall supervise and coordinate the work of the District Committees/Offices. The
Executive Committee will assist, advise and guide the work of the District Committees.
(15) The Executive Committee shall arrange for the training of party workers.
(16) The Executive Committee shall keep accounts of the funds of the party.
(17) The Parliamentary Party (Parliamentary Party) of Bangladesh Farmer Workers Awami League shall be
responsible to the Executive Committee.
(18) The Executive Committee shall normally meet once in every month.

Eleventh Clause – Central Committee of the National Party:

(1) The central committee of the party shall be the main body of the party during the interval between the two
sessions of the council. The central committee is responsible for the implementation and implementation of all the
general policies and activities to be adopted in the council of the party and political leadership between the two
sessions of the council and preservation of the party's policy and constitution. The Central Committee shall be
responsible for all its work to the Chairman of the Party on the one hand and to the Council of the Party on the
other. The Central Committee will supervise the activities of all the government, semi-government, government-
controlled and public interest institutions.

(2) The meeting of the Central Committee shall be held at least twice a year.

(3) The minutes of the previous meeting shall be presented to the central committee meeting for approval.

(4) The report of the work of the executive committee and the income-expenditure account shall be presented at
the meeting of the central committee.

(5) The Chairman shall appoint the General Secretary of the party, multiple secretaries, members of the executive
committee and other party officials from among the members of the Central Committee and determine their
duties.
Twelfth Clause – Party Council:

(1) The Council shall consist of the following representatives:

(a) All members of the Executive Committee,
(b) All members of the Central Committee,
(c) Representatives of District Committees according to the quota fixed by the Executive Committee,
(d) the representatives of the Organizations, according to the quota fixed by the Executive Committee;
(e) the representatives of the preliminary committees mentioned in clause sixteen (2) (b) according to the
quota fixed by the Executive Committee, and
(f) Not more than fifty party full members nominated by the Chairman.

The members of the Council shall be called Councilors and shall hold office for a term of five years.

(2) The Executive Committee shall decide on the size of the Council and the representation in the Party Council
from the various District Committees, Organs and Organizations, etc. However, any organizational district
committee and primary committee shall elect party councilors from among the full members only.

(3) The Council shall meet in at least two sessions during its term. The Chairman may call a special session of the
Council at any time.

(4) Responsibilities and rights of the Council:

(a) The party council shall have the power to discuss and take final decisions about the principles, activities,
procedures etc. of the party.
(b) The Council may amend the program and constitution of the party as necessary.
(c) The Council shall consider and consider political, organizational and other reports, proposals etc.
presented by the Executive Committee. The main political and organizational document to be presented by the
Executive Committee at the Council session should be circulated among the entire party at least two months
before the Council session. Discussions will be arranged at every level of the party regarding this.
(d) The Executive Committee shall present a report of its proceedings to the Council in session.
(e) Two-thirds of the members of the Central Committee of the Party shall be elected by the Council
every five years. One-third of the members of the Central Committee shall be nominated by the Chairman. The
total number of members of the Central Committee shall be decided by the Executive Committee before the
election.

Thirteenth Clause - District Committee:

(1) The District Committee shall conduct the work of the Party in the District between the two Conferences. This
committee will be responsible to the District Council for its activities.
(2) The District Committee shall consist of an Editor, not less than five Joint Editors if necessary and such number
of members as may be determined by the Executive Committee. The secretary will act as the head of the district
committee.
(3) Accounts of its funds shall be presented in the district committee meeting.
(4) The District Committee shall perform the following duties:
(a) to inspect the work of subordinate committees and branches and arrange assistance in their work;
(b) management of various public institutions of the district,
(c) the circulation of party newspapers and literature and the maintenance thereof;
(d) maintenance of party funds,
(e) Providing training to team personnel.
(5) The District Committee shall submit progress reports to the Executive Committee as per the schedule fixed by
the Executive Committee.
(6) If the seat of any member becomes vacant, the District Committee may elect a member in that place subject to
the approval of the Executive Committee.
(7) Committees of all district organizations shall be under the full control of the Party District Committee.
(8) The meeting of the District Committee shall be held at least once in every month.

Fourteenth Clause - District Council:

(1) The District Council is the highest organ of the party in the district. The district committee will organize the
district council session every five years. The representation and other rules of this Council shall be decided by the
Executive Committee. The number of members of the District Council will be determined by the Executive
Committee in proportion to the number of party members. Special council sessions of the district may be held with
the approval of the executive committee. The representatives of the previous conference will be elected as
representatives of the special session.

(2) Duties and Powers of the District Council:

(a) to discuss the political and organizational reports of the District Committee and take decisions
thereon;
(b) to determine Party procedures between the Party and the public in conformity with the decisions of the
Central Committee,
(c) electing delegates to party councils and special conventions;
(d) To discuss and receive opinions on documents and proposals circulated by the Executive Committee,
(e) To examine the income and expenditure accounts of the District Committee,
(f) To elect the presiding officer to conduct the District Council sessions.

Fifteenth Clause - Thana/Regional Committee:

(1) Party Thana committee is the highest body of the party in Thana. The Thana committee meeting will be held at
least once every month. This committee will elect representatives of the District Council.

(2) The number of members of the Thana Committee shall be determined by the Executive Committee.

(3) The thana committee shall be constituted with an editor, three joint editors as necessary and such number of
members as may be determined by the executive committee.

(4) There shall be a meeting of the Thana Committee at least once in every month.

(5) The District Committee may determine the area of the Regional Committee subject to the approval of the
Executive Committee. Generally, these boundaries will be determined by following the administrative division. The
District Committee will supervise the work of Thana/Regional Committee. However, it is noted that the Executive
Committee will determine the structure of the lower-level committees.

Sixteenth clause-Union/Primary Committee:

(1) The primary committee of the party shall be formed in each union of Bangladesh.

(2) (a) The primary committee may be formed collectively or individually by taking all party members belonging to
factories, industrial organizations, agricultural institutions and farms, cooperative societies, business institutions
and educational and cultural institutions of the country.

(b) Primary committees of the party may be formed in various government or semi-government offices or
institutions, corporations, autonomous bodies and military and civil forces, subject to the approval of the
chairman. The Executive Committee shall determine the maximum number of members of these Primary
Committees.

(c) Primary Committee shall be constituted with at least five full members of the party.

(d) In all government, semi-government etc. institutions and forces mentioned in previous clause (b) the
primary committee shall be formed in the management and administration of those institutions in which the active
influence of the committee is reflected in accordance with the principles and objectives of the party and honesty
and trustworthiness, legality in the work. , inculcating efficiency, discipline and enthusiasm and eliminating
bureaucratic attitudes, the committee will have to concentrate on. If there are any defects in the working
procedures of the aforementioned institutions and any kind of laxity and laxity is observed in the work of any
employee, the committee will directly inform the relevant party higher authorities and if necessary, the chairman.
(3) To maintain direct connection with the people of the area or the members of the organization and to be always
active in achieving the general welfare of the people, to organize political activities in the area, to strengthen the
mass base of the party, to spread and strengthen the work of the party in the relevant working centers in a
coordinated and orderly manner, and to make the policy of the party effective. It is the responsibility of each
primary committee to do so.

(4) For the smooth progress and facilitation of the work of the party, its members shall be divided into branches by
the preliminary committee.

(5) The committee shall distribute the work among the members of the branch and supervise the work. Political
discussions can also be arranged between branches.

(6) Its secretary and an assistant secretary shall be elected at the general meeting of the primary committee. If
the number of members of the primary committee exceeds twenty, a working committee shall be elected and the
district committee shall proceed in this regard.

(7) The General Meeting of the Primary Committee shall be held at least once in every month. At this meeting the
Editor will present a work report and proposals for consideration by all.

(8) The general meeting of the primary committee shall elect delegates to the conference of the higher party
organization.

(9) Primary Committees constituted in Government or Semi-Government Offices or Institutions and Military and
Civilian Forces as mentioned in sub-section (2) (b) above shall work directly under the supervision of the
Executive Committee.

(10) A member of the Primary Committee may, if necessary, be associated with the work of any other Committee,
but he shall not have the right to vote therein.

(11) The Primary Committee shall perform the following duties:

(a) to carry out the orders of the High Committee,

(b) To create public opinion in offices, areas, organizations etc. in favor of political and organizational
decisions of the party;
(c) To engage in public welfare work in his own area,
(d) To promote and sell party magazines, literary publications etc.,
(5) Providing political training to local workers,
(f) The members of the Primary Committee shall participate directly in productive and nation-building
activities.

Seventeenth Clause - Special Convention of the National Party:

(1) The chairman may call a special conference of the party at any time to discuss any urgent and important
national problem.

(2) A special conference shall be held in the assembly of the chairman, councilors and other delegates. However,
the total number of delegates attending the special conference cannot be more than twice the total number of
members of the Council and the number of delegates sent from each district, region, organization and committee
shall not exceed the number of council members elected from the said district, region, organization, organization
and organization. All members of the Executive and Central Committees and all Councilors shall be ex-officio
delegates at the Special Conference of the Party.

(3) The executive committee will decide the place, date, program of discussion and delegate selection-method of
the special conference, but the permission of the chairman of the party should be taken beforehand.

Eighteenth Clause – Farmers, Workers, Women, Youth and Students Organizations:

(1) The National Party shall have the following organs and shall abide by the ideals and principles of the Party:
(a) National Farmers League,
(b) National Labor League,
(c) National Women's League,
(d) National Youth League, and
(e) National Students League.
(2) The Chairman may constitute organs, organizations or sub-committees in other areas as necessary.

(3) These organs shall function under the direct control of the Executive Committee.

(4) Immediately after this Constitution comes into force, the Executive Committee shall take necessary measures
for the formation, management, control and coordination of the activities of the organizations mentioned in sub-
section (1).

Nineteenth Clause - Regulation Making and Regulation Commission:

(1) The executive committee may formulate necessary rules within the framework of this constitution to regulate
the all-round proceedings of the party if necessary.

(2) The Executive Committee may constitute a Control Commission if it deems necessary to ensure the smooth,
coordinated, orderly and well-controlled management of the entire functions of the party.

Twentieth Clause - Party Discipline:

(1) The Chairman shall appoint a sub-committee to maintain party discipline. Executive or Central Committee
members will be members of this sub-committee.

(2) If any member participates in activities contrary to party ideals, objectives, program, constitution, rules and
interests of the party i.e. breaks party discipline, the Disciplinary Sub-Committee shall investigate against the
concerned member and recommend to the Chairman for taking disciplinary measures.

(3) The Disciplinary Sub-Committee may directly entertain complaints against any member for breach of party
discipline and misconduct.

(4) Any disciplinary action shall be appealed to the Chairman.

(5) A member accused of breach of discipline shall be given a written notice of at least fifteen days to show cause
for defense.

(6) Anybody below the party shall send a written request to the district committee for punishment against any
member for breach of discipline. The District Committee will take a decision in this regard and refer the matter to
the Disciplinary Subcommittee for final decision. Further, if it feels necessary to take appropriate disciplinary
action against any member of any organization, the district committee itself will inform the decision and send the
matter to the Disciplinary Subcommittee for taking the final decision after consideration.

(7) Any body or organization of the party may warn, censure, or even temporarily dismiss the member belonging
to it and subordinate to it if any act of indiscipline is committed. The approval of the higher organization or
committee should be taken in this regard. However, the decision will remain in force until approval is obtained.
Such a decision shall be appealed to the Party Disciplinary Sub-Committee.
(8) The executive committee can dissolve any committee below it for serious indiscipline, disobeying party
policies and decisions, engaging in activities detrimental to the party, etc. If any committee is dissolved, the
Executive Committee may conduct new elections or nominate a new committee.
(9) The power to redress and take disciplinary action against the members of the Executive Committee shall be
vested in the Chairman.
(10) The Chairman shall have power to impose and remit any penalty.

Twenty-first Clause -- Party Funding:

(1) (a) subscriptions and grants-in-aid of members;
(b) pay subscriptions to candidate-members;
(c) subscriptions to elected members of Parliament;
(d) proceeds from the sale of party magazines and literary publications or pamphlets;
(e) one-time donations or grants;
(f) Government grants or budgetary allocations.
(2) The Secretary General shall be responsible for managing the funds of the Party. Government Finance
Advisers and Accountants may be appointed to assist him in this work.
(3) The bank account of the party shall be managed jointly by the Secretary General and the officer nominated by
the Chairman.
Twenty-second Clause -- Amendment and interpretation of the Constitution
(1) The Constitution shall be amended, modified and amended by the Council of the Party. If deemed necessary,
subject to the approval of the next council, the chairman can amend, change and expand the articles other than
the first article of the constitution.
(2) The Chairman shall explain the constitution and may take decisions regarding any matter not clearly
mentioned in the constitution.

Twenty-Third Clause -- Temporary Provisions:

(1) The Central and Executive Committees shall conduct their respective functions in accordance with the
following orders of the President:

(a) S, R, O, No. 88-L-24th February, 1975:

(b) S, R, O, No. 89-L-24th February, 1975:
(c) S, R, O, No. 90-L-24th February, 1975;
(d) S, R, O, No. 11-L-24th February, 1975:
(6) S, R, O, No. 92-L-24th February, 1975;
(f) S, R, O, No. 93-L-24th February, 1975.

(2) All measures already adopted and other orders issued relating to the National Party shall be deemed to have
been adopted in accordance with this Constitution.

Twenty-Fourth Clause – MISCELLANEOUS:

(1) The Chairman shall preside over the meetings of the Executive and Central Committees of the National Party
and the Council Sessions and Special Conferences. If he is unable to attend any session or meeting, he can
appoint any member from among the members of the executive committee to preside over the next meeting.

(2) If a member of any party organization, committee or organization becomes vacant, the chairman can appoint a
new member on the spot.

(3) The organizational structure of district, police station, regional, union and primary committees shall be
determined by the executive committee in proportion to the number of members of the concerned organization
and in view of other conditions.

(4) The organ-organizations, organizations and committees mentioned in the eighteenth section shall perform
their functions under the full control and supervision of the relevant competent committee of the National Party in
all respects, at all levels and in all matters.

Political conflict and bribery:

In modern democratic politics, one political party attacks another party politically for political advantage. That is
normal. It exists equally in the country and abroad. In Bangladesh, BNP and other parties, especially those that
came to power after the 1975 political pot-change, have long used the term 'Baksal' (Peasants' Workers People's
League) to attack the Awami League.Why did Bangabandhu attempt to introduce such a political, administrative
and the economic system? A lifelong politician who believed in Westminster-style democracy, why did he
formulate the Baksal system and take steps to implement it quickly. It was enacted on 25 January 1975. A section
of Bangladesh expressed dissatisfaction with the introduction of Baksal system, protested silently. Another
section campaigned saying that Bangabandhu's main objective was to become the president of Bangladesh
forever amic the introduction of Bakshal. This is not the end but another part planned -to overthrow
Bangabandhu's government through non- political means (of course this has been going on since independence).
This attempt they succeeded in killing Bangabandhu and his family on August 15, 1975. Those who express
dissatisfaction with the introduction of Bakshal mainly fall into three categories. 1 Jamaat, Muslim League and
radical right- wing groups. Two: Radical left-wing groups; And: 3: The educated middle class and a part of the
intellectual class. Although they opposed Baksal from different angles, their comments were identical. Directly or
indirectly, all of them campaign strongly saying that the introduction of Bakshal will lead to the death of democracy
and violation of human rights.

Baksal is a concept for the implementation of which a multi-party political platform was formed. Although Awami
League is the main party of this platform, Bangladesh National Awami Party (NAP), Bangladesh Communist
Party, Jatiya Party and several other small parties are included in Bakshal.Bakshal's main objective was to restore
political stability to the country through a people-centric, populist political platform and ensure economic
prosperity. But it is also true that this arrangement was temporary. Bangabandhu himself said: 'It is a temporary
(system),it will be removed when the time comes' (Prothom Alo, August 2017, Toab Khan, Bangabandhu's press
secretary at the time). Bakshal was introduced for special needs In a special situation of the state. In the midst of
destruction and poverty, people's expectations for the newly formed Awami League government were boundless
and that may be normal. Just when the government was struggling to provide basic necessities to the people,
JSD (National Socialist Party) emerged as the main opposition party. Their aim is to establish socialism in the
country. However, they did not find Marx's socialism very scientific. So JSD adds an adjective 'scientific' before
socialism. At that time, the JSD's Gang created a reign of terror in the villages and suburbs of Bangladesh.
Torture on small traders, oppression on farmers, attack on police station and robbery of weapons, secret killings
were daily occurrences. Although these activities were claimed to be part of the revolution, in reality they were
holocausts. That all these were hot-shots becomes clear when we see that after 1975 some of the leaders of the
party left the guise of scientific socialism and communism and flew the flag of politics in the name of religion
overnight like JSD's founder president Major (retd) MA Jalil. Or the hero of militarism manifests himself as a
soldier - such as the founding general secretary ofJSD, A.M. Abdur Rab. His political form has not changed yet.
So today this team, tomorrow another team and so on. In this election, he fought with the Jamaat with the Grain
symbol of the BNP. What was happening outside the country? Far from giving political recognition to Bangladesh,
after losing the armed war in 1971, the Pakistani government prepared a proxy war against Bangladesh
Consequently, it provided financial and military aid to reunify the defeated forces of independence. Several Arab
countries, including Saudi Arabia, have refused to give political recognition to Bangladesh. The People's Republic
of China not only opposed the freedom struggle of the people of Bangladesh but also refrained from recognizing
Bangladesh until the time of Bangabandhu's government. On the one hand, the United States of America
opposed the independence war of Bangladesh, on the other hand, it helped Pakistan militarily and financially in
the war. Nixon was determined to preserve the integrity of Pakistan at any cost. So ignore the Bengali massacre
of 25th March. Nixon's likes were few and far between. But Yahya Khan was one of the favored few (Bass, G.
2013, The Blood Telegraph, p. 7). On the other hand, Henry Kissinger believed that Awami League and Bengalis
were politically left despite the fact that the US State Department repeatedly
explained (Kissinger says to "Mr President Nixon) the Bengali are by nature left" (Bass, G, 2013, The (Blood
Telegraph, p. 87). From that, Bangabandhu became the second hated person after
Castro.In August 1973, Bangladesh Finance Minister Tajuddin Ahmed met the US Secretary of State and
requested for food grain aid. He was then advised by the US Secretary of State to stop the war crimes trial and
gave a long speech on the matter. Nurul islam has given the advice of the US Secretary of State as follows:
'When the Bangladesh Finance Minister called upon the US Secretary of State in August 1973, primarily to appeal
for food aid.,.. he (Secretary of State) gave his "occasional advice" "For the speedy settlement of disputes with
Pakistan. Referring to the proposal of Bangladesh for "war crimes" trials of the Pakistan army, he (Secretary of
State)
confirmed that humanity never learned from "war crimes" trials'. Referring to the Biafra war (1967-70), he said: 'He
appreciated that the Nigerian government was pragmatic in not having "war crimes" trials following the Biafran
war', and advised Tajuddin: it was "not good to have such trials'' (l'islam , N, 2005, p. 235: The Making of a Nation
Bangladesh - An Economist's Tale, The University Press Limited, Dhaka. All this was the external pressure of that
time. Bangabandhu Bakshal's objective was to achieve economic liberation by resisting the counter
revolutionaries and armed traitors inside the country and by making the administration free from corruption and by
handling the colonial power of the outside world and establishing the values of freedom at all levels.

Reference:
1. Rono, Hyder Akbar Khan (2005). Centuries passed. Dhaka: Taraphadāra Prakāsani. ISBN 984-779-027-2.
OCLC 183600716
2. 1 Ahmed, Moudud, Il Bangladesh, era of Sheikh Mujibur Rahmar (Fifth impression edition). Dhaka,
Bangladesh. ISBN 978-984-506226-4. OCLC 940932574
3. ^ Mitra, Subrata Kumar; Enskat, Mike; Spiess, Clemens (2004) 'political Parties in South Asia (in English).
Greenwood Publishing Group. Page 226. ISBN 978-0-275-96832-81
4. T "BANGLADESH: The Second Revolution" Time (in English). 1975-02-10. IS5N 0040-781X. Collection date
2019-12-04.
5. T "Bangabandhu: a forbidden name for 16yrs" The Daily Star (in English). 2016-08-16. Collection date 2019-
12-04.
6. Ownership of the State, Sirajul Islam Chowdhury, page-37
7. Grades IX-X, Chapter Fourteen (October 2012). History and World Civilization of Bangladesh.
8. T Ahmed, Rafiuddin, 1941- (2001). Religion, identity & politics essays on Bangladesh Colorado Springs, CO:
International Academic Publishers. Pages 54-55. ISBN 1-58868-080-01 OCLC 45610416
9. T "State of emergency announced in Dhaka" The Tuscaloosa News. Associated Press. 29 December 1974.
Page 6A. Collection date 2019-12-04.
10. ^ a b c Muhammad JA Siddiqui (13 September 2017). "History of Bangabandhu, Bakshal and Liberation War".
Dainik Prothom Alo. Collection date 19 May 2018.

Counter-revolution against the Bakshal:

Bangabandhu's Baksal program was a scheme against imperialism, represented by the bourgeois capitalist
exploiters, the agents of their multinational institutions, and their local servitors, the united force of the exploiters,
illicit influences, reactionary oppressors, feudal landlords, and arms politicians. The scheme aimed to strike a
powerful blow at their very roots, targeting a wealthy landowner to redistribute wealth and land, a daring move.
Consequently, imperialist forces, through covert means, attempted to sustain their influence by channeling funds
through their servitors and agents to undermine the Baksal program. The success of the Baksal program,
Bangabandhu's vision, was not in their interest. For significant change, significant force was required, and for a
socialist revolutionary organization, an armed force based on ideals was necessary. However, the Baksal
program clashed with the armed forces' agenda. The imperialist powers, the Soviet Union and the United States,
were divided, causing doubt about Bangladesh's independence. After Bangladesh gained independence, a
conflict emerged between the American and Soviet factions within the Awami League's internal politics. In 1974,
despite being approached by Bangabandhu for cooperation in establishing the national government and
advancing socialist democracy, the Marxist factions did not align with him due to secretive reasons. They did not
support the implementation of the Baksal program. The military and paramilitary forces, including Jasad,
Ganobahini, and leftist armed organizations, did not fall victim to the crisis associated with the Baksal program if
they had declared solidarity with it since they were already engaged in the struggle for socialist democracy. Due
to the confusion created by the dissemination of propaganda and misconceptions about socialist governance,
some politicians, military personnel, and non-military bourgeois forces opposed the Baksal program. They saw it
as an opportunity to gain political advantages in the new regime. Conversely, some politicians, military personnel,
and non-military bourgeois forces took a stance in favor of implementing the Baksal program. As a result,
Bangabandhu had to sacrifice his life along with his family, and the grand scheme of Bakshal was thwarted.

Experimental Results:
If you want to understand the Bakshal system, first of all you need to know the pros and cons
of democracy and socialism in the present world. The criterion of power in a democratic
country is the exercise of the right of the people to vote. Just as democracy has transparency
and accountability through the electoral system, it also ensures equality in the economic
sphere. The establishment of Baksal was the only best way to combine the good aspects of
democracy and socialism and eliminate the bad aspects.

The ordinary working people of Bengal, although they are more in number, they have been
neglected for ages. So there needs to be a system of governance where the underprivileged
masses are valued and their rights are restored. And Bangabandhu went ahead to establish
such a system of governance.

Bakshal's political party is formed from the very rural level which affects the lower classes
including the agricultural laborers. Politically, the co-existence of several party members in this
party becomes a unified force. The marginalized people of the country were freed from
discrimination as the economy of the socialist style based on equality was introduced.

Bengalis fought for democratic rights against the British. Then, when democracy was spoiled
by Pakistan, again for 23 long years, it struggled to bring back democracy and achieved
success. Many people think that it is unreasonable to suddenly deviate from democracy and
establish socialism after gaining independence. Bangladeshi society is less familiar with
socialism than politics and economics are with democracy. So many people could not accept
this new governance system. Many also identify it as a policy of suppressing dissent.

No system of politics is above criticism. However, the characteristic of a people-friendly ruler is

to choose the right governance system for the sake of the common people and for the
development of the country.

Misconceptions about the Baksal and their refutation:

1. Author and researcher Badruddin Umar in an interview with BBC Bangla described Bakshal as a prime
example of autocracy. "Having members of the army, police, and judiciary from all parties - that was unheard of
before. Everyone had to be on the same page. Or there wouldn't be any other party. This was something the
people had never seen before." Many were compelled to join Baksal, and many were coerced into it. "Such
arrangements were made to perpetuate power." However, historian Professor Sayed Anwar Hossain in the same
interview with BBC Bangla stated that there has always been misinformation about Baksal. "Baksal has been
portrayed as a unipolar authoritarian regime, but it was not one-sided; rather, it was the creation of diverse
national platforms in the immediate circumstances. Bangabandhu called it a temporary arrangement - but later, it
was portrayed as visionary propaganda." He stated that no one was pressured to join Baksal; many joined
voluntarily. "The Awami League asked everyone to come to one platform, not one party. But due to
misrepresentation and incorrect interpretations, confusion arose." According to him, Bakshal provided the
opportunity for the first revolutionary change but the Baksal regime lasted only 232 days. (Reference 1)

Many analysts argue that Sheikh Mujib, the leader of the independence struggle, was confronted with political
adversity in Bangladesh shortly after assuming responsibility. They believe that the circumstances led him
towards a unilateral governance system. Khurshida Begum, a researcher on the life and politics of Sheikh Mujib
at Jahangirnagar University, said that behind the formation of Baksal, there were adverse political and economic
conditions, along with the question of maintaining the consciousness of the Liberation War. She said, "The
situation after the war was a completely war-torn country. Our factories were all destroyed or broken. There were
no roads or infrastructure. Educational institutions were not functioning. The treasury was empty. One crore
people returned from India." "In such a situation, even the imperialist forces could not sit idle. And the law and
order situation was not good either. In such a situation, Bangabandhu formed Bakshal to handle the country."
Khurshida Begum saw Bakshal as Bangabandhu's vision. "It is Bangabandhu's vision. He led the Liberation War.
He established Bangladesh. The consciousness of that Liberation War, he brought it to a transformation, and took
steps to present it as Bakshal."

Dr. Arun Kumar Goswami (Professor, Jagannath University) commented on the criticism of Baksal: "The agenda
of Baksal has never been implemented in reality. Criticism of something that has never been implemented
certainly gives rise to curiosity."

Recently, veteran journalist Abdul Gaffar Chowdhury passed away. When asked about Bakshal in an interview,
he said: "(Particularly in the interview) The time chosen by Bangabandhu for Bakshal, in my opinion, was
appropriate after the country was liberated when he was an unopposed and undisputed leader. But when he went
for Bakshal, there were various criticisms, uproars, and doubts raised against him and his leadership. His
character was partially tarnished. Sirajuddaula's character was in suspense for fifty years. Then historical
research revealed it. So, it hasn't been that long for him."

Former Vice-Chancellor of the National University and Professor of the Department of Political Science at Dhaka
University, Dr. Harun-or-Rashid, commented on Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's 'Second Revolution': On
January 25, 1975, through the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
accepted the 'Second Revolution'. He called it 'System Change'. How did this system change happen? He had a
plan in hand by leaving many subjects in front. Where the main priority was given to the farmers and workers. The
second plan was to achieve self-sufficiency in food. The third objective was to eradicate corruption. The fourth
agenda was population control. The fifth was administration. He advocated for the decentralization of
administration.
Many consider socialism and Bakshal to be the same thing. But in reality, that's not the case. Bakshal was part of
his second revolutionary agenda. Therefore, there is no opportunity to present Bakshal in a visionary way.

References:
(1) BBC Bangla, Dhaka. April 3, 2019.
(2) BBC Bangla, Dhaka. January 25, 2021.
(3) Bhorer Kagoj Live. August 15, 2019.
(4) Prothom Alo. January 9, 2022.
(5) Bonik Barta. August 15, 2023.

Conclusion :
Before the implementation of Bangabandhu's initiated Baksal program, Bangladesh witnessed the bloody
revolution of August 15th. As a result, the leadership that was leading Bangladesh's state system towards the
consciousness of the liberation war was obstructed. If Bangabandhu had the opportunity to proceed with his
comprehensive plan, Bangladesh had a considerable chance of not only progressing in areas like economy,
society, administration, education-culture, and politics but also emerging as a developed and prosperous nation
within a few years. Because the initiatives he had taken for the transformation of Bangladesh's state system had
the potential to utilize the country's vast resources productively, despite being a backward, war-torn nation. He
was indeed a true visionary and founding father of the state system. With his clear modern ideas about state
governance, he bid farewell to Pakistan's state system within 23 years and through an armed struggle, he
established Bangladesh, which proved successful. What modern ideals the state adopted determines if it can
establish a welfare-oriented state. He possessed the knowledge and skill for it. From advocating for democracy
since the pre-August 15th of '75, through his political wisdom, intelligence, experience, pragmatism, and
innovative thinking, he was able to lead Bangladesh towards a dignified path within just three years. Only a
statesman can provide leadership for the establishment of a modern state. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
freed Bangladesh from Pakistan's oppression overnight through his leadership, and in independent Bangladesh,
he relentlessly worked for three continuous years to establish a modern, non-communal, exploitation-free,
welfare-oriented state. He laid the foundation. However, the forces of assassination and power intrusion hindered
his progress. This hindrance affects the entire state of Bangladesh. The politics post '75 has been driven entirely
by anti-welfare-oriented ideology. Now is the time to return Bangladesh to the path of a minimum non-communal
democratic state, driven by the consciousness of the liberation war, in changed reality. This fight is not easy at all.
But carriers and bearers of Bangabandhu's political ideals, intelligent political leadership, can bring Bangladesh
back to the path of welfare-oriented ideology.