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 加速

现代社会中时间结构的改变

〔德〕哈尔特穆特·罗萨（Hartmut
Rosa） 著
董璐 译

北京大学出版社
著作权合同登记号 图字：01-2013-4997

图书在版编目（CIP）数据

加速：现代社会中时间结构的改变/（德）罗萨（Rosa，H.）著；董璐
译．—北京：北京大学出版社，2015.12

ISBN 978-7-301-26518-5

Ⅰ．①加… Ⅱ．①罗… ②董… Ⅲ．①时间—管理—研究 Ⅳ．

①C935

中国版本图书馆CIP数据核字（2015）第269387号

© Suhrkamp Verlag Frankfurt am Main 2005.

All rights reserved by and controlled through Suhrkamp Verlag

Berlin.

书 名 加速：现代社会中时间结构的改变

Jiasu：Xiandai Shehui zhong Shijian Jiegou de Gaibian

著作责任者 〔德〕哈尔特穆特·罗萨（Hartmut Rosa） 著 董

璐 译

责任编辑 武 岳

标准书号 ISBN 978-7-301-26518-5

出版发行 北京大学出版社

地 址 北京市海淀区成府路205号 100871
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 译序

“什么是时间？在没有人问我这个问题的时候，我知道时间是什
么。但是，一旦要我对这个问题加以回答，我却不知道时间究竟是什
么了。”古代西方基督教神学家、哲学家奥古斯汀留下过这样一段关于
时间的隽语。的确，“时间”这个概念，很难给它下一个简明清晰、不
会引起争议的定义，在哲学、社会学层面的学术研究领域里，它至今
仍然是混沌模糊的语义存在，远没有能够达成一种基本概念上的共
识。

从超验世界回到经验世界，情况似乎可以变得简单一些。一般来
说，时间可以是指一种有明确单一指向、不可逆的序列过程；也可以
是充当衡量世间万物循环、各种变化的基本等价物、计量单位；最为
普遍的情况则是，它被当做一种不言自明的变量，广泛地用于日常生
活当中。

在古代社会、人类文明的早期，日晷和沙漏已经成为经典的时间
测量工具，通过漏斗中一定数量的沙子，或者指针影子移动的一段距
离，所对应、指代的实际上是被分割、区隔化了的万物、世事变化，
其起衡量作用的目标范围可以说是无穷无尽的。从日晷、沙漏到今天
的钟表、日历和各种电子数据，测量的工具、形式发生了变化，但其
功能、原理基础一如既往，没有发生根本性的改变。
 春、夏、秋、冬四季更替，出生、成长、衰老、死亡……万物生
命无休无止的循环往复，带来了过去、现在和未来的连续性的不同过
程，这些过程连接成有明确固定的先后顺序的、不可逆的动态发展链
条，而用来指代、描述这种先后顺序、发展链条的基本工具，仍然是
“时间”。

从某种意义上说，“时间”和“变化”是相伴相生的，变化赋予时间
存在的意义，时间则成为变化的影子。而在时间的映射下，变化又是
可以按照一定标准进一步分类并加以比较的，于是就有了“速度”的产
生，而“速度”作为“时间”附属的一个次级概念，忠实地服务于“时间”和
“变化”……

无论时间的内涵世界接下来怎样繁衍、扩张，可以说，它都是人
类意识的产物，是人类思想活动的投射、结晶。作为这个星球上的万
物灵长，人类始终是运用自己遥遥领先于其他物种的脑力活动，对所
处的世界加以观察、认识、判断和定义。时间不同于其他很多概念下
的所指，因为它本身并不是独立有形的客观实体，它是人类历经长期
实践发现并定义的一种动态变化的逻辑关系集成，是一种如影随形的
飘忽于主观、客观之间的存在。

人类创造出时间这一工具，服务于自己对客观世界的把握和认
知。时间的概念内涵随着客观世界的发展变化而发展变化，并且在经
由历史传承下来的精神、知识领域里，逐渐形成强大的动态的观念力
量，反作用于外在客观世界的发展变化。

现当代西方学术界有关时间哲学、时间社会学的研究著作，可谓
汗牛充栋、丰富多彩。从中稍加搜寻采择所得，相信就应该远胜上述
几点肤浅的个人体会。《加速：现代社会中时间结构的改变》这本
书，就提供了很好的研究切入角度，展现了颇为系统深入的且令人印
象深刻的研究成果。

在当今的现实生活中，经常可以听到人们喋喋不休地抱怨时间不
够用，或者换一种说法，对于越来越快的生活节奏所带来的诸多压力
啧有烦言。无数这样的现象经过严谨系统的观察、测量和总结概括，
其蕴含的意义内容已经足以上升到理论的高度——证明人们已经置身
于一个加速的社会、加速的时代。

当然，这里所谓的加速，表面上最终仍然是基于自主选择背景下
人们的个体感觉。科学技术的进步提高了单位时间的使用效率，但是
并没有因此通过时间的节省而释放、缓解人们的压力。因为与此同
时，科学技术的进步也大大丰富了人们的生活内容，丰富了人们单位
时间的选择机会。日新月异的生活标准和活动规范，刺激、迫使人们
或主动或被动，持续、持久地加入到对周围各种资源的追求与攫取过
程。对加速—时间匮乏的恐惧，恰恰来源于人们时间观念的改变，来
源于改变的时间观念下日益增长的选择压力。

无奈之中憧憬“慢生活”的人们，经常会把海边那个贫穷的渔民和
成功企业家的故事挂在嘴边。故事当中，看不惯渔夫的懒散和不求上
进，企业家好心为渔夫制定、描绘了科学的奋斗计划和美好的生活愿
景——最终事业发达后的渔夫将可以整日在沙滩上晒着太阳悠闲地垂
钓。而渔夫的回答是，他现在已经在那样（整日在沙滩上晒着太阳悠
闲地垂钓）做了，不需要再经历企业家所建议的那么复杂、辛苦的过
程去争取。

这个经典的“励志”故事，在《加速》一书的作者笔下，却有另外
一种有趣而又完全不同的意味深长的释义。他借此邀请读者们进入到
他所精心构建的一个激荡、自由的充满创造性的思维世界里。

当然，读者也可以选择拒绝这一邀请——如果实在没有时间去思
考时间的话。

董 璐

2014年5月于美国Marietta
 序言

以前，也就是各种技术还没有被发明出来的时代，来自好时机市
（Kairos ）的宽容先生（Langmut ）要向他住在时期市（Chronos ）
——这个地方正好在乌泰姆普斯帝国（Utempus ）里（当时正值人们
还无法明确辨析希腊语词素和拉丁语词素的时期）——的朋友消遣先
生（Kurzweil ）传递一条讯息的话，他必须要辛辛苦苦地走到朋友那
里去，这大概需要六个小时，或者他也可以骑着毛驴去，那么这段路
也至少要花上三个小时。这两种情况都会使他彻彻底底地陷入时间紧
张当中去，因为如果他不能在午饭前往回返的话，或者说午饭前才动
身、因而不得不在时期市过夜的话，他不仅不可避免地会与他老婆吵
架，而且也损失了一个工作日。但是，在今天的话，宽容先生只要笑
眯眯地拿起电话，把消息告诉消遣先生就可以了，并且他们还可以聊
会儿天气；之后，他可以优哉游哉地吹着口哨，把猫喂了；接着再工
作半个小时；接下来就可以和他的老婆一起准备午饭了——大多数情
况下他们会使用微波炉。

当然了，在这个时候的工作也与之前的完全不同了。在科技没有
被使用之前，宽容先生作为市政府抄写员，整天整天地忙于将书籍复
写的工作。如果一本书很厚的话，有时他晚上也要继续抄写。但是，
今天却完全不一样了，他只要在早上安安心心地打开复印机，然后喝
上一杯咖啡，等复印机预热好了，就将模本完全根据好时机市的需要
复印上10份或20份就可以了，而这些连20分钟的时间都用不了。之
后，宽容先生可以去海边游泳。至于下午，他根本就不需要去工作。

于是，宽容先生应该终于有时间，坐在庭院里和他的老婆闲聊
了，或者弹奏乐器，或是进行哲学思考，要么还可以读一读复印好的
书籍，一切全凭他的兴趣。因为完全不用过时间紧张或有期限压力的
生活而带来的喜悦简直是妙极了。宽容先生想要有一张他老婆的，或
者他的猫的，或是海上日落的图片，于是他的曾孙子一听到这个愿
望，就立即从房间里拿来了他的数码相机，悠闲地按下了快门，之
后，一眨眼的工夫，非常逼真的图片从打印机里印出来了；而不需要
宽容先生再像以前那样去雇请他那个画家朋友永远先生，花上一个小
时用画笔来做画了，那个时候，因为永远先生忙于作画，宽容先生还
要花时间或是用各种手段讨好小猫或是用武力威胁小猫而让它保持静
止不动。但是，现在，宽容先生却很少感觉到让什么东西定格为画
面、从而之后可以慢慢欣赏或者传给后世的愿望了。

现在，如果夜晚时分户外有些寒凉、想让室内舒适温暖的话，宽
容先生并不需要再跑到树林里去捡拾树枝，然后回到家中费劲地将它
们点燃、感受到有限时间的温暖了。他只要简简单单地拧开暖气，这
个装置是与海边的风车联系在一起的，完全是反掌之间就能让房间里
变得像初夏的午后一样暖洋洋的。宽容先生很快乐，同时他觉得自己
是富有的——因为他赢得了时间，几乎是取之不尽用之不竭的时间，
而且，不同寻常的是，他不再像以前那样总被无聊那种不舒服的感觉
折磨着了。正如前人说的那样，宽容先生终于找到了闲情逸致。充沛
富裕的时间、无尽的时间财富使宽容先生脱胎换骨成一个新人了，乌
泰姆普斯帝国也成了另一个社会。
 这就是或者类似于我们所设想的一个世界，这个世界直到20世纪
都一直是有关科学的预言所梦想的一个能够变成现实的美梦；在这个
世界里，所有时间紧缺所带来的束缚和忙乱都不再存在；这个世界从
时间中解放出来，并且因此可资利用的财富从短缺转而变为充裕。

现代科学的和经济的效率恰好可以产生出一个“乌泰姆普斯式”的
社会，这种社会就是一种从不被经济—技术进步的倡导者所怀疑的信
仰，比如我们在路德维希·艾哈德（Ludwig Erhard） (1) 身上就可以找
到这样的信念。 (2) “我们一直期待着（由技术进步所带来的——本书
作者注）经济上的富裕，并由此获得有益的结果，即让人们过上宁静
而和谐的生活，如同生活在世外桃源之中”，瑞典经济学家斯戴芬·伯
伦斯坦·林德（Staffan B. Linder） (3) 因此中肯地作出了这样的评论。
(4) 而且英国哲学家伯特兰·罗素（Bertrand Russel） (5) 在他1932年所
著的《悠闲颂》（Lob des Müβiggangs ）中表达了对这样的观点的支
持，即世外桃源——乌泰姆普斯式的社会基本上已经变成现实了；只
是一种不明智的（“新教徒式的”）职业伦理以及对工作的错误的分配
而使其没有被完全实现。 (6) 包括1964年美国的《生活》杂志（ Life
）也请人们对现代社会中将要出现的大量的时间富裕加以警惕，因为
这会带来严重的心理问题——因而在这一年2月21日出版的那期杂志的
大标题就是：《美国人现在面临着过多的休闲：当务之急是如何过安
逸的生活》。 (7)

从很多角度来看，我们今天的社会都与乌泰姆普斯式的城市好时
机市有相同的地方——当然，另一方面，当今的社会与那时相比也有
根本不同之处。为什么呢？“生活节奏已经大大加快”，并且由此带来
了紧张、忙乱和时间紧张，因而到处都可以听到人们的抱怨：尽管 正
如生活在好时机市那里的人一样，我们的社会生活的方方面面应该都
在技术的辅助下，通过提高速度而赢得了大量时间。但是，我们没有
时间，哪怕我们赢得了时间的富足 。这本书正是用以解释现代社会的
这个巨大的佯谬，并且探明当代社会的隐秘的线索的。

为此，这项工作的关键就是解码社会加速中的逻辑 。首先，从前
文的开场故事中，人们很容易有这样的猜想，宽容先生正是通过他赢
得时间的方法，又失去了时间：的确在复印机、照相机和暖气的帮助
下，他节省了很多时间，但是这些东西必须先被生产出来并且赚钱买
回来。由此可以想到，即便生活在好时机市也需要参加到分工明确的
生产劳动中去，因此宽容先生在复印技术被“发明”了之后，相应地要
复制比之前更多的书籍（当然，其前提是在乌泰姆普斯帝国的人们对
书的需求 也相应地增加了）。在这种方式下，时间预算与技术带来的
新希望之间所展开的是一个零和游戏（甚至是一场负和游戏）：乌泰
姆普斯帝国的居民需要与他们所节省的时间一样多的——甚至是更多
的——时间，去生产并使自己买得起那些能够节省时间的机器。这不
禁使人们想起了在许多地方流传的、版本各有不同的那个有关一位贫
穷的渔夫和一位成功的企业家的故事。 (8)

在南部欧洲一个偏远的海边渔村，一位渔民坐在平坦的沙滩上，
正用一副老旧的传统的鱼竿在钓鱼。一位富有的企业家在海边享受着
他的孤寂的假期，此时正好散步走到渔夫身边，他观察了渔夫一会
儿，然后摇着头，开始与渔夫攀谈。富翁问渔夫为什么在这里钓鱼，
如果他去岩石陡峭的外海域去钓鱼，那会有双倍的收获。渔夫奇怪地
看了富翁一眼，然后不解地问道：“为什么？”

“当然是因为这样可以将多钓到的鱼拿到附近城市的市场上去卖，
然后就可以用卖鱼的收入去买一副新的玻璃纤维的钓鱼竿，而且也可
以买得起对鱼更有吸引力的特殊的鱼饵。这样的话，每天所捕获的鱼
的数量轻轻松松地就可以翻番。”

“那么，然后呢？”渔夫更加不解地问道。变得有些不耐烦的企业
家回答说，之后渔夫很快就可以买一艘小船了，他可以开着船去深海
域，在那里可以捕获超出现在十倍的鱼；这样，在很短的时间里，他
就可以富起来，于是他便买得起远洋拖网的渔船啦！企业家说到这里
又变得神采奕奕，因他所描述的愿景而感到兴奋。“没错，”渔夫说，
“那么之后我干什么呢？”企业家立即沉醉地描述道，那之后，渔夫就
可以控制这里的整个海岸的捕捞了，因为会有整整一支捕捞船队为他
工作。“啊哈，”渔夫回答说，“那么当他们为我工作时，我又该做什么
呢？”那个时候，渔夫就可以整日里坐在平坦的沙滩上，享受着阳光，
悠闲地垂钓了。“是啊，”渔夫说：“我现在就已经在这样做了。”

当然，这个故事其实相当幼稚。因为这个故事所展现的是一个在
经历了千辛万苦的奋斗历史后最不可能的一个结局——企业家竭力使
渔夫感兴趣的竟是与他现在的状况一样的奋斗结果；因此，对于渔夫
来说，如果按照企业家描绘的那样去做，尽管他应该能够获得成功，
但是却什么也没有得到。所以这里的企业家显然正是罗素所诟病的“新
教工作伦理的”牺牲品：工作本身对于这位企业家来说就是目的，从出
发的起点到达最终结果之间的道路正是一场零和游戏——这还是在最
有利的情况下。但是，现实中的这类故事当然不是 一场循环：开端和
终点只是看起来一样，而事实上却大相径庭。那位渔民必须 打鱼，因
为他借此来维持生计，并且他也没有其他的选择；而那位富裕的企业
家可以 垂钓，同时他也有成千上万的其他事情可以去做。因此，可能
性范围的扩大 正是“加速所带来的希望”的重要元素。从这个角度来
看，在沙滩边钓鱼的性质也因而发生了改变。企业家知道，因为钓
鱼，他错过了在这个时间可以去做的许多其他事情，比如乘船出海、
高尔夫球场的开张、驾车去下一个风景名胜……企业家可能因为这些
选项的存在，而使得他的垂钓的闲情雅致被打扰，这种情况对我们来
说是非常似曾相识的，当然这也是愚蠢至极的——因为害怕错过什
么，而使得人们无法投身于切切实实地“在那个世界存在”，也就是在
那里可以做一名（理想状态下的）渔夫。

但是，企业家的这种对于害怕错过什么的恐惧并不只是出于享乐
主义的根源，也有相当多的来自商业经营方面的原因。

当企业家在沙滩上垂钓时，他的竞争对手正在开发着新的、性能
更好的船只；购得更广泛的捕鱼权利；使得企业家在海岸上的垄断变
得有争议，因而使他不再能安心地坐在沙滩边钓鱼了。同时，他的公
司的医疗保险、电话通讯和电力能源等费用，以及他的家庭的花费也
都发生着变化，同样，他的资产管理所处的投资环境也在不断地变化
着。因此，也许他在最好的时刻都为这些而操心，而不是忘情地投入
于垂钓中去——否则的话，明天他可能就不能钓鱼了。他也迫切地需
要一身新衣服，因为他穿在身上的衣服是两年前流行的；而且，他戴
的太阳镜也已经不符合最新的防护紫外线的标准了，因而是不利于健
康的。他的朋友们总是不断地搬家，因此也许他最好应该开车回家，
在与他们失去联系之前，打电话给他们。总之，现在休假中的他总算
有时间来处理这些事情了。另外，他的妻子近来总是很晚才回家，也
许她正打算着离开他。不，当他周围的世界正在发生着天翻地覆的变
化的时候，他绝不应该继续坐在沙滩上钓鱼（该死的，与此同时，他
的电脑也太旧了，因而无法安装最新的软件，他也就无法在这些软件
的帮助下来管理地址。不断地一项一项逐条记录邮政地址、电话、手
机和传真号码以及电子邮件地址的变化实在是太辛苦了。地址簿也因
为不断地被涂改，变得面目不清而无法阅读，而且都快被翻烂了）。

当这位企业家坐在沙滩边，打算享受垂钓的乐趣的时候，他感觉
到自己正处在一条，或者更确切地说是多条，迅速下滑的斜坡上，或
者是正站在向下开动的自动扶梯上，因此，他最好应该参加到竞赛当
中，从而保证自己的位置，保证始终能了解最新情况 。这不仅是“加
速所带来的希望”驱使着他不断地加快着他的生活节奏，而且也由于他
所处的技术、社会和文化环境的高度动态性、这些环境的复杂性和随
机性的不断增强，这些都迫使这位企业家处于不断的升级换代之中。
因此，在这里也体现出渔夫寓言故事中的第二个回答的幼稚之处：富
裕的企业家是不能 像贫穷的渔夫那样只是必须 去钓鱼的：尽管他可
以有意识地拿出一些“额外的时间”，利用两三天到一周的时间在沙滩
上（关掉手机、不接收电子邮件、不看电视地）“享受”，但是他会将
这种驻留在“放慢速度的绿洲”——在这里他的所作所为和贫穷的渔夫
一样——当做是非常罕见的奢侈，为此所付出的代价就是：因为世界
在不断地变化，因而当他回去之后，他必须追赶上去，或者是接受被
落下来的状态。这样的意识明确表明，不仅是故事开头时的社会环境
到了结尾时已经发生了变化，而且就连这位垂钓的企业家本人的特性
也发生了改变。他将“在那时的”发展的终点作为另一种形式的出发的
起点。他对未来、现在和过去之间的关系有着不同的看法：这位企业
家的未来的世界与他的过去的世界截然不同，而对于渔夫来说（与第
一个故事中的宽容先生相似），他会根据过去的经验来打算他的未
来。因此渔夫的期望范畴与经验领域在很大程度上是相互重合的；但
对于企业家来说，这两者之间却有着极大的差异。企业家对时间的流
逝有着不同的感受，对于时间的价值也有着不同的看法。
 如果我们的主人公表现得和传统的企业家的形象（也包括企业家
的各种算计考虑）一样的话，那么他一定会感到时间非常紧缺。他会
努力保持对自己的生活和企业（以及对他来说重要的社会变化）的控
制，而且会对未来的发展进行精心的计划。他的周围环境越是动态多
变，他的事务链和可能性的范畴越是复杂和随机，他对未来的设计就
越不能实现。因此，我们的这位企业家可能会继续发生转变：他放弃
了对控制和操纵的要求，而转变为“赌徒”，跟随事件随波逐流。如果
后天竞争对手将我的船只弄得一钱不值，那我可能就会去开个赌场，
或者写本书，也许远赴印度去寻找我的精神领袖，也可能我将开始读
大学。谁知道呢。这些都不需要我今天来做决定，到底做什么要看我
后天的感觉和那个时候我有哪些机会。在这个世界中充满了意想不到
的机会和可能性。

这样的话，这位企业家有时又和那位渔夫一样了，也就是不用尝
试着有计划地、长远地改变未来了。也许，他甚至又可以赢回一些休
闲的时间了。但是，赌徒的周围环境是不断变化的，他们的期望范畴
与经验领域是分离的。因此，（后现代社会的）赌徒从另一种方式上
来说，在那时 和在那地 就不仅是（前现代社会的）渔夫，而且也是
（现代社会的）企业家。

我将在接下来的研究中描述我们在此地此景的存在 的方式和途
径，它在很大程度上是依赖于我们所生活的社会的时间结构的。关于
“我们想如何生活”这个问题与“我们如何打发我们的时间 ”这一问题是
同等重要的，但是“我们的”时间的质量、它的范畴和结构、它的速度
和节奏都不归——或者只在非常小的程度上归我们支配。时间结构具
有集合属性、社会性特征；不可改变的事实是，时间结构总是与行动
中的个体对着干。现代社会的时间结构在发展中所展现的结果就是以
加速 为首要特征的。过程和事件的加速是现代社会的基本原则。正如
前面所讲述的两则故事所阐明的，这个基本原则的原因和作用方式是
极其多元化而复杂的，间或相互矛盾。可以看到，故事中的主角事实
上并不是面对着一种类型的加速，而是三种不同类型的加速：他们首
先要应对技术上的加速 ，但是正如在好时机市的故事中所描绘的，从
抽象逻辑的角度来观察，技术上的加速所带来的后果是生活节奏的减
速。事实上，生活节奏的加速 展示了由于技术上的加速所带来的社会
的加速的似是而非的形式，这种矛盾在上文中对那位企业家的困境所
做的思索中有所体现；并且这种似是而非很可能与第三种也可以独立
分析的加速联系在一起：社会的加速和文化的变化速度 ，尽管可以对
它们从表现形式上做单独的分析。我在本书中将展示，这几种加速的
形式复杂的共同作用机制，是要为人们梦寐以求的乌泰姆普斯式的时
间富足的状态，却被现实中的西方社会的极大的且不断加剧的时间紧
缺的状态所代替负责的；时间危机 ，正在挑战传统的形式、个体所拥
有的机会以及政治家的构建社会的能力，并且正不断让人们对全社会
的危机时代 的感知扩散，这种感觉是以一种相互矛盾的方式蔓延的，
也就是在“加速的社会中”，在社会结构、物质结构和文化结构持续地
不断发生着变化的背后，所隐藏的真相却是结构上和文化上的深层次
的静止，即历史的根本的凝滞，在这样的历史当中，没有任何重要的
元素 再有任何改变，迅速变化的一直只是表面现象。因而与新的、变
化了的时间结构相适应的定位模式和社会政治安排都是值得思索的，
在这本书的研究中所得到的理论就是，这一切都是以现代社会的最深
层的伦理和政治的信念为代价的，也是以（因此破产了的）“现代社会
的项目”为代价的。

而为了取得大学授课资格而撰写论文，以及之后将它完善成书
稿，在很多方面也恰恰都是一个与时间、与钟表做斗争的过程。最
终，如我所愿，这本书的能够令人接受的终稿完成了，为此我有许多
朋友、建议提供者、商讨对象和陪伴者值得去感谢，他们在这些年里
为我提供了多方面的帮助，对这本书的优点作出了不凡的贡献——而
对于这本书仍然存在的不足之处当然应该由我全部负责。我首先想要
提到的是身为专家的汉斯·约阿希姆·吉戈尔（Hans-Joachim Giegel）
(9) (10)
、 克 劳 斯 · 迪 克 （ Klaus Dicke ） 和 阿 克 塞 尔 · 霍 耐 特 （ Axel
(11)
Honneth） ，同时他们也是我可以与之讨论的伙伴、批判家，他
们从三个完全不同的学科角度帮助我不断清晰我的论点，并且在我的
写作过程中不断地给予我鼓励、在错误面前给予我提醒。同样地也要
(12)
感谢赫尔弗里德·默克勒（Herfried Münkler） ，他尤其是在这项
工作的早期阶段对于框架的建立和梳理有着不可低估的帮助，并且在
他主持召开的研讨会上为我提供了一个非常有价值的论坛。

我从太多的同事那里获得了有教益的建议和启发，而我恐怕无法
一一列出他们的名字。但是，我不得不提及纽约新学院大学的研究生
院 （Graduate Faculty der New School University in New York），由
于亚历山大·冯·洪堡基金会（Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung）所慷
慨 资 助 的 佛 欧 多 尔 · 吕 南 科 研 奖 学 金 （ Feodor-Lynen-
Forschungsstipendium），我得以从2001年9月到2002年8月在那里
（与国际政治事件隔绝开来而）不受打扰地完成这部作品。安德鲁·阿
洛托（Andrew Arato）、理查德·伯恩斯坦（Richard Bernstein）和南
茜·弗瑞泽（Nancy Fraser）都是我要特别感谢的人。威廉姆·E.绍伊尔
(13)
曼（William Scheuerman） 由于与我有相近的研究主题，因而成
为我的非常重要的谈话对象，并且也是好朋友。这番感谢同样适用于
曼弗雷德·伽哈玛（Manfred Garhammer） (14) 。我也从汉斯-乔治·布
鲁斯（Hanns-Georg Brose） (15) 、芭芭拉·亚当（Barbara Adam）
(16) 和马丁·科利（Martin Kohli） (17) 那里得到了关键的专业上的帮
助 。 我 还 想 感 谢 我 在 耶 拿 （ Jena ） 的 同 事 米 歇 尔 · 比 兹 （ Michael
Beetz ） 、 米 歇 尔 · 贝 尔 （ Michael Behr ） 、 罗 宾 · 凯 利 凯 茨 （ Robin
Celikates）、克劳兹-M.科达尔（Klaus-M. Kodalle）、约恩·拉姆拉
（Jörn Lamla）、卢兹·尼塔玛（Lutz Niethammer）、迈克·山德勃斯
（Mike Sandbothe）、瑞恩·崔泼托（Rainer Treptow），还有罗尔夫·
施拉德（Ralph Schrader）和安德烈·考特曼（Andrea Kottmann）。
在所有专业领域的决定中，对我来说不可或缺的一位咨询者就是安卓·
凯撒（Andre Kaiser）。除了洪堡基金 之外，我也要感谢克尔伯基金
会 （Körber-Stiftung ）为我的作品提供了支持和不凡的合作。

在 与 斯 蒂 芬 · 阿 曼 （ Stefan Amann ） 、 约 克 · 阿 奈 克 （ Jörn

Arnecke）、伊丽莎贝特·赫尔曼（Elisabeth Herrmann）、詹姆斯·英
格拉姆（James Ingram）、克里斯汀·克劳斯（Christian Kraus）、卡
罗拉·拉什（Carola Lasch）、保鲁斯·里宁（Paulus Liening）、斯特
芬·茨姆曼（Stephan Zimmermann）和弗瑞德·魏茨（Frieder Weis）
非常愉快的谈话中，我深受启发而获得了决定性的想法；也有一些见
解是在与TC Grafenhausen的对手网球场（Gegners Tennisplätzen）上
的年轻人共同度过的许多个星期天中所获得的；还有来自于从1998年
到2003年在与布伦瑞克（Braunschweig）的德国学生学会（Deutsche
Schüler Akademie）热情的成员的激烈讨论中。大学生助理海克·斯泰
尼格（Heiko Steiniger）孜孜不倦地致力于相关文献的查阅。乌苏拉·
麦恩乌西（Ursula Maynvshi）女士对整部书稿进行了极其细致的阅
读，并且明察秋毫般地发现了一些错误并作出修正，苏尔坎普出版社
的伯恩德·斯蒂格勒（Bernd Stiegler）也是如此，对于两位我必须表
达自己浓浓的谢意。
 我希望将这本书献给我的兄弟姐妹：阿明（Armin）和克里斯汀
（Christine）。

————————————————————

(1) 路德维希·艾哈德（1897—1977），德国政治家、经济学家、“社会市场经济之父”。
1949—1963年任德意志联邦共和国经济和劳动部长；1963—1966年任联邦总理。艾哈德是社
会市场经济的奠基人之一，他与威廉·勒普克等经济部副部长，对联邦德国在二战后的经济政
策的影响非常大。但艾哈德本人始终反对将当时德国经济的发展称为“经济奇迹”，他认为世
界上没有奇迹，联邦德国在战后的经济发展是成功的市场经济政策的结果。艾哈德1957年出
版了《大众的福利》（Wohlstand für alle ），根据联邦德国战后经济改革的经验，系统地阐
述和发挥了联邦德国新自由主义学派奠基人瓦尔特·欧根（Walter Eucken）创立的社会市场经
济理论。——译者注

(2) 参照Erhard 1997年。

(3) 斯戴芬·林德（1931—2000），瑞典经济学家。主要著作有《忙碌的休闲阶层》《论
贸易和转化》等。——译者注

(4) Linder，1970年，第1页。

(5) 伯特兰·罗素（1872—1970），是20世纪英国哲学家、数学家、逻辑学家、历史学
家，也是20世纪西方最著名、影响最大的学者和和平主义社会活动家之一，并致力于哲学的
大众化、普及化。他与阿尔弗雷德·怀特海合著的《数学原理》对逻辑学、数学、集合论、语
言学和分析哲学有着巨大影响。1950年，罗素获得诺贝尔文学奖，以表彰其“多样且重要的作
品，持续不断地追求人道主义理想和思想自由”。罗素的著作有《幸福之路》《西方哲学史》
《数学原理》《物的分析》等。——译者注

(6) Russell，1935年。

(7) 引自Putnam， 1997年，第 页。

(8) 这个故事最有名的版本应该是出现在海恩里希·伯尔（Heinrich Böll）（1963年）的

《工作伦理堕落轶事》（Anekdote zur Senkung der Arbeitsmoral ）一书中的版本。

(9) 汉斯·约阿希姆·吉戈尔，德国社会学家。主要著作有《社会理论或社会技术理论》
《工业劳动与自作主张》等。——译者注

(10) 克 劳 斯 · 迪 克 （ 1953— ） ， 德 国 政 治 学 家 ， 曾 任 耶 拿 弗 里 德 里 希 · 席 勒 大 学
（Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena）校长。主要著作有《人权与欧洲一体化》《国际组织的
效率与效用》《人权与发展》等。——译者注
 (11) 阿克塞尔·霍耐特（1949—）德国著名哲学家、社会理论家；哈贝马斯嫡传弟子；
法兰克福社会研究所所长；法兰克福学派第三代核心人物；批判理论第三期发展关键人物。
主要著作有《权力的批判》《支离破碎的社会》《不确定性的痛苦——读斯宾诺莎》《为承
认而斗争：社会冲突的道德语法》等。——译者注

(12) 赫尔弗里德·默克勒（1951—），德国政治学家。主要著作有《公正的概念》《帝
国：从古罗马到美国的世界统治的逻辑》和《关于战争》等。——译者注

(13) 威廉姆·E.绍伊尔曼（Wiliam E. Scheuerman）（1965—），英国政治学家。主要著

作有《围困中的法律规则》《法律的终结》《加速的社会》（与本书作者合著）等。——译
者注

(14) 曼弗雷德·伽哈玛，德国社会学者、社会工作教授。主要著作有《远程工作与远程
通讯》《欧洲人如何使用他们的时间》《平衡时间：弹性工作制对日常生活、休闲和家庭的
影响》。——译者注

(15) 汉斯·乔治·布鲁斯（1945—），德国社会学家。主要著作有《工作体验》《个体的
终结到没有尽头的个人化》《不同性的文化》等。——译者注

(16) 芭芭拉·亚当，英国社会学家，代表作有《时间》（Time ）等。——译者注

(17) 马丁·科利（1942—），瑞士社会学家。主要著作有《欧洲社会的融入与排斥》
《欧洲还在运转吗：整合、雇佣和社会秩序》《制度化的生命历程》等。——译者注
 目 录
译序

序言

第一章 导论

1．社会中的时间结构

2．两个当代的时间诊断

3．对社会加速理论的初步思考

第一部分 社会加速系统理论范畴上的基本轮廓

第二章 从热爱变动到加速法则——对现代性的观察

1．加速和现代文化

2．现代化、加速和社会理论

第三章 什么是社会加速

1．初步思考：加速和增长

2．社会加速的三个维度

3．停滞的五种类型

4．有关现代社会中的运动和停滞之间的关系
第二部分 影响方式和显现形式：社会加速的现象学

第四章 技术加速和空间—时间—制度的革命

第五章 滑动的斜坡：社会变化的加速和偶然性的增加

第六章 “生活节奏”的加快和对时间体验上的矛盾

1．客观的参数：行动速度的提高

2．主观的参数：时间压力和时间疾驰而去的体验

3．时间结构和自我关系

第三部分 原因

第七章 社会加速作为一个自我推动的过程：加速的循环

第八章 加速和增长：社会加速的外部推动力

1．时间就是金钱：经济引擎

2．加速的预言：文化引擎

3．复杂性的时间化：社会结构引擎

第九章 权力、战争和速度：作为机制的核心加速器的国家和军
队

第四部分 结果

第十章 加速、全球化、后现代化

第十一章 情境化的身份确定：从流浪汉到游戏者
 1．现代的自我的动态化

2．从先验的实质身份到后验的稳固身份：生命的时间化

3．从长期稳定的身份到情境化的身份：时间的时间化

第十二章 情境化的政治：处于非同步和非一体化中的矛盾的时
间地平线

1．政治中的时间：时间中的政治

2．在现代性中的历史的时间化

3．似是而非的时间地平线：在晚期现代历史的去时间化

第十三章 加速和停滞：尝试对现代性的重新定义

第十四章 结语：疾驰的停滞状态？历史的终结

图表目录

参考文献

关键词和人名索引
 第一章 导论
从社会理论自身所推导出来的思考如同放大镜所产生的
聚焦作用。而当社会科学不再引发新思考的时候，社会理论
就山穷水尽了。——尤尔根·哈贝马斯（Jürgen Habermas）
(1) （1981年，第二卷，第563页。）
1．社会中的时间结构
有关社会环境中所有的事件、物体和形式都具有动态性或过程性
这样的特质以及时间 因此而体现为所有合理的分析的关键要素的信
念，在社会科学中已几乎成为陈词滥调。到目前为止所表现出来的现
象就是，各个学科仿佛都不太知道如何利用这样的认知展开研究。不
过，总会有这样令人惊讶的断言，那就是几乎所有的社会现象都可以
“在时间上重构”，也就是对社会现象以时间为视角进行重新描述——
无论是统治技术、阶级差别，还是跨文化方面的问题，或是社会经济
发展落后、两性关系、福利制度，直至医院、监狱或毒品的体验。 (2)

这些论断都无一例外地没有下文和进一步的结论。从时间社会学式的
重新改写中，甚至没有得出对所研究的问题领域有理论或实践价值的
新认识；从中所获得的相互之间毫无联系的发现看上去几乎无法与系
统的时间社会学联系起来。

因此，直到20世纪80年代后期，新发表的时间社会学方面的研究
性文章总是以模式化的论断开始的——这些论文首先要谈到时间 是社
会发挥作用的根本范畴，就毫不奇怪了；第二个特点就是，这些文章
直到发表也没有明确地提出其作者对于时间社会学有哪些有别于其他
(3)
论文作者的观点。 罗伯特·劳尔（Robert Lauer）和维纳·贝尔格曼
(4)
（Werner Bergmann） 早在80年代初就在非常有价值而且十分详
细的文献综述中指明，即便在那个时候，就已经有堆积如山的与上述
被固执地坚持的信念相对的关于时间社会学的研究了。 (5) 尽管相关
研究在不断增多，但是严谨细致，并且无论从理论上到实证上都言之
有物的有关时间的社会科学的分析仍然一如既往的匮乏。
 根据贝尔格曼的观点，从社会学角度展开的对时间分析这个领域
的主要问题在于，它缺乏与社会学的理论构建过程之间基础的且系统
的联系。社会科学式的对时间的研究往往是预言式的并且武断的；大
部分半遮半掩的有关时间的概念迷失在哲学或人类学，甚至是日常概
念中。正因为此，大量的时间社会学的文献都是互不关联的，并不是
累进的，而且也缺乏与社会理论相关研究的对接，因而变成了“唯我论
的”研究。 (6) 这种状况即便到了今天也没有发生显著的改变。尽管，
当今的论文几乎不再有前文所提到的那种论调，但是，这些发表出来
的作品不是时间社会学，取而代之的大部分作品往往是以时间为顺序
的或者以分支学科为依据进行整理的对那些非常重要，却相互没有关
联的时间社会学或时间哲学的研究的概览，这些研究解释了为什么所
概述的研究成果与其他研究无关联以及自身的不尽如人意，但是随之
而来的通常也是另一篇“唯我论的”论文，大部分也只是有选择地与那
些能支撑该论文的论述过程的作者或理论联系起来。 (7)

因此，目前有关时间这个主题的社会科学的研究成果主要可以分
为三大类：有数量惊人的研究是属于第一类的，即最终进行概览式的
尝试，将到目前为止有关时间社会学的思考收录下来，并且（根据不
同的观点）将其系统化。这些论文的最高成就几乎都体现在这样的理
论中，即研究资料足以证明，时间结构在社会环境中是多么重要，又
是多么千姿百态，因此，对时间结构倾注更多的关注是很迫切的。 (8)

与此同时，第二类研究也集中了数量不断增加得非常详细的有关
时间和时间结构的研究，这些研究是以社会科学中实实在在存在的单
一学科或分支学科为基础的。但是，第二类研究中的绝大多数还需要
进一步的观察，因为这些分析是在较低的理论层次上、通过毫无原则
的方法直接对所研究的现象进行观测得出的，并且“时间”在这些研究
中被当做不言自明的变量来对待。 (9)

第三类研究与前面两类相反，终于囊括了一些理论导向的时间分
析，从而致力于系统地解释社会科学的或社会哲学的时间概念，因而
达到了理论固有的较高的抽象度，但是对于这些非常有实证价值的现
象的研究，不仅没有获得一个总体性的概览，而且也走向不切实际
(10)
——总体上来看，这一类以理论为基础的概念化的尝试到目前为止
也完全是“唯我论式的”操作，而没有任何能够创建一个整体性的社会
科学的时间概念的希望。因而，正如芭芭拉·亚当所评论的：“这些作
者之间没有共同的关注点。每个人都提出不同的问题。关于将时间作
为社会理论的中心意味着什么，没有任何两条理论能够达成共识……
在这个概念上的混乱的迷宫里没有指示方向的路标。” (11) 时间社会学
与有丰富的实证性的社会科学的理论构建过程之间系统化的连接存在
(12) (13)
于，正如吉登斯 和卢曼 所承诺的那样，使时间成为时间社会
(14)
学的理论构建过程中不可或缺的基本概念 ——当然，这始终都还
是没有被实现的愿望。

亚当和其他人提出将通过时间哲学的路径作为研究时间的整体性
的基础，他们以此作为摆脱上述困境的建议；但是，仔细考虑这个建
议，很快就会发现这依然是没有前途的：哲学性的时间概念，是由诸
如奥古斯汀 (15) 、康德 (16) 、柏格森 (17) 、麦克塔格特 (18) 、海德格
尔 (19) 或米德 (20) 等人所提出的假设，之后由他们的继承者加以讨论
的，但是这些概念相互间异质性强、缺乏相互比较的公度，并且相互
不兼容；在有关时间的现实成分这样最基本的问题上也无法达成一
致，在关于时间应该属于自然界，还是观念性的或可理解的，或是社
会结构的范畴这类问题也是各有分说。 (21) 时间哲学的研究路径与理
论导向的时间社会学的研究一样，至少都倾向于时间与社会的相互作
用，也就是说任由时间表现为深不可测的谜团，因此在贴近现象的经
验分析中，时间往往就只能无法令人满意地被当做不言自明的变量
了。塔布尼（Tabboni）指明了这个问题：在大部分情况下，对时间的
分析不是“不言自明的情况”，就是“一团迷雾的情形” (22) ，这两重情
况看上去都是不可避免的；因此在讨论时间的特性时，奥古斯汀那句
精辟的话总是人们最喜欢引用的就不足为奇了：“什么是时间？当没有
人问起我这个问题的时候，我知道时间是什么。但是，当我要解释这
(23)
个问题的时候，我却不知道时间是什么了。” 这句话简明有力地表
现了奥古斯汀对于时间的认知在两个极端之间来回摇摆的状态。

时间社会学的这种薄弱的状态所导致的结果就是，不仅其在成为
社会科学专业名单中的一门分支学科方面相当困难，而且首先就很难
将目前的社会理论、现代性分析和时间诊断组合起来。由于时间社会
学方面的认知到目前为止较低的普遍化程度，以及这些知识很难与系
统的社会科学和社会哲学的理论框架结合起来，因此只能继续被迫在
(24)
时间视角之外进行研究，正如布迪厄 的那句名言：社会理论式的
实践（完全不顾来自元理论的完全不同的竭力地申明和强调）是“去时
间化的”，因此甚至连将时间排除在外的想法都没有想到，而且一直如
此。 (25)

在这样的悲剧下，前面所提到的作品就不能 被理解为有关时间社
会学之类的研究了，也就是说，这些作品并不是在探究时间是什么，
以及时间不是什么，时间以什么样的方式参与并作用于社会实践和社
会结构。这些研究知识将当前的社会发展和社会问题放在现代化进程
的背景下，并且通过讨论恰当地理解现代化进程中的在（“传统 ”）现
代和晚期 现代、后 现代或第二 现代性的社会理论，从而将它们在政
治上和伦理上的后果进行系统化的分析整理。在这其中，主导的假设
是这样的猜想：现代化进程不仅在那时 是一个复杂的过程，而且尤其
重要的是现代化进程表现为时间结构和时间维度本身最重大的在结构
上和文化上的变革，能够表示其改变的方向 的最恰当的概念应该是社
会性的加速 。如果不将时间维度放在明确而中心的位置进行考虑的
话，那么就无法从社会理论的角度理解西方社会中在社会实践、机构
以及个体的自身关系当中所正在发生的变化。这既不是为了建立一个
新的某某社会学（“加速社会学 ”），也不是为了使已有的社会学分支
（时间社会学 ）合法化，而是为了将当前的社会理论进行再概念化。
因此，在接下来的内容里，我将在我认为从体系上来看合适的地方，
不断地去追溯时间哲学和时间社会学的概念。用时间分析的进入方式
提出社会理论的问题的决定性的优势是，时间结构和时间维度表现为
行为者的角度和系统的角度的连接点——尽管并非系统化的连接。众
所周知，对社会变化的分析不仅要分析“宏观社会的”变化，也就是“客
观存在的”社会的结构或系统结构所发生的变化，而且也有“微观社会
的”变化，即从以主题为中心的社会科学的角度研究行为逻辑和自身关
(26)
系所发生的变化。从帕森斯 开始就细致地寻找社会理论的近乎所
有的变量，以克服结构上或行为者的分离；但是尽管如此，究竟是通
过什么样的机制，使得系统性—结构化的逻辑或者说要求能够与行为
者的导向相互适应或者说相互妥协，这个问题可能一直是社会环境中
最令人迷惑、难以理解的一个问题了。

因而，社会结构的现代化进程是不能没有相应的主体自我关系的
构建的，也就是说通过现代化进程身份定位的变化和社会文化的变化
是必须携手共同进行的。 (27) 但是，仍旧在很大程度上没有搞清楚的
是，行为者在自由的社会中，也就是以不仅要尊重个体的伦理自治，
也要积极地对此进行培养为原则的社会，是通过什么方式出于系统性
的原因确实形成了社会所需要的行为导向。 (28) 因而，能够确保成功
地分析这个奇妙的系统逻辑和行为逻辑之间的相互适应的途径，应该
是要考虑到时间层面的：时间的地平线和时间结构对行为导向和自我
关系是建设性的；与此同时，时间又远远地摆脱了个体对它的支配，
因而无论是时间的社会结构，还是时间的体系化的产物，都使得时间
对于行为者来说等同于“自然给定的事实”。由于时间的稳固的真实性
和它在另一方面所具有的社会性，两者千丝万缕地交织在一起，因此
时间结构就成为个体的生活方式和“系统的”要求之间相互协调、相互
融合的中心地点，并且“我们打算如何度过我们的时间 ”这个问题就因
此成为伦理的和政治的核心问题了； (29) 从而，时间结构也是社会科
学的结构分析与伦理—政治问题的视角能够而且也是必须结合在一起
的地方。

时间社会学和时间人种学的研究得出了一些一致性的发现，这其
中包括两点重要的认识：首先，不仅是对时间的测量，而且也包括对
时间的感知和时间的地平线，都在最大程度上依赖于文化，并且随着
不同社会的不同社会结构的变化而变化。奥特海恩·海姆斯泰特
（Otthein Rammstedt） (30) 在一篇极具影响力的文章中，系统地提
出了这个假设：对时间的意识和对时间的体验的形式的演变是以社会
结构为基础的 (31) ，伴随着演变的过程，随之出现的是完全不同的时
间的地平线，并且因此带来了有巨大差异的行为的导向和自我关系。
简言之，未分化的社会通常被“临时性的”时间意识所支配，在这样的
社会中，对时间的体验大多数情况下只分为“现在的”和“非现在的”，
因而“过去”和“未来”被作为与“现在”不同的（被理解为神话的）事物而
不做进一步的区分。关于人类一直以来就已 具有对过去和未来的具体
的概念的看法，一直都在争议之中。
 在早期的以不同的阶级进行区隔的社会里，由于这种社会结构，
循环式的时间意识占主导地位，也就是说在这样的社会里，时间被体
验为一直循环往复的过程和状态。因此，这种时间体验的原始形式就
是只能区分在此之前的 和在此之后的 ，而过去和未来在结构上是相
同的，即对过去的记忆等同于对未来的预言，经验领域和期望的视野
(32)
是相互叠合的。 在极端的形态下，对时间的体验看上去就是“同样
事物的永恒重复”（尼采），在这样的状态中，记忆一直延伸到未来。
与之相反，在高度分化的现代社会中，随着一条从过去、经由现在抵
达未来的不可逆的线条的出现，线性的时间意识逐渐代替了时间循
环。因此，以区分过去、现在和未来为导向的时间体验占了主导地
位，尤其是在那些未来的含义被设定或确定为历史的终极 的地方（例
(33)
如在基督教或马克思主义中）更是表现得如此。

在高度现代性的功能各异的社会中，最终伴随着开放式未来的线
性的时间意识 占据优势：历史的发展不再是奔向某个特定的目标，它
的出口是不确定的。根据海姆斯泰特的观点，对时间的体验也应该是
连续的运动或者持续的加速的。当然，这种概括性的类别化简化了现
象，因而在经验上也是值得质疑的。海姆斯泰特自己也强调，时间意
识的四种形式之间有相互重合的地方，而且没有形成一个历史性的明
确统一的结论，而实证研究恰恰从多个角度证明了这个猜想：循环式
和线性的时间观几乎在所有的文化中都相伴存在，只是在不同的社会
(34)
中有着不同的重要性和表现形式。 但是，时间经验和时间意识是
随着社会结构和文化理想的变化而变化的，这一核心理论并没有因为
上述研究缺陷而受到质疑。 (35)

其次，在一个社会中存在的时间结构同时也是与认知和规范有关
的特性，并且能够深深地将社会的习性根植于个体的人格结构中。因
此，诺伯特·伊里亚斯（Norbert Elias） (36) 一方面强调时间概念的功
能性特征，他认为其功能主要体现在对社会进程的协调和同步化上
面，并且在一定程度上推动了社会进程的发展和改善，正如不断增强
的社会的复杂性和相互依赖链条的不断加长，都使得详细的时间计
划、规制和秩序成为必需；但另一方面，随之而来的是，社会所产生
的个体的时间意识成为社会的习性，并且与此同时也是人格结构无法
摆脱的组成部分——“第二特性”，因此，“生活在有严格的时间规划里
的人们对时间的体验，很大程度上就是其人格结构的例证，而人格结
(37)
构与其说是生物方面的特性，不如说是从社会中获得的。”

有意思的是，伊里亚斯将系统的结构和个体心理结构的交叉本身
就已经看做是对现代社会（高）速度的生活的解释了。

一方面是相互之间的关系网络的规模及其内部的压力，另一方面是个体的精神状

态，都尤其清晰地体现了我们所谓我们的时间的“速度”的概念。“速度”事实上正是相互关

系的链条的数量，而关系链条起到对任何一种社会功能的连接作用…… 速度是行为内容

的体现，后者与关系链条的长度和厚度互为关联，关系链条将单独的行为联合起来……并

且决定着竞争和选拔比赛的强度，而正是竞争使得整个相互依赖的关系网络保持在运动

状态……为了使连接点发挥作用，就需要在大量的行为链条当中非常仔细地分配生命时

间；生命时间已经习惯于将短时间的兴趣爱好服从于保持广泛的相互依赖的必要性；生

命时间的联系消除了行为态度上的波动，并且达到持久的自我强制。 (38)

我将在后面的章节里讨论伊里亚斯所提出的社会结构与生活节奏
之间相互关联的假设。在这里，需要强调的是，社会的时间结构是通
过什么方式化成为规范性的特征，并与此同时在行为者背后发展起来
的，这样的构造过程又是如何使得一方面的高度的社会规范性和另一
方面的低度的道德自主法规——也就是个体的道德自我决定的最大化
程度——之间做到兼容的。 (39) 伊里亚斯与福柯 (40) 的研究因此都指
Another random document with
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they would be in one’s own house. Of course the American cars
have also a stove at each end.
 CHAPTER XXI.
BOSTON IS THE HUB OF AMERICA—MR. TICKNOR—
PROFESSOR ROGERS AND THE TECHNOLOGICAL—MR.
NORTON—PROFESSOR AGASSIZ—MR. APPLETON AND MR.
LONGFELLOW—MR. PHILBRICK—A GRAMMAR SCHOOL
COMMEMORATION—HUMILITY OF THE BETTER LITERARY MEN
OF BOSTON—REGRET AT LEAVING BOSTON.
Boston is the hub of the world. So say those who,
not being Massachusetts men themselves, are Boston the Hub
disposed to impute extravagant pretensions to the of America.
good old Puritan city. The hub, in the language of
America, is the nave, or centre-piece of the wheel, from which the
spokes radiate, and on which the wheel turns. As the Americans
make with their hickory wood the best wheels in the world, they have
some right to give to one of the pieces a name of their own. But,
however, Boston need not quarrel with the saying. Nations, like
individuals, are generally governed by ideas, and no people to such
a degree as the Americans: and the ideas which have governed
them hitherto, have been supplied from New England. But
Massachusetts has been the wheel within New England, and Boston
the wheel within Massachusetts. It has therefore been the first
source and fountain of the ideas that have moved and made
America, and is, in a high and honourable sense, the hub of the New
World.
Among the celebrities of Boston with whom I was so fortunate as
to become acquainted, and to see in their own houses, I will name
first Mr. Ticknor, the author of the well-known ‘History of Spanish
Literature,’ himself now the father of American literature. His
reminiscences of the history and society of his own country, and
largely too of English literary society, for the last fifty years,
contribute very much to enrich his conversation. I have a grateful
sense of his hospitality, and of the other ways in which he assisted in
making my visit to Boston most agreeable.
My next acquaintance was Professor Rogers, the head of the
Technological Institute of Boston. A great deal has been spent by the
city on the building in which this Institute is housed, and in providing
it with an able staff of professors; and it has proved thoroughly well
adapted to the teaching of all the different branches upon which it
undertakes to give instruction. These are Physics, Chemistry,
Mathematics, Mechanics, and Drawing, particularly as required by
machinists, engineers, builders, and architects. Its objects are
entirely practical; but it would be a gross mistake to depreciate them
on that account. The knowledge imparted here is necessary for
certain trades and professions; and it is better that this knowledge
should be communicated well and correctly, than that it should be
picked up imperfectly. It is better that those who carry on any
business that is based on scientific principles should be familiar with
its principles, than that they should go through life working merely by
the rule of thumb. In the programme of the Institute Professor
Rogers’s department is Physics; but in fact the Technological
Institute is Professor Rogers, and Professor Rogers (for he is so
devoted to it that it has become a part of himself) is the
Technological Institute, plus a great deal that is good, and refined,
and generous.
I spent an evening with Mr. Norton, the editor of
the ‘North American Review.’ I was much pleased Literary Society
with all that I saw of Boston society, but this at Boston.
evening at Mr. Norton’s recurs to my recollection
with especial distinctness. He, as the editor of the leading Review of
the New World must for many years have had his finger on the
literary pulse of America, and must know better than any other
person what American writers can do, and what the American public
appreciates. I was glad to hear that Mr. Norton contemplated
spending twelve months in England with his family, though I
regretted that he should find that a year of rest and of change of
climate was necessary for him. It seemed to me, that both he and
Professor Rogers were much overworked, and were also suffering
from the withering aridity of the climate. A great part of the
population of New England appears to be affected by the same
cause—their vital organs are going through a process of desiccation.
I trust that both these good and true workers in the literary society of
Boston will before long be indebted for their restoration to health and
strength to the moister and more merciful climate of the old country.
I was sorry that the shortness of my stay prevented my accepting
an invitation from Mr. and Mrs. Agassiz. They are persons of whom it
is impossible to know a little without wishing to know a great deal
more. They had lately returned from their explorations in Brazil, but
more especially in the Valley of the Amazon. The popular narrative of
the expedition (for it was composed of several persons) was written
by Mrs. Agassiz, and has just been published. The more detailed
and scientific account, by Mr. Agassiz, is eagerly expected. His
character appears to be a most singularly transparent one. He has
strong social instincts. In society he is evidently in his true element.
But all the while, by the side of this keen enjoyment of society, you
see that his soul has been constructed for making those discoveries
in physical science, and acquiring those new ideas, he has so much
happiness in presenting to the minds of others. His rich genial
conversation and ready sympathies are worthy of the high position
he holds in the scientific world.
To Mr. Thomas G. Appleton—the first American, I believe, who
crossed the Atlantic in his own yacht—I am indebted for several
kindnesses; among them for his taking me to his brother-in-law, Mr.
Longfellow, who resides at Cambridge, about three miles from
Boston. Mr. Longfellow’s house is the oldest in the place, and has a
good deal of curious antique carving and panelling. This is as it
should be, for one can hardly imagine a poet living in a new, square-
built, brick house, without a tradition or association.
In mentioning those whose names are public
property, from whom I received kindnesses at Young Ladies’
Boston, I must not omit Mr. Philbrick, the Recitations.
Superintendent of Schools for the city. He allowed
me to spend a morning in the Poplar Street Primary School, which
was quite a model of its kind. It contained 300 children, divided into
six grades. With few exceptions, they all come at the age of five, and
leave at eight. He also took me with him to the yearly
commemoration of the Adam Street Grammar School, in a distant
suburb of the city. This is a mixed school for boys and girls, or rather
for young ladies, for some of the latter were certainly not less than
eighteen years of age. There were present on the occasion the
superintendent, some assistant superintendents, or committee-men
—I forget which was their title—and many of the parents of the
children. The work consisted in recitations, singing, and reading
extracts from a periodical written by the pupils and published in the
school. The reciting was fairly done. No timidity was shown by any
young lady who ascended the platform; but there was no boldness,
or anything in any way unpleasing. There was only a degree of easy
self-possession that would have been unusual in English ladies of
any age. I mention this because the impression left on Mr. Fraser’s
mind by exhibitions of this kind appears not to have been favourable.
As soon as the business of the day was over, Mr. Philbrick, being the
chief official in the city connected with education, was called upon by
the head-master to make a speech, or, as it is called in America, to
deliver an address. After speaking for about ten minutes, he
concluded by telling the company who I was, and with whom I was
acquainted in the city, adding that he hoped I would give those
present the pleasure of hearing me say something. I was a little
taken by surprise at this summons, the heat of the room having
almost put me to sleep. Otherwise one ought always to be prepared
for such requests, because in America you may be quite sure that
they will always be made. It is one of their institutions.
One hears a great deal about what is described as the arrogance
and conceit of Americans. I never met with anything of the kind,
except among classes which with us are generally too ignorant to
know much, and too apathetic to care much about their own country.
The upper classes are proud of their country, as they ought to be,
and that is all. At Boston, however, I was struck, not with the
arrogance and conceit, but with the humility of Americans. I am
speaking now of the literary class; and I think the phenomenon is to
be accounted for in the following way. These New Englanders are
the most observant and the most receptive of the human family, and
it is the first thought of all among them who have literary aspirations
to travel in England and on the European continent. These are to
them the Holy Land of thought. It is here that all the branches of
literature, and all the departments of science, originated and were
matured. All the creations of fancy, all the lessons and examples of
history, all the familiar descriptions of outward nature, and of human
emotions, come from this side. Here, then, are the shrines which the
literary men of the New World must visit with the staff and in the spirit
of a pilgrim. They feel an influence which their fellow-countrymen do
not feel. But besides this, because they are New Englanders, they
note and weigh every idea and practice they find in European
society; and everything that approves itself to their understanding,
they adopt readily and without prejudice. This is the reason why
travelled New Englanders are generally so gentlemanly and
agreeable. They understood what they saw abroad, and they have
acknowledged to themselves that they have learnt much that they
never would have known anything of if they had stayed at home.
This, which is true of all, is doubly true of their literary men. One of
the leading writers of New England described to me the craving that
he felt for intercourse with minds cultivated as they are only in
Europe. There only, in his opinion, men had time to think; there only
had the critical faculties been trained; there only could you meet with
broad and profound views on questions of literature, history, or
policy. The whole of the literature of America was but a rechauffé of
that of England, France, and Germany.
I regretted the necessity which obliged me to
leave Boston before I had seen as much as I Humility of the
wished of its society. I did not feel in this way Leading Literary
because it more nearly resembles European Men.
society than is the case in any other city of the
Union—for one does not go to America to see what can be seen at
home—but because I wished to know more of some with whom I felt
that it would be a happiness afterwards to be acquainted, and
because I was desirous of using every opportunity for arriving at
some distinct conclusions as to the tendency of opinion and thought,
more particularly religious thought, in the New World.
 CHAPTER XXII.
AMERICAN HOTELS—WHY SOME PEOPLE IN AMERICA TRAVEL
WITHOUT ANY LUGGAGE—CONVERSATION AT TABLES-D’HÔTE
SHOULD BE ENCOURAGED—THE IRISH, THE AFRICAN, AND
THE CHINESE—CAN A REPUBLIC DO WITHOUT A SERVILE
CLASS?—WHAT WILL BE THE ULTIMATE FATE OF THESE THREE
RACES IN AMERICA—NO CHILDREN—MOTIVES—MEANS—
CONSEQUENCES—WHY MANY YOUNG MEN AND YOUNG
WOMEN MAKE SHIPWRECK OF HAPPINESS IN AMERICA—THE
COURSE MANY FAMILIES RUN—AMERICA THE HUB OF THE
WORLD.
During the week I was at Boston, I dined for the last time in an
American hotel; for the fortnight I afterwards spent in my second visit
to New York, I passed in the hospitable house of Mr. Henry Eyre, a
brother of the Rector of Marylebone, and a worthy representative of
Englishmen in the commercial capital of America. With this
exception, at the close of my tour, I made it a rule, from which I never
departed, to decline all invitations to stay in private houses. My
reason for doing this was, that I might come and go as I pleased,
and have my time always at my own disposal. This gave me
abundant opportunities, as my travels extended over 8,000 miles of
American ground, for forming an estimate of their hotels and hotel
life. With a few exceptions here and there, in some of the large
eastern cities, the hotels are on the monster scale, and managed on
the American system. The exceptions are called English, or
European hotels, and their speciality is that you only pay in them for
what you have. On the American system you pay so much a day for
board and lodging; liquors and washing being extras. That the
American system is the cheapest and most convenient, is
demonstrated by its universality. The few exceptions that exist have
to be inquired after and sought out. A traveller will also avoid them,
because he is desirous of seeing the manners and customs of the
people; and these can nowhere be seen so readily, and to such an
extent, as in the monster hotels. They are a genuine production of
the soil, are in perfect harmony with American wants and ideas, and
are all alike.
Their distinguishing features are that the greater
part of their guests are not travellers, but lodgers American
and boarders; and that they have one fixed charge Hotels.
for all, of so many dollars a day. The dearest I
entered was the Fifth Avenue Hotel at New York, which charged five
dollars a day; the board consisting of five such meals as no hotel in
England or Europe could supply without bankruptcy. They are
enabled to do this, because they have to supply these meals for
several hundred persons. And they have this large number of
guests, because multitudes of families, that they may escape the
expense and annoyances of house-keeping, live in the hotels, and
multitudes of men in business, keeping only a counting-house or a
store in the city, do the same. The cheapest I was ever in charged
three dollars and a half a-day. The service is so well organised in
these hotels, that you may come or go at any hour of the night; and
you can get your linen washed and returned to your room in a few
hours. While dressing one morning at the Sherman House at
Chicago, I sent out my linen to the laundry; on going back to my
room at half-past eleven, I found that it had been washed and
returned. This rapidity with which the washing of linen is performed
in America enables one to travel with much less than would be
requisite in Europe; and it explains why one often sees people
travelling in America with no more than they can carry in a little
hand-bag, called, in the language of the country, a satchel.
It does not, however, explain why some people in America travel
with no luggage at all. Some of those whom I observed entering and
leaving the cars in this light and unimpeded fashion, told me they
had adopted the system because the work of the washerwoman had
been advancing among them, not more in rapidity than it had done in
costliness, so that it was now cheaper to get a new article,
something at the same time being allowed for the old soiled one,
than to send one of the same species to the laundry of the hotel. By
acting on this idea they had escaped the necessity of taking with
them relays of linen. I suppose this system must be an
encouragement to the trade in paper shirt-collars. The difficulty as to
razors, brushes, and combs, is easily met by the provision made in
the barber’s shop of every hotel. The Americans are full of original
ideas, and they are very great travellers; it was therefore to be
expected that they would be the first people to organise and perfect
a system of travelling like the birds of the air.
The Americans having now revolutionised
throughout the whole country the method of Conversation at
serving hotel dinners, passing at one step from Meals.
what was the worst method of all to what is greatly
in advance of the practice in this matter of all other nations, I would
venture to suggest another change in a matter of still greater
importance. It is evident that civilisation would have been quite an
impossibility, if people had not met together at meals for the purpose
of conversation. This alone rescues the act of taking one’s food from
its animal character, and associates it with the exercise of our moral
and intellectual qualities. If we do not meet together, and converse,
and exchange thought, and cultivate courtesies, our meals differ in
no respects from the act of a horse or of a pig taking a feed. It is a
strange mistake to suppose that there is anything intellectual or
spirituel in hurrying through one’s meals. The truth of the matter is
exactly the reverse. To tarry at the table for the purpose of
conversation makes every meal a school for the intellect, and for the
promotion of the domestic and social graces. The savage hurries
over his meals because he is a savage, morally and intellectually
near of kin to the brute. If he could tarry over his meals he would
have ceased to be a savage. All ancient and modern nations that
have been highly civilised have acted instinctively on this idea. The
Attic symposia, as well as the French petits soupers, rested upon it.
Suppose meals are to be silently hurried through, they become mere
brutish acts of eating and drinking, which any animal can perform as
well as ourselves, and in much less time too. It is here that the
Americans have a grand opportunity, in their widely diffused and
generally practised hotel life, of which, it seemed to me, they were
not availing themselves. You will see people day after day sit down
to the same table, take their food in silence, and leave the table
without a word having been spoken. You may observe several tables
occupied at the same time in your neighbourhood, and there shall be
no conversation going on at any one of them. Those who sit at them
appear to be entirely occupied either with their own thoughts or with
attention to what they are eating. But it would make hotel life far
more agreeable, and impart to it a far greater amount of civilising
power, if it were the rule that people who meet at the same table
might converse with one another, without any previous
acquaintance, and without any necessity for subsequent
acquaintance. Let it be understood that on such occasions
conversation is the correct and the civilised thing.
No American will ever undertake any of the lower forms of labour
—very few of the men before the mast in American ships are native-
born. The class of agricultural labourers is unknown among them.
What labour they have of this kind is supplied by immigration. No
American would become a footman or hotel waiter. Their railways
were not made by American navvies. In the North all the lower kinds
of labour—but which, though they rank low as employments, are still
necessary to the well-being, even to the existence of society—have
hitherto fallen to the lot of the Irish, English, and German immigrants.
Their place has been taken in the South by the blacks, and in the
Pacific States by the Chinese.
This suggests two very interesting questions.
The first is, Can a republic be carried on without a The Future of
servile class? What would be the state of things in the Servile
the American Union if it were deprived of the Classes.
services of the Irish, the blacks, and the Chinese?
Of course the loss would be much felt, and would very much retard
the progress of the country; but I do not think that it would be a loss
that would be irremediable and ruinous. As soon as the country
begins to fill up, there will begin to appear in America the class that
has existed in every country in the world, composed of those who
have neither property nor a knowledge of any trade (which can
seldom be obtained by those who have no property), and who
therefore have nothing to live upon except their power of doing rude
and unskilled work.
 The other question is, What will be the future in the American
Republic of these three races? The African, we may be sure, will
either die out, which is most probable, or become a low caste, the
pariahs of the New World: retail trade and a few of the lower kinds of
labour and employment will be open to them. They will possess civil
but not political rights. The Irish will be absorbed into the general
population; and so one may speculate to what extent this will affect
the American character. The Chinese can never be absorbed. What
therefore will be the position that they will occupy in the Union fifty or
a hundred years hence? Hitherto only one State has been open to
them, that of California. Can anything be inferred from the position
they have created for themselves in that State? I think we may be
safe in supposing that, as they have already crossed the Pacific to
the number of sixty thousand, when by the completion of the Pacific
Railway the whole of the Union is thrown open to them, they will not
remain cooped up in California. In a few years I believe they will be
found in New York, and in all the large cities of the west and east.
Voltaire said that the true wall of China was the American continent,
the interposition of which saved it from European invasion; but it
appears now that the American continent is the very point at which
the European races will be invaded by the long pent up population of
China. To what extent will this invasion be carried? and what
consequences will result from it? One thing, I think, may be foreseen
—the Americans will not admit these Asiatics, aliens in religion as
well as in race, to political equality with themselves.
A recent writer on America has informed us that there is a
disinclination among the wives of the luxurious cities of the Atlantic
seaboard to become mothers. I found, after enquiry made
everywhere on the spot, that this indisposition to bring up children is
not confined to the wives or to the cities this writer’s words indicate,
but is participated in, to a large extent, by the husbands, and is
coextensive with the American Union. It is just as strongly felt at
Denver, two thousand miles away, as at New York, and results in
almost as much evil at New Orleans as at Chicago.
The feeling—or, it might be said, this absence of natural feeling—
may easily be explained. The expenses and annoyances of house-
keeping are in America very great; and young
couples, except when they are rich—and such Limitation of
cases must always form a small minority— Offspring.
generally escape them by living in hotels. Hotel
living is always according to tariff, so much a week for each person.
To a couple living in this way, and barely able to find the means for it,
the cost of every additional child can be calculated to a dollar, and is
seriously felt. As long as they are without children they may get on
comfortably enough, and go into society, and frequent places of
amusement. But if encumbered with the expense of a family, they
will have to live a far quieter and less gay life. They cannot give up
their autumn excursion, they cannot give up balls, and dresses, and
concerts, and carriages. Therefore the husband and wife come to an
understanding that they will have but one child, or that they will have
no children at all.
Another reason for the practice, which would appear to affect the
wife only, but which has frequently much weight with the husband
also, is that the American lady’s reign is not, under any
circumstances, a long one. She has generally considerable personal
attractions, but the climate and the habits, of living are so trying that
beauty is very short-lived. The young wife therefore argues, ‘My
good time will under any circumstances be short; why, therefore,
should I prematurely dilapidate myself by having half-a-dozen
children? And indeed what would that come to, but that I should
have no good time at all, for the whole of it would be given up to the
nursery? And by the time this would be over, I should be nothing but
a wreck; my good looks will have disappeared, and I shall have
fallen into premature old age.’
I met with husbands who themselves justified the practice on
these grounds. They did not wish to have their wives, during the
whole period of their good looks, in the nursery.
There is no secret as to the various means resorted to for carrying
out these unnatural resolutions. They are advertised in every
newspaper, and there are professors of the art in abundance,
judging from the advertisements, in every city. There is one large
establishment in the most fashionable street in the city of New York,
from whence the great high priestess of this evil system dispenses
her drugs and advice, and where also she receives those who need
her direct assistance. These things are so notorious and are so
much talked of, that one is absolved from the necessity of being at
all reticent about them.
No one, of course, would suppose that any practice of this kind, so
abhorrent to our best natural instincts, could become universal: nor
is it so in America: many denounce it. But still it spreads; and we
cannot expect that it will die away, as long as the motives which
prompt it continue to be felt as strongly as they are at present.
I will note one of the evil consequences of the practice. When
those who have acted in this unnatural way are no longer young, and
the motives which prompted their conduct have ceased to have any
weight, the husband and wife find that there is no tie between them.
They have no reason to respect each other. Each condemns the
other, and is in the other’s presence self-condemned. And this is one
of the causes of the numerous divorces which so much astonish
those who look into the social conditions of American life. Nature and
our common moral sense will avenge themselves for such outrages.
A stranger travelling in America is not likely to
receive letters to any except prosperous persons, Life-wrecks in
and so, unless he is on his guard against it, his America.
personal experience is likely to be confined to the
bright and splendid side of society. But from the observations and
enquiries I made, I came to the conclusion that there is no country in
which the proportion of those whose destiny it is to suffer complete
eclipse of happiness is so great as in the United States. Among men
one chief cause of this appeared to me to be the irresistible
attraction a life of heartless dissipation has for multitudes of young
Americans. Why is this so? I believe their theory of social equality is
responsible for some of it. They have a fatal craving to appear as
fashionable, and to enjoy life as much as their wealthy neighbours.
But I do not suppose that this will account for everything. After all,
the careers that are open to city-bred young men are very limited.
Practically for them there is not much beyond the counting-house
and the store. Farming, the great employment of the country, is
repulsive to them; and the ranks of the law are generally recruited
from the hard-headed and enterprising sons of farmers. But be the
cause what it may, there stands the fact that in the large American
cities, and of course nowhere to such an extent as in New York,
there is to be found a large class of young men of very limited
means, who are living dissipated lives, and whose great aim is to
appear fashionable—a detestable word, and a vulgar and unmanly
idea, of which we in the old country have not heard much since the
times of the Regency.
The case of the women who fail in life is more sad than that of the
men, because, while they have less control over their own destinies,
the failure in establishing a happy home is to them the failure of
everything. The impracticable theory of social equality, I was again
led to believe, was frequently the cause of such failures. These
young women have been brought up in precisely the same way as
their more fortunate sisters, at the same or at similar schools. This
makes, in after life, the distinctions that meet the eye—of dress,
equipage, and position—enter like iron into the soul; and so the
determination to appear as others do becomes the rock upon which
the happiness of many is wrecked.
These, however, are matters upon which a stranger will be very
distrustful of his own observation, and will always hold himself open
to correction from those upon the phenomena of whose social life he
is commenting.
I will append to the foregoing remarks on the
way in which many young persons in American The Hub of the
cities make a wreck of their life’s chances, an World.
outline of the course I observed many families ran
in America. The son of a farmer, we will say in Massachusetts, has
some ambition. There is no field for ambition in New England
farming. He therefore goes to Boston, or some commercial town,
and becomes a lawyer, or a merchant, or a professional man of
some kind or other. He rises to wealth and distinction, which are not
so often secured by the city-born as by those who have the energy
and vigour of new blood fresh from the country. He leaves his family
well off. They never go back to the country. If any of the children
have the energy and vigour of the father, they do not enter into
business in Boston, but go out to the west, and help to build up such
places as Chicago and Omaha. But if, as is generally the case, they
have not energy and vigour enough for this, they go to New York, or
some large city, where refined society and amusements are to be
had. Some travel much, and take life easily. Some occasionally enter
into political life. They marry city ladies, who are possessed of great
refinement, but have very bad constitutions. They have two or three
children with long thin fingers and weak spines. There is no fourth
generation.
An Englishman cannot feel towards Americans as he does
towards Italians or Frenchmen. Wherever in America he sees a
piece of land being cleared and settled, or a church or a school
being built, he looks on as if something were being done by and for
his own countrymen. There is, however, one thing the evil effects of
which he regrets to see everywhere, and that is the restrictions by
which his American brethren are everywhere limiting trade and
production. As he goes through their vast continent, and visits region
after region, each capable of producing some different commodity
the world needs, in sufficient quantities for the wants of all civilised
nations, he rejoices at the greatness of their prospects, at the
contemplation of all the wealth that God has given them. And he
feels certain that the day cannot be very distant when they
themselves will make the discovery that a dollar’s worth of wheat, or
maize, or cotton, or tobacco, or pork—and, when the plains shall be
turned to account, of beef, or mutton, or wool—is exactly equal in
value to a dollar’s worth of manufactured goods, and two dollars’
worth is exactly twice the value, and a hundred dollars’ worth is of
exactly a hundred times the value. And that when they shall have
made this discovery they will strike off the fetters from trade and
production, and by a single vote of their legislature increase the
national wealth no one can foresee how many fold; and thus make
themselves, what their vast and all-producing country, commanding
both oceans and placed midway between Europe and Asia, is only
waiting to become—the hub of the world.
 CHAPTER XXIII.
ON AMERICAN COMMON SCHOOLS—CONCLUSION.
It was my practice, wherever I was staying, to visit
some of the schools of the place. I have spoken of American
several of these visits in the foregoing pages. I will Common
now give, collectively, the conclusions at which I Schools.
arrived on the subject of education in America,
after an actual inspection of schools, and much conversation with
persons interested and engaged in educational work in every part of
the Union, with the exception of the new States on the Pacific coast.
We have had the American Common School system held up
before us for many years for our imitation. We have been told that,
compared with it, our own efforts in the cause of education are
discreditable and contemptible. We have been urged to look at what
they are doing; to consider how highly they tax themselves for this
purpose; to admire the effects of this system, as seen in a people,
the whole of whom are now educated and intelligent. Of course the
inference always is, that the best thing we can do is to go and do
likewise. These are vague generalities, which an acquaintance with
the subject will in some respects largely modify.
First, I demur to the statement that Americans do tax themselves
so highly for the purpose of education. It would be much nearer to
the truth to say that there is no people on the face of the earth who
educate their children so cheaply as the Americans; and therefore
much more in conformity with the facts of their case, and of ours in
this matter, to urge us to endeavour, by considering their example, to
cheapen education amongst ourselves. I have now before me the
most recent report of the Board of Education for the city of New York.
It is for the year 1866. From this it appears that, taking together all
the common schools of the city, the Primary, the Grammar, the
Coloured, the Evening, the Normal, the Corporate, and the Free
Academy, now the College of the City of New York, there are
227,691 children and young persons receiving education at a total
cost for everything—including rents, purchases of sites, building,
repairs, and salaries of officers of the board, as well as of the
teachers—of 2,420,883 dollars, or about 30s. a head. Are the
children of any city in England educated as cheaply? These schools
educate a considerable proportion of the children of the higher class,
that is the professional men and merchants; speaking generally, all
the children of the middle class, that is of the tradesmen; and as
many of the children of the artisan and unskilled labouring class as
their parents choose to send. This 30s. is a high average for
American cities. I believe it is higher than any other in the United
States. Tradesmen with us pay about 35l. a year for a child kept at a
boarding-school, and about 15l. a year for the education given at day
schools. In the great city of New York about 400,000l. a year is spent
on the education of all classes, plus the cost of the few of the upper
class who are sent to private schools. How much more, we may ask,
is spent here on the education of 227,691 children of the different
ranks in life of these New York children? There can be no doubt but
that our unmethodical system, notwithstanding our numerous
foundations, costs us much more than their system costs the
Americans. Ours is the costliest educational system in the world;
theirs the most economical.
This is still more apparent when we pass from
the towns to the country. There the cost frequently Cheapness of
falls below 10s. a head. The children educated in American
these schools are those of the proprietors of the Schools.
land, but who cultivate it themselves as well as
own it. Are the children of this class, in any part of the world,
educated for so small a number of shillings a year? Why, in New
York you have to pay as much for a pair of gloves, and more for a
bottle of wine. In Illinois, one of the richest States in the Union, and
whose population is probably better off than any equal number of
people in any other country, the average cost for the children of the
whole State is little more than this 10s. a head. And in
Massachusetts, the State in which attention has been most carefully
and for the longest time directed to the subject, and where
everything is done that is thought necessary, the average for the
town and country children actually at school is only 25s.
The fact is simply this. The rural population in America is the most
homogeneous in the world. It is composed entirely of farmers, and of
their sons and brothers who are the professional men and
tradesmen of the district. Landlordism and tithes are unknown: so
there is no one above the farmer-proprietor, and from New York to
San Francisco there is no such class as our agricultural labourer,
and so there is no one below the farmer. Now, how can a number of
families of this kind, who are all completely on a footing of social
equality, and also, if the word may be allowed to pass, pretty nearly
of possessive equality, best educate their children? In a new country
there are no foundation schools and few private ones—that is to say,
to all practical purposes, no schools at all. There is, therefore, but
one way of getting what they want—that is, by establishing schools
of their own; and this can only be done by taxing themselves. There
is no great sagacity shown in seeing this; and, as a matter of fact,
everyone in America sees it. It is not seen more clearly in
Massachusetts than it is in Ohio, or in Ohio than in California, or in
California than in Colorado. I understood, indeed, that the schools of
California (I had no opportunity of examining them myself) are the
best in the Union; and the statement is not incredible, for the
Californians are a people who will have nothing that is second-rate.
One can hardly get now at any price a real Havana cigar in London
or Paris, because the people of San Francisco will always pay the
best price for the best thing. And in the territory, for it is not yet the
State of Colorado, in the mountains, at Denver, and on the plains,
two thousand miles away from Massachusetts, I saw the common-
school system at work, in places where Judge Lynch is still the
guardian of society in its infancy. No motive of patriotism or
philanthropy can act in this universal and unfailing way. It can only
be done by all, and in the same way by all, because it is obviously
for the interest of all to do it, and because they could not get what
they want in any other way. It is not forced on the rural townships by
the general government of the State, but it permits them to tax
themselves, if they please. And as they happen to raise the money
they require by a tax, it becomes easy to ascertain exactly what the
amount is; and the figures, as they include all that is paid for
educating the children of a large State, appear to represent a very
considerable sum, although, when it is looked into, it is seen to be
the cheapest work of the kind that is anywhere done. The State of
Illinois has now perhaps 10,000 schools, not far from 20,000
teachers, and about 600,000 scholars. The aggregate sum with
which the people tax themselves for these schools and scholars
appears very great, but in reality there are no other 600,000 scholars
so cheaply educated. Our two schools of Eton and Harrow cost the
parents of the children educated at them more than these 10,000
schools cost the people of Illinois.
And when we come to look into the working of
the American school system in the cities, we see The Mother of
that nothing could be done without the motives I the Invention.
have spoken of, as never failing to bring about one
uniform result in the country. The artisans, and tradesmen, and small
professional men know that this is the best and cheapest way for
them to get the kind of education they desire for their children. They
are the great majority, and so of course the thing is done. There is a
general tax, and common schools are established. And, as they
have some advantages besides that of cheapness, they are used by
many of the upper class—I mean merchants, bankers, and
successful professional men, especially those who wish to stand well
with the democracy. None can be excluded from the schools (indeed
no one wishes it), and so they are open to the lowest class of the
town population, with which there is nothing to correspond in the
country. In truth, so far from wishing for any exclusion, great efforts
are made to get hold of the children of ignorant and vicious parents,
both from philanthropic and from self-interested motives, because in
cities where every man has the suffrage, a vicious and ignorant
population is doubly inconvenient and dangerous. Hitherto, however,
the Americans have hardly succeeded in the towns better than we
have, in their efforts to bring these children into their schools. At New
York they have supplemented the common schools with a system of
industrial schools, intended especially for those who would never
enter the common schools. But all that can be said of them is, that
they have met the evil they were intended to remedy to some small
extent. At Chicago, I was told by the able superintendent of the city
schools that there were 20,000 children in that city who frequented
no school. And this is a growing evil in all the great cities of the
Union.
The Americans, then, very wisely (in fact they
could do nothing better, perhaps nothing else) Abundance of
have established, in the country and in the cities, Good Teaching
common schools for their own children. What we Material.
are called upon to do is a totally different thing; and
this I insist upon as another great distinction between what they have
done, and what we are doing, in this matter. We have to establish
schools for other people’s children. With them those who pay for the
school profit by it. With us those who will pay for the school will never
derive any advantage from it. The point for us to settle is, How shall
farmers and landlords be made to tax themselves for the education
of labourers’ children; and how shall the householders, and
professional men, and tradesmen of a town be made to tax
themselves for the schooling of the children of artisans and
operatives? The Americans may be left to manage the business
themselves, for it is their own affair. But we cannot: with us the law
must be imperative, not permissive, and constant supervision will be
needed; and to secure this right of supervision, it will probably be
found necessary that the State should itself contribute largely
towards the maintenance of the school.
The Americans possess an advantage in their schools to which
there is at present no prospect of our attaining. The teachers of our
elementary schools are taken from the humblest and most
uneducated stratum of society, and have to be trained for their work.
They have none of the traditions of mental culture, and their
sentiments must in a great measure be those of their relations and
friends. The humbleness of their origin does also considerably
detract from the social position it would be desirable they should
occupy. In America a like origin would not have the same effect; but
here the daughter of a labourer or mechanic has not the influence
with the parents of the children, or the respect shown to her, which
would be readily conceded if she were the daughter of a farmer or