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作者

羅伊﹒史壯 ROY STRONG

英國著名的歷史學家、作家和園藝家，曾任英國國家肖像館和

維多利亞與艾伯特博物館的館長。著作約四十餘本，涉及各式
各樣的主題。1982年因為對藝術的貢獻而被封為爵士，2016年

因為對英國文化發展的貢獻而被封為「榮譽勛爵」。居住於赫
里福德郡，在此寫作與從事園藝。近年出版了三卷日記：《輝
煌與苦難1967-1987》、《場景與幻影1988-2003》和《象徵

與預兆2004-201》。

譯者

陳建元
臺灣大學歷史系學士、碩士，英國愛丁堡大學歷史系博士。譯

有《羅馬的崛起》、《聖殿騎士團》、《想想歷史》、《時代
的先行者：改變歷史觀念的十種視野》(合譯)等書。

各大媒體及名人強力推薦

英國歷史對於理解世界歷史至關重要，在所有關於這個主題的
書籍中，羅伊﹒史壯的書是清晰易懂的。他將一群傑出的歷史
人物栩栩如生地呈現出來，對每一個人物都進行了尖銳而生動
的觀察。史壯把對國王和戰爭的討論穿插在對作家、作曲家、
科學家和其他意識形態開拓者的論述中，他將這些不同的線索
交織於宛如一大張掛毯的整體故事中。
——《基督科學箴言報品》

每一位學習英國歷史的學生都會喜歡這個故事，它通俗易懂，
引人入勝，深刻洞察了單獨事件所造成的深刻後果。
——《柯克斯評論》

不管是研究、組織或是呈現手法都令人印象深刻。無論是用於

社區、學院、大學圖書館英國史收藏以及課堂補充閱讀材料，
都將是非凡且具有持久價值的新書。
——《美國中西部客們》

典範之作。

——阿曼達﹒福爾曼(Amanda Foreman)，《紐約時報》暢銷榜
冠軍作家

登峰造極的歷史書。
——安東尼亞﹒弗雷澤(Antonia Fraser)，《紐約時報》暢銷榜
冠軍作家

經典的通俗史。

——安德魯﹒羅伯茲(Andrew Roberts)，《紐約時報》暢銷榜
冠軍作家

構思巧妙、趣味盎然的一本書。
——《泰唔士報文學增刊》

當代經典著作。
——A. N. 威爾森(A. N. Wilson)，《倫敦標準晚報》

聯經社群

回函贈書
感謝

維 羅 妮 卡 ． 韋 奇 伍 德 夫 人 （ Dame Veronica
Wedgwood）
在本書寫作早期給予的靈感
一個沒有歷史的民族
不能從時間得到拯救，因為歷史是無始無終的
瞬間
的一種模式。所以，當一個冬天的下午
天色漸漸暗淡的時候，在一座僻靜的教堂裡
歷史就是現在和英格蘭。
——T．S．艾略特，《四重奏》中的〈小吉
丁〉
目次

推薦序一 細品不列顛人的畫像／林美香
推薦序二 通俗史的模範／盧省言
二○一八年版序言
一九九六年版序言

01 不列顛島
02 大不列
03 羅馬不列顛
04 黑暗與黎明
05 阿佛烈和維京人
06 英格蘭王國
07 一○六六年
08 征服：損失與收穫
09 諾曼第王朝的國王
10 第一位金雀花君主
11 一個帝國的終結
12 哥德時代
13 不列顛全島走向統一
14 無能的國王
15 百年戰爭
16 黑死病
17 大起義
18 理查二世的命運
19 英語詩歌之父
20 阿金庫爾的勝利者
21 玫瑰戰爭
22 回歸秩序：愛德華四世
23 暴戾的過渡期：理查三世
24 威廉．卡克斯頓：印刷工
25 秩序的恢復：都鐸王朝
26 改革與革命
27 佐國良相
28 動盪的十年
29 新的身分認同
30 無敵艦隊
31 「榮光女王」的英格蘭
32 不朽的莎士比亞
33 不值得信賴的王朝
34 國王的世外桃源
35 陷入危機的三王國
36 英國的維特魯威
37 戰爭
38 天翻地覆的世界
39 失敗的共和國
40 失敗的護國公體制
41 尋求穩定
42 意外的革命
43 一個大國的誕生
44 不穩定性與變化
45 從魔法到科學：艾薩克．牛頓
46 精英統治
47 首富之國
48 追求幸福
49 理性與激情
50 復樂園：「萬能的」布朗
51 瓦解與戰敗
52 世界性大戰與不列顛的誕生
53 新人：威廉．威伯福斯
54 倖免的革命：一八三二年改革法案
55 由鄉村變為城鎮：工業革命
56 資訊與干預
57 貴族統治的最後十年
58 提燈女士：佛蘿倫絲．南丁格爾
59 維多利亞時代：一個沒有階級的社會
60 查爾斯．達爾文與《物種起源》
61 逐步適應民主
62 愛爾蘭的脫離
63 不列顛治世
64 光榮孤立和戰爭
65 充滿不確定性的二十年
66 孤立
67 倏忽即逝的烏托邦
68 共識與對衰退的處理失當
69 從帝國到歐洲
70 新的開始？
71 消費社會
72 「新英國」
73 後記：英國脫歐及以後

國王與女王
首相
推薦序一

細品不列顛人的畫像

林美香（國立政治大學歷史系特聘教授、國際合作處國合長）

第一次認識史壯爵士（Sir Roy Colin Strong），是在一九九六

年。那時我剛到愛丁堡攻讀學位不久，正研究著英格蘭女王伊莉莎白
一世（Elizabeth I）的形象塑造，史壯所寫的《伊莉莎白崇拜：伊莉
莎白肖像畫與盛典》（一九七七年），自然成為我重要的參考書籍，
也是我認識他的第一本書。但他相關的著作實在不少，隨後我又讀了
《藝術與權力：文復興時期的節慶》（一九八四年）、《榮光女王：
伊莉莎白肖像畫》（一九八七年）、《都鐸與司徒亞特王朝：盛典、
繪畫與肖像》（一九九○年）等書，盼能理解都鐸時期政治圖像、儀
式與權力的文化，好讓我未來的研究能有一點點進展。01
當時頗感無助的我，專注在自己狹窄的研究題目上，渾然不覺他
也寫了《大不列顛兩千年》一書，而且就在那一年出版。若說當時跟
不列顛的歷史有什麼交錯，就只有那年十一月末，愛丁堡的皇家大道
（Royal Mile）上擠滿人群，伴隨著蘇格蘭風笛奏出的軍樂聲，熱熱鬧
鬧地迎接「斯昆石」（Stone of Scone）進入愛丁堡城堡長期存放。
這塊重達一百五十二公斤的石頭，原本是蘇格蘭歷代國王的「加冕
石」，但在英王愛德華一世（Edward I）時，成了他擊敗蘇格蘭軍隊
的戰利品，於一二九六年移至倫敦，嵌入西敏寺中英王王座的下方。
過了七百年漫長的歲月，此石才重回故土。
 這塊滿載著戰爭痕跡與蘇格蘭傷痛的石頭，得以回到故國，是當
時執政的保守黨首相對蘇格蘭釋出的善意，盼能拉回日漸與倫敦分離
的蘇格蘭民心。然而，我也見證了隔年（一九九七年）保守黨失勢，
輸掉所有蘇格蘭地區的席次；工黨首相布萊爾（Tony Blair）風光上
台，續展開重大政治工程——地方分權（Devolution）。兩年後（一九
九九年）蘇格蘭有了自己的國會（Scottish Parliament），威爾斯與北
愛爾蘭兩地亦成立議會（assembly），處理地方事務。史壯在首次出
版《不列顛兩千年》時，還來不及見證這些與不列顛歷史密切相關的
事。那麼，是什麼觸動這位藝術史大師、博物館館長，02動筆寫下不
列顛長達兩千年的歷史？又是什麼因素，使他在二十多年後決定增訂
內容並再版此書？
在我看來，是相似的現實局勢與歷史關懷，促使他兩度出版本
書，那就是從一九六○年代延續至今的不列顛認同危機（the crisis of
Britishness）。隨著不列顛海外帝國地位的衰退，二十世紀中葉之
後，不列顛內部出現裂解的態勢，威爾斯與蘇格蘭都有獨立的聲音，
亦有支持獨立的政黨成立並獲得國會席次；北愛爾蘭的問題持續難
解，在蘇格蘭迎回斯昆石的幾個月前，倫敦與曼徹斯特兩大城，還接
連發生愛爾蘭共和軍（IRA）所策劃的炸彈攻擊事件。種種跡象看
來，由多國族（nations）組成的「大不列顛與北愛爾蘭聯合王國」，
很難繼續以單一的政府、國會與憲政維續下去。共有的「不列顛認
同」，也面臨威爾斯、蘇格蘭、北愛爾蘭，甚至英格蘭國族認同的挑
戰；「誰是不列顛人？」或「誰要當不列顛人？」似乎不再是一個簡
單易答的問題。
 一九九九年之後地方分權的實施，進一步證實了這個走向，同時
間歐盟的發展，也加深不列顛內部的裂痕，史壯即親眼見證了二○一
六年的脫歐公投，及其所帶來的各樣爭議與區域歧見。簡言之，四國
族（英格蘭、威爾斯、蘇格蘭與北愛爾蘭）及歐盟的問題，讓「不列
顛認同」重新面臨檢視，而史壯選擇了從歷史觀照。他認為：「一個
對自己的過去一無所知的國家，將失去它的認同。」於是，他在書中
沿著歷史發展的脈絡，從西元一世紀羅馬人征服不列顛、一○六六年
的諾曼征服、十七世紀「三王國」之戰，到一八○○年「聯合王國」的
成立，清楚讓讀者知道「不列顛人」何時出現、何時成形？他的答案
是在十八世紀末，那時不列顛已成為「單一民族國家，而這個民族便
是不列顛人」。
但還有一項事實是超越歷史的。在他看來，不列顛的島嶼特性，
即決定了群島上的人一直擁有集體的獨特性。他的第一章以「島嶼」
為名，而且第一句話便說：「不列顛是座島嶼」；在本書最後一章他
再度指出：「不列顛是座島嶼，它的歷史和認同都源於這項地理事
實。」而且不論現代史家如何解構不列顛的概念或認同，這項事實都
是無法抹滅的。換言之，不論四國族的個別認同有多強大，在過去與
未來，不列顛認同仍然是超越個別區域的集體認同，而且能含納多元
認同，如史壯本人既是英格蘭人，也是不列顛人，甚至在學術養成與
政治傾向上，他主張自己是個歐洲人。
史壯以「不列顛是座島嶼」為開頭，無疑是向邱吉爾（Winston
Churchill）的《英語民族史》（一九五六—一九五八年）致敬，03這套
四冊的大部頭著作，首卷即以「島嶼民族」（The Island Race）為
名。在邱吉爾之後，尤其是一九九○年代以來，不乏各類以不列顛為
主題的歷史著作，例如戴維斯（Norman Davies）的《群島：歷史》
（一九九九年）。04但史壯刻意不去讀這些學術性的作品，他希望能
以敘事性的筆調，為學院外的大眾而寫，也寫給所有關心不列顛問題
的讀者。他確實成功了，這本書讀來平易近人，章節安排大小適中，
是本隨時可拿起、隨時可擱下，但又讓人真心想讀完的一本書。
其實，史壯並沒有在這本「歷史」書中掩去他做為「藝術」人的
本質，每一章便如一幅畫，或是山水、或是城鎮，又或是戰爭場景，
他總想讓你看到全貌，而非細枝末節。其中還有許多章節，他側重人
物書寫，讀來便像一幅幅肖像畫，展露人物的生命樣貌、風格與色
彩。如第二十七寫莫爾（Thomas More）、第三十二章寫莎士比亞
（William Shakespeare）、第四十五章寫牛頓（Isaac Newton），第
五十章則寫他向來非常關心的園藝，及著名的景觀設計師布朗
（Lancelot Brown）；讀者也不可錯過第六十章的達爾文（Charles
Darwin）。這些人皆非政治人物，卻在知識與文化上使不列顛歷史璀
璨如銀河。不論是讀史或是讀人，讀者閱覽時不妨以觀畫的眼睛，細
品每一幅畫作；或者，就把這整本書視為「不列顛人的畫像」！

01 Roy Strong, The Cult of Elizabeth: Elizabethan Portraiture and Pageantry

(London: Pimlico, 1977); Art and Power: Renaissance Festivals 1450-1650
(Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 1984); Gloriana: The Portraits of Queen
Elizabeth (London: Thames & Hudson, 1987); The Tudor and Stuart Monarchy:
Pageantry, Painting, Iconography, 2 vols. (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press,
1990, 1996).
02 史壯曾出任倫敦兩個重要美術館或博物館館長一職。首先是在一九六七年，年僅
三十二歲時，史壯被任命為「國家肖像館」（National Portrait Galley）的館長；
 接著在一九七三年，三十八歲時，他成為「維多利亞與亞爾伯美術館」（Victoria
and Albert Museum）館長，也是有史以來最年輕的館長，直到一九八七年卸
任。
03 Winston Church, The History of English-Speaking Peoples, 4 vols (London:
Cassell, 1956-58).
04 Norman Davies, The Isles: A History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999).
推薦序二

通俗史的模範

盧省言（中央研究院法律學研究所博士後研究學者）

高中時的歷史課總是念得比課本還要多，薄薄的一本歷史課本道
不盡學測或指考會考的內容，於是老師們總是樂於、也必須給我們閱
讀許多補充教材，我記得其中有一本是房龍寫的《人類的故事》
（ The Story of Mankind ）。事實上，對那時的我們來說（或許只有
我），《人類的故事》有點枯燥且難以閱讀，即便這是一本寫給兒童
看的書籍。
當然，距離高中已過十幾載，但我依稀記得房龍在書中是如何用
短篇文章跟讀者說故事，這種敘事方式令人印象深刻。而在讀羅伊．
史壯的《大不列顛兩千年》讓我想起《人類的故事》，都是在說故
事，像是要講給後代聽一樣。然而，羅伊．史壯所述說的英國史以更
細膩的方式進行。史壯在開頭引述了詩人艾略特（T. S. Eliot）的詩
文，表示「一個沒有歷史的民族，無法從時間得到拯救」，而這也反
映了這本書的核心，史壯要告訴英國人，我們從哪裡來？英國為何是
今日的樣貌？
在這即食時代，很少人能夠靜下來讀完細緻考究、長篇大論的研
究論文，因此通俗的書在這幾年蔚為流行。但通俗的書事實上是最難
寫好的，因為每一個句子背後都由無數研究心血以及爭議議題堆疊起
來，如何在寫通俗史時又不失其正確性或落於譁眾取寵，是非常難
的，而羅伊．史壯的確替通俗史立下了很好的典範。史壯並不是選擇
一個主題來寫，而是挑戰了更艱難的任務——不列顛自有文字紀錄以
來的歷史。大多數的學者所專精的領域就一小塊，通常是某一時代的
某一區域的某一主題，例如，筆者的專業為十三世紀英格蘭的婦女財
產權。因此，即便是淺談英國兩千多年的歷史也是一項艱鉅的任務，
但如同史壯所想表達的，一個民族必須知道自己的歷史，因此有了這
本橫跨兩千年的通史。
通史難，難在要正確又不媚俗。
也正因如此，《大不列顛兩千年》才更難能可貴。史壯最厲害的
地方在於，他是全方位地討論歷史的進展。什麼是全方位呢？
一般人對歷史的想像只停留在時間與事件，某年發生某件事，這
也是為什麼不少學生覺得歷史無聊的原因。但歷史不是事件與時間，
如同艾略特所說，它是無始無終的瞬間的一種模式。沒有人可以拼湊
出完整的歷史，碎鏡為史，多數人所看見的歷史只有一小面向，而當
這些面向都被拼湊在一起時，我們才有可能得到最接近歷史的樣貌。
因此，講羅馬人統治英格蘭，不只是一句「不列顛島在西元四三年至
四一○年為羅馬行省」，而是必須探討羅馬人在不列顛島的軍事活
動、和原住民的衝突、用來統治不列顛的法律、人民的組成、城市的
發展、娛樂型態的改變等等，這些都是隱藏在「不列顛島在西元四三
年至四一○年為羅馬行省」短短一句話後面更多不為人知的歷史。
史壯在本書裡盡可能地提供全方位歷史，其將全書分為七十三個
章節，從成為羅馬行省前，只有原住民居住的不列顛島開始講起，直
到二○一六年的脫歐，完整地呈現英國作為一島國的歷史。貫穿全書
的主題不只是政治及王權的更迭，還包括：經濟的發展、宗教發展、
人民階級的變動、女性史、地景景觀及建築變化、娛樂發展、農業發
展等等，讓讀者盡可能全面理解過去為何如此發展。以工業革命來
說，史壯先鋪陳金融革命的重要性，再講述勞動人口結構改變，再到
機械導致的鐵路發展和工會暴動，完整解釋工業革命生成的條件，以
及其影響。
史壯不只談讀者已耳熟能詳的主題，例如：工業革命或是殖民主
義，他也談人民生活的細節，像是花園的發展、劇院的出現以及休閒
娛樂活動的改變，充分地反映生活即歷史。歷史不是環繞紀錄特別多
的貴族或中產階級，也不是只關心政治，而是人民生活的面向。史壯
談到十八世紀花園發展和人們的財富地位間的關聯；他也談及十七、
十八世紀的人們開始懂得「追求幸福」，想要有放鬆的生活，開始旅
行（多虧於馬車的再進化）、泡溫泉、上劇院、造訪流動圖書館等
等。而這些關於一般人民生活的歷史恰巧反映了英國人的自我認同感
是如何被形塑。除了傳統的政治因素外，更重要的是這些被我們遺忘
的生活點滴的歷史。史壯的描繪也讓筆者想起自己初到英國進修時的
疑惑，我發現英國人把歷史切得好細，除了傳統的歷史，還有各種不
同面向，其中最讓我感興趣的莫過於花園史以及肥胖史。這些看似微
小的主題，卻牽動著當時人對於社經地位以及身體醫療的認識，而這
些都是單一的政治史無法展現的。
史壯談歷史的能力難能可貴，他集中了很多碎鏡，並拼成了一個
近乎完整的大鏡子。《大不列顛兩千年》帶領讀者從最早的不列顛一
路旅行至曾經的帝國，再到今日似乎站在十字路口的國家。史壯在後
記說得好，英國是島國的事實很大部分地塑造了其歷史，而台灣何嘗
不是？身為島國的台灣事實上和英國有不少相似處，皆面對來自一大
陸的壓力，長久以來有不少民族移居，或許我們能藉由史壯的這本書
思考台灣人從何而來。跳出台灣，回到這本書，史壯讓讀者不要忘記
自己從何而來，也不要忘記看待歷史必須客觀，戴著名為現代的眼鏡
並無法理解過去。作為一本通俗史，史壯成功地客觀呈現歷史，同時
顧及大時代下的細節，光是這點，筆者認為此本書絕對是值得收藏在
書架上的。
二○一八年版序言

這本書寫於一九九○年代中期，當時對國家歷史的認識正迅速從
國民心理中消失，尤其是在年輕人中間。事後的發展證明，本書成了
許 多 突 然 湧 現 之 類 似 著 作 的 先 聲 ， 像 是 諾 曼 ． 戴 維 斯 （ Norman
Davies）的《群島：歷史》（ The Isles: A History ）就是其中之一，
後來還有西蒙．沙瑪（Simon Schama）的《英國史》（ A History of
Britain, 2000）及其附屬電視劇，以及更後來的彼得．阿克羅伊德
（Peter Ackroyd）的《英格蘭史》（ The History of England ）系列
（2011-2014）。我刻意不去碰觸這幾本書。
一九九六年出版的本書是這個國家幾十年來第一部單卷敘述性歷
史著作。我上面提到的那些書篇幅都更長、更嚴肅；總的來說，學術
性更強。本書不自詡具備這些部分。除了二○一六年就脫離歐盟舉行
的全民公投之外，這本書的內容並未變動，它的寫作前提也沒有改
變，目的是向一般讀者介紹我們國家的歷史。
對於那些想知道在我們的歷史上，是什麼導致我們做出如此戲劇
性的決定，不讓它加入「首都」在布魯塞爾的那個大陸「帝國」的人
而言，這本書再版的時刻可說是恰到好處。我們對於自己歷史自羅馬
人離開的全盤理解從長遠來看，只有歷史才能證明這項決定是對是
錯。
再一次，我要深深感謝我的編輯喬安娜．斯蒂芬森（Johanna
Stephenson ） 和 魏 登 菲 爾 德 和 尼 科 爾 森 出 版 社 （ Weidenfeld &
Nicolson）的編輯團隊。
一九九六年版序言

這本書是我的文學經紀人費莉希蒂．布萊恩（Felicity Bryan）的
主意。她的女兒愛麗絲對《島國故事》（ Our Island Story ）愛不釋
手，這本書帶領了好幾代人認識英國歷史。當我開始動筆撰寫各位讀
者面前的這本書時，這本書也立刻開始有了自己的生命。事實上，這
種情況在我的寫作生涯中是前所未見的；當我動筆時這本書彷彿直接
告訴我它所希望的發展方向。這最終發展為一本企圖適合所有年紀讀
者的歷史書，向他們介紹這個羅馬人最初稱之為不列顛的島嶼。我希
望，讀者能從中找到自己的定位，它被認為是一種持續的敘述；而且
這本書的重點不擺在年代以及詳細過程上，而是將重點擺在事情發生
的緣由。
這樣的一本書必然與眾不同。無論作家怎樣努力，都不能完全擺
脫自身的嗜好和偏見。我將盡所能地坦白自己的偏好，希望讀者真的
讀到筆者的偏見時能夠睜一隻眼閉一隻眼。到這本書出版的時候，我
已經六十歲了，這意味著我最早的記憶是關於第二次世界大戰和一個
被圍困國家所需要的強烈愛國主義。我會本能地把自己描述成一個不
是那麼一板一眼的保守主義者，以及一個信奉各種各樣基督教的人，
這種人或可被稱為進步的英格蘭國教會天主教徒。我所受的教育最終
將我帶到了華堡學院（Warburg Institute），這座學院是以古典傳統
之歷史為核心；因此，我在思想背景和政治信念上都是扎扎實實的歐
洲人。我也是我這個時代的產物，一個下層中產階級的男孩，透過努
力用功和獎學金進入了現在掌握著國家命運的專業階層。
 這本書沒有什麼特別具原創性的地方。由於本書的時間跨度如此
之大，它因此只可能是融合各家說法的綜述。本書是建立在對於其他
學者著作的感謝之情上頭。當學者之間的意見有所不同時（所有學者
之間的常態），這樣一本概括性和介紹性的書勢必要找出一個折衷說
法。唯有在近代史部分，我才直接指出歷史學家之間存在分歧的觀
點。我試圖達到的目標是，透過強而有力的敘述公正而平衡地呈現各
個時代的景象，並且鼓勵讀者繼續翻到下一頁閱讀。
在某些時期，有些特殊的人物對於歷史事件產生重要影響；我因
此在某些篇章中是以傳記的方式寫作，試圖讓讀者能夠進入這些人物
所在的時代。在喬叟的時代之前，除了國王、聖人和政治家以外，要
為一般人物寫傳記幾乎是不可能的，而且即使喬叟之後也是相當困
難。我也沒有能力寫出我們所處這個世紀中某位人物的傳記，這讓我
想起以撒．柏林爵士（Sir Isaiah Berlin）曾經說過：「再也沒有偉人
了。」在普羅大眾的時代，這句話也許是對的，但這也同樣反映了我
不具備找到他們的能力。寫作傳記是我的決定，因為我試著去尋找那
些改變時代趨勢的人。
這是我自上世紀五○年代讀大學以來首次閱讀英國從古至今的歷
史。我在學術研究中始終蟄居在都鐸王朝和早期斯圖亞特王朝的文化
牧草地中。英國的歷史研究在我大學畢業後發生了巨大的變化，尤其
是它的範圍擴大到政治和經濟之外。這個更寬廣的視野日益豐富。我
在本書中試圖納入此視野，而且，確實在這樣做的過程中，我注意到
不時加入幾篇傳記是一種極好的做法。這些傳記清楚呈現出，這個國
家的文化史和思想史為何與政治事件的潮流如此密不可分。但是我避
免列出自己閱讀過和參考過的大量書籍，因為在這種性質的書當中，
這種書目必然對於本書讀者閱讀的目的毫無幫助。
在我寫作的過程中，歷史以及歷史教育一直是公眾關注的焦點，
但我避免捲入諸如國家課程之類的事情中，而是更傾向於走自己的孤
獨之路。同樣地，我也有意避免閱讀任何其他有關英國的通史，以免
對我自己的寫作產生任何影響。長久以來指引我前進的信念是：一個
對自己的過去一無所知的國家將失去它的身分。
這個計畫一直是我與編輯共同的熱情，她一直激勵著我前進。作
家 一 生 能 遇 到 傑 出 編 輯 實 屬 幸 運 ， 而 茱 莉 亞 ． 麥 克 雷 （ Julia
MacRae）恰恰是其中之一。我這場穿梭數十個世紀的旅程並不孤獨。
每當我表現出萎靡不振的跡象時，她就把我扶起來，堅定地把我放回
英國歷史這艘大船的船頭，敦促我繼續航行。我對她的感激之情溢於
言表。出版是一個團隊合作的過程，在這樣一個大計畫中，每個人都
有自己的責任和願景，我深深地感激他們。設計師道格拉斯．馬丁
（Douglas Martin）和我們一樣，一直致力於確保這本書不僅在設計
上看起來體面，而且最重要的是能吸引讀者開卷閱讀。
寫這種介紹性的歷史是一回事，要找到一位博學多才的人，而且
還能對這本書的目標表示深有同感則完全是另一回事。我們很幸運地
遇到了聖保羅中學的歷史科主任基思．佩里（Keith Perry），他使我
避免了許多錯誤和過於籠統的概括。尤其在我一直感到棘手的十八世
紀政治史方面，他的建議格外珍貴。我也不會忘記茱莉亞．麥克雷的
同事們在編輯方面付出的艱苦努力。
我決定，這個計畫要麼需要兩年，要麼需要二十年。唉，我已經
沒有二十年的時間可以用來寫作了。從計畫開始到正式出版，事實上
耗費了四年。選擇較短寫作時間的決定可能是魯莽的，但它確保了一
種速度感、運動感和活力感。在我寫這本書的時候，我強烈地意識
到，何謂英國的這個理念正在被解構。我想，這部介紹性的歷史著作
也許能使年輕一代的島民想一想，究竟是什麼把他們聯繫在一起，使
他們成為英國人。
01 不列顛島

不列顛是一座島嶼，對於要了解它的歷史而言，這個事實比任何
其他事實都重要。它只有被征服過兩次，一次是在西元前五五年被羅
馬人征服，另一次是在一○六六年被諾曼人征服。
征服者總是必須與被征服者進行對話，遲早會產生一個由雙方共
同組成的社會。然而，從總體上看，這個國家逐漸被那些具備足夠韌
性的人們入侵，他們能夠勇敢地面對其周遭海域洶湧波濤的海洋。由
於這種困難，無論是來自萊茵蘭（Rhineland）的部落，來自地中海南
部的羅馬人，來自德國的盎格魯—撒克遜人，還是來自斯堪的納維亞
的維京人，這些人群的數目總是很少。他們一旦到達這裡，就會被吸
收到當地現有人口中。
這一簡單的事實，即任何來到英國的人都必須乘船經歷風雨顛簸
的折騰，解釋了英國人作為一個民族的兩個主要特徵：內向和外向。
英國人仍然珍視自己的島嶼，將其作為與世界其他地區分離並且不受
侵犯的領土。今日搭飛機抵達英國，也不能消除這地方被與外界截斷
的感覺。即使是在英吉利海峽下面挖一條隧道，也無法消除一種與外
部世界隔絕的感受，這也正塑造出，出了隧道之後，任何東西在態
度、風格和理念上一眼就能被認出來是英國的。與其他歐洲國家不同
的是，英國的疆域一開始就由它的地理條件所劃定。
與此同時，這也使得英國人成為了航海者和旅行者，他們為了理
解外面的世界，不得不離開這個庇護所島嶼。學者和朝聖者穿越了歐
洲和中東、上帝的使者跨越全球去改變不信者的信仰，發現者航行到
最遙遠的海洋去尋找新的土地，而且成千上萬的居民移民到新的國
家。英國四周被海洋所包圍，產生了一個人與人之間不得不而且總體
而言仍能容忍彼此差異的民族。英國人天生就喜愛他們所認為的島嶼
安全和由此帶來的生活安寧。這解釋了他們與生俱來的保守主義、妥
協的能力、實用主義，以及他們在思想上許多具革命性的突破。我們
歷史上出現許多天才，其中的原因之一必然是這座島上的幽閉恐懼
症。以威廉．莎士比亞或艾薩克．牛頓為例，他們的思想為了尋求普
遍性真理突破了島嶼的限制。
如果作為一個島嶼這個現實是其歷史的核心，那麼英國的地形和
氣候也深受影響。這是一個分為高地和低地兩個地區的國家。北部和
西部有山丘和山脈，有些高達四千英尺，土壤貧瘠、雨量充沛且氣候
寒冷。即使在今天，這個國家的這些地區仍然偏遠而難以進入，但在
早些世紀，它們與外界幾乎是斷絕聯絡的。總的來說，他們很窮，但
他們擁有礦產形式的財富：北威爾斯、德比郡、約克郡和安格爾西
（Anglesey）的鉛，威爾斯的黃金、康沃爾（Cornwall）的錫，以及
迪恩森林（Forest of Dean）的鐵。東部和南部是土壤肥沃的低地，是
氣候溫和得多的河谷地帶，交通也更便利。它的財富是另一種類型
的，豐富的玉米田以及供綿羊與牲畜食用的茂盛綠地，這裡提供了肉
類、皮革以及最重要的羊毛。
從一開始，英國的地理便已經定義了其內部歷史的中心主題：高
地和低地之間；以及蘇格蘭、威爾斯、中部和南部之間的緊張局勢。
這樣的戲碼在好幾個世紀的過程中不斷重演。
然而，低地比英國其他地方更容易受到移民的影響，因為在地理
位置上，低地便正對著幾乎所有移居者抵達時必須經過的海峽。當尤
里烏斯．凱撒（Julius Caesar）最終在西元前五五年決定征服該島
時，他也帶來了橫跨已知世界的帝國文明。他在海峽對面看到了一種
截然不同的、更加原始的文化，這個凱爾特人的文化可以追溯到三十
多萬年前長線中的最後一支，英國在當時甚至還不是一座島嶼而是歐
洲的一部分，有些獵人迷路走到這裡來，後來發現自己被創造了海峽
的巨大地形變化切斷了與歐洲的聯繫。
在長達四百年的時間裡，英國一直是羅馬帝國的一部分，直到羅
馬人的軍團於西元五世紀初撤出；面對北方野蠻部落的襲擊，這個島
不得不設法保全自我性命。在接下來的一千年裡，英國與歐洲大陸部
分地區的聯盟將成為其歷史上的主要主題。後來，在十一世紀，諾曼
人的第二次入侵將英格蘭與現代法國的大部分結合了起來。這個帝國
在五百年當中時而擴張時而收縮，直到一五五八年時，最後剩下的前
哨點加萊港也向法國國王投降。
在這個時代，美洲已經被發現，而人們第一次開始將注意力轉到
西邊。在此之前，位於不列顛島之外西邊被注意的只有愛爾蘭，人類
的目光牢牢注視著東方。在這幾個世紀當中，英國處於已知世界的邊
緣，羅馬在異教時代時是世界中心，而在隨後的基督教時代，耶路撒
冷則是世界中心。然而，其偏遠的地理位置並不代表其重要性不高，
它之所以受到侵略勢必是有原因的，也有潛力成為帝國維持其在海外
力量的基地。在中世紀，英格蘭國王將統治西歐最先進的國家。但是
當羅馬軍團啟航去征服不列顛島時，所有上述的一切都尚未發生。
02 大不列顛

有一份文字紀錄，西元前三二○年希臘船長馬賽的皮西亞斯
（Rytheas of Marseilles）造訪了康沃爾半島，這正是不列顛這座島嶼
首次出現在書面歷史上。他描述了當地人如何開採錫，並且如何用獸
皮覆蓋的編織船將其運送到今天的聖邁克爾山（St Michael），並且在
這裡將錫出售給主要來自高盧的外國商人。皮西亞斯繼續環繞整個島
嶼，這是一項了不起的成就，讓希臘世界文明瞥見了羅馬人稱其為不
列顛尼亞的國家。他記載，當地人住在籬笆或木屋裡，將穀物儲存在
地下筒倉中，喝著由穀物和蜂蜜釀成的啤酒。他們是由許多國王和酋
長統治的，如果爆發了衝突，他們就會乘坐戰車參加戰鬥。
此後，寂靜降臨，不列顛再次成為一片充滿神祕的土地，直到羅
馬人到來才被驅散。這些謎團得以被揭開，是因為羅馬人和希臘人一
樣具有讀寫能力，而我們之所以能夠講述這個島的歷史，很大程度上
是根據他們所寫的內容。從他們的觀點來看，這些文字紀錄就是歷
史，因為他們戰勝的那個民族並不識字，因此沒有留下任何書面紀
錄。我們只知道故事中的羅馬人觀點。凱爾特人的觀點毫無疑問必定
截然不同。
皮西亞斯的說法讓我們瞥見了那個社會的樣子。他們從那裡向外
輻射擴散，最終定居在義大利、西班牙和英國。他們是居住在農場或
村莊的農業民族，飼養豬、山羊、綿羊和牛，並透過淺耕耕種來生產
玉米。這種聚落的規模可能很大，他們周圍環繞著防禦用的柵欄或土
堤，就像至今仍存在於多塞特郡多切斯特（Dorchester）附近的梅登
城堡（Maiden Castle）的土堤。事實上，凱爾特人是一個先進的民
族，除了熟練於金屬加工外，他們還會紡線、織布、製作陶器。那些
已經出土的工藝品非常美麗，運用了大膽的抽象形式。他們在西元前
七○○年左右來到不列顛，迅速取代原本居住於此的原始民族。
凱爾特人有著引人注目的外表，個子高大、皮膚白皙、金髮而且
有藍色眼睛。他們的日常著裝是束腰外衣，上面還會披上一件用胸針
繫著的斗篷。他們喜歡絢麗的色彩和黃金首飾。每個部落都統治著這
個國家的某個地區，比如東北部的愛西尼人（The Iceni）或者北部的
布里甘特人（The Brigantes）。每一群人都有自己的國王，其所統治
的人民被分成三類。首先是貴族及其家臣，他們的首要任務是戰鬥。
他們騎著馬或戰車參加戰鬥，發出可怕的吶喊聲並揮舞著鐵劍，任何
敵人看到他們靠近都會膽顫心驚。凱爾特人聚落中還有德魯伊（The
Druids），他們來自貴族階層，其扮演的角色是法官和教師，但最重
要的是，透過符咒、魔法和咒語與諸神溝通。凱爾特人服從以森林、
河流、海洋和天空為形式的各種神靈的超自然力量。宗教儀式和祭典
在神聖的小樹林裡舉行，而當眾神發怒的時候，人們就以燃燒被包裹
在柳條編織籠子裡的活人獻祭。在貴族和德魯伊之下是龐大的群眾，
他們幾乎跟在土地上勞動的奴隸沒有兩樣。凱爾特人是一個有強大傳
統的民族，他們透過口說將傳統一代一代傳承下去。
他們在大約六百年的時間當中沒有受到干擾，直到西元前一世紀
中葉，尤里烏斯．凱撒決定要征服他們。激發他靈感的是，他剛在高
盧征服的貝爾格人（Belgae）的另一個部落位於英格蘭西南部，而他
們與在法國西北部戰敗的弟兄們保有聯絡。西元前五五年八月二十六
日，大約一萬名士兵和五百名騎兵從布洛涅（Boulogne）啟航，在多
佛（Dover）和迪爾（Deal）之間的某處登陸。軍事能力強大的羅馬
軍隊在擊潰當地凱爾特酋長時沒有遭遇到什麼困難。凱撒仔細地記錄
了他們的戰鬥方式和投降的速度，並決定在第二年返回。西元前五四
年七月六日，一支更大的軍隊啟航，這次軍隊有八百艘船運送的五千
名軍團士兵（即步兵），以及兩千名騎兵。他們在與之前相同的地區
登陸，並再次擊敗了布立吞（Britons）人，但由於他們的艦隊在暴風
雨中失事，被迫返回海灘並且進行維修。與此同時，布立吞人的部落
領袖卡西維拉努斯（Cassivellaunus）將布立吞人集結起來。然後羅馬
人開始向北推進，越過泰晤士河並征服整個東南部。冬天的來臨意味
著他們必須在天氣變惡劣前到達高盧，因此羅馬人與布立吞人首領們
達成和平協議，後者交出了人質並且承諾每年支付贖金。
接下來的一個世紀沒有任何紀錄。原因很簡單，因為各種宛如狂
風暴雨的事件都在這段時間當中發生，最終導致羅馬帝國的建立。在
這些最終造成帝國建立的戰爭打得如火如荼之際，位於其領土邊緣的
一個島嶼根本無關緊要。羅馬人於四個世紀後放棄了不列顛，因為此
時，軍隊需要前往帝國的心臟地帶支援，就像過去的狀況一樣。在這
段期間，各個凱爾特人王國組織也變得更為成熟，阿特雷巴特人
（Atrebates）部落的首都是西爾切斯特（Silchester），卡圖維勞尼人
（Catuvellauni）集中在聖奧爾本斯（St Albans）附近的普雷伊森林
（Prae Wood），而特里諾文特人（Trinovantes）則聚集於卡姆羅多
努（Camulodunum，今天的科爾切斯特〔Colechester〕）。除此之
外，在半島西南方以及威爾斯和蘇格蘭的山區，居住著一些原始部
落。
 羅馬人回來統治這個島嶼只是早晚的問題。對不列顛的征服始終
在 他 們 的 計 畫 之 中 ， 但 直 到 西 元 （ Anno Domini ， 「 在 我 們 的 主
年」）四○年，軍隊才準備入侵。事實上，那次入侵在最後一刻被取
消了，但在四年後，所有的一切都準備就緒，發動了一次大規模的進
攻。不列顛內部彼此交戰的各部落要求羅馬人介入，更重要的是，羅
馬人意識到該島豐富的礦產資源和穀物產量的潛力。他們也知道，直
到德魯伊信仰（Druidism）在不列顛被消滅之前，這個信仰會繼續在
高 盧 蓬 勃 發 展 ， 還 有 他 們 所 憎 恨 那 令 人 恐 懼 的 人 祭 （ human
sacrifice）。最後，同樣重要的是，有一位新登基的皇帝克勞狄馬斯
（Claudius），他迫切需要取得巨大的軍事勝利，以確保他對帝國的
統治。
在 四 月 下 旬 或 五 月 下 旬 ， 由 奧 盧 斯 ． 普 羅 提 烏 斯 （ Aulus
Plautius）率領的四個軍團，總共四萬名士兵越過海峽，在肯特的里奇
伯勒（Richborough）登陸。他們從那裡越過麥德威河（Medway），
擊敗了布立吞人。為了實現這一目標，羅馬士兵不得不全副武裝地游
過河，然後進行了持續兩天的戰鬥。布立吞人撤退，羅馬人繼續前
進，越過泰晤士河。然後出現了一個短暫的停頓，以便有時間讓皇帝
到來，他將大象帶在部隊中來震懾敵人。然後，戰役便重新展開。羅
馬人向卡姆羅多努挺進，對其發起了猛攻並且占領下來，使之成為羅
馬帝國一個新省的首府，他們稱之為不列顛尼亞。此時，許多凱爾特
人國王投降了，克勞狄烏斯皇帝在這個國家停留了僅僅十六天，便啟
程返回羅馬，他在那裡被授予了盛大的帝國凱旋式。羅馬人建造了拱
門來紀念這些勝利，其中一道專屬於不列顛的拱門上刻有這樣的銘
文：「他征服了不列顛的十一位國王，期間從未吃過一場敗仗，接受
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 15. That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor
improvements of a national character, required for the
accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are
authorized by the constitution and justified by the obligations of
government to protect the lives and property of its citizens.
16. That a railroad to the Pacific ocean is imperatively demanded
by the interest of the whole country; that the Federal government
ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction; and
that as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly
established.
17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and
views, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however differing on
other questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance
and support.

1860.—Democratic (Douglas) Platform,

Charleston, April 23, and Baltimore, June 18.

1. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in convention
assembled, hereby declare our affirmance of the resolutions
unanimously adopted and declared as a Platform of principles by the
Democratic convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that
democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature when applied
to the same subject-matters; and we recommend, as the only further
resolutions, the following:
Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic party
as to the nature and extent of the powers of a territorial legislature,
and as to the powers and duties of Congress, under the constitution
of the United States, over the institution of slavery within the
territories:
2. Resolved, That the Democratic party will abide by the decisions
of the Supreme Court of the United States on the questions of
constitutional law.
3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample
and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or
abroad, and whether native or foreign.
 4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military,
commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication
between the Atlantic and Pacific states; and the Democratic party
pledge such constitutional government aid as will insure the
construction of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest
practicable period.
5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the
acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable
to ourselves and just to Spain.
6. Resolved, That the enactments of state legislatures to defeat the
faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character,
subversive of the constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.
7. Resolved, That it is in accordance with the true interpretation of
the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence of the territorial
governments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be,
imposed by the federal constitution on the power of the territorial
legislature over the subject of domestic relations, as the same has
been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court
of the United States, shall be respected by all good citizens, and
enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the general
government.

1860.—Democratic (Breckinridge) Platform.

Charleston and Baltimore.

Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at
Cincinnati be affirmed, with following explanatory resolutions:
1. That the government of a territory, organized by an act of
Congress, is provisional and temporary; and, during its existence, all
citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle, with their
property, in the territory, without their rights, either of person or
property, being destroyed or impaired by congressional or territorial
legislation.
2. That it is the duty of the Federal government, in all its
departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and
property in the territories, and wherever else its constitutional
authority extends.
3. That when the settlers in a territory having an adequate
population form a state constitution in pursuance of law, the right of
sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by admission into
the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other
states, and the state thus organized ought to be admitted into the
Federal Union, whether its constitution prohibits or recognizes the
institution of slavery.
4. That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the
island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and
just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment.
5. That the enactments of state legislatures to defeat the faithful
execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character,
subversive of the constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.
6. That the Democracy of the United States recognize it as the
imperative duty of this government to protect the naturalized citizen
in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same
extent as its native-born citizens.
Whereas, One of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political,
commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy
communication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts; therefore, be
it
Resolved, That the Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves
to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill,
to the extent of the constitutional authority of Congress, for the
construction of a Pacific railroad from the Mississippi river to the
Pacific ocean, at the earliest practicable moment.

1864.—Radical Platform.

Cleveland, May 31.

1. That the Federal Union shall be preserved.
2. That the constitution and laws of the United States must be
observed and obeyed.
 3. That the Rebellion must be suppressed by force of arms, and
without compromise.
4. That the rights of free speech, free press and the habeas corpus
be held inviolate, save in districts where martial law has been
proclaimed.
5. That the Rebellion has destroyed slavery; and the federal
constitution should be so amended as to prohibit its re-
establishment, and to secure to all men absolute equality before the
law.
6. That integrity and economy are demanded, at all times in the
administration of the government, and that in time of war the want
of them is criminal.
7. That the right of asylum, except for crime and subject to law, is a
recognized principle of American liberty; and that any violation of it
can not be overlooked, and must not go unrebuked.
8. That the national policy known as the “Monroe Doctrine” has
become a recognized principle; and that the establishment of an anti-
republican government on this continent by any foreign power can
not be tolerated.
9. That the gratitude and support of the nation are due to the
faithful soldiers and the earnest leaders of the Union army and navy,
for their heroic achievements and deathless valor in defense of our
imperiled country and of civil liberty.
10. That the one-term policy for the presidency, adopted by the
people, is strengthened by the force of the existing crisis, and should
be maintained by constitutional amendment.
11. That the constitution should be so amended that the President
and Vice-President shall be elected by a direct vote of the people.
12. That the question of the reconstruction of the rebellious states
belongs to the people, through their representatives in Congress, and
not to the Executive.
13. That the confiscation of the lands of the rebels, and their
distribution among the soldiers and actual settlers, is a measure of
justice.

1864.—Republican Platform.
 Baltimore, June 7.
Resolved, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen to
maintain, against all their enemies, the integrity of the union and the
paramount authority of the constitution and laws of the United
States; and that, laying aside all differences of political opinions, we
pledge ourselves, as Union men, animated by a common sentiment
and aiming at a common object, to do everything in our power to aid
the government in quelling, by force of arms, the Rebellion now
raging against its authority, and in bringing to the punishment due
to their crimes the rebels and traitors arrayed against it.
Resolved, That we approve the determination of the government of
the United States not to compromise with rebels, nor to offer them
any terms of peace, except such as may be based upon an
“unconditional surrender” of their hostility and a return to their
allegiance to the constitution and laws of the United States; and that
we call upon the government to maintain this position, and to
prosecute the war with the utmost possible vigor to the complete
suppression of the Rebellion, in full reliance upon the self-sacrificing
patriotism, the heroic valor, and the undying devotion of the
American people to the country and its free institutions.
Resolved, That as slavery was the cause, and now constitutes the
strength, of this Rebellion, and as it must be always and everywhere
hostile to the principles of republican government, justice and the
national safety demand its utter and complete extirpation from the
soil of the Republic; and that we uphold and maintain the acts and
proclamations by which the government, in its own defense, has
aimed a death-blow at the gigantic evil. We are in favor, furthermore,
of such an amendment to the constitution, to be made by the people
in conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and forever
prohibit the existence of slavery within the limits or the jurisdiction
of the United States.
Resolved, That the thanks of the American people are due to the
soldiers and sailors of the army and navy, who have periled their
lives in defense of their country and in vindication of the honor of its
flag; that the nation owes to them some permanent recognition of
their patriotism and their valor, and ample and permanent provision
for those of their survivors who have received disabling and
honorable wounds in the service of the country; and that the
memories of those who have fallen in its defense shall be held in
grateful and everlasting remembrance.
Resolved, That we approve and applaud the practical wisdom, the
unselfish patriotism, and the unswerving fidelity to the constitution
and the principles of American liberty with which Abraham Lincoln
has discharged, under circumstances of unparalleled difficulty, the
great duties and responsibilities of the presidential office; that we
approve and indorse, as demanded by the emergency and essential to
the preservation of the nation, and as within the provisions of the
constitution, the measures and acts which he has adopted to defend
the nation against its open and secret foes; that we approve,
especially, the Proclamation of Emancipation, and the employment,
as Union soldiers, of men heretofore held in slavery; and that we
have full confidence in his determination to carry these, and all other
constitutional measures essential to the salvation of the country, into
full and complete effect.
Resolved, That we deem it essential to the general welfare that
harmony should prevail in the national councils, and we regard as
worthy of public confidence and official trust those only who
cordially indorse the principles proclaimed in these resolutions, and
which should characterize the administration of the government.
Resolved, That the government owes to all men employed in its
armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full protection of
the laws of war; and that any violation of these laws, or of the usages
of civilized nations in the time of war, by the rebels now in arms,
should be made the subject of prompt and full redress.
Resolved, That foreign immigration, which in the past has added
so much to the wealth, development of resources, and increase of
power to this nation—the asylum of the oppressed of all nations—
should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy.
Resolved, That we are in favor of the speedy construction of the
railroad to the Pacific coast.
Resolved, That the national faith, pledged for the redemption of
the public debt, must be kept inviolate; and that, for this purpose, we
recommend economy and rigid responsibility in the public
expenditures and a vigorous and just system of taxation; and that it
is the duty of every loyal state to sustain the credit and promote the
use of the national currency.
Resolved, That we approve the position taken by the government,
that the people of the United States can never regard with
indifference the attempt of any European power to overthrow by
force, or to supplant by fraud, the institutions of any republican
government on the western continent, and that they will view with
extreme jealousy, as menacing to the peace and independence of
this, our country, the efforts of any such power to obtain new
footholds for monarchical governments, sustained by a foreign
military force, in near proximity to the United States.

1864.—Democratic Platform.

Chicago, August 29.

Resolved, That in the future, as in the past, we will adhere with
unswerving fidelity to the Union under the constitution, as the only
solid foundation of our strength, security, and happiness as a people,
and as a framework of government equally conducive to the welfare
and prosperity of all the states, both northern and southern.
Resolved, That this convention does explicitly declare, as the sense
of the American people, that after four years of failure to restore the
Union by the experiment of war, during which, under the pretense of
a military necessity of a war power higher than the constitution, the
constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and public
liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the material
prosperity of the country essentially impaired, justice, humanity,
liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be
made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate
convention of all the states, or other peaceable means, to the end
that, at the earliest practicable moment, peace may be restored on
the basis of the federal union of all the states.
Resolved, That the direct interference of the military authority of
the United States in the recent elections held in Kentucky, Maryland,
Missouri, and Delaware, was a shameful violation of the constitution;
and the repetition of such acts in the approaching election will be
held as revolutionary, and resisted with all the means and power
under our control.
Resolved, That the aim and object of the Democratic party is to
preserve the Federal Union and the rights of the states unimpaired;
and they hereby declare that they consider the administrative
usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous powers not granted by
the constitution, the subversion of the civil by the military law in
states not in insurrection, the arbitrary military arrest,
imprisonment, trial, and sentence of American citizens in states
where civil law exists in full force, the suppression of freedom of
speech and of the press, the denial of the right of asylum, the open
and avowed disregard of state rights, the employment of unusual test
oaths, and the interference with and denial of the right of the people
to bear arms in their defense, as calculated to prevent a restoration of
the Union and the perpetuation of a government deriving its just
powers from the consent of the governed.
Resolved, That the shameful disregard of the administration to its
duty in respect to our fellow-citizens who now are, and long have
been, prisoners of war, in a suffering condition, deserves the severest
reprobation, on the score alike of public policy and common
humanity.
Resolved, That the sympathy of the Democratic party is heartily
and earnestly extended to the soldiery of our army and the sailors of
our navy, who are and have been in the field and on the sea under the
flag of their country; and, in the event of our attaining power, they
will receive all the care and protection, regard and kindness, that the
brave soldiers of the Republic have so nobly earned.

1868. Republican Platform.

Chicago, May 20.

1. We congratulate the country on the assured success of the
reconstruction policy of Congress, as evinced by the adoption, in the
majority of the states lately in rebellion, of constitutions securing
equal civil and political rights to all; and it is the duty of the
government to sustain those institutions and to prevent the people of
such states from being remitted to a state of anarchy.
 2. The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men at
the south was demanded by every consideration of public safety, of
gratitude, and of justice, and must be maintained; while the question
of suffrage in all the loyal states properly belongs to the people of
those states.
3. We denounce all forms of repudiation as a national crime; and
the national honor requires the payment of the public indebtedness
in the uttermost good faith to all creditors at home and abroad, not
only according to the letter but the spirit of the laws under which it
was contracted.
4. It is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should be
equalized and reduced as rapidly as the national faith will permit.
5. The national debt, contracted as it has been for the preservation
of the Union for all time to come, should be extended over a fair
period for redemption; and it is the duty of Congress to reduce the
rate of interest thereon whenever it can be honestly done.
6. That the best policy to diminish our burden of debts is to so
improve our credit that capitalists will seek to loan us money at lower
rates of interest than we now pay, and must continue to pay, so long
as repudiation, partial or total, open or covert, is threatened or
suspected.
7. The government of the United States should be administered
with the strictest economy; and the corruptions which have been so
shamefully nursed and fostered by Andrew Johnson call loudly for
radical reform.
8. We profoundly deplore the tragic death of Abraham Lincoln,
and regret the accession to the presidency of Andrew Johnson, who
has acted treacherously to the people who elected him and the cause
he was pledged to support; who has usurped high legislative and
judicial functions; who has refused to execute the laws; who has used
his high office to induce other officers to ignore and violate the laws;
who has employed his executive powers to render insecure the
property, the peace, liberty, and life of the citizen; who has abused
the pardoning power; who has denounced the national legislature as
unconstitutional; who has persistently and corruptly resisted, by
every means in his power, every proper attempt at the reconstruction
of the states lately in rebellion; who has perverted the public
patronage into an engine of wholesale corruption; and who has been
justly impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and properly
pronounced guilty thereof by the vote of thirty-five Senators.
9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers, that
because a man is once a subject he is always so, must be resisted at
every hazard by the United States, as a relic of feudal times, not
authorized by the laws of nations, and at war with our national honor
and independence. Naturalized citizens are entitled to protection in
all their rights of citizenship as though they were native-born; and no
citizen of the United States, native or naturalized, must be liable to
arrest and imprisonment by any foreign power for acts done or
words spoken in this country; and, if so arrested and imprisoned, it is
the duty of the government to interfere in his behalf.
10. Of all who were faithful in the trials of the late war, there were
none entitled to more special honor than the brave soldiers and
seamen who endured the hardships of campaign and cruise, and
imperiled their lives in the service of the country. The bounties and
pensions provided by the laws for these brave defenders of the nation
are obligations never to be forgotten; the widows and orphans of the
gallant dead are the wards of the people—a sacred legacy bequeathed
to the nation’s protecting care.
11. Foreign immigration, which in the past has added so much to
the wealth, development, and resources, and increase of power to
this Republic, the asylum of the oppressed of all nations, should be
fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy.
12. This convention declares itself in sympathy with all oppressed
people who are struggling for their rights.
13. That we highly commend the spirit of magnanimity and
forbearance with which men who have served in the Rebellion, but
who now frankly and honestly co-operate with us in restoring the
peace of the country and reconstructing the southern state
governments upon the basis of impartial justice and equal rights, are
received back into the communion of the loyal people; and we favor
the removal of the disqualifications and restrictions imposed upon
the late rebels, in the same measure as the spirit of disloyalty shall
die out, and as may be consistent with the safety of the loyal people.
 14. That we recognize the great principles laid down in the
immortal Declaration of Independence, as the true foundation of
democratic government; and we hail with gladness every effort
toward making these principles a living reality on every inch of
American soil.

1868.—Democratic Platform.

New York, July 4.

The Democratic party, in national convention assembled, reposing
its trust in the intelligence, patriotism, and discriminating justice of
the people, standing upon the constitution as the foundation and
limitation of the powers of the government and the guarantee of the
liberties of the citizen, and recognizing the questions of slavery and
secession as having been settled, for all time to come, by the war or
voluntary action of the southern states in constitutional conventions
assembled, and never to be revived or re-agitated, do, with the return
of peace, demand—
1. Immediate restoration of all the states to their rights in the
Union under the constitution, and of civil government to the
American people.
2. Amnesty for all past political offenses, and the regulation of the
elective franchise in the states by their citizens.
3. Payment of all the public debt of the United States as rapidly as
practicable—all money drawn from the people by taxation, except so
much as is requisite for the necessities of the government,
economically administered, being honestly applied to such payment;
and where the obligations of the government do not expressly state
upon their face, or the law under which they were issued does not
provide that they shall be paid in coin, they ought, in right and in
justice, to be paid in the lawful money of the United States.
4. Equal taxation of every species of property according to its real
value, including government bonds and other public securities.
5. One currency for the government and the people, the laborer
and the office-holder, the pensioner and the soldier, the producer
and the bondholder.
 6. Economy in the administration of the government; the
reduction of the standing army and navy; the abolition of the
Freedmen’s Bureau and all political instrumentalities designed to
secure negro supremacy; simplification of the system and
discontinuance of inquisitorial modes of assessing and collecting
internal revenue; that the burden of taxation may be equalized and
lessened, and the credit of the government and the currency made
good; the repeal of all enactments for enrolling the state militia into
national forces in time of peace; and a tariff for revenue upon foreign
imports, and such equal taxation under the internal revenue laws as
will afford incidental protection to domestic manufactures, and as
will, without impairing the revenue, impose the least burden upon,
and best promote and encourage, the great industrial interests of the
country.
7. Reform of abuses in the administration; the expulsion of corrupt
men from office; the abrogation of useless offices; the restoration of
rightful authority to, and the independence of, the executive and
judicial departments of the government; the subordination of the
military to the civil power, to the end that the usurpations of
Congress and the despotism of the sword may cease.
8. Equal rights and protection for naturalized and native-born
citizens, at home and abroad; the assertion of American nationality
which shall command the respect of foreign powers, and furnish an
example and encouragement to people struggling for national
integrity, constitutional liberty and individual rights; and the
maintenance of the rights of naturalized citizens against the absolute
doctrine of immutable allegiance and the claims of foreign powers to
punish them for alleged crimes committed beyond their jurisdiction.
In demanding these measures and reforms, we arraign the Radical
party for its disregard of right and the unparalleled oppression and
tyranny which have marked its career. After the most solemn and
unanimous pledge of both Houses of Congress to prosecute the war
exclusively for the maintenance of the government and the
preservation of the Union under the constitution, it has repeatedly
violated the most sacred pledge under which alone was rallied that
noble volunteer army which carried our flag to victory. Instead of
restoring the Union, it has, so far as in its power, dissolved it, and
subjected ten states, in time of profound peace, to military despotism
and negro supremacy. It has nullified there the right of trial by jury;
it has abolished the habeas corpus, that most sacred writ of liberty; it
has overthrown the freedom of speech and press; it has substituted
arbitrary seizures and arrests, and military trials and secret star-
chamber inquisitions, for the constitutional tribunals; it has
disregarded, in time of peace, the right of the people to be free from
searches and seizures; it has entered the post and telegraph offices,
and even the private rooms of individuals, and seized their private
papers and letters, without any specific charge or notice of affidavit,
as required by the organic law. It has converted the American capitol
into a bastile; it has established a system of spies and official
espionage to which no constitutional monarchy of Europe would now
dare to resort. It has abolished the right of appeal, on important
constitutional questions, to the supreme judicial tribunals, and
threatens to curtail or destroy its original jurisdiction, which is
irrevocably vested by the constitution; while the learned Chief
Justice has been subjected to the most atrocious calumnies, merely
because he would not prostitute his high office to the support of the
false and partisan charges preferred against the President. Its
corruption and extravagance have exceeded anything known in
history; and, by its frauds and monopolies, it has nearly doubled the
burden of the debt created by the war. It has stripped the President
of his constitutional power of appointment, even of his own cabinet.
Under its repeated assaults, the pillars of the government are rocking
on their base; and should it succeed in November next, and
inaugurate its President, we will meet, as a subjected and conquered
people, amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments of the
constitution.
And we do declare and resolve that ever since the people of the
United States threw off all subjection to the British crown, the
privilege and trust of suffrage have belonged to the several states,
and have been granted, regulated, and controlled exclusively by the
political power of each state respectively; and that any attempt by
Congress, on any pretext whatever, to deprive any state of this right,
or interfere with its exercise, is a flagrant usurpation of power which
can find no warrant in the constitution, and, if sanctioned by the
people, will subvert our form of government, and can only end in a
single, centralized, and consolidated, government, in which the
separate existence of the states will be entirely absorbed, and an
unqualified despotism be established in place of a federal union of
co-equal states. And that we regard the construction acts (so called)
of Congress as usurpations, and unconstitutional, revolutionary, and
void.
That our soldiers and sailors, who carried the flag of our country to
victory against the most gallant and determined foe, must ever be
gratefully remembered, and all the guarantees given in their favor
must be faithfully carried into execution.
That the public lands should be distributed as widely as possible
among the people, and should be disposed of either under the pre-
emption of homestead lands or sold in reasonable quantities, and to
none but actual occupants, at the minimum price established by the
government. When grants of public lands may be allowed, necessary
for the encouragement of important public improvements, the
proceeds of the sale of such lands, and not the lands themselves,
should be so applied.
That the President of the United States, Andrew Johnson, in
exercising the power of his high office in resisting the aggressions of
Congress upon the constitutional rights of the states and the people,
is entitled to the gratitude of the whole American people; and, on
behalf of the Democratic party, we tender him our thanks for his
patriotic efforts in that regard.
Upon this platform, the Democratic party appeal to every patriot,
including all the conservative element and all who desire to support
the constitution and restore the Union, forgetting all past differences
of opinion, to unite with us in the present great struggle for the
liberties of the people; and that to all such, to whatever party they
may have heretofore belonged, we extend the right hand of
fellowship, and hail all such, co-operating with us, as friends and
brethren.
Resolved, That this convention sympathizes cordially with the
workingmen of the United States in their efforts to protect the rights
and interests of the laboring classes of the country.
Resolved, That the thanks of the convention are tendered to Chief
Justice Salmon P. Chase, for the justice, dignity, and impartiality
with which he presided over the court of impeachment on the trial of
President Andrew Johnson.
 1872.—Labor Reform Platform.

Columbus, February 21.

We hold that all political power is inherent in the people, and free
government founded on their authority and established for their
benefit; that all citizens are equal in political rights, entitled to the
largest religious and political liberty compatible with the good order
of society, as also the use and enjoyment of the fruits of their labor
and talents; and no man or set of men is entitled to exclusive
separable endowments and privileges or immunities from the
government, but in consideration of public services; and any laws
destructive of these fundamental principles are without moral
binding force, and should be repealed. And believing that all the evils
resulting from unjust legislation now affecting the industrial classes
can be removed by the adoption of the principles contained in the
following declaration: therefore,
Resolved, That it is the duty of the government to establish a just
standard of distribution of capital and labor, by providing a purely
national circulating medium, based on the faith and resources of the
nation, issued directly to the people without the intervention of any
system of banking corporations, which money shall be legal tender in
the payment of all debts, public and private, and interchangeable, at
the option of the holder, for government bonds bearing a rate of
interest not to exceed 3.65 per cent., subject to future legislation by
Congress.
2. That the national debt should be paid in good faith, according to
the original contract, at the earliest option of the government,
without mortgaging the property of the people or the future
exigencies of labor to enrich a few capitalists at home and abroad.
3. That justice demands that the burdens of government should be
so adjusted as to bear equally on all classes, and that the exemption
from taxation of government bonds bearing extravagant rates of
interest, is a violation of all just principles of revenue laws.
4. That the public lands of the United States belong to the people,
and should not be sold to individuals nor granted to corporations,
but should be held as a sacred trust for the benefit of the people, and
should be granted to landless settlers only, in amounts not exceeding
one hundred and sixty acres of land.
5. That Congress should modify the tariff so as to admit free such
articles of common use as we can neither produce nor grow, and lay
duties for revenue mainly upon articles of luxury and upon such
articles of manufacture as will, we having the raw materials, assist in
further developing the resources of the country.
6. That the presence in our country of Chinese laborers, imported
by capitalists in large numbers for servile use is an evil entailing want
and its attendant train of misery and crime on all classes of the
American people, and should be prohibited by legislation.
7. That we ask for the enactment of a law by which all mechanics
and day-laborers employed by or on behalf of the government,
whether directly or indirectly, through persons, firms, or
corporations, contracting with the state, shall conform to the reduced
standard of eight hours a day, recently adopted by Congress for
national employes; and also for an amendment to the acts of
incorporation for cities and towns, by which all laborers and
mechanics employed at their expense shall conform to the same
number of hours.
8. That the enlightened spirit of the age demands the abolition of
the system of contract labor in our prisons and other reformatory
institutions.
9. That the protection of life, liberty, and property are the three
cardinal principles of government, and the first two are more sacred
than the latter; therefore, money needed for prosecuting wars
should, as it is required, be assessed and collected from the wealthy
of the country, and not entailed as a burden on posterity.
10. That it is the duty of the government to exercise its power over
railroads and telegraph corporations, that they shall not in any case
be privileged to exact such rates of freight, transportation, or
charges, by whatever name, as may bear unduly or unequally upon
the producer or consumer.
11. That there should be such a reform in the civil service of the
national government as will remove it beyond all partisan influence,
and place it in the charge and under the direction of intelligent and
competent business men.
 12. That as both history and experience teach us that power ever
seeks to perpetuate itself by every and all means, and that its
prolonged possession in the hands of one person is always dangerous
to the interests of a free people, and believing that the spirit of our
organic laws and the stability and safety of our free institutions are
best obeyed on the one hand, and secured on the other, by a regular
constitutional change in the chief of the country at each election;
therefore, we are in favor of limiting the occupancy of the
presidential chair to one term.
13. That we are in favor of granting general amnesty and restoring
the Union at once on the basis of equality of rights and privileges to
all, the impartial administration of justice being the only true bond of
union to bind the states together and restore the government of the
people.
14. That we demand the subjection of the military to the civil
authorities, and the confinement of its operations to national
purposes alone.
15. That we deem it expedient for Congress to supervise the patent
laws so as to give labor more fully the benefit of its own ideas and
inventions.
16. That fitness, and not political or personal considerations,
should be the only recommendation to public office, either
appointive or elective; and any and all laws looking to the
establishment of this principle are heartily approved.

1872.—Prohibition Platform.

Columbus, Ohio, February 22.

The preamble recites that protection and allegiance are reciprocal
duties; and every citizen who yields obediently to the full commands
of government should be protected in all enjoyment of personal
security, personal liberty, and private property. That the traffic in
intoxicating drinks greatly impairs the personal security and
personal liberty of a great mass of citizens, and renders private
property insecure. That all political parties are hopelessly unwilling
to adopt an adequate policy on this question: Therefore, as a national
convention, we adopt the following declaration of principles:
That while we acknowledge the pure patriotism and profound
statesmanship of those patriots who laid the foundation of this
government, securing at once the rights of the states severally and
their inseparable union by the federal constitution, we would not
merely garnish the sepulchres of our republican fathers, but we do
hereby renew our pledges of solemn fealty to the imperishable
principles of civil and religious liberty embodied in the Declaration
of Independence and our federal constitution.
That the traffic in intoxicating beverages is a dishonor to Christian
civilization, a political wrong of unequalled enormity, subversive of
ordinary objects of government, not capable of being regulated or
restrained by any system of license whatever, and imperatively
demands, for its suppression, effective legal prohibition, both by
state and national legislation.
That there can be no greater peril to a nation than existing party
competition for the liquor vote. That any party not opposed to the
traffic, experience shows will engage in this competition—will court
the favor of criminal classes—will barter away the public morals, the
purity of the ballot, and every object of good government, for party
success.
That, as prohibitionists, we will individually use all efforts to
persuade men from the use of intoxicating liquors; and we invite all
persons to assist in this movement.
That competence, honesty, and sobriety are indispensable
qualifications for holding office.
That removals from public office for mere political differences of
opinion are wrong.
That fixed and moderate salaries of public officers should take the
places of fees and perquisites; and that all means should be taken to
prevent corruption and encourage economy.
That the President and Vice-President should be elected directly
by the people.
That we are in favor of a sound national currency, adequate to the
demands of business, and convertible into gold and silver at the will
of the holder, and the adoption of every measure compatible with
justice and public safety to appreciate our present currency to the
gold standard.
That the rates of ocean and inland postage, and railroad telegraph
lines and water transportation, should be made as low as possible by
law.
That we are opposed to all discrimination in favor of capital
against labor, as well as all monopoly and class legislation.
That the removal of the burdens imposed in the traffic in
intoxicating drinks will emancipate labor, and will practically
promote labor reform.
That suffrage should be granted to all persons, without regard to
sex.
That the fostering and extension of common schools is a primary
duty of the government.
That a liberal policy should be pursued to promote foreign
immigration.

1872.—Liberal Republican Platform.

Cincinnati, May 1.
We, the Liberal Republicans of the United States, in national
convention assembled at Cincinnati, proclaim the following
principles as essential to just government.
1. We recognize the equality of all men before the law, and hold
that it is the duty of government, in its dealings with the people, to
mete out equal and exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, race,
color, or persuasion, religious or political.
2. We pledge ourselves to maintain the union of these states,
emancipation, and enfranchisement, and to oppose any reopening of
the questions settled by the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth
amendments of the constitution.
3. We demand the immediate and absolute removal of all
disabilities imposed on account of the Rebellion, which was finally
subdued seven years ago, believing that universal amnesty will result
in complete pacification in all sections of the country.
 4. Local self-government, with impartial suffrage, will guard the
rights of all citizens more securely than any centralized power. The
public welfare requires the supremacy of the civil over the military
authority, and the freedom of person under the protection of the
habeas corpus. We demand for the individual the largest liberty
consistent with public order, for the state self-government, and for
the nation a return to the methods of peace and the constitutional
limitations of power.
5. The civil service of the government has become a mere
instrument of partisan tyranny and personal ambition, and an object
of selfish greed. It is a scandal and reproach upon free institutions,
and breeds a demoralization dangerous to the perpetuity of
republican government. We, therefore, regard a thorough reform of
the civil service as one of the most pressing necessities of the hour;
that honesty, capacity, and fidelity constitute the only valid claims to
public employment; that the offices of the government cease to be a
matter of arbitrary favoritism and patronage, and that public station
shall become again a post of honor. To this end, it is imperatively
required that no President shall be a candidate for re-election.
6. We demand a system of federal taxation which shall not
unnecessarily interfere with the industry of the people, and which
shall provide the means necessary to pay the expenses of the
government, economically administered, the pensions, the interest
on the public debt, and a moderate reduction annually of the
principal thereof; and recognizing that there are in our midst honest
but irreconcilable differences of opinion with regard to the respective
systems of protection and free trade, we remit the discussion of the
subject to the people in their congressional districts and the decision
of Congress thereon, wholly free from Executive interference or
dictation.
7. The public credit must be sacredly maintained, and we
denounce repudiation in every form and guise.
8. A speedy return to specie payment is demanded alike by the
highest considerations of commercial morality and honest
government.
9. We remember with gratitude the heroism and sacrifices of the
soldiers and sailors of the Republic; and no act of ours shall ever