COLLECTIVE TEACHER EFFICACY AND MINORITY ENROLLMENT IN

ADVANCED PLACEMENT AND INTERNATIONAL BACCALAUREATE

CLASSES

A Dissertation

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Presented to

The Faculty of the Curry School of Education

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University Of Virginia
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In Partial Fulfillment

Of the Requirements for the Degree

Doctor of Education

by

Mary Collier McDowell, BSN, MAT

May, 2009
 UMI Number: 3364906

Copyright 2009 by
McDowell, Mary Collier
All rights reserved

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UMI Microform 3364906

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© Copyright by
Mary Collier McDowell
All Rights Reserved
May, 2009
 ABSTRACT

The purpose of this study was to determine the extent to which Collective Teacher

Efficacy explained the variance in Black and Hispanic enrollment in Advanced

Placement and International Baccalaureate classes. In order to achieve this purpose,

survey research methodology was employed with Virginia high schools as the unit of

study.

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Fifty-three schools were selected based on participation in, and open enrollment

practices for, Advanced Placement and International Baccalaureate Classes. A 10%

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random sample of teachers within the core teaching areas at each of the schools was
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invited to participate. Each teacher received a packet containing Goddard's Collective

Teacher Efficacy Survey (2002) and a pre-addressed and stamped envelope for survey

return. Demographic data regarding percentage of Black and Hispanic enrollment

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participation, socioeconomic status (SES), limited English participation (LEP) rates, and

school size was collected from individual schools, websites, and division offices. Survey

and demographic data were received from 40 of the 53 schools (75% response rate).

Stepwise multiple regression analysis revealed that Collective Teacher Efficacy

(CTE) did not explain statistically significant variance (p > .05) in Black and Hispanic

enrollment. However, there may be some practical significance in that one of the CTE

constructs (Group Competency) explained 4.8% of the variance in Black enrollment (p <

.077). The control variables of SES, LEP participation and school size combined to
explain43.8% of the variance in Black enrollment and 85.5% of the variance in Hispanic

enrollment.

The lack of validity and reliability of the methodology might explain the lack of

statistical significance. The small sample size of schools and the large number of

variables included in the regression analysis limited the external validity of the findings.

Potential outliers in the schools with low response rates limited the reliability. According

to the test developers!, a reliable sample consisted of a minimum of five returned surveys.

Thirty-five percent of the schools in the study had less than 5 teacher responses. The fact

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that a CTE construct explained 4.8% of Black enrollment suggests that Black enrollment

may in fact be impacted at least to some degree by levels of collective teacher efficacy.
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 Department of Education Leadership and Policy
Curry School of Education
University of Virginia
Charlottesville, Virginia

APPROVAL OF THE DISSERTATION

This dissertation, "Collective Teacher Efficacy and Minority Enrollment in Advanced

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Placement and International Baccalaureate Classes," has been approved by the Graduate
Faculty of the Curry School of Education in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
degree of Doctor of Education.
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CommitteeMember Dr .(Cheryl Henig

April 8, aOOT Date

 DEDICATION

To my husband Alex, and my children, Elizabeth and David.

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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to acknowledge the contributions of three groups of people to the

completion of this doctoral program: my family, my dissertation committee, and my

colleagues at George Mason High School.

My husband Alex made my studies possible by foregoing further military

promotions and choosing to retire in the Northern Virginia area. This decision was

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largely made in order to offer me the opportunity to pursue this course of study and the

administrative opportunities that have accompanied it. He has offered unwavering

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support as I holed away weekend after weekend to complete my studies and the

dissertation requirements.
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My children Elizabeth and David have supported me through their words of

encouragement and their pride in my accomplishment. They were continually upbeat in

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their confidence that I would complete this program and this left no room for me to let

them down. Few parents have the opportunity to be college students simultaneously with

their own children. It was a rare privilege for me to have this experience.

My parents have been unselfish in their demands on my time. While I know they

would have enjoyed seeing me more often, they understood the time commitment

necessary to complete this course of study. They never made me feel guilty about the

many family occasions I missed while working on this pursuit.

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 My advisor, Dr. James Esposito, inspired me to keep going. His passion for the

subject of teacher efficacy ignited my own desires to pursue this study. His words of

encouragement regarding the dissertation process made me see possibilities rather than

roadblocks. As both my advisor and the administrator of the Northern Virginia

Administration and Supervision program, Dr. Esposito influenced my own leadership

style through the courses I've had with him as well as the instructors he attracted to the

program.

Dr. Bernadette Black helped me assemble a solid course of study in the Social

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Foundations of Education. My independent reading study with her two summers ago

directed this dissertation research towards one that examined access for minority students
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rather than focusing on reasons to limit that access. I also am most appreciative of her

generous agreement to remain on my committee past her retirement.

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Dr. Cheryl Henig opened the world of statistical analysis to me in the wake of Dr.

Donald Ball's death. She agreed to fill his place on my committee without knowing me.
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I can only express my deepest gratitude for her support through this process.

My colleagues at George Mason High School have good-naturedly endured all

my stories regarding the ups and downs of completing my doctoral studies. I will be

forever grateful for their support through this process.

This has been an amazing journey for me, completed solely for the purpose of the

experience rather than any rewards that might come from it. I have no regrets. The sense

of accomplishment is all that I hoped for. I am left looking forward to new goals,

knowing that the choice is mine.

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

DEDICATION.. ...iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v
LIST OF TABLES x
LIST OF FIGURES xi

CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION... 1
A Lost Opportunity 2

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Defining the College Readiness Curriculum .....3
The Advantages of AP and IB 4
Problem 5
The Case for Collective Efficacy
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Purpose 10
Rationale 11
Brief Outline of Literature Review 13
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Research Methods 14
Design 14
Population and Sample 14
Instrumentation 15
Data Collection Procedures 15
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Data Analysis..... 16
Limitations 17
Definition of Terms 18
Organization of the Study 19

II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 21

AP and IB as Indicators of Academic Intensity and Quality 22
History of the Advanced Placement Program 22
History of the International Baccalaureate Program 23
The AP/IB Advantage.. 26
The Opportunity Gap 30
Socioeconomic Status as an Enrollment Factor. 34
Federal Regulations 35
Minimum Standards ....36
A Lack of Shared Values 37

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 Limited English Proficiency as a Factor in Enrollment Rates 39
The Hidden Curriculum 39
Differences in Instruction 40
The Impact of Policy 40
School Size as an Enrollment Factor.... 41
Collective Efficacy as an Enrollment Factor. .43
An Historical Perspective .43
Personal Efficacy versus Teacher Efficacy 46
Collective Efficacy ...47
Organizational Agency and Minority Enrollment 51

III. METHODOLOGY . 54
Purpose of the Study 54
Research Questions 54
Study Design. 55
Population.. 56
Sample 57

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Instrumentation 58
Data Collection 62
Data Analysis Measures IE 63
Summary of the Methodology 63

IV. PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA 65

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Survey Response 66
Descriptive Statistics for the Independent Measures 68
Measures for Collective Teacher Efficacy 68
Control Variables 69
Descriptive Statistics for the Dependent Measures 69
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Correlations 71
Measures of Collective Efficacy 71
Socioeconomic Status 72
Limited English Proficiency 73
School Size 73
Regression Analysis 73
Black Enrollment 74
Hispanic Enrollment 77
Summary .80
Correlations 80
Regression Analysis.... 81

V. FINDINGS, DISCUSSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS 82

Purpose of the Study 82
Review of the Methodology 83

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 Summary of the Findings ,. 84
Black Enrollment 84
Hispanic Enrollment ..87
Discussion 89
Collective Teacher Efficacy 89
The Control Variables 91
Recommendations..... 93
Implications for Practice 93
Implications for Further Study 95
Conclusion 99

REFERENCES 101

APPENDICES 108

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 LIST OF TABLES

TABLE Page

2007-2008 AP Participation Percentages by Ethnic Group 32

Descriptive Statistics for Independent Variables: SES, LEP, School Size,

Collective Teacher Efficacy, Task Analysis, and Group Competency 68

Descriptive Statistics for Black and Hispanic Participation Difference

Relative to Representation in the Total School Population 70

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Pearson's Correlation Matrix Between Variable Pairs of SES, LEP, SP, CE,
GC, TA, BE, and HE 71
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Stepwise Regression Analysis of Variability in Black Enrollment Explained
by CTE, TA, and GC, over and above that Explained by SES, LEP
Participation, and School Size (N=40).. 74
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Stepwise Regression Analysis of Variability in Hispanic Enrollment
Explained by CTE and GC over and above that Explained by SES, LEP
Participation, and School Size (N=40) 77

Mean Survey Return Rate by School 117

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Mean Raw Score for Collective Teacher Efficacy Items by School 120

Mean Raw Total Scores for Collective Teacher Efficacy, Task Analysis, and
Group Competency 123

SES, LEP Participation, and Size by School 132

Percentage Representation in Total School Population for White, Black,

Hispanic and Asian Students 135

Percentage Representation in AP/IB Testing Population for White, Black,

Hispanic and Asian Students 137

Difference in Percentage Representation in AP/IB Testing Population and

Percentage Representation in Total Population for White, Black, Hispanic,
and Asian Students....... 139
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 LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURES Page

1. Goddard, Hoy, and Hoy (2004) Model of Collective Efficacy in Schools 114

2. Stepwise Regression of Black Enrollment Model Summary 141

3. Stepwise Regression of Hispanic Enrollment Model Summary 143

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 1

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

"I think by far the most important bill in our whole code, is thatfor the
diffusion of knowledge among the people. No other sure foundation can be devised for
the preservation of freedom andhappiness. "(Jefferson, as cited in Eyler, 1995).

In 1796, Thomas Jefferson proposed three bills to the Virginia legislature

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designed to provide a continuum of education for all children, rich and poor. Jefferson's

proposal divided the state into twenty-four districts, which were to be further subdivided
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into wards (called hundreds). Each hundred would have an elementary school that taught

reading, writing, and common arithmetic. The elementary schools were to be funded
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through taxes and all free children, both male and female, would be entitled to three years

of free public education. Promising students would proceed through two higher levels of
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education, with financial support available for children whose families could not afford

the additional education. Only the bill that provided for elementary education passed.

The legislature doomed the bill by leaving the timeline for execution of the bill to each

county. The proposed system called for the wealthy to fund the education of the poor and

not a single county in the Commonwealth of Virginia was willing to participate (Eyler,

1995).

Two hundred and twelve years after Jefferson's proposal, the demands to provide

an egalitarian education system to all United States citizens continue to exist by provision

of law, but not in reality. Provisions have been made for a free and appropriate education
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for all students, and the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 (NCLB) demands an

unprecedented disaggregation of achievement data for all possible subgroups of citizenry;

yet, students continue to be left behind and the achievement gap persists.

A Lost Opportunity

Venezia and Kirst (2005) report that more than 90% of students plan to go on to

college. While more than 70% of students at least begin this journey, only 25% of high

school graduates complete the baccalaureate degree. The importance of college is most

often described in terms of economic benefits, both to the individual as well as to the

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community. The Institute for Higher Education Policy (1998), describes the social

benefits of college education. Reduced crime rates, increased charitable giving, increased
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quality of civic life, social cohesion/appreciation of diversity, improved ability to adapt to

and use technology, improved health/life expectancy, improved quality of life for
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offspring, better consumer decision making, increased personal status, and more hobbies

and leisure activities are all benefits ascribed to the completion of two or more years of
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college education. These benefits increase, both socially and economically, with the

amount of time spent in college. Haycock (2003) reports that post-secondary educators

understand that students who do not "complete a full college-preparatory curriculum in

high school might enter college, but will almost never succeed" (p.2).

College aspirations are not the only reason for students to pursue a college-

preparatory curriculum in high school. Increasingly, the knowledge and skills demanded

by the workplace require advanced levels of math, language arts and science. The ACT

report Rigor at Risk (2007) describes readiness for the workforce and for college as

demanding the same level of preparation and argues that "opportunities for rigorous
 3

coursework should not be limited only to those students who have traditionally been

considered most able to benefit from them" (p. 6). The report discusses disturbing

evidence that despite completion of "the right number of core courses.. .only 26 percent

were ready for credit-bearing entry-level college coursework in all four subject areas"

(p. 14). The National Center for Education Statistics reports that 76 percent of institutions

that enrolled freshmen offered at least one remedial course in reading, writing, or

mathematics (2003).

Defining the College Readiness Curriculum

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Ali and Jenkins (2002), describe the mission of the public high school system as

one that must "make sure that our students are prepared for postsecondary education,
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training and the workforce without the need for remediation" (p. 3). If one accepts the

assumption that preparation for the workforce and college are one and the same, as well
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the notion that it is non-egalitarian to exclude some students from the college preparatory

curriculum, the difficulty then becomes that of defining a "college readiness" curriculum.
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Venezia (2003) reports that the "intensity and quality of the secondary school

curriculum is the best predictor of whether a student will go on to complete a bachelor's

degree" (p. 9). Addelman (1999) analyzed variables contributing to the bachelor's

degree completion of students who attended 4-year colleges at any time in their

undergraduate careers. Addelman identified a master variable that he called "academic

resources" or ACRES, which is representative of the academic intensity and quality of

one's high school curriculum (not test scores, class rank, or GPA), as the most

contributory variable to the completion of a baccalaureate degree. Advanced Placement

course-taking was a part of this composite variable. Addelman demonstrated a

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relationship between high school AP course completion and 4-year college degree

completion. Using a stepwise linear regression model, Addelman was able to show the

contributory effects of 10 variables on degree completion. The introduction of race was

not a factor when the ten factors were in place and academic resources contributed to

completion at a rate 22 times that of socioeconomic status.

The Advantages of AP and IB

Advanced Placement courses were first introduced as a means to allow students

who had participated in rigorous high school course work to place out of college course

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requirements. International Baccalaureate courses were designed to offer international

students a standard curriculum that colleges and universities around the world could use
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to judge the quality of international applicants. Successful completion of the IB

curriculum may be used in lieu of college work at some post secondary institutions.
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There are numerous reasons to provide broad access to and encourage all students to

participate in AP and IB coursework.

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Completion of such coursework has become a discriminating factor between

candidates vying for spots at highly competitive Ivy League and state universities.

Geiser and Santelices (2004) report strong correlations between Advanced Placement

course performance and college performance.

By allowing students to earn college credit - often at a rate of three or more units

per completed course - successful completion of AP/IB coursework reduces the cost of

college. Highly successful students can begin college with sophomore status, effectively

saving a year of college expense (Bailey and Karp, 2003).

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Completion of AP and IB coursework also offers students the opportunity to

develop study behaviors necessary for the rigor of college. Bailey and Karp (2003) note

in particular that students who earn the full IB Diploma learn behaviors and attitudes

required for success in college. Even students who are not successful get a wake-up call

regarding their personal level of academic preparation for college. Venezia (2005)

reports that disadvantaged students whose parents did not attend college are unaware of

postsecondary expectations. AP and IB can make up for this lack of awareness and

coursework prepare students for those expectations.

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Venezia (2005, p. 292) reports a degree of apathy on the part of high school

students towards their preparation for college. While 88% express a desire to attend
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college, many students fail to recognize the relationship between academic achievement

in high school and future success in college. Bailey and Karp (2003, p. 4) argue that the
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completion of AP and IB courses gives students reasons to apply themselves to their high

school work.
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Notwithstanding the many advantages of AP and IB coursework in high school,

Black and Hispanic students enroll in AP and IB classes at significantly lower rates than

their White and Asian peers. If Black and Hispanic workers are to be competitive in the

workplace, they must begin that journey by experiencing equitable educational

opportunities early on. Enrollment in AP and IB coursework in high school is one such

opportunity that minority students must consider.

Problem

The Advanced Placement Report to the Nation (2007) states, "Despite increased

diversification of the AP classroom, African American and Native American students

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remain significantly underrepresented in AP classrooms nationwide, and Hispanic

students remain underrepresented in AP classrooms in many states" (p. 8).

The report further shows that the equity gap has been eliminated for Black

students in Hawaii, Idaho, Montana, South Dakota, and Vermont. However, the percent

of Black students in those states ranges from a low of .5% to a high of 1.8%, thus

minimizing the impact of the numbers. Twenty-four states have Black participation rates

of less than one-half their representative populations. The lowest participation rates are

in North Dakota, where only one-tenth of the Black population participates in AP

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examinations. Nationwide, from the year 2000 to 2006, the AP participation rate for

Black students has increased only 5%. The most recent report (CollegeBoard, 2009)
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reveals that Black students made up 14.4% of public school students in the graduating

class of 2008 but made up only 7.8% of the AP testing population.

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Hispanic students continue to be underrepresented in 32 states (AP, 2009), but

their participation rates in some states, such as Florida, are higher than their
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representative populations. Unlike the Black student numbers, Hispanic students are

heavily represented in the populations of the states where the equity gap has narrowed or

closed and this leads to an even nationwide figure for this population of students.

Nationwide, from the year 2000 to 2006, the participation rate for Hispanic students

increased only 2%. The 5th Annual AP Report (CollegeBoard, 2009) revealed that

Hispanic students represented 15.4% of the 2008 public school graduating class while

making up 14.8% of the AP testing population.

The most recent AP report (CollegeBoard, 2009) has shifted its focus from

participation in AP to "equity and excellence," with state-by-state subgroup reports that

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focus on exam success rather than merely reporting the number of students taking the

test. AP defines excellence as scoring a 3 or higher on the AP exam. Equity is reached

when the percentage of the subgroup in the testing population scoring a 3 or better is

equivalent to their representation in the total school population. Applying this definition,

no states have closed the "equity and excellence gap" for black students. Eighteen states

have closed this gap for Hispanic students.

There is much research to support school and community factors such as

socioeconomic status (SES), limited English proficiency (LEP) status, and school size as

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explanations of the observed variability in enrollment rates by Hispanic and Black

students in AP and IB programs. But, there is evidence to suggest that collective teacher

efficacy may explain this variation above and beyond these other factors.
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The Case for Collective Efficacy
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Jay Mathews (2008a) published his first "Challenge Index" in 1998. The index

determines a challenge rating for a high school by dividing the total number of AP or IB
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tests taken at that school by the number of students in the senior class. Mathews created

the list in response to his own anger that "average and below average students are barred

from taking AP courses and tests, even though the experience of many AP teachers, and

some research, indicates those challenging experiences would help them prepare for

college and for jobs" (2008a). Many argue that the increasing enrollment in AP/IB

classes that has occurred over the last 10 years can be partly attributed to the awareness

raised by the Challenge Index. However, in 2008, Mathews uncovered a disturbing

phenomenon that led to the creation of a second list called, "the catching up list." This

list consisted of schools that were removed from the original Challenge Index list if at
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least 10% of the students who were tested did not pass (score of 3 or higher) the test.

Mathews believes the "catching-up" schools are attempting to offer a verifiable

curriculum that will eventually raise the level of instruction for all students in the school.

He believes these schools are on the right path to excellence and deserve recognition. His

critics charge that the schools have adopted a curriculum without the means to implement

it in a meaningful way; that in fact the efforts are doomed to failure due to the

demographics and preparation of the student population they are trying to serve (2008a).

The response to the new list on Mathews' Washington Post site (2008b) was

predictable. A former teacher writes: "I seriously doubt that the differences in pass rates

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is (sic) due only to 'hard work by teachers and administrators' and an effort to give
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impoverished students 'role models.'" The writer insists that differences in

socioeconomic status are more important. Other bloggers at the site, to include parents,
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strenuously object to the push to put ill-prepared students in the advanced classes

Mathews supports (Mathews, 2008)

This research proposed that similar refrains are heard in high schools across the
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country during course selection time in the spring. Despite many school district/division

goals to increase minority access to AP and IB classes, and despite increased access to

those classes through open enrollment that has abolished many selection procedures

formally in place, this research proposed that informal barriers to access remain in the

form of teachers who discourage students from signing up for challenging classes

because they fear discipline problems, parental complaints, increased workload, and

criticism due to falling external scores. A teacher who does not feel that she can

effectively teach certain groups of students exhibits low efficacy.

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Bandura (1993) proposed that a school represents a social system with teachers

operating collectively within that system. Where teachers collectively judge themselves

capable of achieving success, collective efficacy is high and there is a positive

atmosphere for academic achievement. Where teachers collectively judge themselves as

"powerless to get students to achieve academic success... a group sense of academic

futility can pervade the entire life of the school" (page 141).

Goddard and Hoy (2000) extended the concept by describing collective efficacy

in terms of agency, an "intentional pursuit of a course of action" (p. 483). The expansion

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of AP/IB classes to include more students can be seen as a collective "intentional pursuit"

when it becomes a stated objective in School Board documents, school plans, and the
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like. Such goals may be established without teacher input and buy-in. Bandura (1977)

describes sources of efficacy: performance accomplishment (mastery experience),

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vicarious experience, verbal persuasion, and emotional arousal. Without such positive

experience, teachers may be wary of increasing enrollment opportunities for students that
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they consider marginal.

This wariness may be manifested by discouraging some students from signing up

for AP/IB classes through verbal communication with the student and/or parents; by

withholding required recommendations; by sending written discouragement in the form

of dire consequences; by requiring parents and students to sign waiver letters that transfer

responsibility for potential failure to the parents rather than the teacher; or through

oppressive summer homework assignments and a pace of instruction that discourages all

but the ablest of learners.

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This research posited that such behavior would not be restricted to one or two

teachers in schools where large enrollment gaps exist between Hispanic and black

minority students and their white and Asian counterparts. Rather, that this attitude would

be pervasive and would be reflected in collective efficacy scores for the school. Where

teachers do not feel that they have the skills, the ability, and the administrative support,

they will be unwilling to support initiatives that increase numbers of potentially low

performing students in advanced classes.

Purpose

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The major purpose of this study was to determine whether or not there is a

statistical relationship between collective teacher efficacy and minority enrollment in AP

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or IB classes. In order to achieve this purpose, six questions were asked:

1) To what extent does Collective Efficacy explain the variability in the percent Black
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enrollment in AP or IB classes over and above that explained by SES, LEP status, and

school size?
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2) To what extent does the Task Analysis construct of Collective Efficacy explain the

variability in the percent Black enrollment in AP or IB classes over and above that

explained by SES, LEP status, and school size?

3) To what extent does the Group Competency construct of Collective Efficacy explain

the variability in the percent Black enrollment in AP or IB classes over and above that

explained by SES, LEP status, and school size?

4) To what extent does Collective Efficacy explain the variability in the percentage of

Hispanic enrollment in AP or IB classes over and above that explained by SES, LEP

status, and school size?