Identities and beliefs across time and space

A case study of a university student’s second

language learning trajectory

Chit Cheung Matthew Sung

City University of Hong Kong

This paper presents a case study of a Hong Kong university student’s experi-
ences of learning English as a second language (L2) over a four-year period,
with particular attention to the changes in her identities and beliefs across
time and space. Drawing on a narrative inquiry approach, the study
revealed that the student’s L2 identities appeared to be shaped by specific
contextual conditions and agentic choices made by the student in response
to different contexts, including consultation sessions with native English-
speaking tutors, study abroad in the U.S., interactions with non-native
English-speaking peers, and classroom interactions. It was also found that
her L2 identities and beliefs not only varied over time in a complex and
dynamic manner, but also appeared to be closely interconnected and inter-
acted with each other in a reciprocal and bi-directional manner. The case
study points to the need to pay more attention to the complex and dynamic
interrelationship between identity and belief in L2 learning trajectories.

Keywords: identity, belief, agency, second language learning, Hong Kong

1. Introduction

With the “social turn” (Block, 2003) in the field of second language acquisition
(SLA), there has been a growing interest in the role of social, cultural, and polit-
ical contexts in influencing second language (L2) learning (Zuengler & Miller,
2006). From a sociocultural perspective in SLA, L2 learning has been concep-
tualized as a sociocultural and sociohistorically situated process (Block, 2003;
Pavlenko & Lantolf, 2000). Viewed from such a perspective, L2 learners are
located in particular social, cultural, and historical contexts in which they nego-
tiate their sense of self and their beliefs about L2 learning practices (Benson &
Nunan, 2004; Norton, 2000; Pavlenko & Lantolf, 2000). Accordingly, it would be

https://doi.org/10.1075/aral.19004.sun | Published online: 31 July 2020

Australian Review of Applied Linguistics issn 0155-0640 | e‑issn 1833-7139
© John Benjamins Publishing Company
[2] Chit Cheung Matthew Sung

important to understand how L2 learners negotiate their identities and beliefs in

response to changing contextual realities across time and space. Such an under-
standing is particularly important given the increased mobility of L2 learners in
the era of globalization, whereby they are likely to cross national boundaries and
traverse multiple contexts in the course of their L2 learning trajectories (Dovchin,
2018; Higgins, 2011).
While there is a substantial body of work on L2 learning and identity (e.g.,
Block, 2007, 2008; Duff, 2012; Morita, 2004; Norton, 2000; Pavlenko &
Blackledge, 2004; Toohey, 2000) and another extensive body of research on L2
learner beliefs (e.g., Barcelos, 2003; Barcelos & Kalaja, 2011; Mercer, 2011a, 2011b;
White, 2008; Yang & Kim, 2011; Zhong, 2015), very little is known about the
interplay between identity and belief in L2 learning. An exception is a study
by Li (2007), which examined the relationship between culture, identity, and
belief in relation to the L2 writing process in the Canadian context. Her study
focused on the impact of cultural identity on the construction of L2 writer iden-
tities and the evolution of beliefs in the classroom context situated within an
English-speaking country, but failed to probe into the relationship between iden-
tity and belief in great depth. Accordingly, there is a need to understand the
intricate relationship between identity and belief in the L2 learning process that
extends beyond the classroom context (Jenkins, 2014; Sung, 2018, 2020). To fill
the void in the literature, this paper presents findings of a qualitative case study
of a Hong Kong university student’s experiences of learning English as an L2 over
four years of her university studies, with particular attention to the negotiation
of her L2-mediated identities and learner beliefs across contexts. By presenting a
contextualized account of one student’s L2 learning experiences, the case study
reported here intends to throw light on the under-studied yet significant issue in
SLA regarding the relationship between identity and belief in L2 learning.

2. Theoretical background

The present study adopts a broadly sociocultural perspective and views L2 learn-
ing as “a fundamentally social, cultural, and temporal activity” (Morita, 2004,
p. 575) that involves learners’ changing participation in sociocultural activities in
specific communities and contexts (Young & Miller, 2004). In particular, the study
focuses on the role of identity and belief in shaping L2 learning practices in situ-
ated contexts.
 Identities and beliefs across time and space [3]

2.1 Identity and L2 learning

Identity is central to our understanding of L2 learning from a sociocultural per-

spective. Following Norton’s (2000) definition, identity can be understood as
“how a person understands his or her relationship to the world, how that relation-
ship is constructed across time and space, and how the person understands pos-
sibilities for the future” (p. 5). In the process of L2 learning, learners are seen as
“active participants in the practices of social communities and constructing iden-
tities in relation to these communities” (Wenger, 1998, p. 4). Through their active
engagement and participation, they not only improve their L2 proficiency, but
also gain memberships in particular communities and construct their L2 identi-
ties. Being recognized and valued as a competent member in a community is seen
as an important source of identity construction (Lave & Wenger, 1991; Wenger,
1998).
From a poststructuralist standpoint, identity is conceptualized as multiple,
fluid, dynamic, and changing (Norton, 2000; Pavlenko & Blackledge, 2004).
Moreover, identity construction could be seen as a site of struggle, where indi-
viduals negotiate their identities by claiming desirable identity options and resist-
ing undesirable ones imposed by larger social structures (Norton, 2000; Pavlenko
& Blackledge, 2004). As Norton and McKinney (2011) suggest, “learners who
struggle to speak from one identity position can reframe their relationship with
their interlocutors and reclaim alternative, more powerful identities from which
to speak” (p. 73). While L2 learners could exert their agency to act and make
choices in forming and reforming their identities (Duff, 2012; Norton & Toohey,
2001; Pavlenko & Blackledge, 2004), their exercise of agency could be constrained
by social structures in certain ways. In particular, inequitable relations of power
could limit L2 learners’ access to valuable resources in their communities and
constrain their opportunities to practice the target language (Block, 2008, 2015;
Sung, 2020). It is therefore important to acknowledge the tensions arising from
the interplay between agency and social structure in the negotiation of L2 identity.

2.2 Belief and L2 learning

Another construct, belief, can also play an important role in L2 learning. Belief
can be understood as “a proposition which may be consciously or unconsciously
held, [and] is evaluative in that it is accepted as true by the individual” (Borg,
2001, p. 186). In SLA, learner beliefs, which constitute a broader interrelated sys-
tem of ideas, values, and assumptions, represent an important part of learner cog-
nition (Horwitz, 1988; Wenden, 1998). Learner beliefs can influence L2 learning
in that they serve as cognitive filters to guide learners as to “how they interpret
[4] Chit Cheung Matthew Sung

their experiences and how they behave” (White, 2008, p. 121). As learner beliefs
can influence L2 learners’ actions and decision-making processes, they can help
L2 learners to adapt to new learning contexts, define what is expected of them,
and decide how to act according to their understandings (White, 2008; Woods,
2003).
While earlier belief studies tended to conceptualize beliefs primarily as static
and stable mental representations from a (meta)cognitive perspective (e.g.,
Horwitz, 1988; Wenden, 1998), recent years have witnessed a re-orientation
towards more contextualized and situated understandings of learner beliefs from
a contextual perspective (Barcelos, 2003; Dufva, 2003; Mercer, 2011a, 2011b).
From the latter perspective, learner beliefs are understood to be embedded in and
mediated by particular sociocultural contexts (Barcelos, 2003). With the emer-
gent, dynamic, and socially situated nature, learner beliefs are “formed through
specific instances of social interaction and, as a result, are constantly evolving”
(Woods, 2003, p. 200). It should also be noted that while beliefs are context-
dependent and can alter in response to the wider socio-cultural context, they may
also remain relatively stable across time and may be sometimes resistant to change
(see Barcelos, 2003).
For the present study, learner beliefs are taken to be social, cognitive, indi-
vidual, and contextual in nature and to be shaped by particular socio-cultural
contexts in their development and change. Of particular relevance to the present
study are learner beliefs relating to aspects of L2 learning, that is, ideas, concep-
tions, and assumptions about “the language to be learned, being a learner, the
learning process, and learning contexts” (Kalaja & Barcelos, 2013, p. 3).

2.3 Identity, belief, and L2 learning

While there is a large body of L2 learning research on learner beliefs (see, e.g.,
Horwitz, 1988; Wenden, 1998; White, 2008; Woods, 2003), it was not until
recently that learner beliefs have been investigated in relation to actions and emo-
tions from a contextual and/or sociocultural perspective (see, e.g., Barcelos &
Kalaja, 2011; Kalaja et al., 2015; Yang & Kim, 2011; Zhong, 2015). However, as indi-
cated above, very little is known about the role of beliefs in shaping L2 learners’
identities, and Li’s (2007) study only focused on the role of cultural norms on
identity and belief in relation to the L2 writing process in the classroom context.
Hence, there is a need to further investigate the interplay between belief and iden-
tity in L2 learning that takes places beyond the classroom context and over an
extended period of time.
The study reported in this paper investigated one Hong Kong university stu-
dent’s experiences of learning English as an L2 over four years of her university
 Identities and beliefs across time and space [5]

studies, with particular attention to the negotiation of her L2-mediated identities

and beliefs across time and space. The study was guided by the following research
questions:
1. How did the student negotiate her L2-mediated identities in specific contexts
over time?
2. How did the student’s beliefs interact with the negotiation of her L2-mediated
identities across time and space?
By seeking to address the research questions above, the present study aims to
deepen our understanding of the complex interplay between belief and identity
in L2 learning. Insights into the dynamic interrelationship between the two con-
structs in L2 learning could help us understand the complexity of the L2 learning
process that is likely to take place across time and space in today’s increasingly
mobile and dynamic world (see Dovchin, 2018).

3. Methodology

This paper is part of a multiple case study of Hong Kong university students’
experiences of L2 learning experiences across time and space (see Sung, 2017,
2019). The present paper focuses on a single case study of one of the participants,
referred to here as Kelly (a pseudonym), because of the richness of the data
collected from the participant which could help illuminate the interrelationship
between identity and belief in L2 learning. While the examination of one case
study could be limiting, a case study approach allows for detailed, in-depth under-
standings of what is to be researched and captures the complexity of real-life
events (Duff, 2014).
A narrative inquiry approach is adopted for the study, with the aim to under-
stand and interpret individuals’ lives and experiences through their “stories to
live by” (Connelly & Clandinin, 1999, p. 4). According to Polkinghorne (1988),
narratives could be seen as “a scheme by means of which human beings give
meaning to their experience of temporality and personal actions” (p. 11). More-
over, since narratives can be a resource that individuals draw upon in the con-
struction of their identities (Barkhuizen, 2015), the use of a narrative inquiry
approach could help reveal the relationship between language and identity in L2
learning (Pavlenko, 2007).
It should be acknowledged here that the narratives collected from the inter-
views should be seen as partial versions of reality as told by a particular individual
at a particular point in time and space (Pavlenko, 2007). It is therefore important
that the participant’s narratives should not be taken as objective representations
[6] Chit Cheung Matthew Sung

of their life experiences, but be viewed as discursive constructions co-created by

the participant and the interviewer in a particular setting for particular purposes.

3.1 Setting

As a multilingual society, Hong Kong can be characterized by the co-existence of

Cantonese (the first language of the majority of the population and the dominant
community language), Putonghua (the national language of China), and English
(one of the co-official languages). While being the L2 of the majority of the pop-
ulation in Hong Kong, English plays an important role in different sectors of
Hong Kong society, including higher education, the government, and the profes-
sional workplace (Evans, 2016; Sung, 2015, 2016). As a prestige language in Hong
Kong, English is considered an important asset for individuals’ career develop-
ment (Evans, 2016), but its use as a spoken medium for intra-ethnic communica-
tion among the Chinese population is rather limited (Li, 2017), which could pose
a challenge for L2 learners of English in Hong Kong for accessing opportunities
to speak it.
The present study was carried out at a small liberal arts university in Hong
Kong, where English is used as the medium of instruction in the majority of
undergraduate courses, with only a small number of courses taught bilingually
(in both English and Chinese). Although the language of instruction in the class-
room is English, communication outside the classroom is predominantly carried
out in Cantonese. While the majority of undergraduate students in the university
are Chinese, a sizeable population of exchange and international students from
other parts of the world also undertake their studies at the university.

3.2 Participant

Kelly was an undergraduate student at the time of data collection and was 21
years of age when she first took part in the study. Born and raised in Hong Kong,
Kelly comes from a Cantonese-speaking middle-class family and began learning
English as an L2 at the age of five. She studied in a local Chinese-medium pri-
mary school and later in an English-medium secondary school. After graduating
from secondary school, Kelly was admitted to a four-year Bachelor of Arts pro-
gram in the university and chose to major in English studies from the second
year onwards. While at university, she signed up for consultation sessions with
visiting English tutors in order to practice speaking English with native speak-
ers of English. Kelly also spent a semester abroad in the U.S. through the uni-
versity’s exchange program for an immersion experience. While not one of the
top students in the Department of English, Kelly performed consistently well
 Identities and beliefs across time and space [7]

with perseverance and made steady improvements over the course of her studies,
graduating with a second class honours degree.

3.3 Data collection

Data were collected over a two-year period, that is, during the third and fourth
years of Kelly’s university studies. Multiple sources of data were used, including a
series of in-depth individual interviews, elicited written self-reports, class obser-
vations, a background questionnaire, email exchanges, relevant documents, and
field notes. As a narrative inquiry of one participant’s experiences, this paper
draws on the narrative data gathered through in-depth individual interviews with
Kelly as the primary source of data for analysis.
A series of six in-depth individual interviews were conducted over two years
to elicit the participant’s detailed accounts of both past and present L2 learning
experiences, especially experiences of using English in different contexts and
communities over four years of her university studies. Each interview lasted
approximately one hour and took place on the university campus. As the partic-
ipant and the researcher are native speakers of Cantonese, the interviews were
conducted in Cantonese, with sporadic use of English words and phrases. With
the participant’s written consent obtained, the interviews were audio-recorded
and were later transcribed in full for their contents by a research assistant. How-
ever, pauses, fillers, false starts, repetitions, and other non-verbal features were left
out in the transcripts.
Apart from in-depth interviews with the participant as the main source of
data, other sources of data were also collected in order to achieve an element of
triangulation: (a) two elicited written self-reports (the participant’s accounts of L2
learning and use); (b) classroom observations (a course in a term); (c) a back-
ground questionnaire (on the participant’s personal information, education back-
ground, travel experiences etc.); (d) email exchanges (involving mainly follow-up
questions based on interviews); (e) interviews with other students and professors
(who were involved in the courses taken by the participant); (f ) related doc-
uments (course syllabi, course outlines, university language policies, university
websites, study abroad program reports, etc.); and (g) the researcher’s field notes.

3.4 Data analysis

The process of data analysis, conducted both during and after data collection, was
a recursive and gradually evolving process (Strauss & Corbin, 1994). Data col-
lected from different sources were scanned, read, and reviewed multiple times to
gain a holistic understanding of the participant’s overall L2 learning trajectory. As
[8] Chit Cheung Matthew Sung

the main source of data, the interview transcripts were coded manually and were
analyzed by using “paradigmatic analytic procedures to produce taxonomies and
categories out of the common elements across the database” (Polkinghorne, 1995,
p. 5). Once an initial theme had been identified, an iterative process of identify-
ing links between categories and grouping them thematically was carried out in
order to develop a list of themes and sub-themes (Ritchie, Spencer, & O’Connor,
2003). As I moved back and forth between the data and the theoretical concepts
during the data analysis process, the themes and sub-themes that emerged were
further scrutinized with reference to the theoretical conceptualizations of identity
and learner belief. The relationships between different emergent themes were also
established based on an iterative process of constant questioning and comparison.
The interpretations of the themes and their relationships were later revised by
cross-checking data from different sources, in an attempt to address the research
questions of the study. Finally, summaries of the analyses were sent back to the
participant via a member checking procedure (Creswell & Miller, 2000), and the
participant confirmed the researcher’s interpretations, only making minor correc-
tions to the constructed narratives.
What follows is an analysis of Kelly’s negotiation of L2-mediated identities
and beliefs in situated contexts at different times of her university studies over a
four-year period. A snapshot approach (Park, 2012) is used to highlight selected
critical incidents in each year of Kelly’s undergraduate studies over a four-year
period. Selected extracts from Kelly’s narratives are included, and the extracts
below are the author’s translations of parts of the interview transcripts from
Cantonese into English. To ensure accuracy of the translations, the translated
extracts were double-checked by an experienced translator.

4. Findings

4.1 Difficulties in constructing a positive L2 identity in interactions with

visiting English tutors (Year 1)

With a strong desire to improve English upon entry into the university, Kelly
signed up for regular consultation sessions with visiting English tutors from
the U.S. in order to practice speaking English. These tutors, who were young
graduates from U.S. universities, with no or little training in language teaching,
were recruited on one-year temporary contracts by the university to provide lan-
guage support for students. Kelly valued the opportunity to speak English with
native speakers of English because of her belief about the importance of having
exposure to English spoken by native speakers. However, she faced considerable
 Identities and beliefs across time and space [9]

difficulties in negotiating a desirable identity as an L2 speaker of English and

achieving the desired outcomes in the consultation sessions, as a result of various
contextual constraints and the beliefs she held about the importance of grammat-
ical accuracy in L2 acquisition.
Kelly’s difficulties in carrying out meaningful conversations with the visiting
English tutors presented considerable challenges to her construction of a desirable
L2-mediated identity. With the lack of knowledge about the U.S. and American
culture, Kelly faced difficulties in striking up conversations which could be con-
sidered interesting and meaningful to the tutors, thereby resulting in intermittent
periods of “deafening silence” during the consultation meetings. Adding to the dif-
ficulties in initiating meaningful conversations was the awkward atmosphere of
the consultation sessions, which arose from the kinds of activities that the tutors
carried out to initiate conversations during the sessions. As revealed in the nar-
ratives (see Extract 1), the activity of discussing a series of random topics written
on slips of paper not only led to superficial conversations on a range of unrelated
subjects, but also reminded Kelly of the dreadful experiences of taking the English
oral examination in high school.
Extract 1.
We had to chat for an hour. But I just thought it was very difficult to find topics to
talk about. […] Sometimes, they would take out a dice and slips of paper with some
questions, and we discussed like that. I just felt that was weird. It’s like an oral exami-
nation in high school.

Moreover, the unequal power relations between Kelly and the visiting English
tutors created difficulties for Kelly to negotiate a positive L2 identity and gain
fuller participation. Of note here is that the unequal power relations could be
attributable not only to the teacher-student relations, but also to the “native vs.
non-native” dichotomy, whereby the native English-speaking tutors were per-
ceived as wielding more power because of their position as an expert/teacher and
their native-speaker status. Kelly reported to have felt a great deal of pressure
when interacting with the tutors whom she considered “superior” in terms of their
institutional position and their native-speaker English proficiency. As a result, the
unequal power relations created obstacles in Kelly’s attempts at interacting with
the tutors on equal terms, thereby limiting the opportunity for her to increase par-
ticipation during the consultation sessions.
Furthermore, Kelly’s beliefs about the expected outcomes of the consultation
sessions, which did not align well with the consultation practices determined by
the tutors, caused difficulties in her negotiation of legitimacy as a participant of
the consultation sessions. While the tutors saw the consultation sessions as an
opportunity for students to practice speaking English, Kelly expected to receive
[10] Chit Cheung Matthew Sung

detailed feedback from the tutors (see Extract 2). Despite her belief in the value of
feedback in improving English grammar, Kelly failed to negotiate and redefine the
norms and practices of the consultation sessions, given the authoritative position
of the tutors. As a result of the failure to elicit useful feedback from the tutors, she
reported a sense of disappointment with the consultation sessions.
Extract 2.
I just thought, why didn’t you help me correct my grammar mistakes? I thought it
was impossible that there weren’t any grammar mistakes. Also, they wouldn’t read
the whole essay. Just half of it. […] I just thought, I came to ask you to mark my essay.
That’s very different from my expectations. […] They said, your English is quite
good. Then they just let me off.

4.2 Negotiating a shared non-native identity during volunteer service

program (Year 2)

With an interest in exploring the world outside Hong Kong, Kelly participated in
a volunteer service program organized by the university, which involved a visit to
a city in the southwestern part of China together with international students from
universities in other parts of Asia. By engaging in English conversations with these
international students, Kelly succeeded in negotiating a positive and confident L2
identity and developed the belief that native English is not necessary for effective
communication.
Kelly’s perceived similarities with other non-native English-speaking interna-
tional students contributed to the development of a shared non-native speaker
identity. With the absence of any native speakers of English, the spoken interac-
tions that took place during the program could be seen as typical examples of
English as a lingua franca (ELF) communication (Jenkins, 2014; Seidlhofer, 2011),
where English is not the mother tongue of any interlocutors involved. In particu-
lar, with the perceptions of the emergence of a transient community where native
English does not serve as a main point of reference (Kaloscai, 2014), Kelly seemed
to develop a sense of solidarity and identification with other non-native interna-
tional students because of their “shared non-nativeness” (Hülmbauer, 2009) and
reported a significantly lowered level of anxiety (see Extract 3). It appeared here
that a lack of pronounced power differences in terms of English proficiency lev-
els, especially when not being judged against the native standards, allowed Kelly
to interact with other students on equal terms and negotiate a shared non-native
identity, one that was perceived positively within the emergent community.
 Identities and beliefs across time and space [11]

Extract 3.
We learn English not just to communicate with native speakers of English, but to
connect with the people from the rest of the world and communicate with them. […]
When I talked to other international students, it felt like our English levels were
more or less the same. […] And when I talked to the group of international students,
I felt that my English was okay. I felt more confident.

Kelly’s belief about the non-importance of conformity to native English also

appeared to contribute to the development of a positive L2 identity. With rel-
atively little perceived power difference among the participants, Kelly’ preoc-
cupations with having to speak “perfect” English seemed to give way to more
accepting beliefs about non-native English. As evident in the narratives (see
Extract 4), Kelly did not seem to consider it important to speak English in
a native-like manner when interacting with other non-native English-speaking
international students. Moreover, she appeared to show appreciation of the diver-
sity of the Englishes used by different non-native speakers of English, and came
to realize that linguistic differences in English did not necessarily impede ELF
communication.
Extract 4.
So when I talked to them, I wasn’t paying attention to their accents. We all spoke in
English and communicated with each other, even though there were differences in
our word choices and sentence structures when using English. […] There’s no need
to bother about using correct grammar, using the right words, or choosing the right
pronunciation. People still understand in any case.

Furthermore, Kelly seemed to develop the beliefs about the importance of will-
ingness to communicate and the role of various communicative strategies in
achieving mutual understanding in English. In particular, she appeared to turn
away from an emphasis on having to speak in “perfect” English and prioritized
the importance of willingness to communicate, which helped to foster a positive
L2 identity in ELF contexts. For example, Kelly noted that even though the inter-
national students had very different levels of English proficiency, they managed
to communicate with each other well, sometimes by using simple language (see
Extract 5).
Extract 5.
I learnt to talk to other people in a casual way. That mentality wasn’t the same. It was
like, if you are willing to speak in English and others understand you, that’s okay. […]
When I pronounced a word in a wrong way or didn’t know how to pronounce a
word, I would use gestures to illustrate what I wanted to say. That’s understandable.
[…] The most important thing is to express our ideas.
[12] Chit Cheung Matthew Sung

4.3 Negotiating an identity as a legitimate L2 speaker of English in an

exchange program (Year 3)

In Year 3, Kelly took part in an exchange program in the U.S. for a semester for an
English immersion experience. As part of the program, she enrolled in a number
of courses in a university in the U.S. While in the U.S., Kelly not only claimed
the right to speak in the classroom dominated by native speakers of English, but
also succeeded in negotiating a desirable identity as a legitimate member of the
classroom.
As Wenger (1998) notes, the recognition of one’s competence as valued by the
community is an important source of identity construction. As revealed in the
narratives, the American students’ willingness to perceive Kelly as a valued mem-
ber of the classroom community was important in Kelly’s classroom participation
and identity negotiation. In particular, Kelly’s knowledge about Asia and Hong
Kong helped Kelly claim the right to speak and establish membership in the class-
room community. As the only exchange student in the classroom, Kelly was per-
ceived by the American students as an “expert” with a wealth of knowledge about
Asia. As a result, Kelly was repeatedly asked to contribute to the discussions and
comment on various issues from an Asian perspective. Her unique Asian expe-
riences and viewpoints, which appeared to be seen as valuable forms of cultural
capital in the U.S. academic context, helped Kelly gain fuller participation in the
classroom and negotiate a sense of competence and legitimacy. As evident in the
narratives (see Extract 6), Kelly noted that the American students not only paid
attention to what she said in the discussions and showed active listenership, but
also offered positive feedback on her contributions.
Extract 6.
I think they [the American students] all respected me. I mean they respected my turn
to present my ideas. They wouldn’t interrupt my sharing. Also, they looked at me.
That’s eye contact. There’s a lot of feedback. I mean positive feedback. After I fin-
ished speaking, they would follow up on what I said and present their interpretations
and ideas.

It should also be noted that the American students’ readiness to accept Kelly as a
valued member of the classroom community could be attributed to their recog-
nition of her linguistic competence. Miller’s (2003) notion of “audibility” is par-
ticularly useful here. As Miller (2003) points out, “being audible to others, and
being heard and acknowledged as a speaker of English, may determine the extent
to which the student can participate in social interactions and practices” (p. 49).
While Kelly was the only non-native speaker of English in the classroom, being
recognized as a legitimate speaker using a legitimate language by the dominant
 Identities and beliefs across time and space [13]

and experienced members of the classroom community is important to Kelly’s

participation (Bourdieu, 1991). Indeed, it was to Kelly’s surprise that speaking
“non-native” English, together with “an accent”, did not seem to create insur-
mountable obstacles when she attempted to be “audible” and claim the right to
speak in the classroom. In other words, Kelly’s “non-native” English, albeit being
a non-dominant form of capital in the U.S. context, appeared to be legitimized
by the American students as an acceptable form of linguistic capital for impos-
ing reception in the classroom, as evidenced by the students’ non-judgmental and
accepting attitudes towards the English spoken by Kelly (see Extract 7).
Extract 7.
They [the American students] didn’t judge my English. Yeah, I think that’s why I felt
really comfortable. I mean the atmosphere. They rarely asked me to repeat what I
said. I feel that they really understood what I said.

It is also worth noting that, given the concerns about not being understood by the
American students, Kelly made agentive efforts to make herself heard in the class-
room discussions. Her intentional deployment of various communicative strate-
gies in the classroom discussions was instrumental in helping Kelly claim the right
to speak and impose reception (Bourdieu, 1991). According to Kelly’s self-reports,
such strategies as using simple sentences, speaking slowly, and enunciating each
word as clearly as possible, could help ensure the American students’ understand-
ing of what she said, which in turn facilitated her negotiation of legitimacy and
fuller participation in the classroom (see Extract 8).
Extract 8.
I used very simple English, like the present tense and simple sentences. And I spoke
relatively slowly, and the words I pronounced were very clear. So I think what I said
could be easily understandable. Also, I wouldn’t speak very fast or try to show that I
could speak English well.

What is also interesting to note here is that, despite the extensive exposure to
native English in the U.S., Kelly admitted that she was not intent on attempting to
imitate a native-speaker accent or stick to the native-speaker grammatical norms.
Instead of engaging in some kind of alignment to native English while in the U.S.,
Kelly’s shift in focus from adhering to native English to concentrating on com-
municative effectiveness could be the result of the multiple beliefs she held. First,
Kelly’s prior belief about the non-importance of conformity to native English ini-
tially developed during the trip to China seemed to have a carry-over effect on
her L2 learning during the exchange program in the U.S., which helped her to
focus on improving her fluency and communicative ability when interacting with
native speakers of English. Second, Kelly’s belief about native speakers’ tolerance
[14] Chit Cheung Matthew Sung

of non-native speakers’ “mistakes” also helped to steer her away from the focus on
grammar and pronunciation alone and alleviate her anxiety of making “mistakes”
in English, which supported her negotiation of a positive L2-mediated identity. As
Kelly said in the interview: “Native speakers are even more tolerant of non-native
speakers’ mistakes than we are.” Kelly considered that native speakers would not
expect non-native speakers to speak native-like English and would tend to be
accepting of non-native speakers’ language “mistakes”. As a result of such a belief,
she felt that the American students would not pay too much attention to the lan-
guage she used because she was a non-native speaker (see Extract 9). It appears
here that Kelly’s beliefs seem to help her shake off the burden of having to speak
in “perfect” English in the U.S. and minimize the negative impacts of the unequal
power relations arising from the “native vs. non-native” dichotomy on her identity
negotiation.
Extract 9.
I think that’s perhaps because I’m not a native speaker. They focused more on my
ideas. […] I think because they already expected that my English didn’t reach a
native-speaker level, they would forgive me for spelling mistakes and grammar
errors.

4.4 Difficulties in constructing a desirable L2 identity upon return to Hong

Kong from the exchange program (Year 4)

After returning to Hong Kong from the U.S., Kelly experienced a period of disap-
pointments as a result of the limited opportunities to practice speaking English in
the university classroom. In particular, she reported significantly decreased con-
fidence in speaking English and faced considerable difficulties in negotiating a
desirable L2 identity in the classroom because of the various constraints on L2
speaking and her belief about the primacy of grammatical accuracy and fluency
in the academic context in Hong Kong.
What is noteworthy is that the sociocultural norms of classroom interactions
in the university appeared to limit Kelly’s access to L2 speaking opportunities.
Apart from the teacher-dominated approach adopted in the university classroom,
the limited time allocated for discussions and the students’ inactive and passive
participatory styles restricted Kelly’s L2 speaking opportunities, which impacted
negatively on her negotiation of a positive L2 identity. As Kelly mentioned, “Stu-
dents didn’t like to talk in discussions and everyone was silent”. In order not to
“stand out” and be perceived negatively when other students remained silent most
of the time, Kelly had no choice but decided not to speak as much as she would
like to, reluctantly conforming to the dominant classroom interactional norms.
 Identities and beliefs across time and space [15]

Moreover, the lack of opportunities for meaningful and spontaneous discus-

sions, which Kelly expected in the classroom, discouraged Kelly’s active partici-
pation. As Kelly explained, when teachers asked a question in the classroom, they
always expected students to answer in a particular way, as if there was a “standard”
answer. As a result, she perceived the classroom discussions as largely “superficial”
and “lackluster”, which constituted obstacles in her negotiation of a sense of com-
petence as an L2 speaker of English. As revealed in the narratives (see Extract 10),
most of the discussions in which Kelly participated were heavily based on mate-
rials prepared beforehand, making any spontaneous and meaningful L2 interac-
tions impossible.
Extract 10.
There’re really few opportunities for instant communication. Like when we had dis-
cussions, we already prepared scripts. We had information to refer to, and we just
copied it.

Apart from various sociocultural constraints, Kelly’s belief about the importance
of grammatical accuracy and fluency in the academic context also created pres-
sure for Kelly when she participated in classroom discussions. It was Kelly’s belief
that one’s perceived English proficiency, especially grammatical accuracy, could
have a significant impact on one’s self-image in the classroom. As Kelly com-
mented: “In Hong Kong, people care about whose English is better and whose
academic results are better.” Hence, Kelly was worried that she might be perceived
negatively by other students as a result of the language “mistakes” she made, and
decided to reduce participation in the classroom in order not to be subject to any
possible negative evaluations. As she admitted, she did not want to be embar-
rassed if she was not understood by other students (see Extract 11).
Extract 11.
I rarely spoke in the discussions. Even when I thought my ideas were okay, I found
that my grammar wasn’t really good enough for me to present my ideas well. I think
there’s no point if other people don’t understand what I say or disagree with me even
before I can finish presenting my ideas.

It appears from the above that upon return from the U.S., Kelly reluctantly con-
formed to the classroom norms in the university in Hong Kong. In particular,
limited access to what Kelly perceived as meaningful L2 interactions reduced her
incentive to practice speaking the L2 in the classroom. Her beliefs about the pri-
macy of grammatical accuracy in the academic context also led her to keep her
participation in the classroom to a minimum for fear of making grammatical mis-
takes, thereby severely constraining her construction of a desirable L2-mediated
identity as an active and competent member of the classroom community.
[16] Chit Cheung Matthew Sung

5. Discussion

From the findings reported above, it seems clear that Kelly’s narratives served as
a discursive site where multiple and dynamically evolving identities and beliefs
were constructed across time and space, and where the two constructs interacted
with each other in a complex, dynamic, and reciprocal manner. Her multiple
L2-mediated identities appeared to be shaped and reshaped in relation to the
changing contextual conditions and were contingent upon her exercise of agency
and intentionality in response to specific circumstances.
As the findings revealed, the different contextual realities shaped Kelly’s access
to L2 speaking opportunities and participation patterns, which in turn impacted
on her identity construction. In particular, certain contexts appeared to provide
favorable conditions that could be conducive to Kelly’s negotiation of a desired
L2 identity. For example, the absence of any native speakers of English in the
volunteer service program gave rise to Kelly’s sense of identification with other
non-native international students as a result of their “shared non-nativeness”
(Hülmbauer, 2009), which in turn facilitated her negotiation of a positive non-
native-speaker identity. Likewise, the American students’ willingness to recognize
Kelly’s cultural and linguistic capital was instrumental in her negotiation of access
to participation and legitimacy in the university classroom dominated by native
speakers of English. However, certain contextual conditions could impose differ-
ent constraints on Kelly’s negotiation of access to meaningful L2 interactions and
present challenges to her construction of a positive L2 identity. For instance, the
unequal power relationships between Kelly and the visiting English tutors in the
institutional context and the misalignment between the tutors’ consultation prac-
tices and Kelly’s expectations of the consultation meetings led to her experiencing
difficulties in negotiating a sense of legitimacy in the interactions with the tutors.
In another instance, the sociocultural norms of classroom interactions in the uni-
versity in Hong Kong appeared to create considerable constraints on Kelly’s access
to L2 interactional opportunities and her fuller participation in the classroom,
which constituted obstacles for her negotiation of a positive L2 identity.
Despite the challenges arising from various contextual constraints, Kelly’s
exercise of agency in gaining access to different L2 practices appeared to facilitate
her pursuit of desirable L2 identities. In particular, her participation in different
L2 contexts seems to be contingent upon the agentic choices made in response to
specific circumstances, especially in relation to their affordances, that is, the pos-
sibilities for action that the environment offers to the individual (Gibson, 1979;
van Lier, 2004). Kalaja et al. (2015), for example, point to the importance of affor-
dance in the exercise of agency by arguing that: “individuals’ agency and the affor-
dances offered by the environment can be understood as mutually constitutive.
 Identities and beliefs across time and space [17]

[…] Acting is not possible without suitable affordances” (p. 151). As an active social
agent, Kelly sought out opportunities to speak English with non-native interna-
tional students in the volunteer service program, which she perceived as provid-
ing a safe and non-threatening environment for L2 interactions, partly because of
the non-native international students’ non-judgmental attitudes towards different
non-native Englishes. While in the U.S., Kelly took advantage of the L2-rich envi-
ronment and the supportive attitudes of the American students and made agen-
tive efforts to participate actively in the classroom interactions, including the use
of various interactional strategies in order to claim the right to speak and impose
reception in the classroom (Bourdieu, 1991). It is noteworthy here that Kelly’s
exercise of agency in response to the perceived affordances of specific contexts
could be important to the development of her positive L2 identities. Meanwhile,
it is also important to acknowledge the role of social structures in constraining
Kelly’s exercise of agency in mobilizing her efforts to achieve her desired identities
(Block, 2015; Carter & Sealey 2015). For example, Kelly’s insufficient knowledge
about American culture, her limited understanding of the institutional values and
practices, and her marginalized status as a non-White exchange student neces-
sarily place considerable constraints on Kelly’s negotiation of perhaps even more
favorable L2-mediated identities during her stay in the U.S.
Moreover, it was found that Kelly’s L2 identity development over time could
be seen as a complex, dynamic, and sometimes unpredictable process (Young &
Miller, 2004). Her identities appeared to evolve over time with changing partic-
ipation patterns and a changing sense of competence, which resulted in a non-
linear, idiosyncratic, and highly individualized developmental trajectory. More
specifically, Kelly’s L2 identity development can be characterized by a gradual but
slow upward movement of increased L2 use and participation from Year 1 to Year 3
and a sharp downward movement in Year 4. Her progression can be seen from the
initial attempts at practicing L2 speaking with the visiting English tutors to active
engagements in L2 interactions with non-native international students during the
volunteer service program, followed by a sharp increase in self-perceived L2 com-
petence during the exchange program in the U.S. However, a downward trajec-
tory was evident soon after Kelly’s return to Hong Kong when access to classroom
L2 interactions and speaking opportunities was considerably constrained. What
is important here is that L2 identity development, as a dynamic and non-linear
process, seems to be continually shaped by changing contextual realities and the
exercise of agency by the L2 learner in response to the affordances and constraints
associated with changing contexts.
Furthermore, the findings indicate that Kelly’s beliefs seem to be closely inter-
twined with her L2 identity construction. As Barcelos (2015) points out, “We are
what we believe and what we feel. Beliefs form and are part of our identities”
[18] Chit Cheung Matthew Sung

(p. 315). It appears from the analysis that Kelly’s beliefs and identities interact with
each other in complex and bi-directional ways and can be seen to be in a sym-
biotic relationship. As revealed in the analysis, the American students’ readiness
to recognize Kelly as a valued and competent member of the classroom led to
her emergent belief that native speakers of English are tolerant of language mis-
takes made by non-native speakers of English. As a result, such a belief helped
Kelly alleviate the anxiety of speaking English. Her growing sense of competence
and membership in the classroom in turn helped Kelly reinforce her belief about
native speakers’ tolerance and acceptance of non-native speakers’ language errors.
What seems revealing here is the interrelatedness of identity and belief in L2
learning. Indeed, the two constructs appear to be in an interwoven, inseparable,
and reciprocal relationship, contributing to Kelly’s L2 learning trajectory. As both
identity and belief appear to interact with each other in complex ways, they could
be seen as “all part of one network and cannot be looked at separately” (Barcelos,
2015, p. 315). While their relationship is not one of causality, the ways in which they
relate to each other can be characterized by mutual interaction and reciprocity.
It is also important to note that changes in Kelly’s beliefs resulted in the
reconstruction of her L2-mediated identities. In tune with previous research (e.g.,
Malcolm, 2004; Mercer, 2011a, 2011b; Zhong, 2015), Kelly’s beliefs were found to
evolve according to changing circumstances and personal learning experiences.
As Malcolm (2004) suggests, “the set of beliefs a learner holds is not static but
is modified and refined in relation to changing contexts and experiences” (p. 69).
Arguably, belief change could be seen as a remediating means to reconstruct the
relationship between the environment and the individual (Yang & Kim, 2011),
which could impact on the kinds of actions taken and the kinds of identities con-
structed. Indeed, when changing our beliefs, “we are constructing different iden-
tities within what is possible or allowed to construct given the power structure
in society” (Barcelos, 2015, p. 315). In the case of Kelly, despite her staunch belief
about the importance of grammatical accuracy, the absence of any native speakers
of English in the volunteer service program gave rise to the emergent belief about
the irrelevance of native-speaker correctness in everyday English communication.
As a result, Kelly reported having interacted with other non-native international
students without any concerns about having to speak “perfect” English, which in
turn resulted in more intensive participation and the construction of a positive L2
identity as a competent non-native speaker of English. What is important to note
here is Kelly’s exercise of her agency to act upon her modified beliefs in response
to the new context in order for identity change to occur.
In light of the interconnectedness of identity and belief, the analysis suggests
that the reciprocal interactions between identity and belief could be shaped by the
negotiation between context and agency (see Figure 1). As beliefs and identities are
 Identities and beliefs across time and space [19]

dynamic and context-dependent in nature, both constructs are subject to change

and adapt according to changing contexts. When conceived of as a complex
dynamic system, L2 learning can be seen as comprising a multitude of interrelated
components, which continually change to fit and adapt to new circumstances
(Larsen-Freeman, 2011). Because of the interconnectedness of the various compo-
nents within the system, change in any one part of the system could impact the
others (Larsen-Freeman, 2011). As identities and beliefs, amongst other compo-
nents such as emotions and motivations, are interconnected parts of such a com-
plex dynamic system, they are likely to mutually influence each other, potentially
leading to change and adaptation in a bi-directional manner (as indicated by the
double-sided arrows in Figure 1). While the kinds of interactions between identity
and belief may not always be predictable, their interactions would likely be depen-
dent on the specific contextual conditions and the agentic actions undertaken by
the L2 learner in response to the specific contexts.

Figure 1. Interconnectedness between identity and belief in L2 learning

Finally, the findings of the study have some pedagogical implications for
SLA. In light of the interconnectedness of belief and identity in L2 learning, it
may be possible for learners to develop a more favorable L2 identity by changing
their beliefs about L2 learning. While instilling certain beliefs in learners could
be difficult, if not impossible, it appears important for learners to be trained
[20] Chit Cheung Matthew Sung

to articulate and monitor their beliefs about L2 learning from time to time. In
particular, it is important for learners to develop sensitivity to the constraints
and affordances of different L2 contexts and modify their beliefs about their L2
learning goals according to the specific contexts in order to facilitate the con-
struction of a desirable L2 identity. By reflecting on their own beliefs, learners
can be made aware of their beliefs that may have a debilitating effect on their
L2 identity, and focus on fostering beliefs that could lead to more positive L2
experiences, which could in turn facilitate the development of a more favorable
L2 identity. For instance, learners can flexibly adjust their beliefs about the rela-
tive (non-)importance of grammatical accuracy in the context of naturalistic L2
interactions so that they can shift their focus away from grammatical accuracy
to communicative fluency and develop a competent L2 identity. By attending to
their beliefs and making appropriate changes to them in accordance with the
changing environments, it is possible for learners to manage and imagine a more
desirable L2 identity, which could encourage more sustained efforts in L2 learn-
ing across time and space and improve their overall L2 learning experiences.

6. Conclusion

While the findings reported here were based on a single case study, what emerged
from the study is that the student’s identities and beliefs, as interconnected parts of
L2 learning, appear to be closely linked and interact with each other in a recipro-
cal and bi-directional manner, subject to the student’s agentic responses to specific
contextual conditions. In particular, the complex negotiations between contextual
conditions and agency, which impact on the shaping of L2-mediated identities
and learner beliefs, seem to have resulted in a highly individualized L2 learning
trajectory.
Importantly, the study contributes to the existing body of work by providing
much-needed empirical evidence concerning the interconnectedness between
identity and belief, as well as their complex, dynamic interactions in multiple sit-
uated L2 learning contexts. It advances the argument that L2 learning, as a com-
plex, dynamic, and multidimensional process, needs to be investigated from a
holistic perspective, whereby identity and belief should be considered together
rather than separately. Furthermore, the analysis calls for the need to research
L2 learners as “whole people” with “whole lives” (Coleman, 2013, p. 17) in order
to achieve a more nuanced and fuller understanding of the complex interactions
between identity and belief as interrelated components in shaping learners’ L2
learning trajectories across time and space (see Sung, 2019). One possible direc-
tion for future research would be to investigate how individual differences among
 Identities and beliefs across time and space [21]

L2 learners may impact on the kinds of interactions that take place between iden-
tity and belief.

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Address for correspondence

Chit Cheung Matthew Sung

Department of English
City University of Hong Kong
83 Tat Chee Avenue
Kowloon
Hong Kong
matthew.sung@cityu.edu.hk
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8053-7881

Publication history

Date received: 2 November 2018

Date accepted: 1 October 2019
Published online: 31 July 2020